Annals of the World

THE ANNALS THE WORLD

by

JAMES USSHER,

Archbishop of Armagh

Church of Ireland

LONDON
Printed by E. Tyler, for F. Crook, and G. Bedell

1658

This work is in the Public Domain. Copy Freely
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Table of Contents

Table of Contents

PARTI

Title Page and Preface

Explanatory Notes
THE FIRST AGE
la AM, 710 JP, 4004 BC
THE SECOND AGE

1657a AM, 2366 JP, 2348 BC

THE THIRD AGE

2083 AM, 2793 JP, 1921 BC
THE FOURTH AGE

2513b AM, 3223 JP, 1491 BC

THE FIFTH AGE

2992c AM, 3702 JP, 1012 BC
THE SIXTH AGE

3416c AM, 4126 JP, 588 BC
3504 AM, 4214 JP, 500 BC
3604b AM, 43 14 JP, 400 BC
3654 AM, 4364 JP, 350 BC
3679b AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC
3704 AM, 4414 JP, 300 BC
3804 AM, 4514 JP, 200 BC

PART 2
Title Page and
Preface

3829 AM, 4539 JP,
175 BC

3854 AM, 4564 JP,
150 BC

3904b AM, 4614 JP,
100 BC

3929b AM, 4639 JP,
75 BC

3954b AM, 4664 JP,
50 BC

3979 AM, 4689 JP,
25 BC

THE SEVENTH
AGE

4000b AM, 4710 JP,
4BC

4028 AM, 4738 JP,
25 AD

4053b AM, 4763 JP,
50 AD

Biography

The Annals of The World

by
Rev. James Ussher

LONDON,

Printed by E. Tyler, for F. Crook,

and G. Bedell, 1658

The Epistle to the Reader

Censorinus, in his little book, the "Explication of Times Intervals", written to Q. Cerellius on his
birthday, wrote in the preface of it.

vv If the origin of the world had been known to man, I would have started there." (Consor. in c.
20.)

And a little later, speaking of this time:

vv Whether time had a beginning or whether it always was, the exact number of years cannot be
known." (Consor. in c. 21.)

Therefore Ptolemy, from "Astronomical Supputations", concerning the creation and history of
the world states that it is beyond the knowledge of man.

vv To find the details of the history of the whole world or such an immense period of times, I
think it is beyond us that desire to learn and know the truth." (Ptolem. 1. 3.)

Julius Firmius Maternus in his discourse of history, that "Geniture of the World", received from
Esculapius and Anubius.

vv That was not the creation of the world. Nor, indeed, had the world any certain day for its
beginning. Nor was there anything existing at the time when the world was formed by the
wisdom of the Divine Understanding and Provident Deity. Nor could man in his human frailty
so far extend itself, that it could conceive or unfold, easily the world's origin." (Jul. Firm.
Mattes. 1. 3. c. 2.)

It is not strange that the heathens who are totally ignorant of the Holy Bible, should despair of
ever attaining the knowledge of the world's beginnings. Even among Christians, that most
renowned chronographer Dionysius Petavius when asked his opinion concerning the creation of

the world and the number of years from creation down to us, made this disclaimer:

"That the number of years from the beginning of the world to our time, cannot be known nor in
any way found out without Divine Revelation." (Petav. de Doctrina Temporum, 1. 9. c. 2.)

Philastrius Brixiensis disagreed with him and called it heresy:

"to know the number of the years from the creation of the world is uncertain and men do not
know the time." (Philast. De Heres. ib. c. 6. p. 63.)

Lactantius Sirmianus, made this bold assertion in his "Divine Institutions":

"We who are trained by the Holy Scriptures to the knowledge of truth, do know both the
beginning and end of the world." (Lastant. 1. 7. c. 14.)

For whatever may have happened in the past, we are taught that:

"The Father has reserved the knowledge of things future to himself. Nor is there any mortal to
whom the whole period of time is known, (ib. Nicol. Lyranius.) Even the son of Sirach is
thought to say. "The sands of the sea, the drops of rain and the days of the world, who can
number?""/APC Sir 1:28

When Lyranus is thought to have been speaking of history, (when as others interpret it here and
in Chap. XVIII. 11. of his "Days of Eternity") draws this erroneous conclusion. He thinks that
from the beginning of the world, time was never by any man determined "certainly" and
"precisely".

The first Christian writer, (that I have known of) who attempted from the Holy Bible to calculate
the age of the world, was Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch. Concerning this whole account, he
states:

"All times and years are made known to them who are willing to obey the truth" (Theoph. ad
Autolyc. 1. 3.)

But concerning the exactness of this calculation he later states:

"And haply we may not be able to give an exact account of every year, because in the Holy
Scriptures there is no mention of the precise number of months and days"

For the Scripture normally notes only entire years and not the days and months in each instance.
Hence summing the years may give an inaccurate total because the partial years were not
included.

But granting this one thing, (and this is a most reasonable assumption) that the Holy Writers had
this purpose in noting the years of the world in their various places with such diligence. They
sought to reveal to us the history of the world that otherwise, no one could know. This, I say,

being granted, we affirm that the Holy Spirit has anticipated this doubt. He has started and
ended each of the periods, on which a series of time depends and added the very month and day.
For example, the Israelites left Egypt on the 15th day of the first month. Nu 33:3. In the 480th
year after their exodus, in the second month on the second day, Solomon began to build the
temple. IKi 6:1. The months and days given for the start and end of the period show that 1 1
months and 14 days are to be taken away. The period is not 480 whole years, but only 479 years
and 16 days. 2Ch 3:2

vv Those who promise to give us an exact astronomical table of time, from the creation to Christ,
seem to me more worthy of encouragement than praise in that they attempt a thing beyond
human capacity."

Thus states David Paraeus, who, among the most recent of our writers, calculated the number
the years to Christ's time from the Holy Scriptures. Therefore he says, abandoning astronomical
calculations, he used the civil time of the Hebrews, Egyptians and Persians as the only way to do
this accurately.

But if I have any understanding in this matter, it does not matter what rule we use to measure the
passing of time, as long as it starts and ends with a certain number of days. Anyone could with
D. Paraeus, by some equal measure of years, define the time between the foundation of the
world and Christ's time. Also it would be very easy without the help of any astronomical table,
to set down how many years happened during that interval. The passing of time in any civil year
from a season to the same season again is simply a natural astronomical or tropical year.

Anyone can do this who is well versed in the knowledge of sacred and profane history, of
astronomical calculations and of the old Hebrew calendar. If he should apply himself to these
difficult studies, it is not impossible for him to determine not only the number of years but even
the days from the creation of the world. Using backward calculations, Basil the great, told us we
may determine the first day of the world.

vv You may indeed learn the very time when the foundation of the world was laid. If you return
from this time to former ages, you may endeavour studiously to determine the day of the world's
origin. Hence you will find when time began." {Basil, in Hexamer. Homil. 1.}

The nations in various ages used different methods of calculating time and years. It is necessary
that some common and known standard be used to which these may be reconciled. The Julian
years and months are most suitable to the common collation of times. These start on midnight,
January 1, A.D. Using three cycles, every year is uniquely identified. For example, the Roman
indiction {a} of 15 years, the cycle of the moon {b}, or golden number of 19 and the solar cycle
{c} (the index of Sunday or Paschal days) containing the period of 28 years. It is known that the
year 1650 A.D. is identified with the numbers of 3 in the Roman indiction {a}, 17 in the lunar
cycle and 7 in the solar cycle. (I do not say that of the year of the birth of Christ, which is still
disputed among the learned.)

Since our Christian period comes long after the creation of the world, counting years backward
is difficult and error prone. There is a better way. Modern chronologers have extrapolated these
three cycles backward to the year when all the cycles would start at 1 on January first. This
creates an artificial epoch of length 7980 years based on the product of the three cycles

multiplied together.

Lunar Cycle 19 Years

Solar Cycle 28 Years

Years of Interdiction 15 Years

Total 19 times 28 times 15 = 7980 Years

I think this was first noted by Robert Lotharing, Bishop of Hereford, in England. 500 years later
Joseph Scaliger adapted this to chronological use and called it by the name of the Julian Period,
because it extended the cycle of Julian years back in time and forward. The cycle starts at noon,
January 1, 4713 BC. and is a leap year. Here the lunar cycle is 1, the Solar cycle is 1 and the
Interdiction cycle is also 1. Hence 1 AD is the year 4714 of the Julian period and is identified by
the Roman Indiction of 4, lunar cycle of 2, solar cycle of 10.

Moreover we find that the years of our forefathers, the years of the ancient Egyptians and
Hebrews were the same length as the Julian Year. It consisted of 12 months containing 30 days.
(It cannot be proved that the Hebrews used lunar months before the Babylonian captivity.) 5
days were added to the 12th month each year. Every 4 years, 6 days were added to the 12th
month. I have noted the continual passing of these years, as set forth in the Bible. Hence the end
of Nebuchadnezzar's reign and the beginning of his son Evilmerodach's reign was in the 3442
year of the world. (3442 AM) By collation of Chaldean history and the astronomical cannon it
was in the 85 year of Nabonasar. This was 562 BC. or 4152 JP. (Julian Period) From this I
deduce that the creation of the world happened in the beginning of the autumn of 710 JP. {d}
Using astronomical tables, I determined the first Sunday after the autumnal equinox for the year
710 JP which was October 23 of that year. I ignored the stopping of the sun, in the days of
Joshua and the going back of it in the days of Hezekiah. (See the notes in my Annals for 2553
AM and 3291 AM) From thence I concluded, that from the preceding evening of October 23,
marks the first day of creation and the start of time.

I ignored the difficulties raised by chronologers who are occupied by the love of contention, as
Basil notes. Hence I deduce that the time from the creation until midnight, January 1, 1 AD. was
4003 years, 70 days, 6 hours. Also based on the death of Herod I conclude that the birth of our
Saviour was four full years before January 1, 1 AD. According to our calculations, the building
of Solomon's temple was finished in the 3000th year of the world. In the 4000th year of the
world, Mary gave birth to Christ Lu 2:6 (of whom the temple was a type). Joh 2:21 Hence Christ
was born in 4 BC. not 1 AD. {e}

But these things, (which I note at the present) God willing, shall be more fully explained in our
"Sacred Chronology". This I intend to write with a "Treatise of the Primitive Years" and the
"Calendar of the Ancient Hebrews". In the meantime I thought it best to publish the "Annals of
the Old Testament". Based on this foundation, I included a chronicle of all foreign affairs that
happened in Asia and Egypt. These include events before the beginning of the Olympiads and
matters relating to Greece and Rome and other areas.

In doing the sacred history, I have followed the translation of Janius and Tremellius, using their
Hebraism's and the information from their work. In doing the secular history, I have noted the
writings of their ancient authors or the best translation from the Greek of their works. In

particular I used James Dalechamp translation in Athenaeus. Although in noting the chapters I
observed the edition of "Natalis Comes". From these I have written this history using material
from Codomanes, Capellas Emmias, Pezelius, Eberus, Salianus, or any other chronologer, which
I had. However, I always referred to the original authors and did most of my work directly from
their writings and not second hand sources. Since my purpose was to create an accurate
chronology, I may not have followed the exact wording of these writers in every case, but I have
preserved the intent of their writings.

Of the many historians, who lived before Julius Caesar, the passing of time leaves only four of
note: Herodotus, Thucidides, Xenophon and Polibius. The last one is poor and inaccurate in
many places. These I esteemed the most authentic for their antiquity. I used them to correct the
frequent errors in chronology of Diodorus Siculus. However in matters that related to Alexander
the Great, they are silent. For this period, I also followed not only Diodorus but Curtius and
Arrian to try to determine the history of that period.

I used the following abbreviations:

AD Years from the start of the Christian era.

AM Year of the World from creation.

BC Years before the Christian era.

JP Julian Year starting at January 1, 4713 BC.

NK Northern Kingdom of Israel.

SK Southern Kingdom of Israel.

After the time denoted by AM, one of four letters may be affixed.

a Autumn
b Winter
c Spring
d Summer

Other things the prudent reader will figure out for himself. I wish you the enjoyment of these
endeavours and bid you farewell.

London, July 13, 1650 AD.

Rev. James Ussher

Next

Explanatory Notes by Editor

{a} Dictionary Definition of "Roman Indiction."

In chronology, a cycle of fifteen years instituted by Constantine the Great; originally, a period of
taxation. Constantine having reduced the time which the Romans were obliged to serve in the
army to fifteen years, imposed a tax or tribute at the end of the term, to pay the troops'
discharged. This practice introduced the keeping of accounts by this period. But, as it is said, in
honour of the great victory of Constantine over Mezentius, Sept. 24, A.D. 312, by which
Christianity was more firmly established, the council of Nice ordained that accounts of years
should no more be kept by Olymiads, but that the "indiction" should be used as the point from
which to reckon the date years. This was begun Jan. 1, A.D. 313. "Johnson. Encyc."

Taken from the definition of "Indiction" in "Noah Webster's First Edition of an American
Dictionary of the English Language", Published 1989, by "Foundation for American Christian
Education", California. (Dictionary was first published in 1828.)

{b} Lunar Cycle

The lunar cycle consists of 19 years or 235 complete orbits of the moon around the earth. This
differs from 19 years of 365.25 days each by approximately one and an half hours. On the first
year of the next cycle of 19 years, the new moon would again be on January 1.

{c} Solar Cycle

The solar cycle consists of 28 years. At the start of each new cycle every day and month of the
year would correspond exactly to the days and months of the first year of the previous cycle.

{d} Time of Creation

Since the Jews used to start their year in the autumn, this is not an unreasonable assumption.
Also the biblical pattern of "evening and morning" seems to apply to year as well as days. First
the dark months of autumn and winter and then the bright months of spring and summer. This
also fits the biblical pattern in spiritual matters too. For the saint, his worst lot in life comes first
followed by an eternal day of happiness in Christ. The best wine comes last. Joh 2: 10 See
Spurgeon's Sermon No. 225, "Satan's Banquet" and No. 226, "The Feast of the Lord".

{e} The Christian Era

The Christian Era should properly began with the year Christ was born; and in devising it, the
intention was to have it begin with that year. By the "Christian Era" is meant the system upon
which calendars are constructed and by which historical events are now dated in practically all
the civilized world. But the originator of the system made a miscalculation as to the year (in the
calendar then in use) in which Christ was born, as the result of which the year A.D. 1 was fixed
four years too late. In other words, the Lord Jesus was four years old in the year A.D. 1.

The mistake came about in this way: The Christian Era (i.e. the scheme of dates beginning A.D.
1) was not devised until A.D. 532. Its inventor, or contriver, was a monk named Dionysius
Exiguus. At that time the system of dates in common use began from the era of the emperor
Diocletian, A.D. 284. Exiguus was not willing to connect his system of dates with the name of
that infamous tyrant and persecutor. So he conceived the idea of connecting his system with and
dating all its events from, the Incarnation of Jesus Christ. His reason for wishing to do this was,
as he wrote to Bishop Petronius, "to the end that the commencement of our hope might be better
known to us and that the cause of man's restoration, namely, our Redeemer's passion, might
appear with clearer evidence."

For the carrying out of this excellent plan, it was necessary to fix the date of the Incarnation in
the terms of the chronological systems then in vogue. The Romans dated the beginning of their
history from the supposed date of the founding of the city ("ab urbe condita" or A.U.C as
usually abbreviated). Dionysius Exiguus calculated that the year of our Lord's birth was A.U.C.
753. He made his equivalence of dates from Lu 3: 1, "Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of
Tiberius Caesar" etc., at which time Christ was 30 years of age according to Lu 3:23. But it was
ascertained later that a mistake of four years had been made; for it clearly appears by Mt 2: 1 that
Christ was born before the death of Herod, who died in 749 A.U.C. Tiberius succeeded
Augustus, Aug. 19, A.U.C. 767. Hence his 15th year would be A.U.C. 779; and from those facts
Dionysius was right in his calculation. But it was discovered in later years that Tiberius began to
reign as colleague with Augustus four years before the latter died. Hence the 15th year
mentioned by Luke was four years earlier than was supposed by Dionysius and consequently the
birth of Christ was that many years earlier than the date selected by Exiguus, which date has
been followed ever since. This must be allowed for in any computation of dates which involves
events happening before Christ.

"The Wonders of Bible Chronology", Page 84,85, Philip Mauro, first published 1922, Reprinted
by, Reiner Publications, Swengel, Pennsylvania

Philip Melanchthon:
His Narration, Concerning
Philip Prince Palatine,
to Rhenus.

I have often heard Capino relate the following when Dalburgius, the Bishop of the Vangions,
Rudolphus Agricola and myself were with Philip Prince Palatine Elector. Not only in ordinary
conversation but also in serious discussions about the affairs of the state, they would often bring
notable examples from the Persian or Greek or Roman history. The Prince was very zealous to
know more of history and he noted that the distinction of the times, nations and empires, was
necessary for this. Therefore he wished them to make a chronology of the kingdoms of ancient
history based on all available Hebrew, Greek and Latin authors. At that time in 1480 AD, there
were no books about the ancient empires in the German language. Nor had the Latins anything
of that nature, save Justin's confused Epitome, which also lacked a detailed chronology. Those
learned men were delighted to compile this work. Therefore they compiled a chronology from
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin monuments of the various monarchies. To this they added all the
most important events in proper place and created a chronology of the nations and times. This
grateful Prince read these works most earnestly and delighted in them. Also he was thankful that
the times and the memory of the most important events were preserved by Divine Providence.

For they showed him, how that the history of the world was continued, so that Herodatus begins
his writings a little before the end of the prophetic history. For even before the end of the
Persian monarchy, concerning which we have a most clear account of Daniel, Ezra and
Nehemiah, some of the names of the kings of Assyria and Egypt, are the same in the prophets
and Herodotus. Jeremiah foretells their destruction to Apries, which also Herodotus describes.
After Apries kills Jeremiah, Amasis strangles the proud king after he had captured him. The
Palatine prince said he saw the witness of the Divine presence in the ordering of empires. For
these empires could neither be attained nor retained by mere human power. Therefore they were
created that they might be the upholders of human society, unite many nations, restore law,
justice, peace and indeed, they might teach men concerning God. Therefore, he did often repeat
those words of Daniel that God changes and confirms empires. He said likewise, that by the
changes and punishments of tyrants, the just judgment of the Almighty was most conspicuous.
By these illustrious examples, all mankind was admonished to acknowledge God and were to
understand that he wills and ordains justice and is truly offended with those who transgress this
his ordination. Such were the speeches of that Prince, concerning the rise and fall of empires.

Previous Next Table of Contents

The Annals of the Old Testament
from the Beginning of the World

The First Age of the World

la AM, 710 JP, 4004 BC

1 . In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. Ge 1 : 1 This beginning of time,
according to our chronology, happened at the start of the evening preceding the 23rd day of
October in the year of the Julian calendar, 710.

2. On the first day Ge 1:1-5 of the world, on Sunday, October 23rd, God created the highest
heaven and the angels. When he finished, as it were, the roof of this building, he started with the
foundation of this wonderful fabric of the world. He fashioned this lower most globe, consisting
of the deep and of the earth. Therefore all the choir of angels sang together and magnified his
name. Job 38:7 When the earth was without form and void and darkness covered the face of the
deep, God created light on the very middle of the first day. God divided this from the darkness
and called the one "day" and the other "night".

3. On the second day Ge 1:6-8 (Monday, October 24th) after the firmament or heaven was
finished, the waters above were separated from the waters here below enclosing the earth.

4. On the third day Ge 1:9-13 (Tuesday, October 25th) when these waters below ran together
into one place, the dry land appeared. From this collection of the waters God made a sea,
sending out from here the rivers, which were to return there again. Ec 1:7 He caused the earth to
bud and bring forth all kinds of herbs and plants with seeds and fruits. Most importantly, he
enriched the garden of Eden with plants, for among them grew the tree of life and the tree of
knowledge of good and evil. Ge 2:8,9

5. On the fourth day (Wednesday, October 26th) the sun, the moon and the rest of the stars were
created.

6. On the fifth day (Thursday, October 27th) fish and flying birds were created and commanded
to multiply and fill the sea and the earth.

7. On the sixth day (Friday, October 28th) the living creatures of the earth were created as well
as the creeping creatures. Last of all, man was created after the image of God, which consisted
principally in the divine knowledge of the mind, Col 3: 10 in the natural and proper sanctity of
his will. Eph 4:24 When all living creatures by the divine power were brought before him,
Adam gave them their names. Among all of these, he found no one to help him like himself.
Lest he should be destitute of a suitable companion, God took a rib out of his side while he slept
and fashioned it into a woman. He gave her to him for a wife, establishing by it the law of
marriage between them. He blessed them and bade them to be fruitful and multiply. God gave
them dominion over all living creatures. God provided a large portion of food and sustenance
for them to live on. To conclude, because sin had not yet entered into the world, God saw every
thing that he had made, and, behold, it was very good. And the evening and the morning were

the sixth day. Ge 1:31

8. Now on the seventh day, (Saturday, October 29th) when God had finished his work which he
intended, he then rested from all labour. He blessed the seventh day and ordained and
consecrated the sabbath Ge 2:2,3 because he rested on it Ex 31:17 and refreshed himself. Nor as
yet (for ought appears) had sin entered into the world. Nor was there any punishment given by
God, either upon mankind, or upon angels. Hence is was, that this day was set forth for a sign,
as well as for our sanctification in this world Ex 31:13 of that eternal sabbath, to be enjoyed in
the world to come. In it we expect a full deliverance from sin and its dregs and all its
punishments. Heb 4:4,9,10

9. After the first week of the world ended, it seems that God brought the newly married couple
into the garden of Eden. He charged them not to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil
but left them free to eat of everything else.

10. The Devil envied God's honour and man's obedience. He tempted the woman to sin by the
serpent. By this he got the name and title of the old serpent. Re 12:9 20:2 The woman was
beguiled by the serpent and the man seduced by the woman. They broke the command of God
concerning the forbidden fruit. Accordingly when sought for by God and convicted of this
crime, each had their punishments imposed on them. This promise was also given that the seed
of the woman should one day break the serpent's head. Christ, in the fulness of time should undo
the works of the Devil. 1 Jo 3:8 Ro 16:20 Adam first called her Eve because she was then
ordained to be the mother, not only of all that should live this natural life, but, of those also who
should live by faith in her seed. This was the promised Messiah as Sarah also later was called
the mother of the faithful. IPe 3:6 Ga 4:31.

11. After this our first parents were clothed by God with raiment of skins. They were expelled
from Eden and a fiery flaming sword set to keep the way leading to the tree of life so that they
should never eat of that fruit which they had not yet touched. Ge 3:21,22 It is very probable, that
Adam was turned out of paradise the same day that he was brought into it. This seems to have
been on the 10th day of the world. (November 1st) On this day also, in remembrance of so
remarkable an event the day of atonement was appointed Le 23:27, and the yearly fast, spoken
of by Paul, Ac 27:9 termed more especially by the name of nhsteian. On this feast all, strangers
as well as native Israelites, were commanded to afflict their souls that every soul which should
not afflict itself upon that day should be destroyed from among his people, Le 16:29 23:29

12. After the fall of Adam, Cain was the first of all mortal men that was born of a woman. Ge
4:1

130d AM, 840 JP, 3874 BC

13. When Cain, the firstborn of all mankind, murdered Abel, God gave Eve another son called
Seth. Ge 4:25 Adam had now lived 130 years. Ge 5:3 From whence it is gathered, that between
the death of Abel and the birth of Seth, there was no other son born to Eve. For then, he should
have been recorded to have been given her instead of him. Since man had been on the earth 128
years and Adam and Eve had other sons and daughters Ge 5:4 the number of people on the earth
at the time of this murder could have been as many as 500,000. Cain might justly fear, through
the conscience of his crime, that every man that met him would also slay him. Ge 4: 14,15

235d AM, 945 JP, 3769 BC

14. When Seth was 105 years old, he had his son, Enos. This indicates the lamentable condition
of all mankind. For even then was the worship of God wretchedly corrupted by the race of Cain.
Hence it came, that men were even then so distinguished, that they who persisted in the true
worship of God, were known by the name of the children of God. They who forsook him, were
termed the children of men. Ge 4:26 6:1,2

325d AM, 1035 JP, 3679 BC

15. Cainan, the son of Enos was born when his father was 90 years old. Ge 5:10
395dAM, 1105 JP, 3609 BC

16. Mahalaleel was born when Cainan his father was 70 years old. Ge 5:12
460dAM, 1 170 JP, 3544 BC

17. Jared was born when his father Mahalaleel was 65 years old. Ge 5:15
622d AM, 1332 JP, 3382 BC

18. Enoch was born when his father Jared was 162 years old. Ge 5:18
687dAM, 1397 JP, 3317 BC

19. Methuselah was born when Enoch his father was 65 years old. Ge 5:25
874dAM, 1584 JP, 3130 BC

20. Lamech was born when his father Methuselah was 187 years old. Ge 5:25
930d AM, 1640 JP, 3074 BC

21. Adam, the first father of all mankind, died at the age of 930 years. Ge 5:5
987dAM, 1697 JP, 3017 BC

22. Enoch, the 7th from Adam at the age of 365 years, was translated by God in an instant, while
he was walking with him that he should not see death. Ge 5:23,24 Heb 1 1:5

1042d AM, 1752 JP, 2962 BC

23. Seth, the son of Adam died when he was 912 years old. Ge 5:8
1056d AM, 1766 JP, 2948 BC

24. Noah, the 10th from Adam, was born when his father Lamech was 182 years old. Ge 5:29
1140d AM, 1850 JP, 2864 BC

25. Enos, the 3rd from Adam, died when he was 905 years old. Ge 5: 1 1
1235d AM, 1945 JP, 2769 BC

26. Cainan, the 4th from Adam, died when he was 910 years old. Ge 5:14
1290d AM, 2000 JP, 2714 BC

27. Mahalaleel, the 5th from Adam, died when he was 892 years old. Ge 5:17
1422d AM, 2132 JP, 2582 BC

28. Jared, the 6th from Adam, died when he was 962 years old. Ge 5:20
1536a AM, 2245 JP, 2469 BC

29. Before the deluge of waters upon the whole wicked world, God sent Noah, a preacher of
righteousness to them, giving them 120 years to repent of their evil ways. IPe 3:20 2Pe 2:5 Ge
6:3

1556d AM, 2266 JP, 2448 BC

30. Noah was 500 years old when his 1st son, Japheth was born. Ge 5:32 10:21
1558d AM, 2268 JP, 2446 BC

31. Noah's 2nd son, Shem, was born 2 years later because 2 years after the flood, Shem was 100
years old. Ge 11:10

1651d AM, 2361 JP, 2353 BC

32. Lamech, the 9th from Adam, died when he was 777 years old. Ge 5:31
1656a AM, 2365 JP, 2349 BC

33. Methuselah, the 8th from Adam, died when he was 969 years old. He lived the longest of all

men yet died before his father. Ge 5:27,24

34. Now in the 10th day of the second month of this year (Sunday, November 30th) God
commanded Noah that in that week he should prepare to enter into the Ark. Meanwhile the
world, totally devoid of all fear, sat eating and drinking and marrying and giving in marriage. Ge
7:1,4,10 Mt 24:38

35. In the 600th year of the life of Noah, on the 17th day of the second month, (Sunday,
December 7th), he with his children and living creatures of all kinds had entered into the Ark.
God sent a rain on the earth 40 days and 40 nights. The waters continued upon the earth 150
days, Ge 7:4,6,11-13,17,24.

36. The waters abated until the 17th day of the 7th month, (Wednesday, May 6th) when the ark
came to rest upon one of the mountains of Ararat. Ge 8:3,4

37. The waters continued receding until on the 1st day of the 10th month (Sunday, July 19th) the
tops of the mountains were seen. Ge 8:5

38. After 40 days, that is on the 1 1th day of the 1 1th month (Friday, August 28th) Noah opened
the window of the ark and sent forth a raven. Ge 8:6,7

39. 7 days later, on the 18th day of the 1 1th month (Friday, September 4th) as may be deduced
from the other 7 days mentioned in Ge 8:10, Noah sent out a dove. She returned after 7 days.
25th day of the 1 1th month, (Friday, September 1 1th) He sent her out again and about the
evening she returned bringing the leaf of an olive tree in her bill. After waiting 7 days more, 2nd
day of the 12th month, (Friday, September 18th) he sent the same dove out again, which never
returned. Ge 8:8,12

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The Second Age of the World

1657a AM, 2366 JP, 2348 BC

40. When Noah was 601 years old, on the 1st day of the 1st month (Friday, October 23rd), the
1st day of the new post- flood world, the surface of the earth was now all dry. Noah took off the
covering of the ark. Ge 8:13

41. On the 27th of the 2nd month, (Thursday, December 18th) the earth was entirely dry. By the
command of God, Noah went forth with all that were with him in the ark. Ge 8:14,15,19

42. When he left the ark, Noah offered to God sacrifices for his blessed preservation. God
restored the nature of things destroyed by the flood. He permitted men to eat flesh for their food
and gave the rainbow for a sign of the covenant which he then made with man. Ge 8:15-9:17

43. Man's lifespan was now half the length it was previously
1658d AM, 2368 JP, 2346 BC

44. Arphaxad, was born to Shem when he was 100 years old, 2 years after the flood. Ge 11:10
1693d AM, 2403 JP, 2311 BC

45. Salah was born, when his father Arphaxad was 35 years old. Ge 11:12
1723d AM, 2433 JP, 2281 BC

46. Eber was born, when Salah his father was 30 years old. Ge 11:14
1757d AM, 2467 JP, 2247 BC

47. When Eber was 34 years old, Peleg his son was born. Ge 1 1 : 16 He called him Peleg for in
his days the earth was divided. Ge 10:25 ICh 1:19 If this happened at the day of his birth, then it
seems that when Peleg was born, Noah, who formerly knew all the places which were now
covered with bushes and thorns, divided the land among his grandchildren. When this was done,
they then went from those eastern parts (where they first went from the mountains of Ararat)
into the valley of Shinar. Ge 11:2 Here the people impiously conspired as we find in the book of
Wisdom /APC Wis 10:5 to hinder this dispersion of them as commanded by God and began by
Noah (as may be gathered from Ge 1 1:4,6,8,9 compared together). They went together to build
the city and tower of Babylon. God frustrated this project by the confusion of languages he sent
among them. (Hence it took the name of Babel Ge 1 1:9). The dispersion of nations followed.
Many companies and colonies settled down in various places according to their languages. The
13 sons of Joktan, the brothers of Peleg, as recorded in Ge 10:26-30 were among the captains
and heads of the various companies. These brothers were not yet born when Peleg was born.
Eber was only 34 years old when Peleg was born to him. Though we should suppose that Joktan

was born, when Eber was only 20 years of age and that Joktan's oldest son was born to him
when he was likewise 20 years old, yet still it appears, that the oldest son of Joktan must be 6
years younger than Peleg. So that at least the youngest of those 13 sons of Joktan, namely, Jobab
and 3 other brothers of his are mentioned before him must be younger still. These countries rich
in gold, Sheba, Ps 72:15 Ophir IKi 9:28 and Havilah Ge 2:11 were named after these men.
These brothers could not be capable of such an expedition of leading colonies because of their
youth until some years after Reu was born to Peleg.

48. Man's lifespan was now a quarter of the length it was before the flood.
1771a AM, 2480 JP, 2234 BC

49. 1903 years elapsed from this time to the capture of Babylon by Alexander the Great. This
calculation and number of years was made according to astronomical observations by Porphyry,
as we find in Simplicius, in his second book "de Coelo". This he affirms to have been
transmitted into Greece from Babylon by Chalisthenes at Aristotle's request. From these
writings it appears that the Babylonians devoted themselves to the study of astronomy, even
from the very days of Nimrod, from whom all that region took the name of the land of Nimrod.
Mic 5:6 Nimrod built Babylon and was the instigator of the building of the tower of Babel
according to Josephus (1. 1. Antiq. c. 4.) Moses affirms that the royal seat of that kingdom was
here. Ge 10:10 Nimrod made Babylon famous in those days. Jer 5:15 (See note on 3674a
«1898»)

1787d AM, 2497 JP, 2217 BC

50. Reu or Ragau, was born when Peleg his father was 30 years old. Ge 11:18
1816d AM, 2526 JP, 2188 BC

51. Constantinus Manasses states that the Egyptian state lasted 1663 years. Counting backward
from the time that Cambyses, king of Persia, conquered Egypt, leads us to this period. About
this time Mizraim, the son of Ham, led his colony into Egypt. Hence Egypt was called
sometimes the land of Mizraim, sometimes of Ham, Ps 105:23,27 106:21,22 From this it was
that the Pharisees later boasted that they were the sons of ancient kings. /APC Es 16:11 (See
note on 3479b AM «988»)

1819d AM, 2529 JP, 2185 BC

52. Serug or Saruch, was born when Ragau was 32 years old. Ge 1 1:20
1849dAM, 2559 JP, 2155 BC

53. Nachor was born when Saruch his father was 30 years old. Ge 1 1:22
1878d AM, 2588 JP, 2126 BC

54. Terah or Thara was born when Nachor his father was 29 years old. Ge 1 1:24
1915c AM, 2625 JP, 2089 BC

55. At this time Egialeus, king of the Sicyonians, in Peloponesus began his reign, 1313 years
before the first olympiad. (Euseb. Chron.)

1920c AM, 2630 JP, 2084 BC

56. A people from Arabia bordering upon Egypt, called by the Egyptians Hyksos, meaning
"kingly shepherds", invaded Egypt. They took Memphis and took over all of lower Egypt that
bordered upon the Mediterranean Sea. Salatis, their 1st king, reigned 19 years, according to
Josephus in his 1st book "cont. appiencem" as from Manetho.

1939c AM, 2649 JP, 2065 BC

57. Bnon, their 2nd king, reigned for 44 years, {*Manetho, 1:83}
1948d AM, 2658 JP, 2056 BC

58. When Terah was 70 years old, his oldest of three sons, Haran was born. Ge 1 1:26 Abram
was not born for another 60 years as we shall see later. Haran was the father-in-law later of the
3rd brother Nachor. For this man died before his father Terah left Ur of the Chaldeans and left a
daughter named Milcah, who was married to his uncle Nachor, Ge 1 1:28,29

1983c AM, 2693 JP, 2021 BC

59. At this time Apachnan reigned in Egypt for 36 years and 7 months. {*Manetho, 1:83}
1996d AM, 2706 JP, 2008 BC

60. Peleg the 6th from Noah, died 209 years after the birth of Ragau. Ge 11:19
1997d AM, 2707 JP, 2007 BC

61. Nachor the 9th from Noah, died 1 19 years after the birth of his son Terah. Ge 1 1:25
2006d AM, 2716 JP, 1998 BC

62. Noah, died when he had lived 950 years, 350 years after the deluge. Ge 9:28,29
2008c AM, 2718 JP, 1996 BC

63. Abram was born. He was 75 years old when Terah his father died at the age of 205 years. Ge
11:32 12:1,4 Ac 7:4

2018c AM, 2728 JP, 1986 BC

64. Sarai, who is also called Iscah the daughter of Haran, Ge 11:29,30, was born and was 10
years younger than her husband Abraham. Ge 17:17

2020b AM, 2730 JP, 1984 BC

65. Apophis reigned in Egypt for 61 years. {*Manetho, 1:83}
2026d AM, 2736 JP, 1978 BC

66. Reu or Ragau the 7th from Noah, died 207 years after the birth of Serug. Ge 1 1:21
2049d AM, 2759 JP, 1955 BC

67. Serug or Saruch, the 8th from Noah, died 200 years after the death of Nachor. Ge 1 1:23
2079b AM, 2789 JP, 1925 BC

68. About this time, Chedorlaomer king of Elam, or Elimais, situated between Persia and
Babylon, conquered the kings of Pentapolis, Sodom, Gomorrah, Adma, Zeboiim and Bela, or
Zoar. These served him 12 years. Ge 14:1,2,4

2081b AM, 2791 JP, 1923 BC

69. Jannas reigned in Egypt for 50 years and one month. {*Manetho, 1:83}
2083a AM, 2792 JP, 1922 BC

70. God called Abraham out of Ur, of the Chaldeans, to go into the land that he would show
him. Ge 15:7 Jos 24:2,3 Ne 9:7 Ac 7:2-4. Ur was located in Mesopotamia according to Stephen
the first martyr and Abarbenel. Ge 1 1: 1-32 Ur was the city of the priests and mathematicians,
who from their art, were called by the name of Chaldeans. By this name also even in Chaldea
itself, those Genethliaci, or recorders of genealogies were distinguished and known from the rest
of the Magi or wise men of that country, as we find in Da 2:2,10 4:7 5:11. These taught Terah
and his sons idolatry. Jos 24:2 Terah therefore took Abram his son and Lot his nephew, the son
of Haran and Sarai his daughter-in-law, Abram's wife, and started their journey together from Ur
of the Chaldeans, to go into the land of Canaan. They came to Haran in the same country of
Mesopotamia and there they stayed because of the great infirmity and sickness of Terah. Terah
lived 205 years and died in Haran. Ge 1 1:31,32

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The Third Age of the World

2083 AM, 2793 JP, 1921 BC

71. After Terah died who was Abram's father, God again called Abram from his own country,
kindred and his father's house. A further promise and evangelical covenant of blessing was
given to him. That is, in his blessed seed, our Lord Jesus Christ, all the nations of the earth
would be blessed. Ge 12: 1,2 Ac 7:4 From the time of the giving of this promise and Abram's
immediate departure, we mark as the start of those 430 years which Abram and his posterity
spent in foreign lands. Ex 12:40,41 Ga 3:17 The first and last day of this pilgrimage was on the
15th of the month Abib, which in this year was Wednesday, May 4th, according to the Julian
Calendar, by our calculations.

72. Therefore, on this day, Abram when he was 75 years old, obeyed the call of God. He took
Sarai his wife and Lot, his brother Haran's son, with all the substance, which he had gotten and
souls which God had given him in Haran. He took his journey and at length came into the land
of Canaan. He passed through it until he came to a place called Sichem, to the oak of Moreh, Ge
12:4-6 which is mentioned later in: Ge 35:4 Jos 24:25,26 Jud 9:6 Here God promised Abram
that to his seed he would give that land. He built an altar to the Lord, who had appeared to him
there. After leaving there, he went into the hill country, called Luz, later, known by the name of
Bethel, toward the east. Ge 28:19 Here he again built an altar and called on the name of the
Lord. He continued his journey and came into the south part of that country which borders
Egypt. Ge 12:7-9

2084a AM, 2793 JP, 1921 BC

73. A famine caused Abram to leave there and go down into Egypt. To avoid danger, Sarah his
wife said she was his sister. She was taken into Pharaoh's (Apophi) house. She returned
unharmed, not long after that with many gifts and presents. They were given safe passage and
allowed to depart from Egypt. Ge 12:10-20

74. Abram, with Lot returned to Canaan. The country which they chose, was not able to feed
both their herds of cattle. Therefore they parted and Lot went into the country of Sodom. After
his departure, the promise both of the possession of that land of Canaan and also of his
numberless posterity was again renewed to him. He left that place between Bethel and Hai,
where he had formerly built an altar and dwelt in the plain of Mamre near Hebron. There he
built an altar to the Lord. Ge 13:4

2091 AM, 2801 JP, 1913 BC

75. Bera king of Sodom, with the rest of the petty kings of Pentapolis rebelled and shook off the
yoke of Chedorlaomer king of Elam, in the 13th year of their subjection to him. Ge 14:4

2092 AM, 2802 JP, 1912 BC

76. In the 14th year Chedorlaomer, with other confederate princes, Amraphel of Shinar, Arioch

of Ellasar and Tidal king of the nations, combined their forces against those petty kings who had
revolted from him. They first destroyed the Raphaims, the Zuzims, the Emims and the Horites,
who inhabited all that region, which afterward was possessed by the Amalekites and the
Ammonites. After that, they routed the kings of Pentapolis in the valley of Siddim and carried
away Lot prisoner with all the plunder of Sodom and Gomorrah. When tidings came to Abram,
he armed 318 of his own servants. With his confederates Aner, Eshcol and Mamre, they
overtook Chedorlaomer and his army at Dan with the prey they had gotten. There they defeated
and slew them and pursued them to Hobah, on the left of Damascus. They rescued Lot and the
rest of the prisoners from the enemies' hands, and brought them back again with all that they had
lost. When Abram returned from the slaughter of Chedorlaomer and the other kings,
Melchizedek the king of Salem met him and blessed him. He was a priest of the Most High God.
Abram, in return offered him the tithe of the spoil which he had taken. He kept nothing of the
spoil for himself, but restored to every man his own possessions again. What was not owned he
left to his troops for their service. Ge 14:1-24

77. Abram was grieved because he had no heir. Hence, God promised him a posterity equal to
the stars of heaven in number. After 400 years sojourning and affliction in a land that was not
theirs, God said he would bring them into the land promised to Abram and bound his word with
a covenant to perform it. Ge 15:1-21

2093 AM, 2803 JP, 1911 BC

78. Sarai was longing for that blessed seed. Since ten years had passed since they came into the
land of Canaan, she gave to Abram, Hagar her Egyptian servant, for a wife. Hagar conceived a
child by her master Abram. She was badly treated by Sarai for her insolence. She fled from
Sarai but being warned of God by his angel, she returned and submitted herself to Sarai. Ge
16:13,14

2094b AM, 2804 JP, 1910 BC

79. When Abram was 86 years old, Hagar bore him Ishmael. Ge 16:15-17 17:24,25
2096d AM, 2806 JP, 1908 BC

80. Arphaxad, the third from Noah, died 403 years after the birth of Salem. Ge 11:13
2107c AM, 2817 JP, 1897 BC

81. God made a covenant with Abram, when he was now 99 years old concerning the seed of
Isaac. He was to be born of Sarai about that time twelve months later. God gave him the sign of
circumcision (changing both their names, Abram into Abraham and Sarai into Sarah) for a sure
pledge and testimony of his promise. He promised also to favour Ishmael the firstborn, for his
father's sake. These promises Abraham received and embraced with a true faith. Hence in true
obedience, caused himself, being now 99 years of age and his son Ishmael then 13 years old and
all his household, to be circumcised, the same day it was commanded him. Ge 17:21-26

82. Abraham invited angels, who looked like travelling men, into his house and gave them a

feast. These angels reiterated the promise of the birth of Isaac for Sarah's sake. They foretold the
judgment God intended upon the 5 cities, for their utter destruction. Abraham, fearing what
would become of Lot and his family in Sodom, made intercession to God for the sparing of that
place. Ge 18:23-33 Therefore Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah and Zeboiim, for their horrible sins,
perished by fire and brimstone that rained down upon them from heaven. Ge 19:1-29 These
cities were to be an example to all wicked men in times to come, of the pains of that everlasting
fire to be inflicted on them in the lake of fire and brimstone, which is the second death. 2Pe
2:6,7 Re 19:20 20:10 21:8 The monument of this remains to this day, even the Dead Sea. The
valley of Siddim, where these five cities stood in former times was full of brimstone and salt
pits. This has since grown into a vast lake, which from the brimstone still floating in it, is called
"Laces Asphaltitis", a Lake of Brimstone and from the salt, "Mare Salsum", the Salt Sea. /APC
Wis 10:6,7 Ge 14:3,10 De 3:17 29:23 Zep 2:9 Of this, Solinus thus writes:

vv A great way off from Jerusalem, there lies a woeful spectacle, of a country to be seen, which
was blasted from heaven and appears by the blackness of the earth falling all to cinders. There
were in that place before this two cities, one called Sodom, the other Gomorrah, where if an
apple grew, though it seems to have a show of maturity and ripeness, yet it is not eatable at all.
The outer skin of it, contains nothing within it save a stinking smell, mingled with ashes and
being never so lightly touched, sends forth a smoke and the rest falls presently into a light dust
of powder."

83. Lot was hurried from Sodom by the angels and avoided its destruction, by fleeing to a little
city, called Bela also called Zoar. His wife was turned into a pillar of salt. Lot feared to continue
at Zoar and left the plain country. He went into the hills, as he was commanded, taking his two
daughters with him. Ge 19:30-38

84. Abraham left the plain of Mamre and went towards the south to dwell in a place which was
later called Beersheba. He was entertained by Abimelech, king of the Philistines at Gerar. Sarah,
once again went by the name of his sister and she was taken from him. After the king was
reproved and punished by God, he restored her untouched to her husband. He presented him
with large gifts and presents. By Abraham's prayers Abimelech and all his house were healed of
their infirmities. Ge 20:1-18

2108c AM, 2818 JP, 1896 BC

85. When Abraham was now 100 and Sarah 90 years of age, the promised son Isaac was born to
them. Ge 17:17,21 Ro 4:19 Not long after this, Moab and Amon were born to Lot, who was both
father and grandfather to them. Ge 19:36-38

2113c AM, 2823 JP, 1891 BC

86. After Isaac was weaned, Abraham made a great feast. Sarah saw Ishmael the son of Hagar
the Egyptian jesting with, or rather "mocking" (as in Ge 39:14 that word is translated) or even
"persecuting" (as the apostle, Ga 4:29 expounds it) her son Isaac. Ishmael who was the older,
claimed the right of inheritance in his father's estate. Sarah asked Abraham to cast out Ishmael,
"for the son of this handmaid shall not be heir with my son Isaac." Though he took this very
grievously at first, yet he did it, for God had said to him, "in Isaac shall thy seed be called". Ge
21:8,12 Ro 9:7,8 Heb 11:17,18 Hence, we observe that Isaac is called his only begotten son. It

was 430 years from the time Abraham left Haran Ga 3:17 Ex 12:41 until the exodus. Abraham
was told his seed would be persecuted for 400 years. Based on Ga 4:29, Ge 15:13 Ac 7:6 we
conclude that this presecution started at this time when Issac was 5 years old when Abraham
made this feast, 30 years after Abraham left Haran.

vv Among the Hebrews there is a difference of opinions. Some hold that this was done in the 5th
year after Isaac's weaning, others in the 12th. We, choosing a shorter time of age, reckon that
Ishmael was cast out with his mother, when he was 18 years old."

87. So Jerome says, writing on the traditions of the Jews on Genesis, that from this declaration
of the elect seed and persecution (as the apostle terms it) of Isaac, by Hagar's son, many of them,
start the 400 year period which the seed of Abraham was to be a stranger and sojourner and
afflicted in a foreign land, as God had foretold him. Ge 15:13 Ac 7:6 For those 400 years were
to be completed at the same time as the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt, as
appears from Ge 15:14 Ex 12:35,36,41 when compared with each other. Although the ordinary
gloss from Augustine, refers to the beginning of the account, to the very birth of Isaac, as if the
scripture called the number of 405 by the amount of 400 years meaning that the time was a
rounded off number.

2126d AM, 2836 JP, 1878 BC

88. Salah the 4th from Noah, died 403 years after the birth of Heber. Ge 1 1 : 15
2131b AM, 2841 JP, 1873 BC

89. Assis reigned in Egypt for 49 years, 2 months. {*Manetho, 1:83}
2133 AM, 2843 JP, 1871 BC

90. By faith Abraham, when he was tried, offered up his son Isaac. He considered within
himself, that God was able by his power, to raise him again from the dead, whence also he did
receive him, in a manner. Heb 11:17,19

91. Josephus says that at this time Isaac was 25 years old. (Antiq. 1. I.e. 13.) He was at that time
in his prime of years. This may be deduced from the fact that he was able to carry so much wood
for the burning and consuming of such a whole burnt offering of himself as Abraham intended
to make. Ge 22:6

2145c AM, 2855 JP, 1859 BC

92. Sarah died in Hebron at age 127. Abraham bought the cave for her burial in the field of
Machpelah from Ephron the Hittite, for a sum of money. This was the first possession that he
had in the land of Canaan. Ge 23:1,2,19,20 As Abraham is known to us as the father of the
faithful, Ro 4:1 1,12 so is Sarah as the mother of the faithful. IPe 3:6 She is the only woman
whose age at death is mentioned in the scripture.

2148b AM, 2858 JP, 1856 BC

93. Abraham was very careful about getting a wife for his son Isaac. He sent his chief servant,
Eliezer of Damascus Ge 15:2 (taking first an oath of him) to find one for him. Eliezer under the
guidance of God went into Mesopotamia and there obtained for him Rebecca the daughter of
Bethuel, sister to Laban the Syrian. Isaac received her for his wife and brought her into the tent
of his mother Sarah. By the solace and contentment which he took in her, he dispelled the
sadness and grief which he had after the death of his mother, who died 3 years before. Ge 24: 1-
67 He was 40 years old when he married Rebecca. Ge 25:20

94. About this time began the reign of the Argivi in Peloponesus, 1080 years before the first
olympiad, according to Eusebius in his Chronicle reports, from Castor.

95. The first that there reigned was Inachus, who reigned 50 years. Of him Erasmus, in the
proverb, "Inacho Antiquior", refers to. Whom also I refer that of the most learned Varro, in his
17th book of "Human Affairs", (cited by A. Gellius in his first book, "Noctium Attic" c. 16. and
of Macrobius: 1. 1 Saturnal.) where he said, to the beginning of Romulus are reckoned more than
1 100 years. For from the beginning of Inachus' reign, according to the calculations of Castor,
there mentioned, to the Palilia, or solemn festivals of Pales (the country goddess among the
Romans) mentioned by Varro, are reckoned 1102 years.

2158d AM, 2868 JP, 1846 BC

96. Shem the son of Noah died 500 years after the birth of Arphaxad. Ge 1 1 : 1 1
2167d AM, 2877 JP, 1837 BC

97. When Rebecca had been barren for 19 years after her marriage, Isaac in great devotion made
prayer to God on her behalf, and she thereupon conceived twins. Ge 25:21

2168c AM, 2878 JP, 1836 BC

98. When the twins strove in the womb, Rebecca asked counsel of God. God said that two
differing and opposing nations should proceed out of her in that birth, of which the one should
be stronger than the other, and that the older should serve the younger. But at the time of her
travail, the first that came forth was ruddy all over and like to a shag garment and his name was
called Esau. Then came forth the other, holding the former by the heel, whereupon he was called
by the name of Jacob. Isaac, their father, at the time of their birth, was 60 years old. Ge 25:22
Ho 12:3

2179 AM, 2889 JP, 1825 BC

99. Manetho wrote {*Manetho, 1:101} that Tethmosis king of Thebais, or the upper Egypt,
besieged the Hyksos or Shepherds, shut up in a place called Auarim (containing 10,000 acres of
ground) with an army of 480,000 men. When he found no possibility of taking them, he agreed
with them that they should leave Egypt and go freely wherever they wished. They, with all their
substance and goods, being in number no less than 440,000, passed through Egypt and went by
the way of the wilderness into Syria. For fear they had of the Assyrians, who then possessed all

Asia, they built themselves a city in the land of Judah, as it is now called. This city was big
enough to hold so large a number of inhabitants, and called it Hierosolyma, i.e. Jerusalem.
Manetho states this in Josephus 1. 1. contra Appionem Grammaticum, which (Appion in his 4th
book of "Egyptian Affaires") calls this king, Amosis. He proves out of the Annals of Ptolemy
Mendesius an Egyptian priest, that he was contemporary to Inachus mentioned previously, king
of the Argivi, as Tatian the Assyrian (in his Oration against the Greeks) Justin Martyr, (in his
Paranetion or Exhortatory to the Greeks) Clemens Alexandrinus in his first book of his Stromata
and others do report. All which following Josephus and Justus Tiberiensis understand is meant
of the Israelites, because they traded much in sheep, Ge 46:33,34 47:3. Because they went from
Egypt into Canaan and therefore imagine that Moses was contemporary with Inachus and was
the man that conducted them in that journey. Whereas those things seem rather to refer to the
Phoenicians, whom Herodotus (1. 7. c. 89) reports to have come from the Red Sea and settled
themselves in Palestine. The departure of the Israelites from Egypt happened many years after
Inachus, as the course of this chronology undoubtedly shows.

2180c AM, 2890 JP, 1824 BC

100. When Tethmosis or Amosis drove out these shepherds, he reigned in the lower Egypt for
25 years, 4 months. {*Manetho, 1:101}

2183c AM, 2893 JP, 1821 BC

101. Abraham died when he was 175 years old and 100 years after entering Canaan. He was
buried by his two sons, Isaac and Ishmael, in his cave at Machpelah, with Sarah his wife. Ge
25:7,10 He lived 15 years after the birth of Jacob, with whom he is said also to have lived in
tents. Heb 11:9

2187d AM, 2897 JP, 1817 BC

102. Heber, the 5th from Noah, died 430 years after the birth of his son Peleg. Ge 11:17 This
man lived the longest of any who were born after the flood. He out lived Abraham and from him
Abraham came first to be surnamed, the Hebrew. Ge 14: 13 In later times, all the posterity of his
grandchild Jacob, were known by the same name. Ge 40: 15 Canaan was called the land of the
Hebrews, while the Canaanites were still living there.

2200 AM, 2910 JP, 1804 BC

103. About this time, the promises previously made to Abraham, so it seemed, were fulfilled in
his son Isaac. To wit:

1) I will multiply thy seed, as the stars of heaven.

2) To thy seed will I give this land.

3) In thy seed, shall all the nations of the earth be blessed. Ge 26:4

2205d AM, 2915 JP, 1799 BC

104. Chebron reigned in Egypt 13 years. {*Manetho, 1:101}

2208c AM, 2918 JP, 1796 BC

105. When Esau was 40 years old, he took two wives from the land of the Hittites. One was
Judith the daughter of Beeri and the other was Bashemath the daughter of Elon. These two
wives were very troublesome and a grief to Rebecca. Ge 26:34,35 cf. Ge 27:46 28:8

106. At this time the Ogygian Deluge occurred in the country of Attica 1020 years before the
first olympiad. This is reported by Hellanicus, Castor, Thalus, Diodorus Siculus and Alexander
Polyhistor in his third book of his Chronography, by Julius Africanus, as we find it in Eusebius'
book, de Prap. Evang. Varro says this flood happend 300 years earlier.

2218d AM, 2928 JP, 1786 BC

107. Amenophis reigned in Egypt 20 years, 7 months. {*Manetho, 1:101}
2231b AM, 2941 JP, 1773 BC

108. Abraham's son, Ishmael, died at the age of 137 years. Ge 25:17
2239b AM, 2949 JP, 1765 BC

109. Amessis the sister of Amenophis, reigned in Egypt 21 years, 9 months. {*Manetho, 1:101}
2242 AM, 2952 JP, 1762 BC

1 10. Euechous began to reign in Chaldea, 224 years before the Arabians. (Julian Africanus) He
seems to be the same with Belus of Babylon, or Jupiter Belus, who was worshipped later by the
Chaldeans as a god. Isa 46:1 Jer 50:2 51:41

2245a AM, 2954 JP, 1760 BC

1 1 1. 44 years before his death, Isaac had grown old and blind. He sent his oldest son Esau to
hunt some venison for him. Isaac purposed to bless him when he returned. However, Jacob his
younger son, by the subtil counsel of his mother, came disguised in Esau's clothing bringing
Isaac's favourite meat. Thus he stole away the blessing, unknown to his father. The blessing,
though forgotten, God confirmed ever after to Jacob. By so doing, Jacob incurred his brother's
hatred. Jacob journeyed to Mesopotamia to his uncle Laban, to avoid his brother's plan to kill
him Ge 27:41 and to find a wife of his own kindred. Ge 28: 1 Before he left, he asked for his
father's blessing on the trip.

1 12. On his journey, he saw a vision of a ladder. In this vision, God confirmed to him, all the
blessings formerly given to his father. God assured him of his grace and favour for the future. In
remembrance of this experience, Jacob set up a pillar. He changed the name of the place from
Luz to Bethel and made a vow to God there. When he came to Haran, he stayed with Laban for
a month. He fell in love with Rachel his daughter and agreed to serve Laban 7 years for her. Ge
27:1 29:20 Ho 12:12 Jacob was 77 years old in 2259 AM.

113. When Esau knew Isaac had blessed Jacob and sent him away into Mesopotamia to find a
wife there and that Jacob did not like the daughters of Canaan, he tried to pacify his father's
mind. Isaac was offended with him for marrying his first wife from Canaan. Therefore he took a
second wife Mahalath, the daughter of Ishmael, the son of Abraham, Ge 28:6,9

1 14. Esau had been now a married man 37 years and was 77 years old. Jacob, who was as old as
he, had all this while lived a bachelor. Remembering his father's command, he asked Rachel his
wife to be given to him because he had served the allotted time for her. Ge 29:21 He was now of
an age suitable for marriage, as Tremellius explains it. Tho. Lidyate understands this to have
happened after the first month he was with Laban. However Laban intended from the beginning
to make full use of Jacob's industry and his managerial skills before he would give his daughter
to Jacob. This no doubt, was mentioned when Jacob first arrived since this was the main purpose
for his coming.

115. However, by Laban's fraud, instead of Rachel, Leah, the older daughter, was put into
Jacob's bed on the marriage night. Nevertheless, at the end of the marriage week, Jud 14:12,17
Rachel also was espoused to him on the condition that Jacob of would serve seven more years
for her. Laban gave to Leah, his maid servant Zilpah for a handmaid and to Rachel he gave
Bilhah.

1 16. When Leah was not so favoured by Jacob as Rachel was, God made Rachel barren and
Leah was made a mother of 4 children in 4 successive years. Ge 29:21-30:24

2246 AM, 2956 JP, 1758 BC

1 17. Leah bore Reuban, Jacob's firstborn. Ge 29:32 For his incest committed with Bilhah, his
father's concubine, Reuben later lost his birthright. Ge 35:22 49:3,4 ICh 5:1

2247 AM, 2957 JP, 1757 BC

118. Simeon was born.

2248 AM, 2958 JP, 1756 BC

1 19. Levi was born Ge 35:34
2249c AM, 2959 JP, 1755 BC

120. Judah was born Ge 35:35 from whom the Jews took their name.
2259c AM, 2969 JP, 1745 BC

121. God blessed Rachel and she bore Joseph to Jacob at the end of his 14 years of service.
Jacob asked permission from Laban to return into his own country. He remained there 6 more
years on a another condition made between him and his father-in-law Laban for a certain part of

his flock. Ge 30:22,25,31 31:41 Now Jacob was 91 years old when Joseph was born and
consequently, 77 years old, when he first began to serve Laban. This can be deduced for Jacob
was 130 years old, when he first stood before Pharaoh, at the time when the 7 years of plenty
were passed and 2 years of the famine were over. Ge 45:6 47:9 Joseph was then 39 years old. He
was 30 years old when he first came before Pharaoh, just before the 7 years of plenty. Ge
41:32,46

2261a AM, 2970 JP, 1744 BC

122. Mephres reigned in Egypt, 12 years, 9 months. { *Manetho, 1:101}
2265c AM, 2975 JP, 1739 BC

123. As the jealousy and malice grew between Laban and his sons against Jacob, God warned
him to return to his own country. Jacob told his wives of this. When Laban was shearing his
sheep, at the latter end of the spring (See note on 2974c AM «439») after 20 years of service,
Jacob secretly fled from Laban. He took all his goods, wives and family and crossed over the
river Euphrates. Ge 31:1,3,19,21,38,41 It is said Jacob had 12 sons born to him in Mesopotamia.
Ge 35:22,26 Benjamin is not to be counted among them because he was born later in the land of
Canaan near Bethlehem. Ge 16:18,19 In like manner, as the 12 apostles are counted to make up
that number even though Judas was dead. Joh 20:24 ICo 15:1 Concerning this matter, see
Augustine in his 117th question upon Genesis.

124. Three days later, Laban (for he was three days journey from the place where Jacob kept his
sheep) heard that his son-in-law was gone and took some of his friends and kindred with him.
After travelling seven days he caught up with him at Mount Gilead. This mount was named
from this meeting. After many arguments, they finally reconciled. For a testimony and
monument to their covenant and agreement, Jacob erected a pillar, with a heap of stones. Laban
the Syrian, called it "Jegar Sahadutha", but Jacob the Hebrew called it "Galeed", i.e. "the heap of
a testimony", or "witness" between the two. Ge 31:47,48

125. After Jacob left Laban in peace, he was frightened by the news of his brother Esau's
coming with a band of men. He divided his company into two groups and called on God. He
sent ahead of him presents to his brother Esau. After wrestling with the angel, he was given the
name of Israel by God. Jacob matured spiritually by depending more on the help of God than on
man. Ge 32:1-32 Ho 12:3,4

126. Esau entertained his brother courteously. After much entreaty he accepted Jacob's presents
and offered to escort him on his way. When Jacob refused, Esau left. Then Jacob went on to
Succoth. He called the place Succoth because he built an house there and cotes for his sheep.
After passing over Jordan, he came into Canaan and pitched his tent in Shechem, a city of the
Shechemites. He bought a parcel of ground from the sons of Hamor the Shechemite, for 100
pieces of silver. There he built an altar, which he called by the name of "El-Elohe-Israel" or
"The mighty God, the God of Israel." Ge 33:1-20 It was in this same place that Abraham had
built his first altar before: Ge 12:6,7 and where Jacob's well was, near to Mount Gerizim. When
the woman of Samaria spoke to our Saviour, she said that her fathers worshipped in this
mountain. Joh 4:5,6,12,20 This mountain was located in the country of the Shechemites. Jud 9:7

2273d AM, 2983 JP, 1731 BC

127. Mephramuthosis reigned in Egypt 25 years, 10 months. {*Manetho, 1:101}
2276c AM, 2986 JP, 1728 BC

128. When Joseph was 17 years old, he told his father of his brothers' wickedness and was told
by God that he would one day be the head of all his father's family. His brothers hated him for
this so much that they plotted his death. At length they agreed to sell him for a slave into a far
country. When they drew him from the pit that they had cast him into, they sold him for 20
pieces of silver to the Ishmaelite and Midianite merchants. Both of these peoples descended
from their grandfather Abraham. Joseph was carried away by them to Egypt. There they sold
him to be a slave to Potiphar, the captain of Pharaoh's guard. Ge 37:2,3,6 Justin also, in his
Epitome of Troeus Pompeius, 1. 36. c. 2. makes mention of Joseph. He says:

vv His brothers envied the excellency of his wisdom. After getting him privately into their hands,
they sold him to foreign merchants who carried him into Egypt."

2287c AM, 2997 JP, 1717 BC

129. When Joseph, was thrown into prison, he interpreted the dreams of two officers of
Pharaoh's court. This was two years before he was brought before Pharaoh. Ge 40:1-41:1

2288c AM, 2998 JP, 1716 BC

130. Isaac died at the age of 180 years and was buried by his two sons, Esau and Jacob. Ge
35:28,29

2289b AM, 2999 JP, 1715 BC

131. When Pharaoh could not get his dreams interpreted by his own wise men, and after hearing
of Joseph's skill in expounding dreams, he sent for Joseph. He was 30 years old when he
explained the king's dreams. The first dream was that of the 7 years of plenty followed by 7
years famine. Moreover, he advised Pharaoh how to provide from the abundance of the first 7
years of plenty, for the famine of the next 7 years of scarcity. Thereupon Pharaoh, by the general
agreement of all his nobles, made him governor of the whole kingdom. He gave him a wife,
Asenath, the daughter of Potiphar, governor of On or Heliopolis in Egypt. Ge 41:1-46 Justin
also from Tragus Pompeius says, that he was very important to Pharaoh. For he said:

vv Joseph was most skilled in explaining dreams or signs and was the first that found out and
taught the art of the interpretation of dreams. Neither was there any part of divine or human
intention, which seemed to be unknown to him in that he foretold a famine many years before it
happened. All Egypt would have perished unless the king, by his advice, had ordered grain to be
stored many years before the famine came."

132. From the harvest of this year started the 7 years of plenty. In these years Joseph laid up an
enormous supply of grain. Asenath, his wife, bore him two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim. Ge

41:47,51,53

2296c AM, 3006 JP, 1708 BC

133. The 7 years of the famine began from the harvest of this year as predicted. Joseph's wisdom
in laying up supplies not only sustained Egypt but also helped relieve the famine in the
neighbouring countries. Ge 41:54,57

2297d AM, 3007 JP, 1707 BC

134. Jacob sent 10 of his sons into Egypt to buy grain. Joseph pretended not to know them and
took them for spies. They were held and not released until Simeon, the oldest and the leader of
them, who consented to sell Joseph, was cast into prison. He was held to ensure that the rest
should bring to Joseph, Benjamin, their youngest brother, who was born of Rachel, Joseph's own
mother. When they were sent away, they carried their grain and the money they had payed for it.
This money was placed into each of their sacks by the secret orders of Joseph. They told their
father Jacob, all that had happened to them. Also they told him it was necessary that their
youngest brother Benjamin return with them to Egypt. They were not able to convince Jacob to
allow this to happen. Ge 42:1-38

2298b AM, 3008 JP, 1706 BC

135. When Jacob was hard pressed by the famine, he sent his sons again and with them
Benjamin their brother. He sent twice the amount of money needed to buy grain and other gifts
for Joseph. When they arrived, they were courteously entertained and feasted by Joseph. Simeon
was released and returned to them. Ge 43:1-34

136. When they were on their way home, Joseph arrested them for stealing his cup. This he had
caused secretly to be hidden in Benjamin's sack. When they were confronted with this crime,
they tried to show their honesty by the fact that they returned the money they found in their
sacks when they came into Egypt the second time. They offered to die, or to be his slaves, if any
such thing could be proved against them. But in the end the cup was found with Benjamin. They
returned to Joseph and yielded themselves to him to be his slaves. When Joseph refused and said
he would have no one but him with whom the cup was found, Judah then humbly offered
himself to serve him in Benjamin's stead. Ge 44:1-34

137. When Joseph heard Judah make this offer, he revealed himself to his brothers. The brothers
were all terrified at the remembrance of the sin which they had committed against Joseph. He
comforted them by showing how that deed of theirs was an act of God's providence. From the
king's supplies, Joseph ordered wagons and provisions for their journey. They were to go and to
return with all speed, bringing their father and their families with them. When they told their
father, he did not believe them, until he saw the wagons and other supplies necessary for them to
move to Egypt. Ge 45:1-28

138. After Jacob offered sacrifices and was encouraged by God, he and all his family, went
down into Egypt. This was in the beginning of the third year of the famine when Jacob was 130
years old. Ge 45:6 46:1,27 47:9 De 26:5

139. After Joseph had told Pharaoh of the arrival of his family in Egypt, he brought his father
and 5 of his brothers to Pharaoh. When Pharaoh had communed with them, he assigned them a
suitable place in the land of Goshen where Joseph took care of all their needs. Ge 47:1-12

2299d AM, 3009 JP, 1705 BC

140. Mephramuthosis died and Thmosis reigned in Egypt for 9 years 8 months. { *Manetho,
1:101}

2300 AM, 3010 JP, 1704 BC

141. Joseph took all the money in Egypt and Canaan from the grain that he had sold to them. Ge
47:14

2301 AM, 3011 JP, 1703 BC

142. When all the money of both these countries was spent, the Egyptians sold all their flocks
and herds of cattle to Joseph for food to live on that year. Ge 47: 15-17

2302 AM, 3012 JP, 1702 BC

143. At the end of this year, when their money and stock of cattle was all gone, the Egyptians
then sold both their lands and freedom to Joseph. He supplied them with grain for food and with
seed to plant in this seventh and last year of the famine. He was to be repaid in the year
following, when the famine was over. So that Pharaoh would have a clear title and full
possession of the lands he purchased, Joseph moved everyone from one side of the country to
the other. There he assigned to every man land to till and to work. From the profits a law was
made giving Pharaoh a fifth part of the increase. Only the chief governors' and the priests' lands,
were not bought by Pharaoh. These individuals had a living by the king's allowance and had no
need to sell their lands for food as others had.

2309b AM, 3019 JP, 1695 BC

144. Amenophis reigned in Egypt 30 years 10 months. {*Manetho, 1:103}
2315 AM, 3025 JP, 1689 BC

145. When Jacob was about to die, he adopted Ephraim and Manasseh the sons of Joseph. He
blessed them by revelation from God and set the younger ahead of the older. Ge 48: 1-22 Heb
11:12 When he called his sons together, he blessed them all and foretold what should befall
them in the coming generations. He told them that memorable prophesy of the Messiah and gave
orders to them concerning his burial. He died at 147 years of age 17 years of which were in the
land of Egypt. Ge 49:1-33 47:25

146. Joseph had the body of Jacob embalmed and kept for 40 days. The Egyptians mourned him
for 70 days. With Pharaoh's leave, the body was conveyed into the land of Canaan by Joseph

and his brothers and with a great number of the principal men of Pharaoh's court. Lamentation
was again made over him 7 days and he was buried with his kindred in the cave at Machpelah
according to his wishes. Ge 50:15-21

2340b AM, 3050 JP, 1664 BC

147. Orus reigned in Egypt for 36 years 5 months. {*Manetho, 1:103}
2369c AM, 3079 JP, 1635 BC

148. By faith, Joseph on his death bed spoke of the departure of the children of Israel from
Egypt. He asked that his bones might be carried with them. He was 1 10 years old when he died
and saw his children to the third generation. Ge 50:22-26 Heb 11:22 These were Shuthelah and
Tahan, the grandsons of Ephraim and Eran or Taran, Nu 26:36 the sons of Manasseh and Gilead
was Manasseh's grandchild. From here it is, that the Greek expositors, speaking of the families
of Jacob and Joseph, which were said to consist of 70 souls, Ge 46:27 De 10:22 adding to the
total these 5 who were born to Joseph in Egypt ICh 7:20-29 for a number of 75 persons in all. It
appears that Joseph ruled and governed the state of Egypt for 80 years under several Pharaohs.
Eusebius in his chronicle, has rightly observed and summarised it thus:

vv Joseph was made governor of Egypt when he was 30 years old and when his father Jacob was
122 years old. He headed the government for 80 years. After he died, the Hebrews were held in
bondage by the Egyptians 144 years. Therefore, the whole time which the Hebrews spent in
Egypt was 215 years, starting from the time that Jacob and his sons went down into Egypt."

149. The book of Genesis ends with the death of Joseph and contains the history of 2369 years.
This book was written by Moses. This is the opinion of the Talmudists in their Bababathra 1. 1.
and so it is generally believed by all the Hebrews. The sum of it is delivered by "Servins
Sulpicins", in the first book of his "Historia Sacras" thus:

vv At this time lived Job, a man embracing the law of nature, and the knowledge of the true God
and very righteous and rich in goods. He was renowned for the fact that neither the enjoyment of
those riches corrupted him, nor the loss of them depraved him in any way. When he was
plundered of all his goods by Satan, bereft of his children and at last tormented with grievous
botches and sores in his body, he did not sin. Having first been commended by God himself, he
was later restored to his former health, and had double of what he possessed before."

2376c AM, 3086 JP, 1628 BC

150. Acencheres the daughter of Orus reigned in Egypt for 12 years 1 month. { *Manetho,
1:103}

2385 AM, 3095 JP, 1619 BC

151. Levi died in Egypt when he was 137 years old. Ex 6:16 He was the grandfather by the
mother's side to Moses and Aaron and great grandfather by the father's side. Levi had begotten
Kohath in Canaan, who died at the age of 133 years and a daughter called Jochebed in Egypt.

Amram the son of Kohath married Jochebed the daughter of Levi, his own aunt. From that
marriage (expressly forbidden later) Le 18:12 20:19 Moses and Aaron and their sister Miriam
were born. Amram lived 137 years, just as long as his grandfather and his father-in-law. He died
shortly before the Israelites left Egypt. Ex 2:1,6,18,20 Nu 26:59

2388 AM, 3098 JP, 1616 BC

152. Rathotis, the brother of Acencheres, reigned in Egypt for 9 years. {*Manetho, 1:103}

2389 AM, 3099 JP, 1615 BC

153. When the Ethiopians came from as far as the river Indus, they settled on the borders of
Egypt. (Euseb. Chron.) This is the place, to which Panegyrist refers, where he said:

vv Let the victories of Egypt give place to this, under which the Ethiopian and Indus both did
tremble"

154. J. Potken, in his Ethiopian Psalter printed at Rome in 1513, calls Ethiopia, which is to the
south of Egypt, the greater India.

2397 AM, 3107 JP, 1607 BC

155. Acencheres, the son of Rathotis, reigned in Egypt for 12 years and 5 months. {*Manetho,
1:103}

2410a AM, 3120 JP, 1594 BC

156. Acencheres II reigned in Egypt for 12 years and 3 months. {*Manetho, 1:103}
2422b AM, 3132 JP, 1582 BC

157. Harmais reigned in Egypt for 4 years and 1 month. {*Manetho, 1:103}
2426c AM, 3136 JP, 1578 BC

158. Ramesses reigned in Egypt for 1 year 4 months. {*Manetho, 1:103}
2427d AM, 3137 JP, 1577 BC

159. Ramesses Miamun reigned in Egypt for 66 years 2 months. {*Manetho, 1:103} The latter
part of the surname seems to have been deduced from the first part of the name Amenophis. His
son after him and several also of his predecessors were called by this name. The former part of it
was from the word "Moy" which with the Egyptians signifies "water", as Josephus (a. contra,
Apion.) and Clemens Alexand. (1.1. Stromat.) and Suidas (in ~wc) affirms. Those writers, who
relate all by way of fables, called Mythologians, gave him the name of Neptune, the feigned god

of the waters, as shall be shown upon the year 2533 AM «259». This is that new king, who
did not know Joseph. He was born after Joseph's death and remembered no more the great
benefits received from him. By his policy the Egyptians, frightened at the number and strength
of the Israelites in the land, subjected them to a heavy and cruel bondage. In addition to tilling
the ground, they laid upon them the building also of the king's magazines and storehouses and
the whole cities of Raamsis or Ramesis. Ex 1:8,14 Ac 7:18,19 The latter took its name, as
Mercator thinks, from Ramesses the founder of it and the other perhaps from his queen.

2430b AM, 3140 JP, 1574 BC

160. Aaron was born 3 years before his brother Moses, 83 years before the departure of the
Israelites from Egypt. Ex 7:7

2431b AM, 3141 JP, 1573 BC

161. The ungodly king could not prevail with Shiphrah and Pua, the two principal midwives of
the Hebrew women, to force them to kill all the male children of the Hebrews. Therefore he
proclaimed a barbarous edict to destroy them all by drowning them in the river. Ex 1:15-22 Ac
7:19,20 This happened between the birth of Aaron and the birth of Moses.

2433 AM, 3143 JP, 1571 BC

162. 41 years after the death of her father Levi, Jochebed bore Moses to Amram, her nephew
and husband. Moses was 80 years old, when he first spoke to Pharaoh to let the children of
Israel go. Ex 7:7 40 years later Moses died in the 12th month when he was 120 years old. De
3:1,2 34:7

163. Because Moses was an attractive child, as Justin also from Tragus Pompeius mentions him
to have been, his parents hid him 3 months in their house. They did not regard the king's edict.
Ex 2:2 Ac 7:20 Heb 11:23

164. He was discovered by the diligent inquiry made by the king's searchers and their bad
neighbours the Egyptians. The parents put him in a basket of bulrushes, daubed over with slime
and pitch and laid it in the flags, by the brim of the river. His sister, Miriam or Mary, Nu 26:59
ICh 6:3 stood near by to see what would become of him. Pharaoh's daughter whom Josephus
(Antiq. 1. 2. c. 9.) called Thermutin and so does Epiphanius, in Panario and others) found him
there. She put him out to be nursed, as it happened, to his own mother Jochebed. Afterward she
adopted him for her son and had him brought up and instructed in all manner of science and
learning of the Egyptians. Ex 2:5,10 Ac 7:21,22

2448 AM, 3158 JP, 1556 BC

165. Cecrops, an Egyptian, transported a colony of the Saits into Attica (Diod. Sic. 1. 1.) and set
up there the kingdom of the Athenians. This was 780 years before the 1st Olympiad, according
to Eusebius in Chron. reports from Castor. From the time of Cecrops, the Chronology of the He
of Paras, published by that most learned J. Selden, among his Marmora Arundelliana, deduces
history or antiquities of Greece. After him and Moses, who was contemporary with him, many

memorable things happened in Greece as follows:

a) Deucalion's flood

b) Phaeton's fire

c) the birth of Ericthonius

d) the rape of Prosepina

e) the mysteries of Ceres

f) the institution of the Elesinian sacrifices,

g) Triptolemus' art of tilling the ground

h) the carrying away of Europa, by Jupiter

i) the birth of Apollo

j) the building of Thebes, by Cadmus

k) those of a later time, Bacchus, Minos, Perseus, Esculapius, Castor and Pollux, Hercules.

(Euseb 1. 10. de Prep. Ev. c. 9.)

2465 AM, 3175 JP, 1539 BC

166. In the 18th year of Cecrops, the Chaldeans made war and fought with the Phoenicians.
(Euseb. Chron.)

2466 AM, 3176 JP, 1538 BC

167. In this war the Chaldeans were defeated and the Arabians reigned in the country of
Babylon 216 years before Belus the Assyrian came there to reign. The 1st king of the Arabians
was Mardocentes, who reigned there 45 years (Jul. Afric.) and seems to be the man that is called
Merodach. He was later reputed by the Babylonians to be a god, Jer 50:2. Succeeding kings
borrowed their names from him as Merodoch, Baladan and Evil-merodach.

2473b AM, 3183 JP, 1531 BC

168. When Moses was 40 years old, he visited his brethren, the Israelites. When he saw their sad
plight and an Egyptian smiting a man of the Hebrews, he killed the Egyptian and buried him in
the sand. This became known not only to his brethren but also to Pharaoh who sought to kill
him. Moses fled from there into the land of Midian. He married Zipporah the daughter of Jethro
and stayed there 40 years. Ac 23:30 Ex 2:11,12 3:1 18:1,2 Nu 10:29 Jude 4:11

2474 AM, 3184 JP, 1530 BC

169. Caleb, the son of Jephunneh, was born forty years before he was sent by Moses to spy out
the land of Canaan. Jos 14:7,10

2494a AM, 3203 JP, 1511 BC

170. Ramesses Miamun died in the 67th year of his reign about 1510 BC. The length of his
tyrannical reign seems to be noted Ex 2:23 in these words.

vv And it came to pass in process of time, that the king of Egypt died: and the children of Israel

sighed by reason of the bondage, and they cried ..."

171. That is the cruel bondage, which they endured, even after Ramesses was dead for about 19
and 6 months, under his son Amenophis, who succeeded him. For so long and no longer a time
of his reign is assigned by Manetho based on his writings. { *Manetho, 1:103} Although filled
with a multitude of old wives tales, all such are abundantly refuted by Josephus, in his 1st book
against Apion., yet there are two truths in it.

1. Under this Amenophis, the father of Sethosis or Ramesses (the 1st king of the following
Dynasty, or successive principality) which Manetho makes the 19 and not under the other
Amenophis which was the 3rd of that Dynasty (as Josephus vainly surmises), the Israelites,
under the conduct of Moses, according to Manetho's relation, left Egypt.

2. The Egyptians called him Amenophis, the father of Sethosis and Armais. The Greeks called
him Belus, the father of Egyptus, and Danaus. During Belus' time, according to Thallus the
Chronographer (as he is alleged by Theophilus Antiochenus and Lactantius) agrees with the age
of this Amenophis. Although the fable writers confounding this Belus of Egypt, with Belus the
Assyrian, the father of Ninus. They tell us that certain colonies were transported by this Belus
(who was drowned in the Red Sea,) into the country of Babylon.

2513b AM, 3223 JP, 1491 BC

172. God appeared to Moses in a burning bush that was not consumed with fire, while he was
keeping his father-in-law Jethro's sheep in the mountain of Horeb. He called him to deliver his
people Israel from their slavery and bondage in Egypt. Moses sought to avoid doing this with
many excuses. At length however, he undertook the work being persuaded partly by miracles
and partly by assurance given him of the help of God and his brother Aaron given him for an
assistant. Ac 7:30,35 Ex 3-4:1,18

173. Moses left Jether or Jethro his father-in-law and with his family took his journey for Egypt.
Because he neglected to circumcise his son Eliezer, he was stopped by God in the way and not
allowed to continue until he done this. He sent back his wife Zipporah and his two sons,
Gershom and Eliezer, to her father Jethro. Now freed from all encumbrance, he returned to
mount Horeb and met his brother Aaron. He went on and performed his duty, confirmed by
miracles, in the public sight of the children of Israel. Ex 4:18,31 18:1,6

174. Moses and Aaron declared to Pharaoh God's message. Pharaoh charged them as being
leaders in a rebellion and sent them away angrily. He increased the burden of the Israelites more
than ever before. Their overseers were beaten because they could not do all the work. They
complained in vain to Pharaoh. They complained to Moses and Aaron and Moses complained to
God. God graciously heard him and told him to finish the work he had begun. Ex 5:1-22

175. Moses returned to the Israelites with further instructions from God. Because of their
oppression, it was to no avail. Hence God commanded him to go again to Pharaoh. Ex 6:1-30

176. Moses was 80 years old and Aaron 83 years old when they were commanded by God to
return again to Pharaoh. When the magicians by their sorcery, imitated the miracles of Aaron's

rod becoming a serpent, Pharaoh was more obstinate than ever. Ex 7:1,13 The leaders of these
magicians which opposed Moses, were Jannes and Jambres. as named by the apostle, 2Ti 3:8.
These names are noted, not only by the Jews in their Talmudical treaty of tyhgm i.e. of
Oblations, c. 9. where they are called by the names of yghfy and admmw i.e. Jochanne and
Mamre. In the Chaldee Paraphrase, they are attributed to Jonathan. Ex 1:15 7:11 Among some
heathen writers, for so Numenius Apamaeus, a Pythagorean Philosopher, in his 3rd book,
wfsituataqhq cited by Euseb. 1. 9. Prepar. Evang. c. 8. relates this history:

vv Jannes and Jambres, interpreters of the mysteries of Egypt, were in great repute at the time
when the Jews were sent out of Egypt. It was the opinion of all men that these were inferior to
none in the art of magic. For by the common opinion of the Egyptians, these two were chosen to
oppose Moses, the ring leader of the Jews. Moses prayers were most prevalent with God. They
only were able to undo and frustrate all those most grievous calamities that Moses brought upon
all the Egyptians."

177. Pliny, (1. 30. c. 1.) in reference to this states

vv There is also another sect of Magicians, depending upon Moses, and Jannes and Jotape Jews."

178. Wherein nevertheless he falls into a double error,

a. In reckoning Moses among the magicians.

b. In making Jannes and Jotape to be Jews.

179. But when Pharaoh's magicians could do no more, God through Moses sent his ten plagues
upon the Egyptians. These are summarised in Ps 78: 1-72 105:1-45. According to the Jews,
these plagues lasted a year but in fact they were all sent within one month in this order.

180. About the 18th day of the 6th month, (which in the previous year and thereafter became the
12th month Ex 12:2) God sent the first plague of the waters turning into blood. After 7 days, Ex
7:25 about the 25th day, came the second plague of the frogs which were removed the next day.
About the 27th was brought upon them the third plague of flies and lice.

181. About the 28th day, Moses threatened them with a fourth plague of flies and other vermin.
These came on the 29th day and were all taken away on the 30th day.

182. About the 1st of the 7th month (which shortly after was made the 1st month of the year Ex
12:2) After Moses warned them of a fifth plague, he brought it upon them the next day. This
was the plague of murrain in cattle. About the 3rd day, the sixth plague of boils and botches
came upon man and beast. This plague came on the magicians as well. Ex 9: 1 1 Hence wrote
Justin, from Trogus Pompeius, 1. 36.

vv The Egyptians were afflicted with the scab and sores. When they were warned by an Oracle,
all, that were infected with that disease, expelled Moses out of Egypt lest the plague should
spread further among the people."

183. Note here too the sayings collected out of Diodorus Sicul. 1. 40. reported in Phati

Bibliotheca. p. 620.

184. About the 4th day, Moses warned them of a seventh plague which came on them on the 5th
day of the same month. It was a plague of thunders and rain and grievous hail, mixed with fire
which ruined their flax and barley because the barley was then in the ear and the flax boiled. But
their wheat and the rye were not harmed, because they were not yet out of the ground. Hence
Nicolaus Fullerus, 1. 3. of his Miscellanies rightly observes, p. 389. that this plague happened in
the month of Abib.

185. About the 7th day Moses threatened them with an eighth plague. The next day the plague
of locusts came and devoured all green plants. He removed the plague about the 9th day. Ex
10:4,11,19

186. The month Abib, which was the 7th month, was from this time on made the first month of
the year. Ex 12:2 13:4 This was for a memorial of their departure out of the land of Egypt. From
the beginning of this month we deduce the epochs of the Jewish Calendar. Nu 9: 1,2 Ex 40: 17

187. On the 10th day of this the month, (which was the Thursday April 30th according the Julian
Calendar) was instituted the feast of the Passover and unleavened bread. The Pascal lamb was
chosen and killed four days later. Ex 13:3,6

188. Moses now brings upon them the ninth plague of 3 days darkness. It was so dark that none
of the Egyptians during that time, once left the place where they were when the darkness came.
However, the Israelites had during that time, light in their dwellings. Ex 10:22,23

189. Upon the 14th day (Monday, May 4th) Moses spoke with Pharaoh for the last time. Moses
told him of the tenth plague which should come upon him. This was the death of all the firstborn
of Egypt, which came to pass the next night at midnight. Pharaoh, in a rage ordered Moses to get
out of his sight and never come back again. Ex 10:24-29 11:1,4-8 The passover was celebrated
that evening. Ex 12:11,12

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The Fourth Age of the World

190. On the 15th day of the 1st month (Tuesday, May 5th) at midnight, the firstborn of all Egypt
were slain. Pharaoh and his servants, quickly sent away the Israelites with all their goods and the
plunder which they had received from the Egyptians. Ex 12:33,35,36 It was exactly 430 years
from the first pilgrimage of Abraham's departure from Canaan, to the day they were set free
from bondage. The day after the Passover, they journeyed toward Ramesses with about 600,000
men, besides women and children. Ex 12:29-31,37,41,51 Nu 33:3 From that place the camps are
recorded by Moses. From the Hebrew meanings of the words, Jerome, in writing to Fabiola,
expounds symbolically, in his Treatise of their 42 camps. I suppose the first camp to be at
Ramesses. Thus then:

1. At Ramesses, where the Israelites were placed by Joseph, Ge 47:1 1, they all met who either
dwelt among the Egyptians Ex 3:2 or who at that time were scattered over all Egypt to gather
stubble. Ex 5:12

2. At Succoth, Moses first declared to them the commandments of God for the yearly keeping of
the Passover and the sanctifying of the firstborn. Ex 13:1-22

3. At Etham, in the border of the wilderness, the Lord led them with a pillar of a cloud by day
and in a pillar of fire by night. Ex 13:20,21

4. At Pihahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, opposite Baalzephon, Pharaoh, with his host
overtook them. Here Moses divided the waters with his rod and they passed through the midst of
the Trythraean, or Red Sea into the desert of Etham. When Pharaoh and his army tried to follow,
they were all drowned when the waters came together again. At dawn, the Israelites were
completely freed from the bondage of the Egyptians, whose bodies they saw floating all over the
sea and cast up on the shore. Ex 14:26-30 They sang a song of praise and thanksgiving to God,
for their deliverance. Ex 15:22 This song Re 15:3 is called the Song of Moses and is the first
song of deliverance by the Hebrews.

This happened on the 21st day of the first month on the last day of the feast of unleavened
bread, as appointed by God. This is the general opinion of the Jews and most agreeable to truth.

From there they marched three whole days through the wilderness of Etham, from Tuesday the
22nd to Thursday the 24th and they found no water all the way. Ex 15:22 Nu 33:8

5. At Marah, named from its bitter waters, the people which had gone without water three whole
days, began to murmur. Moses threw into the water a piece of wood and made them drinkable.
This taught the people in time to come to put their trust in God, Ex 15:23,26

6. At Elim were 12 fountains of water and 70 palm trees. They camped by the side of those
fountains. Ex 15:27 Nu 33:9

7. This camp was by the Red Sea. Nu 33:10

191. Now we come to the second month.

8. Upon the 15th, (Thursday, June 4th) the Israelites came to the place of their eighth camp in
the wilderness of Sin, between Elyma and Sinai. Being hungry they murmured against God and
their leaders. About evening, God sent them quails and the next morning rained on them manna
from heaven. They lived on manna for 40 years, until they entered the land of promise. Ex 16:1-
35

9. They camped at Dophkah.

10. They camped at Alush.

1 1 . At Rephidim the people murmured again because of thirst. (This place was called Meribah
and Massa.) Moses gave them water by striking the hard rock with his rod. Ex 17:1,7 This Rock
followed them throughout the wilderness. Ps 78:16,20 105:41 ICo 10:4 De 8:15

The Amalekites attacked the rear of the Israelites who were all weary and tired from their long
journey in the wilderness. They killed some of the stragglers and weakest of them. Moses sent
out to fight with them Jehosua or Joshua the son of Nun his servant. Ex 33: 1 1 His proper name
was Hosea but Moses changed it to Jehosuah. Nu 13:16 or Jesus. Na 8:17 Ac 7:45 Heb 4:8

Joshua fought and defeated the Amalekites in Rephidim while Moses prayed on top of the hill.
The people were commanded by God to utterly destroy and root out that whole nation. For a
memorial of this battle they built an altar there. De 25:17-19 Ex 17:8-16

192. The third month.

12. In the Desert of Sinai, the Israelites camped opposite Horeb and stayed there almost a whole
year. They left the wilderness of Sinai, on the 2nd day of the 2nd month, of the 2nd year after
coming out of the land of Egypt. Nu 10:11,12 They came here on the same day of the 3rd
month, of the 1st year, after coming out of Egypt. This was on the third day of the third month
(Monday, June 22nd) according to Fr. Ribera, 1. 5. de Templo. Ex 19:1

193. When Moses went up into the mount, God declared to him that he would renew his
covenant with the Israelites. He would bind them to himself by a law and that he would favour
and love all those who would observe and keep that law. This they readily agreed to. God gave
them two days to prepare and sanctify themselves to receive that law. He forbid all except
Moses and Aaron to approach the mount. Afterward in great majesty God came down to the
mount as they all watched and trembled at the sight. Ex 19:1-25

194. God proclaimed his law as contained in the ten commandments with a terrible voice. Ex
20:1-26 De 5:1-33 This did not make void the promise of grace made to Abraham 430 years
before.Ga3:17

195. The people were terrified as God gave them many other laws. Ex 20:21-23 De 4:13,14
These were written in the book of the covenant Moses gave to the people. After this Moses rose
early in the morning and he built an altar at the foot of the mountain. He set up 12 pillars

according to the 12 tribes of Israel. He sent 12 young men of the firstborn (as the Chaldee
paraphrases it) whom the Lord had consecrated to himself Ex 24:4 Nu 3:13 8:16,17 to be
ministers of those holy things. Ex 19:22 This was before the Levitical priesthood was ordained.
These men offered sacrifices, first for sin, and then of thanksgiving to the Lord. Moses read the
book of the covenant to the people which contained the commandments found in Ex 20: 1-23:33.
He then took the blood of the calves and goats that were offered and with water scarlet wool and
hyssop, he sprinkled the book as well as 12 pillars representing the 12 tribes of Israel. This
ratified that solemn covenant between God and his people. Ex 24:3-8 Heb 9:19,20

196. Moses and Aaron, Nadab and Abihu and 70 men of the elders of Israel, went up into the
mount and there beheld the glory of God. When the rest returned, Moses, with his servant
Joshua, stayed there for six more days. On the seventh day God spoke to Moses and he
continued there 40 days and 40 nights Ex 24:9-18 This time includes those six days which he
spent waiting for the Lord. During this time, he ate no meat nor drank water. De 9:9 He received
God's commands concerning the construction of the tabernacle, the priests garments, their
consecration, sacrifices and other things as related in Ex 25:1 -Ex 31:18.

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197. The fourth month.

198. When those 40 days and 40 nights were over, God gave Moses the two tables of the law in
stone written by God's own finger. Ex 31:18 De 9:10,11 God ordered him to go down quickly,
for the people had already made a molten calf to worship. Moses by prayer pacified God and
went down from the mount. When he saw the people keeping a festival in honour of their idol in
the camp, he broke the tables of the law at the foot of the mount. Ever since this, the Jews keep a
solemn fast to this day on the 14th day of the 4th month. This has led some men into the error
that the 40 days of Moses in the mount, are to be started from the day immediately following the
giving of the ten commandments. Thus omitting altogether the intermediate time, spent in
writing and reading the book of the covenant and sanctifying the covenant made between God
and his people with solemn rites and ceremonies. Ex 24:1-18

199. Moses burnt and defaced the idol and the Levites killed 3,000 of the people. Ex 32:20-29
De 9:21 33:9

200. The next day Moses returned again into the mount and there again entreated the Lord for
the people. Ex 32:30-32

201. He commanded them to lay aside their gorgeous apparel and to set up the tent of the
congregation outside the camp. This tent was used until the tabernacle was built by Bezaleel.
The people out of a deep sense of God's wrath, repented of their sins. Moses prayed that God
himself should be their guide and leader in their way and not an angel. This prayer was heard.
Ex 33 1-23

202. God commanded Moses to get new tables of stone and to bring them with him into the
mount the next day. Moses brought them the next morning. When Moses stood in the cleft of a
rock, God passed by and showed him a glimpse of his glory. Ex 34:1-35

203. Again Moses stayed another 40 days and 40 nights in the mount without meat or drink and
prayed for the people. De 9:18 10:10 God was appeased and renewed his covenant with the
people with certain conditions. He gave his laws again and told Moses to write them down.
Again, God himself wrote the ten commandments in the tables which Moses brought to him. Ex
34:10-28

204. The sixth month.

205. After 40 days, Moses returned from the mount with the tables in his hand. Because his face
shone, he covered it with a vail. He proclaimed the laws of God to the people, ordering the
observation of the Sabbath. He asked for a free will offering to be made toward the building of
the tabernacle. Ex 34:1-35:35

206. So that this offering could be done in an orderly manner, all males were numbered from 20
years old and upward and they were found to be 603,550. According to the law prescribed by
God, Ex 30:12,13 each contributed half a shekel. The total sum amounted to 100 talents of silver
and 1775 shekels Ex 38:25,26. Hence it is gathered, that every talent among the Jews, amounted
to 3000 shekels: every pound containing 60 shekels. Eze 45:12. In addition to this pole tax, from
the voluntary offering was the sum of 29 talents of gold, and 730 shekels; and of brass, 70
talents and 2400 shekels. Ex 38:24,29 As for other materials needed for the tabernacle, there
came in more than enough and the people were commanded to stop giving! Ex 36:5-7

207. Bezaleel and Aholiab were appointed by God for the chief workmen of the tabernacle. Ex
31:2-6 35:30-35

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208. In the first six months of this year the tabernacle, the ark of the covenant, the altar, the table
of shewbread, the priest's garments, the holy ointments, the candle sticks and other utensils and
vessels belonging to the sacrifices, were finished in the desert at Mount Sinai and were brought
to Moses. Ex 36:1-39:43

209. God commanded Moses to:

1 . On the first day of the second month he should set up the tabernacle and furnish it with all
things belonging to it.Ex 4:2,8

2. He should anoint them with holy oil and should consecrate Aaron and his sons for the
priesthood, Ex 9:15

210. He did this but not both activities the same time. For upon the very day God appointed, he
erected the tabernacle, with all things belonging to it. Ex 40:17,33 The second command he
performed later at a time appointed by God. Le 8:1-13 It took seven days for the consecration of
the priests and altar. Ex 29:35-37

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21 1. On the first day of the first month (Wednesday, April 21st) of the second year after they
left Egypt, the tabernacle of the covenant was set up and filled with the glory of God. Ex
40:2,17,34 From it God uttered his will and commandments to Moses. These are recorded in the
first 7 chapters of Leviticus. In the same year and first month, the Israelites, as commanded by
God, celebrated the passover at the evening of the 14th day. (Tuesday, May 4th) On this day
some of the people complained to Moses and Aaron that they could not keep the passover with
the rest of the congregation on the appointed day because they were unclean from touching a
dead body. God made a law that all such persons should keep their passover on the 14th day of
the second month if they could not keep it on the day first appointed. Nu 9: 1 , 14

212. On the first day of the second month (Friday, May 21st) God commanded Moses to take
the number of all the males of the children of Israel from 20 years old to 60 by their tribes,
except the Levites. He appointed the Levites for the service of the tabernacle and assigned the
responsibilities for setting it up, taking it down and moving and carrying it from place to place.
Nu 1:1 26:64

213. The census came to 603,550 Nu 10:1,46 the same number as 7 months earlier, when they
were taxed for a contribution to the building of the tabernacle. Ex 38:26

214. Moses, according to God's command, Ex 29:37 30:22,30 40:9,25 anointed the tabernacle
and the altar with all things in it with the holy oil, consecrating them to the Lord. He also
consecrated Aaron and his four sons with the same oil and with rites and ceremonies necessary
for the execution of the priestly office. He commanded them not to stay in the tabernacle for
seven days. Le 8: 1-36 This was the time required for the consecration of them and the altar. Ex
29:35-37 Le 8:33

215. Moses outlined the order and position of the tribes in their march and encampments Nu 2:1-
34

216. The number of Levites from one month old and upward, was found to be 22,300. Nu
3:15,35 The 2200 firstborn of the Levites managed the service of God in lieu the firstborn of
Israel. The number of the firstborn of the children of Israel, exceeded the whole number of the
Levites (their firstborn deducted) by 273. Therefore they were taxed for every additional person,
five shekels for redemption money. Nu 3:39-50

217. The Levites were set apart and consecrated to God for his service. Every man was
appointed a certain time when he was to perform his ministry. Nu 8:5-26

218. 8580 Levites were between 30 and 50 years old. Their offices and services were assigned
among them according to their families. Nu 4:1-49

219. All leprous and unclean persons were put out of the camp. The laws for restoring of
damages and of jealousy were ordained. Nu 5:1-31

220. The vow, the consecration and manner of the Nazarites was instituted. Nu 6:1-27

221. Upon the 8th day following the completion of the consecration, Aaron offered sacrifices

and oblations, first for himself and then for all the people. All these offerings consumed by fire
that fell from heaven upon them. This sign ensured belief of the people that the priestly office
among them was ordained by God himself. Le 9:1-24

222. All the tabernacle was completely set up and anointed all over, together with the utensils
and things belonging to it. The altar which had been consecrated for 7 days, was now dedicated
by Aaron by his first oblation of sacrifices made on it. The seven previous days were for
expiation, or cleaning and ordained for the hallowing of the altar. Ex 29:36,37

223. The heads of the tribes brought six covered wagons and twelve oxen, and jointly offered
them before the tabernacle. All this was given to the Levites, the sons of Gershon and Merari for
their duties. Every day leaders of the tribes brought their various sacrifices and things belonging
to the ministry of the tabernacle and offered them towards the dedication of it. This took twelve
days. Nu 7:1-11,84,88

224. On this first day, Naasson, (from whom David and according to the flesh, Jesus Christ
himself) came and made his offering for the tribes of Judah. Then the rest, every one for his
tribe, according to the order as they were ranked in their camps, made offerings. Nu 7:1 1-83

225. Nadab and Abihu were Aaron's two oldest sons who had gone with their father up into the
Mount Sinai and saw the glory of God there. Ex 24:1,9,10 They went into the sanctuary with
strange or common fire. This was not that fire which fell from heaven, Le 9:24 and which was
perpetually to be kept alive and continued for the burning of the sacrifices and incense in times
to come. They were struck dead in the place by fire sent from heaven. Le 10:1,9 Nu 3:2-
4,26,60,61 The priests were forbidden to make lamentation for them. Moreover for their neglect
of duty, all the priests were ordered to abstain from wine and strong drink before they were to go
into the tabernacle. A law also was made, that what was left of the sacrifices should be eaten by
the priests. Aaron's excuse for not doing this was allowed by Moses. Le 10:6-20

226. Upon this occasion the law was made (about the tenth day of this month, as it seems) that
only the high priest should enter into the sanctuary once in a year. This was only to be on the
day of atonement and the general fast which was to be kept on the 10th day of the seventh
month. Le 16:1-34

227. On the 14th of this month, (Thursday, June 3rd) at evening, the passover was to be
celebrated by those who were unable to keep it a month earlier because of their uncleanness Nu
9:1-24

228. By God's command, this blasphemous person, was carried out of the camp, and stoned. Le
24:10-13

229. All the laws contained in the 17 last chapters of Leviticus seem to have been made in this
month.

230. God commanded two silver trumpets to be made, to call the congregation together for the
times of their moving and marching and sacrificing. Nu 10:1-28

231. Jethro, who was also called Hobab, brought his daughter Zipporah, with her two sons,
Gershon and Eliezer who were left with him, to Moses, his son-in-law. He congratulated him
and the people for their deliverance from Egyptian bondage. He publicly declared both by word
and deed, his faith and devotion toward the true God. By his advise, Moses delegated the
government of the people to some others and ordained magistrates for the deciding of lesser
issues. Ex 18:1-27 De 1:9-18 Nu 10:29

232. The 19th day of this month seems to have been the last day that the 12 leaders of the tribes
made their oblations for the dedication of the altar. This day Ahira made his offering for the
tribe of Naphtali. Nu 7:78,88

233. On the 20th day of the second month (Wednesday, June 9th) God commanded the Israelites
to break camp and to start their journey to take possession of the promised land. Nu 10: 1 1,12 De
1:6,7 Moses asked Jethro to go along with him, but he refused and returned home. Nu 9:29,30
Ex 18:27

234. The cloud rose from the tabernacle and they arranged themselves into four squadrons, or
battalions and marched from Sinai. They had been there almost a year. After 3 days journey they
came to the wilderness of Paran, Nu 10:12,33 where they stayed and rested for 23 days.

13. At their 13th camp, at a place called Kibrothhattaavah, Nu 33:16 some who murmured were
struck with fire from heaven. Hence that place was called Tabor. They were saved by the
intercession of Moses yet again murmured and provoked God by their loathing of manna and
desiring of flesh to eat. Nu 11:1-10 Ps 78:19-21

235. Moses complained to God of the great burden of this government and desired to be relieved
from it. God chose 70 elders to help him. Two of these, Eldad and Medad, prophesied in the
camp. Null: 10-17,24-30

236. God gave the people quails for a whole month, not just for a day as he did the year before.
Ex 16:12,13 He sent a most grievous plague among them. From the graves of those who lusted,
that place was called, Kibrothhattaavah, Nu 11:31-34 Ps 78:26-31 Ps 106:15

14. The fourteenth camp was at Hazeroth. Nu 11:35 33:17 Miriam and Aaron spoke evil of
Moses their brother because he had married a woman of Ethiopia. Zipporah his wife was from
Madian, which was a part of the Eastern Ethiopia, otherwise called Arabia. They made
themselves equal in all points with him. God honoured Moses more than they and struck Miriam
with leprosy. She was sent outside of the camp. At the prayer of Moses, she was healed after
seven days. Nu 12:1-15 De 24:9

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237. Miriam was cleansed some time during the 4th month. After she returned to camp, the
Israelites left that place.

15. They camped in Hazeroth, in the desert of Paran, Nu 12:6 33:18 near Kadeshbarnea, Nu
13:26

238. On the fifth month.

239. From the wilderness of Paran, Nu 13:3 or Kadeshbarnea, Nu 32:8 De 1:19,22 9:23 Jos 14:7
at the time of ripened grapes, God commanded Moses to send 12 spies from every tribe Nu
13:l,2to thoroughly spy out the land. Moses and the people were agreeable to this plan. De
1:22,23 Among these men was 40 year old Caleb, the son of Jephunneh (of the tribe of Judah)
Jos 14:7 and Oshea (the son of Nun, whom Moses called Joshua, from the tribe of Ephraim.
These men entered the land from the south by the desert of Sin, passing through to the very
northern part to Rehob. Nu 13:21,22 De 1:23

240. The sixth month.

241. The spies spent 40 days in searching out the land and returned to Kadesh in the wilderness
of Paran. They brought one branch of a vine with a cluster of grapes on it gathered from the
valley of Eshcol. This valley was named for its pomegranates and figs. Nu 13:23-27 De 4:24,25
This likely happened before the 7th month before the feast of tabernacles. This feast was kept on
the 15th day of that month when the fruits of the barn and winepress, were always gathered. Ex
23:16 Le 23:39 De 16:13 Ten of the twelve men spoke ill of the country and its barrenness,
magnifying the city's strength and the giants living there. This discouraged the people from
marching any further toward it. However, Caleb did all he could, to persuade the people to go
on. Nu 13:28-33 32:9

242. The people were terrified by the report made by the rest and threatened to return again to
Egypt. They were ready to stone Caleb and Joshua for their conflicting report. When God
threatened the people with sudden destruction, Moses again prayed and their lives were spared.
However, God declared that all of them who were over 20 years old would die in the wilderness
and would never see the promised land but wander in the wilderness for forty years. Nu 14:1-35
26:64,65 32:10-13 De 1:26-36 9:23 Jos 5:6 Ps 95:8-11 106:24-26 Their children entered the
promised land in the 39th year. Nu 32:13 De 2:14

243. God destroyed the 10 rebellious spies by sudden death. Nu 14:36,37 In memory of this
event, the Jews keep a fast on the seventh day of the sixth month, called Elul.

244. God commanded them to break camp and return back into the desert near the Red Sea.
Instead they disobeyed him by going forward into the mountain and were pursued all the way to
Hormah and defeated by the Amalekites and Canaanites. Therefore they sat down and wept
before the Lord, but he would not hear them. Nu 14:40-45 De 1:40-45

245. After this incident, as the Israelites continued to die in the wilderness, Moses composed the
90th Psalm, Lord thou hast been our refuge, &c. He also showed that the normal age of men was
reduced to 70 or 80 years. Therefore,

246. The age of man was shortened to a third of what it was before
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247. The Israelites continued in Kadesh many days. De 1:46 For whether it was for a day, a
month, or a year, as long as the cloud continued over the tabernacle, the camp did not move. Nu
9:22 In some places the camp stayed for many years since in the 37 years there were only 17
camps mentioned. After leaving Kadesh, they returned into the wilderness toward the Red Sea
and camped around the hill country of Seir many days. De 2:1 Jud 11:16 The 17 camps for this
time in the wilderness of Seir were mentioned in the 33rd chapter of Numbers in this order:

16th at Rimmonparez

17th at Libnah

18thatRissah

19th at Kehelathah

20th at Mount Shapher

21statHaradah

22nd at Makheloth

23rd at Thahash

24th at Thara

25th at Mithcah

26th at Hashmonah

27th at Moseroth

28th at Benehaajan, or Beeroth Bene Jaakan of the well of the sons of Jaakan De 10:6

29th at Horhagidgad, or Gudgodah, De 10:7

30th at Jotbathah, a place full of springs of water, De 10:7

31st was Ebronah

32nd was Eziongaber, which is near to Eloth and by the shore of the Red Sea, in the land of

Edom IKi 9:26

2515 AM, 3225 JP, 1489 BC

248. The only mention of these camps are the laws and historical events as recorded in Nu 15:1-
19:22.

1. Nu 15:1-41 A man was stoned by God's command for gathering sticks on the Sabbath.
Although the sacrifices were omitted in the wilderness, yet the Sabbath was kept.

2. Nu 16:1-50 Korah, Dathan and Abiram rebelled against Moses and Aaron. They were
swallowed alive into the earth. When 250 of their associates offered incense, God destroyed
them by fire. God commanded their censors to be taken and used for a covering for the alter.
This was for a memorial of them to the children of Israel. The people murmured against Moses
and Aaron for this calamity and God killed 14700 of them.

3. Nu 17:1:13 The twelve rods were brought by the twelve princes and laid in the sanctuary.
Aaron's rod was the only one that budded and brought forth almonds. It was set before the ark,
for a warning against any future rebellions.

249. All these events are thought to have happened in the later half of the second year after they
left the land of Egypt. Moses wrote only what happened in the first two years and the last year
of their travel in the wilderness. For the intervening events of those 37 years see Abulensis,
upon Numb, cap 1. Quast. 3.

250. The scriptures also show that the time, which the Israelites spent in travelling from
Kadeshbarnea, till they passed the vale, or brook Zedad, was half a year after they moved from
their 32nd camp. Another half year elapsed before they passed the river Jordan making up the
full 38 years. During this time, all those ungodly rebels perished. De 2:14-16

251. For the first 9 years the Israelites spent in the wilderness, Armais governed in Egypt and
Sethosis invaded the East. Both were brothers and sons of Amenophis who drowned in the Red
Sea as before noted in the item under 2494 AM. Manetho in his Egyptiaca, mentioned by
Josephus in his first book against Apion, wrote:

vv Sethosis was well equipped with cavalry and ships and made his brother Armais ruler over all
Egypt. He let Armais use all power and authority there except he was not to wear a crown and
he charged him not to dishonour his wife the Queen and mother of his children. Armais was also
told to abstain from all other concubines of the king. Sethosis himself however made war in
Cyprus and Phoenicia and against the Assyrians and the Medes. Some of these he subdued by
his powerful army and others he overtook merely caused by the terror his reputation. Puffed up
with this great success near home, he went on with greater confidence to ravage and spoil all the
kingdoms and countries of the East. A few years after he was gone, Armais whom he left in
Egypt, having no fear, did everything the king commanded him not to do. First, he misused the
queen and lay continually with the king's concubines. Later, he followed the advice of his
friends and wore the crown, plainly rebelling against his brother."

252. Thus Manetho adds:

vv Armais, was Danaus; and Sethosis was also called Egyptus,"

253. and that Egypt was named after him. Ramesses, was named after his grandfather showing
that these similar names and events reveal that Tacitus calls him Rhamses and Herodotus,
Sesostris. Tacitus says:

VV A king called Rhamses, conquered all Libya, Ethiopia, the Medes and Persians, Bactria,
Scythia and all the lands which the Syrians and Armenians and the Cappadocians held along
with Bithynia and Lycia, by the Mediterranean Sea:"

254. Tacitus records him under the name of Rhamses. Regarding Sesostris, Herodotus in his
second book writes that their Egyptian priests say:

vv He was the first, to bring all nations bordering the Red Sea under his subjection sailing by way
of the Arabian gulf. He came back the same way and gathered a mighty army. Marching into the
continent of Asia, he subdued all the nations which stood in his way. Leaving Asia he crossed
into Europe and conquered the Scythians and Thracians. It seems he went no further because the
marks and monuments of his name and victories are found in Palestine of Syria. Two
monuments are in Ionia, one at Ephesus, as you go into Phoencea, another one is on the way
leading from Sardis to Smyrna."

255. A similar report comes from Diodorus Siculus, of Sesoosis 1. 2. but he makes him far more
ancient than this. The age of his brother Danaus proves that he was contemporary with Moses.

Manetho and Diodorus record the timing of these events nearly the same. They indicate that at
the time all foreigners were expelled from Egypt, Danaus and Cadmus, with their companies
came into Greece and Moses with his company went into Judea. This we find in the Selections
of Phoisus. For the better understanding this 37 year period we include events from Eusebius in
his "Tables" as follows:

2520 AM, 3230 JP, 1484 BC

256. Egypt (which was formerly called Aeria) was named after Egyptus who was there made
king after the expulsion of his brother, Danaus. Our account varies only two years from that of
Eusibius for:

2522 AM, 3232 JP, 1482 BC

257. Egyptus was also called Ramesses and Sesostris and Sesoosis. After spending 9 years in
many voyages and foreign wars, (as Diodorus Siculus states in his first book) he returned to
Pelusium. During this time Armais, who was also called Danaus ruled over Egypt. He first
attempted to poison his brother Egyptus at a banquet provided for him but failed in the attempt
as both Herodotus 1. 2. c. 107. and also Diodorus Siculus 1. 1. p. 53. (in the Greek and Latin
edition of him) testifies. At which time he fled for fear of his brother from the kingdom which
he had in Egypt and came into Greece, (as Georgius Syncillus states in the Greek Eusebius,
published by Scanger, page 26,27.)

2530 AM, 3240 JP, 1474 BC

258. When Danaus came into Greece, he made himself ruler of Argos and made it abound with
waters. Danaus by his 50 daughters, destroyed the 50 sons of his brother Egyptus except only
his son Lynceus who reigned after him at Argos.

2533 AM, 3243 JP, 1471 BC

259. Busiris the son of Neptunus and Libya the daughter of Epaphus, were joint tyrants in the
area next to the Nile river. He barbarously murdered all strangers who passed that way and fell
into his hands. Ovid. (lib. 3. de Tristi.) asked who was more cruel than Busiris? Virgil, (3.
Georg.) queried who had not heard of Eurystheus' hard heart? The altars by the unworthy
Busiris reared were indeed unworthy to be defended. Much more unworthy he was to have been
commended by any man, which yet was his lot to be, according to Socrates the orator, in his,
Busiridis Encomium. On this (as after him, also Eusebius did) state that he was the son of Libya,
the daughter of Epaphus and Neptunus. Note that this Ramesses, surnamed Myamun, (of whom
I spake, in the year of the world 2427) was by mythological writers, surnamed Neptunus and
was the man who commanded the new born infants of the Hebrews to be drowned. He had two
sons, Amenopis, i.e. Belus of Egypt (the father of Egyptus and Danaus). He was that enemy of
the Almighty God and was drowned in the Red Sea with his army. He had a son Busiris who
was so infamous for butchering strangers, (a fitting offspring for such a father) that succeeded
him. On this from A. Gellio, 1. 15. c. 21. that the poets were inclined to call men who were
barbarous, cruel and devoid of humanity, the sons of Neptune who was born of that merciless
element, the sea.

2543 AM, 3253 JP, 1461 BC

260. According to Eusebius in these times Tat the son of Hermes Trismegistes lived. The
Egyptians say that Sesostris learned his wisdom from this Hermes. (Elian, 1. 12. Var. Histor.
c.4.)

2549 AM, 3259 JP, 1455 BC

261. Cadmus and Phenix went from Thebez in Egypt into Syria and founded the kingdom in
Tyre and Sidon. Eusib. Chron.

2552b AM, 3262 JP, 1452 BC

262. After the Israelites had wandered around the hill country of Seir and Edom for 37 years,
they went from Kadeshbarnea to Eziongaber in Edom. Travelling from the north to the south to
the shore of the Red Sea, God then commanded them to turn northward and march straight for
the land of promise. When the land of Edom lay directly in their way, he ordered them that they
should not fight with the Edomites because they were brothers. God told them how great was his
providence and care toward them in preserving them for 40 years in the wilderness. De 2:1-7 He
used the round number of 40 for the actual time of 39 years.

2552c AM, 3262 JP, 1452 BC

263. In the first month of the 40th year, after they left Egypt, the Israelites came into the
wilderness of Zin and camped there.

33. They camped at Kadesh Nu 20:1 33:36-38 Jud 11:17 of Zin, near the border of Edom, Nu
20:14,15 towards Eziongaber and the Red Sea. This was not at Kadeshbarnea, where they made
their 15th camp and which lay near the border of Canaan, toward the south. Nu 34:4 Jos 15:3

264. Miriam died Nu 21:1 here 4 months before her brother Aaron, and 1 1 months before her
brother Moses. She was the oldest of the three and lived 130 years as appears, Ex 2:4,7 so that
she was a pretty mature maiden when Moses was born. This was noted before upon the year of
the world, 2433. The Jews to this very day keep the memory of her death upon the tenth of the
first month.

265. Again the people complained to Moses and Aaron for lack of water. God commanded to
call water out of the hard rock, only by speaking to it. Through impatience and diffidence to
God's command, Moses spoke something unadvisedly with his lips and struck the rock twice
with Aaron's rod. This was the rod that budded and blossomed. He drew water from it as he had
drawn out of another rock, 37 years earlier. Ex 17:7 For this occasion the place was called
Meribah, or waters of strife. Nu 20:2-13. For it is most likely, that the former water, which
Tertullian called, Aquam Comtiem, the water that followed them, (mentioned in the eleventh
encampment) was swallowed up in the Red Sea. In this second time of want of water, the
children complained just like their fathers did many years before.

266. Moses and Aaron for their diffidence and unbelief in executing the commandment of God

were not allowed to enter into the land of Canaan. Nu 20:23,24 27:14 Ps 106:32,33

267. The Israelites sent messengers to the Edomites and Moabites asking to pass through their
land. They refused to let them pass through their countries, Nu 20:14-20 Jud 11:17 but allowed
them to pass along their borders. De 2:4,6,29 On this occasion, they stayed a while at Kadesh,
Jud 11:17 then went forward again.

34. The 34th camp was in mount Hor, on the borders of Edom, Nu 20:22,23 or Mosera, De 10:6.
To this place the Israelites are said to have come when they left Beeroth Bene Jaakan, or the
wells of the sons of Jaakan, their 28th camp. They camped in Gudgodah, or Horhagidgad,
Jotbath and other places. For it is said, De 10:7 that from there they came to Gudgodah and from
Gudgodah to Jotbathah. These words "from there" are not to be understood of Mosera, but of
Beeroth, as many learned men have long since noted on this passage.

268. The Israelites mourned for Aaron 30 days, Nu 20:29 this is the whole month when he died.

269. On the sixth month, the king of Arad, who dwelt on the southern part of Canaan, after
hearing of the Israelites approach, went and fought against them taking many of them prisoners.
For this they vowed, a vow to God and when they defeated them, they destroyed them and their
cities. Because of this, that place was called Hormah, i.e. the place where that vow was made of
utterly destroying the Canaanites. Nu 31:1-3 33:40

270. They left mount Hor, avoiding the plain country that led from Elath, and Eziongaber and
the Red Sea straight into Edom. They went around Edom and came to the east side of it Nu 21:4
De 2:40 and there they made another camp.

35. They camped at Zalmonah, Nu 33:41 named for the brazen serpent set up there. The people
murmured because of the fierce serpents sent among them by God. (Not a little worm, breeding
in their flesh, as Fortunius Licentus, in his third book, de spontanco Viventium ortu. c. 51.
imagines.) These poisoned them with their bite. They were healed by looking upon the image of
a brazen serpent that God appointed to be set up on a pole. Nu 21:5-9 Jo s 3:14 1 Co 10:9

36. They camped at Punon. Nu 33:42

37. They camped at Oboth. Nu 21:10,33,43

38. They camped at Ijeabarim on the borders of Moab Nu 33:44 in that desert which lies to the
east of Moab Nu 21:11 and is called the desert of Moab. De 2:8 For, they continued their march
through that wilderness and came to the east of Moab. Jud 11:18

271. And when they left there to pass by the valley or brook of Zared, God forbade them to
make war upon Moab. Nu 21:12 De 2:8,13

272. They passed over Zared, 38 years after the sending of their spies from Kadeshbarnea.

273. All those over 20 years old who rebelled against God there, had died. De 2:6

39. They camped at Dibongad Nu 33:45

40. They camped at Almondiblathaim, Nu 33:46 also called Bethdiblathaim, in the wilderness of
Moab. Jer48:22Eze6:14

2553a AM, 3262 JP, 1452 BC

274. When the Israelites were passing the borders of Moab, at Ar and approaching the country
of the Ammonites, God forbade them to make any war upon the Ammonites. De 2:18,19,37 He
commanded them to pass over the river Arnon: which at that time was the boundary between
Moab and Ammon. De 2:24 Nu 21:13 They camped at Arnon and never entered the territory of
Moab. De 2:24 Nu 21:13 Jud 11:18

275. Next they arrived at Beer, where the well was which the princes and nobles of the people,
with Moses their law-giver, had dug with their staves. They came to Matthan, Nahaliel, Bamoth
and the valley, which is in the country of the Moabites, at the entrance of the hill which looks
toward the wilderness Nu 21:16-20 of Kedemoth. De 2:26 Here they camped.

41. They camped at Abarim opposite Nebo. Nu 33:47 As for Maanah and the other places, these
were not camps, as Tremellius observes in Nu 2:12, but only places through which they passed
on their march before Moses sent messengers to the Amorites. The Chaldee paraphrases does
not take them for proper place names, but only as titles. They interpret them of the waters of the
well (as the Rock, ICo 10:4) which followed the Israelites to the brooks and from the brooks to
the mountains and from the mountains to the valley of the Moabites.

276. From the wilderness of Kedemoth Moses sent messengers to Sihon the Amorite, king of
Heshbon. He asked permission to pass peacefully through his borders (as the Edomites and
Moabites had done) because that was a short cut to the fords of Jordan. When he denied them
passage and made war upon them, the Israelites slew Sihon and possessed all his cities and
dwelt in them. De 2:24-36 Nu 21:21-31 Jud 1:19-22

277. Moses sent his spies to Jazer which they conquered with the towns associated with it. They
expelled the Amorites from there, from the river of Arnon which is the bound of Moab, Nu
21:13 22:36 to the brook of Jabbok which divides it from Ammon. De 3:16 Jos 12:2 13:10 They
never meddled with the country lying next to the river Jabbok, neither with any of the lands
belonging at that time to the children of Ammon of Moab, as God had commanded them. De 2:9
9:37 Therefore, 264 years later when the Ammonites complained that the Israelites had taken
their land from Jabbok to Arnon and even to the brooks of the river Jordan, Jephthah correctly
answered them that this was not true. They had not meddled with the lands, either of the
Moabites or the Ammonites. When they had slain Sihon, they took all the lands belonging to the
Amorites, from the river Arnon, to Jabbok, and possessed it as their own inheritance. Jud

1 1:13,15,22,23 It was also true that Sihon king of the Amorites had formerly taken from Vaheb
king of the Moabites, Heshbon and all that country of his to Arnon. Nu 21:14 Also he had taken
from the Ammonites, half their country even to Arnon which lay opposite Rabbah. De 3: 1 1 All
that land belonged formerly to the Ammonites and later was taken from the Amorites and
assigned to the tribe of Gad to dwell in. Jos 13:25

278. When the children of Israel marched on their way to Bashan, Og king of Bashan, one of the
giants, met and fought with them at Edrei. He and all his people were utterly destroyed. The
Israelites possessed all his country which included 60 cities and all the land as far as Argob. De
3:1-11 Nu 21:33-35 Am 2:9

279. Jair, son of Manasseh seized all the country of Argob, stretching to the borders of the
Geshurites and Mahacathites and called them Havothjair, after his own name.Nu 32:41 De 3:14
This Manasseh was the son of Segub, of the tribe of Judah. However, he was counted among the
Manassites both in respect to the inheritance he had among them and also in reference to his
grandmother. She was the daughter of Machir of the tribe of Manasseh. He was the father of
Gilead who bore Segub the father of this Jair, to Hezron when he was 60 years old. ICh 2:21,22
This passage states that this Jair possessed 23 cities in the land of Gilead. He took Geshur and
Aram (according to the best expositors) with the villages of Jair and Kenath with its villages, 60
cities in all. Nobah who was under him took Kenath with its villages and called it Nobah after
his own name. Nu 32:42

280. After these victories the Israelites left the mountains of Abarim. They camped in the plain
of Moab on this side of the ford of Jordan, which led to Jericho from Bethjeshimoth to
Abelshittim, Nu 22:1 33:48,49

42. They camped at Shittim, Nu 25:1 or Abelshittim Nu 33:49. Here they stayed until Joshua
lead them to the bank of Jordan. Jos 3: 1

281. Balak the son of Zippor was the king of Moab. When he saw what the Israelites had done
to the Amorites, he was afraid lest under the pretence of passing through his country, they would
also take his kingdom from him. Therefore, after taking counsel with the princes of the
Midianites who were his neighbours, he sent for Balaam the son of Beor. Balaam was a
soothsayer from Mesopotamia. Balak asked him to come and curse the Israelites and promised
him a large reward for his labour. He intended afterward to make war upon the Israelites. Nu
21:1-6 De 33:4 Jos 24:9

282. Balaam was warned of God and at first refused to come. When he was sent for a second
time, he pleaded with God to let him go and went intending to curse Israel. God was offended
by his intentions and made the dumb ass on which he was riding to speak in a man's voice to
reprove his folly. Nu 22:7-35 2Pe 2:15,16

283. Balaam, offered sacrifices twice and attempted to curse Israel, to gratify Balak but being
forced by the Spirit of God, he instead ended up blessing them. He foretold what good fortune
was with them and what calamities should befall their enemies. Nu 23:1-24:25 De 23:5 Jos
24:10

284. By Balaam's advice, the women of Moab and Midian were sent to turn the Israelites away
and to make them commit idolatry with them. Nu 25:1-3 31:16 De 4:3 Ps 106:28 Re 2:14
Therefore, God commanded Moses, first to hang all the leaders of this rebellion. He then gave
orders to the judges, to put to death all who had joined themselves to Baalpeor. Finally, God
sent a plague upon the people, in which 23,000 men died in one day. ICo 10:8 This number plus
those who were hanged and killed with the sword was 24,000. Nu 25:4,5,9

285. Phinehas the son of Eleazar killed Zimri, the son of Salu, chief of his father's family of the
tribe of Simeon. He also slew Cozbi the daughter of Sur a prince of the Midianites. This
appeased the wrath of God and the plague was ended. Nu 25:1-18 Ps 106:30 Therefore God
assigned for ever the high priesthood to the house of Phinehas. He commanded them to make
war against the Midianites. Nu 25:12,13,17,18

286. God commanded Moses and Eleazar to count the people 20 or more years old. This was
done in the plain of Moab, near to Jordan, opposite Jericho. The number of men was 601,730 in
addition to the Levites. 23,000 Levites were counted who were at least a month or more old.
Moses received God's command for the division of the land of promise among the Israelites. Nu
26:1-63

287. The daughters of Zelophehad had their father's land divided among them because there was
no male heir. Because of this situation, the law of inheritances was made. Nu 11:1-11

288. God told Moses that he was about to die and Joshua was to be his successor. Moses laid his
hands upon him and gave him instructions. Nu 27:12-23 De 3:26-28 Various laws were then
made. De 28:29,30

289. 12,000 of the Israelites lead by Phinehas, defeated the Midianites and slew all their males
including their 5 princes and Sur the father of Cozbi. All were under the subjection of Sihon the
Amorite while he lived. Balaam the wizard was killed when he should have returned into his
country of Mesopotamia. Nu 24:25 Instead he stayed and died with the Midianites. Nu 31:1-8
Jos 13:21,22 From the females, only the virgins were spared. Nu 31:9-54

2553b AM, 3263 JP, 1451 BC

290. The lands which belonged to Sihon and Og, Moses divided and gave to the tribes of
Reuben and Gad and the half tribe of Manasseh. Nu 32:1-42 De 3:12-20 29:8 Jos 13:8-12 22:4
This was from the river Arnon, to mount Hermon (which is also called Shenir and Sirion, and
Sion) and joins upon Anti-Lebanon, De 3:8,9 4:48 Jos 12:1 13:9,11

291. When the Israelites were going into the land of Canaan, God commanded them to drive out
the Canaanites and destroy their idols. Nu 33:50-56 They were to divide the land west of Jordan
among the nine remaining tribes and the other half tribe of Manasseh. Nu 34: 1-29 Of the 48
cities of the Levites and the 6 cities of refuge, Nu 35: 1-34, three were assigned by Moses on the
east of Jordan. De 4:41-43

292. Moses addressed Israel on the 5th day of the 1 1th month (Saturday, February 20th) in the
40th year after their departure out of Egypt in the plain of Moab. This is recorded in De 1:1-
27:26.

293. Moses, with the elders of Israel, commanded the people that after their passage over Jordan
they should set up large stones. These were to be plastered and the ten commandments written
on them. They were to speak the blessings from Mount Gerizim and the curses from Mount
Ebal. De 27:1-26 He exhorted them to observe the law of God by setting before them the
benefits of obedience and the miseries that would happen to them for their disobedience. De

28:1-68

294. God commanded Moses to renew the covenant between God and them, and their children
in mount Horeb. Moses again attempted to persuade them to keep that covenant hedged in by all
the blessings and curses which would accrue to the keepers or breakers of it. De 29:1-29 He
gave a promise of pardon and deliverance, if at any time, when they broke it, they should repent.
He stated that God had declared his will to them so that no one who broke the law should plead
ignorance of the law. De 30:1-20

295. When Moses wrote this law, he gave it to the priests the sons of Levi and the elders of the
people to be observed. When he finished the book of the law, he ordered it to be put in the ark.
De 31:1-30 The same day he wrote his song and taught it to the children of Israel. De 32:1-52

296. Just before Moses died, he blessed every tribe with a prophecy, except the tribe of Simeon.
His last will and testament is contained in De 32:1-52

297. In the 12th month of this year, Moses left the plain of Moab and climbed up Mount Nebo
which was a part of the country of Abarim. From the top of it facing Jericho, he beheld all the
land of promise and then died at the age of 120 years. Nu 27:12,13 De 3:23-29, 32:49,50 34:1-5
31:2-4,7 Of this time he spent 40 years less a month in governing the people of Israel. This is
confirmed by Josephus, in the end of his 4th book of antiquities. He states that Moses died on
the first day of the last month of the year. The Macedonians called the month Dystrus but the
Hebrews called it Adar. This fits better with the account of historians who wrote shortly
thereafter than with the tradition of the Jews of later times. These historians say that he died
upon the 7th of Adar, as in Sedar Olam Rabba, c. 10. in his hryjp book of the death of Moses. In
the preface of Maimonides to the book, called Misnaioth this is mentioned also. In the calendars
of the Jews of this time this appears. They still celebrate the memorial of his death by a solemn
fast on this day.

298. God moved the body of Moses from the place where he died, into a valley of the land of
Moab, opposite Bethpeor and buried him there. No one knows where the grave of Moses is to
this day. De 34:6 This valley was in the land of Sihon king of the Amorites which the Israelites
took from him. De 4:46 Bethpeor was given to the Reubenites. Jos 13:20 Therefore, Moses is
said to have been buried in the land of Moab. Likewise De 29: 1 the covenant is said to have
been renewed in the land of Moab. It is to be understood that this land formerly did belong to
the Moabites but was recently taken from them by Sihon king of the Amorites. Nu 21:26 This
land was now possessed by the Israelites.

299. The archangel Michael Jude 1:9 disputed with the devil over the body of Moses. The Devil
wanted to expose the body that it might become an object of idolatry to the people of Israel.
Chrysostrome in his 1st Homily on Matthew and Thodores, on Deuteronomy, Quest. 43. and
Procopius Gazans, on Deuteronomy and others state this. Though no where do we find that the
Jews ever gave themselves to the worshipping of relics. This dispute between Michael and the
devil about the body of Moses is found in the apocryphal book called "The Assumption of
Moses". We read this in Origen peziazcat, lib 3. c. 2., in Gelasius Cyricenu, in the Acts of the
Council of Nice, part. 1. c. 20. and similar stories are found in xwba of Rabbi Nathan.

300. The Israelites mourned for Moses in the land of Moab, 30 days for the whole 12th month.

De 34:8

301. Here ends the Pentateuch, or the five books of Moses, containing the history of 2552 and a
half years from the beginning of the world. The book of Joshua begins with the 41st year after
the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt.

2553c AM, 3263 JP, 1451 BC

302. The first month.

303. God confirmed the leadership of Joshua. He sent spies from Shittim to the city of Jericho,
which were hidden by Rahab in an inn. These were secretly sent away when they were searched
for. They hid three days in the mountain and then returned to Joshua. Jos 2:1-24

304. Joshua commanded the people that in addition to the manna which had not yet ceased, they
should take other provisions with them. In three days they were to pass over Jordan Jos 1:10,11

305. The next morning, they left Shittim and came to the river Jordan. They camped there that
night. Jos 3:1

306. Three days later they were instructed to provide food for the journey. The people were
commanded to sanctify and prepare themselves to pass over Jordan on the next day. Jos 3:2-5

307. On the 10th day of the first month, (Friday, April 30th), the same day that the Pascal lamb
was to be chosen out of the flock, Joshua (a type of Christ) led the Israelites through the river
Jordan into the promised land of Canaan (a type of that heavenly country.) God divided the
waters and they passed through the river dryshod. Normally in that season, the waters would
overflow the banks. For a memorial of this miraculous passage, Joshua set up twelve stones in
the very channel of Jordan. They took another twelve stones from out of the middle of the river
and set them up at Gilgal, where they next camped. Jos 3:1-4:24

308. The next day, Joshua renewed the use of circumcision in Gilgal, which had been neglected
for 40 years. There the people rested and stayed until they were well again. Jos 5:2-9

309. On the 14th day of the first month (Tuesday, May 4th) in the evening, the Israelites
celebrated their first passover in the land of Canaan. Jos 5:10

310. The next day was passover. (Wednesday, May 5th) They ate of the produce of the land of
Canaan, unleavened bread and roasted grain. The manna stopped the very day after they began
to live off of the produce of the land. Never again did the children of Israel see manna. That year
they lived on the fruits of the land of Canaan. Jos 5: 1 1,12

311. Our Lord Jesus, the Captain of his Father's Host, appeared to Joshua, (the type of Jesus),
before Jericho with a drawn sword in his hand. Jesus there promised to defend his people. Jos
5:13-15

312. The Ark of God was carried around Jericho for seven days. On the 7th day, the walls of
Jericho fell down flat when the priests blew their trumpets. The city was taken and utterly
destroyed. All were killed except for Rahab and her family. Jos 6:1-27 Later she married
Salmon of the tribe of Judah and they had a son called Boaz. Mt 1:5

313. For the sacrilege of Achan God abandoned Israel and they were defeated at Ai. Achan's sin
was determined by the casting of lots and he was found guilty. God was appeased when he and
his family and cattle were stoned and burnt with fire. Jos 7:1-26 Ai was taken by an ambush and
utterly destroyed. 12,000 men of Ai were killed in the battle. Jos 8:1-29

314. According to the law, in Mount Ebal an altar was erected for sacrifices. The ten
commandments were engraved on it. The blessings and cursings were repeated in Mount Ebal
and Mount Gerizim. The book of the law was read to all the people. Jos 8:30-35

315. The kings of Canaan were stirred by this great success of the Israelites. They all united
against Israel except the Gibeonites. These craftily found a way to save their own lives by
making a league with Israel. However later they were assigned to do the work associated with
the house of God. Jos 9:1-27

316. When Adonizedek, king of Jerusalem, with the kings of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish and
Debir heard that Gibeon allied themselves with Israel, they united their forces and besieged
Gibeon. When Joshua raised the siege, he pursued those five kings slaughtering their troops as
far as Azekah and Makkedah. At this time the sun stood still over Gibeon and the moon over the
valley of Ajalon for almost a whole day until the Israelites were fully avenged of their enemies.
Jos 10:1-14 On this account Laurentius Codomannu observes two things:

317. First, since Ajalon was less than a mile west of Gibeon, it is very likely that the moon was
then past the full and close to a new moon.

318. Second, since both those great lights stopped and started together, the astronomical account
of this is not invalidated by this event. Even as in music, the harmony is not broken, nor do the
voices clash if they all rest at the same time and then begin again, each man playing his part
until the end of the piece.

319. The five kings hid themselves in a cave at Makkedah and Joshua commanded the entrance
to be blocked with stones and a guard set up until the enemies were defeated. After the enemies
fled into fortified cities and when all the army was safely returned to Joshua at Makkedah, the
stones were removed. The five kings were taken from the cave and each of the captains of the
host was bidden to put his foot upon their necks. The kings were hung on five trees until evening
and then their bodies were thrown into the same cave and the mouth of the cave blocked with
stones. Jos 10:16,17

320. And thus ended that most busy year of the world, 2553. In the first six months Moses
conquered all that land east of Jordan. The rest of the year Joshua conquered most of the land
west of Jordan. In the middle of the year the manna ceased and the people of Israel began to live
off the food in the land of Canaan.

2554a AM, 3263 JP, 1451 BC

321. From the autumn of this year after the manna stopped, the Israelites began to till the ground
and sow it. This year was to be reckoned the first year of their tillage. The sabbatical years are
reckoned from this year. Ex 23:10,11 Le 25:2-7 De 15:1-9 31:10

322. When the five kings were defeated, all the rest of the kings united and fought against the
Israelites. Joshua fought against them for six years. Jos 11:1-18

2559a AM, 3268 JP, 1446 BC

323. Joshua was now grown old. He was commanded by God to divide all the land west of
Jordan among the nine remaining tribes and the other half tribe of Manasseh. Jos 13:1-7 He first
divided the land of Gilgal, (where the tabernacle of God then was and the army then stayed)
among the tribes of Judah and Ephraim and the half tribe of Manasseh. Jos 14:6 15: 16,17 At this
time Caleb the son of Jephunneh, 45 years after the time that he was sent to spy out the land by
Moses, desired to have Hebron with the mountain countries of Judah. This was assigned to him
for his part in undertaking to expel the Anakims from there. Jos 14:5,10,13

324. Tremellius observed correctly that Joshua did not permit Caleb and his company to take
Hebron alone but he went with the army to take it. When Hebron was conquered, Joshua gave
Caleb the adjoining lands and villages. Joshua set apart the city with its common lands for a city
of refuge and for the priests. Jos 21:11-13 ICh 6:55-57 Neither Hebron or Debir were yet taken
by the Israelites, though both were within the inheritance assigned to Caleb. The Anakims were
not expelled from there. Jos 14:1-15:63 Hence the passages in Jos 10:28-11:23 Jud 1:9-15 seem
to be refer to this place because the subject matter is the same.

325. When the children of Judah and Joseph were settled in their possessions according to their
tribes, a large part of the land of Canaan still remained in the hands of the Gentiles. Before
dividing up more land, Joshua took the army from Gilgal and attacked Makkedah and Libnah
and utterly destroyed the kings and people of both these cities. Jos 10:28-30

326. From there he marched with his army to Lachish and took it after a two day battle. All the
inhabitants were killed. When Horam king of Gezer came to help Lachish, Joshua defeated him
and killed all his people. Joshua then marched to Eglon and took it the same day and killed its
inhabitants. Jos 10:31-35

327. After this Joshua with all Israel went up from Eglon to Hebron and took it. He killed the
new king of it, for the old one was hanged six years before. The inhabitants of Hebron with all
its cities were killed. Jos 10:36,37 Caleb also expelled the three giants, the sons of Anak,
Sheshai, Ahiman and Talmai. Jos 15:14 These giants were among the reasons Israel refused to
enter the land 45 years earlier. Nu 13:22,23

328. Joshua with the army marched from the south of Canaan to Debir, Jos 10:38 which
formerly was called Kirjathsepher. Here Caleb had proclaimed that whoever took it should have
his daughter for a wife. His first cousin Othniel the son of Kenaz took it and married his
daughter Achsah. Her dowry was a piece of land with its springs. Jos 15:15,19 Jud 1:11,15

When Othniel took the city he killed the inhabitants and their new king. The previous king was
hanged with the rest, six years earlier. Jos 10:39

329. Joshua destroyed all the hill country, all the south parts, plain and valley and all their kings,
from Kadeshbarnea, to Gaza and all the country of Goshen, (which was in the lot of the tribe of
Judah) as far as Gibeon. All these kings and all their lands Joshua took at one time in one
expedition for God himself fought for Israel. When this was done, he and the host of Israel
returned to Gilgal. Jos 10:40-43

330. The rest of the kings united their forces and came to the waters of Merom to fight with
Israel. Joshua, in a surprise attack, defeated and slew them. He took all their land Jos 11:1-16
from the mountain which goes to Seir which is the frontier of Edom, to Baalgad in the valley of
Lebanon beside the hill of Hermon. Jos 11:17 12:7

331. Then Joshua expelled the giants, the Anakims from their cities, the hill countries, Hebron,
Debir, Anab and generally from the mountains of Judah and all Israel. Hebron was taken by the
tribe of Judah. Jud 1:10

332. When the whole land was conquered, the next year he divided it among the children of
Israel according to their tribes. The land rested from war. Jos 11:23 14:15

2560a AM, 3269 JP, 1445 BC

333. The first Sabbatical year they kept was the seventh year from the first year when they
began tilling the ground in Canaan. Joshua, a type of Jesus, had brought them into this place of
rest, which was a type of that Sabbath and rest which the true Jesus was to give to God's people.
Heb 4:9 From this time is reckoned the years of Jubilee, which was every fifty years. Le 25:8-13

334. On the 15th day of the month, (Saturday, November 5th) according to the law, the Levites
kept the feast of tabernacles in booths made from boughs of trees. Le 23:39,40 This was done
more solemnly than in the later times of the judges and kings Ne 8:17

335. God was now about to give the Israelites rest from all their enemies around them so that
they could live there securely. It was necessary that a place should be chosen which God himself
would select to place his name there. De 12:10,11 After the whole land was subdued, they came
together at Shiloh and set up the tabernacle of the congregation. Jos 18:1 The tabernacle with the
ark of the covenant stayed there for 328 years. The meaning of the name and the city called
Shiloh seems to be the same place as Salem, for, as ~lf signifies Peace or Rest Ge 34:21 Na 1:12
so also doth hlf Da 4:1. Also the Messiah is thought to have been called Shiloh, Ge 49:10
because not only was he to be peaceable and quiet but also he was the author of our eternal rest
and peace. As well, Melchizedek, the king of Salem, the king of peace Heb 7:2 lived here
according to Jerome in his 126th Epistle to Enagrius. In Jerome's time the city was near the
place where John baptized. Joh 3:23 Ge 33:18 According to Jerome's account and the Septuagint
translation, Shiloh was called Sichem because it was located Jos 24:25,26 18:1 Ge 35:4 Jud 9:6
21:8-19 in the country of the Sichemites.

336. The remaining land was divided among the other seven tribes for their inheritance and the

boundaries were recorded in a book. Jos 18:1-19:51 After the seven nations of the Canaanites
were destroyed, their lands were all distributed among the Israelites.

337. In the year after God's choosing Isaac until now, was about 450 years. Ac 13:17,19,20
Since from the birth of the promised seed Isaac, to this time, are 452 years and from the
rejection of Ishmael, 447. Hence the time was approximately 450 years.

2560d AM, 3270 JP, 1444 BC

338. Out of the land from both sides of the Jordan 48 cities were selected for the inheritance of
the Levites. 6 of these were made cities of refuge. Sanctuaries were made there where those who
had not committed wilful murder might flee for protection. Jos 20:1-21:45 The Israelites now
possessed the land promised to their fathers. God gave them rest and peace on every side
according to all that he had sworn to their fathers. Jos 21:43,44 The companies of the
Reubenites, Gadites and the half tribe of Manasseh that came over the Jordan to help their
brethren conquer the land, returned to their possessions on the other side of the Jordan. Jos 22:4
1:12-15 Nu 32:21,22

339. On their return journey, they came to Gilead at the passage of Jordan, in the borders of the
land of Canaan. There they built a large altar. The other tribes thought they intended to revolt so
they resolved to make war against these two tribes. They sent Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the
high priest, with ten other princes of the people, to find out why the alter was built. When they
understood that the altar was not built to offer sacrifices but only a memorial and as a token of
the fellowship which they had with the rest of the tribes of Israel, they changed their minds and
did not fight with them. Jos 22:1-34

2561 AM, 3271 JP, 1443 BC

340. Joshua built the city of Timnathserah in mount Ephraim where he lived for many years
after God had given rest to Israel. Like Joseph, he lived to the age of 1 10 years Ge 50:26 and
was buried in Timnathserah. Jos 23:1 24:29,30

2591dAM, 3301 JP, 1413 BC

341. After the death of Joshua and the elders who outlived him, the disorders happened that are
recorded in Jud 17:1-21:25. These were the idolatry of Micah and the children of Dan and the
war of the Benjamites and its causes. This was a time of anarchy, ever man doing what seemed
right in his own eyes. The elders who died were less than 20 years old when they came out of
Egypt. They were eye-witnesses to all that God had done. However the next generation forgot
God and married the Canaanites and worshipped their idols. God was angry and gave them into
the hands of Cushan, king of Mesopotamia. This was the first calamity of theirs and lasted eight
years. Jud 2:7 3:6-8

2599d AM, 3309 JP, 1405 BC

342. Othniel, the son of Kenaz and son-in-law to Joshua, Jos 15:17 Jud 1:31 of the tribe of Judah
was raised up by God to judge and avenge his people. He defeated Cushan and delivered the

Israelites from their bondage. And the land had rest 40 years, after the first rest which Joshua
procured for them. Jud 3:9-1 1

2609a AM, 3318 JP, 1396 BC

343. The first Jubilee was celebrated in the land of Canaan in the 49th year.

(Note, a jubliee year fell on the seventh sabbatical year and occurred every 49 years. In Le 25:8-
10 it says the jubliee was in the 50th year. Also a jubilee and sabbatical year started in the
autumn. Le 25:9 If a jubilee occurred every 50 years, the text would have to say in the 51st year.
If a child is one year old, is in his second year. Likewise if a man is 49 years old, he is in his
50th year. In /APC IMa 6:49 it says that this was a sabbatical year. From the associated text we
know that year was 163 BC. If the sabbatical and jubliee cycle was 50 years long, 163 BC
would not be a sabbatical year. Likewise Josephus stated that 37 BC was a sabbatical year when
Herod captured Jerusalem. This would not have been the case if the cycle was 50 years long and
not 49. This confirms the accuracy of Ussher's work. See note on 3841d AM «3482». See
note on 3967b «4959» Editor.)

2658a AM, 3367 JP, 1347 BC

344. The second Jubilee.
2661d AM, 3371 JP, 1343 BC

345. After Othniel died, the Israelites again sinned against God and were delivered into the
hands of Eglon, king of Moab. He along with the Ammonites and Amalekites, defeated the
Israelites and took Jericho. This was their second oppression and it lasted for 18 years. Jud 3:12-
14

2679b AM, 3389 JP, 1325 BC

346. Just before the tribe of Benjamin was almost entirely wiped out, God raised up Ehud, the
son of Gera a Benjamite, to avenge his people. While feigning a message to Eglon from God, he
stabbed him in the belly with his dagger and left him dead in his own dining room. After he
escaped he gathered all Israel together in Mount Ephraim and slew 10,000 valiant men of Moab.
And the land had rest 40 years; after the former rest and deliverance by Othniel. Jud 3:15,30

347. Later, Shamgar, the son on Anath, also avenged Israel by killing 600 Philistines with an Ox
goad.

2682 AM, 3392 JP, 1322 BC

348. Belus the Assyrian reigned over the Assyrians in Babylon, for 55 years, saith Jul.
Africanus.

2699d AM, 3409 JP, 1305 BC

349. After the death of Ehud, the Israelites sinned again. God gave them up into the hand of
Jabin of Canaan who reigned in Hazor. Jabin had 900 chariots of iron and oppressed Israel for
20 years. Jud 4:1-3

2707a AM, 3416 JP, 1298 BC

350. The 3rd Jubilee.

2719d AM, 3429 JP, 1285 BC

351. Deborah, the wife of Lapidoth, a prophetess, judged Israel at that time in mount Ephraim.
Barak of the tribe of Naphtali, son of Abinoam, was made captain of the host of Israel. In a fight
at Megiddo, they defeated Sisera, who was captain of Jabin's army. Jabin was killed by Jael the
wife of Heber the Kenite. She did this in her own tent by hammering a nail into the temples of
Jabin's head. Deborah wrote a song in memorial of that victory, and the land rested 40 years,
after the former rest restored by Ehud, Jud 4:1-5:31

2737 AM, 3447 JP, 1267 BC

352. Ninus, the son of Belus, founded the Assyrian Empire. This empire continued in Asia for
520 years. Herod in his first book, c. 95. affirms this and Appian Alexander in the beginning of
his work follows the same account. However, Dionysius Halicarnassus, who is known for
diligent research into such matters, in his first book of Antiquities, says, that they had a very
small part of Asia under their command. Diodorus Siculus in his Bibliotheca, reports that Ninus,
joined with Arieus king of Arabia and possessed all Asia and ruled India and Bactria for 17
years. Finally, he took in the Bactrians with their king Zoroastres. Justin writes of him, from
Trogus Pompeius, in book 1.

vv When Ninus had conquered his adjacent neighbours, he added their forces to his own. By this
he became stronger still to conquer the next enemy. Every victory was a step to another and by
this means, he subdued all the people of the east. His last war was with Zoroastoes king of
Bactria. This king is said to have been the first to find out the art of magic and to have most
diligently looked into the nature of the world and the motion of the stars. Ninus slew him and
died later after this."

353. Julius Africanus and Eusebius say, that he reigned 52 years.
2752d AM, 3462 JP, 1252 BC

354. The Israelites sinning again, were delivered into the hands of the Midianites. This fourth
oppression lasted 7 years. Jud 6:1

2756a AM, 3465 JP, 1249 BC

355. The 4th Jubilee.

2759d AM, 3469 JP, 1245 BC

356. When the Israelites fell into this fourth bondage, they cried to God for help and were
reproved by a prophet. Then was Gideon of Manasseh, son of Joash the Abiezrite chosen to
deliver them by an angel sent from God. By God's command, he overturned the altar of Baal and
burnt its grove. As a result of the strife between him and the people, he was called Jerubbaal and
Jerubbesheth. Jud 6:32 2Sa 11:21. From 32,000 volunteers, he selected 300 men according to
God's criteria. Gideon and these men equipped with their trumpets, pitchers and torches so
frightened the Midianites, that he put to flight all their host. After this the Ephraimites pursued
them and slew their princes, Oreb and Zeeb. After this Gideon first pacified the Ephraimites,
who complained that they were not called to the battle at first. Then he passed the river Jordan
and defeated the remainder of the Midianitish army. He chastised also the men of Succoth and
Penuel who had refused him provisions for his journey. He slew the two kings of the Moabites,
Zebah and Zalmunna. After these great victories, he refused the Israelites offer to make him and
his posterity king. Using the enemies golden earrings he made an ephod. Later, this led them to
fall into idolatry. After the Midianites were conquered, the land had rest 40 years, after the
former rest restored to them by Deborah and Barak Jud 6:1-8:28

2768d AM, 3478 JP, 1236 BC

357. As soon as Gideon was dead, the Israelites fell into idolatry and worshipped Baalberith for
their god. Jud 8:33 Abimelech the son of Gideon, (born by his concubine from Sichem)
purposed to be king and slew 70 of his brothers all upon one stone. Jud 9:15,18,24,56

2769d AM, 3479 JP, 1235 BC

358. When Abimelech was made king with the Sichemites' help, Jotham the youngest son of
Gideon, having escaped Abimelech's clutches, challenged them from the top of the mount
Gerizim, about the wrong they had done to his father's house. By way of a parable he prophesied
their ruin and then fled from there and dwelt quietly in Beeroth. Jud 9:1-57

2771d AM, 3481 JP, 1233 BC

359. After Abimelech reigned over the Israelites three years, Gaal, a man of Sichem, made a
conspiracy against him. When Zebul discovered this, the city of Sichem was utterly destroyed
and sowed with salt. The inhabitants were all killed and the temple of their god Beeroth was
burnt with fire. From there Abimelech went to besiege Thebez. He was hit on the head with a
piece of a millstone thrown by a woman and then he was killed by his own armour bearer, Jud
9:50-54 2Sa 11:21

2772a AM, 3481 JP, 1233 BC

360. After Abimelech, Tola, the son of Puah, of the tribe of Issachar, judged Israel 23 years. Jud
10:1,2

2781 AM, 3491 JP, 1223 BC

361. After the Atyadans first reigned in Sardis, Argon, the son of Ninus reigned. His posterity
held the kingdom of Lydia for 505 years or 22 generations. Each son succeeded his father to the
throne until Candaules the son of Myrsus. Herod. 1. I.e. 7.

2789 AM, 3499 JP, 1215 BC

362. Semiramis, the daughter of Derces, was wife first of Menon and later of Ninus. Diodorus
Siculus in the second book of his Bibliotheca states that she reigned for 42 years over all Asia
except India and lived 62 years. From Cresias Cnidius describes at length her noble acts
especially against Strabrobates king of India. From Megasthenes, who writes expressly of the
Indian affairs, as we find in Strabo, 1. 15. and from Arrians in his book De Indicus said that she
died before she ever came into India. Herod. 1. I.e. 184. reports that she cast up huge works
round about Babylon. Formerly the river (Euphrates) overflowed all the lower parts it. Justin
also, speaking of Semiramis in 1. 10. out of Trogus Pompeius, says this:

vv She built Babylon and walled it round with bricks, laying the stones with brimstone, instead of
sand. This brimstone erupts naturally from the earth everywhere in that area. This queen did
many other very memorable acts. Not content to keep her husband's conquests, she added
Ethiopia to her dominions and she also made war on India. She was the first to enter India and
Alexander the great the next."

363. All other writers agree with Dionysius also, that Bacchus, is reported to have conquered
India. It was Diodorus and Troghus, who falsely reported that this queen enclosed Babylon with
a wall of brick. Stabo also, in his 2nd and 16th books of his Geography is refuted by the sacred
history of Ge 11:1-32 and Eupolemus. It was Nebuchadnezzar and his daughter-in-law, Nectoris
who built the wall of Babylon many ages after. Eupolemus states in his book, pri tofdaiwt
AssisicxA in Eusibius, 1. 9. Preparat. Evangel.

vv It was first built by those, which escaped the deluge"

364. Erranius mentiones by Stephanus Bysantinus, in his book, de Vrbibus, in the word of
Babylon: and Eustatius in Dionys. Perieg. p. 126. noting, that Babylon was built 1002 years
before Semiramis was born. If he had said 1022 years, this date would nearly agree with the
Babylonish calendar sent from there by Calisthenes, out of Porphyrie, in the year of the world,
1770. The same Porphyrie also, 1. 4. cont. Christianos, was cited by Eusebius. 1. 1. Prepar.
Evangel. Eusebius spoke of Sancuniathon Berution, a most ancient writer, about the beginning
of the Phoenicians, who said he took his argument from Hierombal or Jerubbaal from the year of
the world 2759. This Jerubbaal (Gideon) was a priest of Jevo, that is Jehovah, the God of the
Jews, whose history was dedicated to Abibalus, king of the Berutians. Eusebius states further,
that this Sancuniathon, lived in the days of Semiranis, Queen of the Assyrians who is said to
have been before the Trojan wars at that time. This agrees with my account allowing her to have
lived after the war of Troy by eleven years.

2790d AM, 3500 JP, 1214 BC

365. Eli, the priest was born, for he died at the age of 98 years, ISa 14: 15 in the year of the
world 2888.

2795a AM, 3504 JP, 1210 BC

366. After Tola died, he was buried at Shamir, in mount Ephraim. Jair a Gileadite from the tribe
of Manasseh, succeeded him. Beyond Jordan, Jair judged Israel for 22 years Jud 10:1-3. Jair's
son took the cities of Argob, naming them Havothjair Nu 32:41 De 3:14 after whose example,
the thirty sons of this second Jair; (who, to distinguish him from the former, ISa 12:11 ICh 7:17
seems to have been surnamed Bedan by the 30 cities which they possessed by the name of
Havothjair. Jud 10:4

2799a AM, 3508 JP, 1206 BC

367. Because the Israelites forsook God and worshipped the gods of other nations, God gave
them up into the hands of the Philistines and the Ammonites. This was their fifth oppression
lasting 18 years. Jud 10:8 The bondage ended in victory over the Ammonites when Jephthah
began his rule over Israel.

2805a AM, 3514 JP, 1200 BC

368. The fifth Jubilee.
2816d AM, 3526 JP, 1 188 BC

369. During the 8th year of their slavery, the enemies defeated the Israelites, who lived beyond
Jordan. The Ammonites passed over the river and attacked Judah, Benjamin and Ephraim,
whom the Philistines had already crushed. The Israelites called on God and were grievously
rebuked by him. However, they showed their repentance by abandoning their idols and obtained
mercy. Jud 10:8

2817a AM, 3526 JP, 1188 BC

370. Jair died and was buried at Camon.Jud 10:5

37 1 . That same year the Ammonites camped in Gilead. The Israelites camped in Mizpah, which
is also in Gilead. Jud 10:17 11:11 Jephthah the Gileadite was called to be captain of the host of
Israel by the men of Gilead. He made war upon the Ammonites and subdued them. He vowed to
God that if God would give him the victory, he would offer as a burnt offering whatever came
from his house to meet him. His daughter was unaware of the vow and greeted him first. She
was offered as a burnt offering to God. Jephthah also killed 42,000 Ephraimites, who behaved
themselves insolently against him. He judged Israel 6 years. Jud 11:1-12:7

2820c AM, 3530 JP, 1184 BC

372. Troy was destroyed by the Greeks 408 years before the first Olympiad.
2823d AM, 3533 JP, 1181 BC

373. When Jephthah was dead and buried in Gilead, Ibzan, the Bethlehemite, judged Israel 7
years. Jud 12:7-9

2830a AM, 3539 JP, 1 175 BC

374. Ibzan died and was buried at Bethlehem. Elon the Zebulonite succeeded him and judged
Israel 10 years. Jud 12:10,11

2831 AM, 3541 JP, 1173 BC

375. When Semiramis tried to lay carnally with her son, he killed her. She had ruled for 42 years
after Ninus. Justin 1. I.e. 2. Although it seems incredible that a woman of 62 years of age would
commit such an act of incest, St. Austin, 1. 18 de Civita. Dei, seemed to believe it. More about
Semiramis and her death can be read in Diodor. Sicu. 1. 2. Biblio.

376. Semiramis' son, Ninus or Ninyus was content with the empire which his parents had and
laid aside all cares of military affairs. Ninus was very effeminate in that he seldom kept
company with men. He spent most of his years in the company of women and eunuchs. Justin. 1.
1. c. 2. out of Tragus, Diodor. Sic. 1. 2. and Atheneus 1. 12. out of Cresias; 1. 3. Persicorum.

2840a AM, 3549 JP, 1165 BC

377. Elon died and was buried at Ajalon in the tribe of Zebulun. Abdon the Ephraimite, the son
of Hillel the Pirathonite succeeded him. He judged Israel 8 years. Jud 12:12-14

2848a AM, 3557 JP, 1 157 BC

378. When Abdon died he was buried at Pirathon in mount Ephraim. Jud 12:15 After him came
Eli who judged Israel 40 years. ISa 4: 18 He was also the high priest. This high priesthood was
transferred from the descendants of Eleazar to Ithamar. When Israel sinned again, God delivered
them into the hands of the Philistines for the next 40 years. Jud 13:1 This was the Israelites'
sixth oppression which we think ended seven months after the death of Eli when the Ark was
brought back again. Hence, it was about the beginning of the third month, called Sivan, when
Eli began to judge Israel.

2848dAM, 3558 JP, 1156 BC

379. An angel appeared to the wife of Manoah of the tribe of Dan at Zorah. He told her that she,
though barren, would conceive and bear a son. This child would be a Nazarite who would begin
to deliver Israel out of the hands of the Philistines. Jud 13:5

2849b AM, 3559 JP, 1155 BC

380. As foretold by the angel, Samson the Nazarite was born at Zorah. Jud 13:24,25 It seems he
was conceived after their 40 years oppression had begun by the Philistines. Jud 13:1-5 He
avenged the Israelites of the Philistines for 20 years.Jud 15:20 Obviously, Samson's birth could

not have happened later unless he was judging Israel before he was 18 years old which seems
unlikely.

2854a AM, 3563 JP, 1151 BC

381. The sixth Jubilee.
2867d AM, 3577 JP, 1137 BC

382. While Eli was executing the office of a judge in civil causes, under the Philistines, Samson
picked a quarrel against him because he was engaged to marry a woman of Timnah. Samson had
begun to judge the Israelites at the age of 22. Jud 14:4 On the day of his betrothal, he had killed a
lion with his bare hands. He made a bet at the wedding feast and propounded a riddle to the
guests. When he had lost, because his wife had told them what the meaning of the riddle was, in
a rage he went and slew 30 men of Askelon. He gave these wedding guests the suits of clothing
which he had stript off their bodies to fulfil the terms of the wager and returned home to his
father.

2868c AM, 3578 JP, 1136 BC

383. At harvest time, Samson went to present his wife with a kid, at her father's house, but found
that she had been given away to another man in marriage. He then sought revenge by catching
300 foxes and tying fire brands to their tails. He turned them all loose into the Philistines grain
fields, vineyards and olive gardens, setting them all ablaze. The Philistines were very angry so
they took Samson's wife and father-in-law and burned them to death. In revenge, Samson killed
a great multitude of them and sat down upon the rock of Etam. From there 3000 Jews arrested
him and delivered him to the Philistines. He then killed a 1000 of these Philistine men with the
jawbone of an ass. When Samson prayed in that place called Lehi, God opened a hole in the
jawbone and from it came a fountain of water. This fountain was called Enhakkore meaning the
fountain of him which called upon God. With the water from this fountain, he refreshed himself
because he was thirsty and ready to faint. Jud 15:1-20

2887c AM, 3597 JP, 1117 BC

384. Delilah, Samson's concubine, betrayed him by cutting his hair, the symbol of his Nazarite
vow and delivered him to the Philistines. They plucked out his eyes and carried him away
prisoner to Gaza. They put him in prison there binding him with chains of brass. In prison his
hair grew again and his strength was renewed. He pulled down the temple of Dagon while the
princes of the Philistines and a great multitude of the people were in it. More men were killed
when the temple fell, including himself, than he had slain in all his lifetime. He was buried with
his father, between Zoar and Eshtaol, when he had judged Israel for 20 years. Jud 16:30,31

2888dAM, 3598 JP, 1116 BC

385. The Israelites took courage by this great loss of the Philistines and gathered together to
camp near Ebenezer (named by the prophet Samuel, when twenty years later the Philistines were
overthrown by him in the very same place). ISa 7:12 There the Israelites lost 4,000 men. When

they sent for the ark of the covenant from Shiloh to be brought into the camp, the Philistines saw
all that was at stake. During that battle the Philistines encouraged one another lest they said:

"we be forced hereafter to live in slavery under the Hebrews as they have been under us."

386. In that second battle, 30,000 Israelites were killed. The ark of God was taken by the
Philistines and Hophni and Phinehas, the two priests and the sons of Eli were slain there. When
Eli heard the news, he fell off his chair backwards and broke his neck (for he was very fat). His
daughter-in-law also, the wife of his son Phinehas went into labour because she was pregnant
and she delivered a son, called Ichabod and died. ISa 4:1-22 When the Philistines took the ark
of God, they carried it to Ashdod and placed it in the temple of their god Dagon.

387. Twice Dagon was found grovelling before the ark on the ground. Some of the inhabitants
of the place died of the plague and some were struck with filthy emerods in their secret parts. Ps
78:66 They moved the ark from there first to the Gittites and later to the Ekronites. However, the
same plagues occurred wherever it went. After seven months, by the advice of their priests, the
Philistines sent the ark home again with gifts into the land of the Israelites. About the beginning
of the third month, during wheat harvest time 50,070 men of Bethshemesh were killed for
looking inside the ark. ISa 5:1-6:1,13-19 From there the ark was moved and carried to the house
of Aminadab in Gibeah atthe Hill of the city of Kirjathjearim. ISa 7: 1,2, 2Sa 6:3,4 This place
was inhabited by the tribe of Judah and was also called Baalah and Kirjathbaal. ICh 13:6 Jos
15:9,60 However, all this time the tabernacle where God was worshipped, stayed at Shiloh in
the tribe of Ephraim. Jud 18:31 ISa 14:3

2894c AM, 3604 JP, 1 1 10 BC

388. Barzillai the Gileadite was born, for he was 80 years of age, when Absalom rebelled
against David. 2Sa 19:35

2903a AM, 3612 JP, 1 102 BC

389. The seventh Jubilee.
2908c AM, 3618 JP, 1096 BC

390. For 20 years after the ark came to Kirjathjearim, ISa 7:2 the Israelites were grievously
oppressed by the Philistines. Finally being persuaded by Samuel, they returned to the Lord after
they abandoned all their idols. They came together at Mizpah where they are said to have drawn
water to have drawn tears from the bottom of their hearts and to have poured them out before
the Lord. ISa 7:6 This perhaps symbolized some external effusion or pouring forth of water to
signify their inward repentance and mourning for their sins. 2Sa 14:14 Some would understand
this of the repentants themselves. Ge 35:2 Ex 19:14 After their repentance, God immediately
delivered the people of the Israelites from the invasion of the Philistines. ISa 7:10 Jos 10: 10,1 1
God sent a terrible thunder which terrified the Philistines. They abandoned all the cities of the
Israelites which they held formerly. ISa 7:14 Several small garrisons were left in only a few
places. ISa 10:5 No more did they come to invade their borders because they saw that the hand
of the Lord was against them all the days of Samuel until Saul became king. ISa 7: 12 However

after Saul became king, they returned again and oppressed Israel. When Samuel was old he
made his two sons to be judges over Israel at Beersheba. They did not serve the Lord like their
father but perverted judgment for rewards and bribes. ISa 8:1-3 He did not retire completely for
from the passage ISa 7:15-17 it appears that he continued judging the people by himself to his
dying day.

2909c AM, 3619 JP, 1095 BC

391. Because Samuel's sons were taking bribes and perverting justice, the Israelites began to
make light of Samuel's leadership which troubled him and offended God. ISa 8:6-8 The
Israelites were disgusted by the excessive behaviour of Samuel's sons and requested that they
should have a king as other nations had. ISa 8:4,5 In additions to this, the Philistines still had
some garrisons in their land. Nahash, king of the Ammonites had also assembled men in
preparation for war against them. This caused them great fear so they resolved to no longer rely
on Samuel's wisdom, or on the power of God, who had up to that time been their king and
avenger. In spite of the fact that they had expelled the Philistines out of their land, they still
expressed their desire to have a king. ISa 12:12,17,19 Though God was angered by their request
he gave them a king Ho 13: 10, 1 1 whose name was Saul, the son of Kish, of the tribe of
Benjamin. Saul reigned for 40 years. Ac 13:21 Saul's son Ishbosheth was 40 years old when he
succeeded his father in the kingdom. 2Sa 2:10 Ishbosheth is said to have been born when Saul
was anointed king. Saul was first anointed privately and afterward publicly before all the people
at Mizpah by Samuel. It was 21 years since the death of Eli ISa 7:2 that Samuel had judged
Israel. ISa 10:1,24,25 About 1 month later,lSa 12:12,16 (as the Septuagint and Jospehus, lib. 6.
Antiquis. records) Jabeshgilead was besieged by Nahash king of the Ammonites. This siege was
lifted by Saul when he defeated the Ammonites. The whole congregation of Israel came together
at Gilgal and Saul was again proclaimed king there. ISa 11:14,15 Samuel however, questioned
Saul's sincerity in fulfilling his royal position and complained of the wrong that had been done
him. Samuel called upon God to send thunder and rain which terrified the people. Then he
comforted them with the promises of God's mercies. ISa 12:17 This appears to have happened
during their wheat harvest season, around the time of the feast of Pentecost, in the beginning of
the third month, 21 years after the ark arrived from the country of the Philistines. 1 Sam 6:13 It
seems that a full 20 years passed between the bringing back of the ark and the subduing of the
Philistines. ISa 7:2,13 and that one year passed between the expelling of the Philistines from out
of Israel and Saul's anointing as king. As ISa 13:1 states in the Hebrew:

vv Saul was the son of one year when he reigned; and he reigned two years over Israel."

392. Hence, Saul reigned for two years; free from the subjection of the Philistines.
2911c AM, 3621 JP, 1093 BC

393. The Philistines attacked Israel and took them captive. Saul shook off their yoke and
recovered his kingdom again from their hands. ISa 14:47 War with the Philistines continued
many years during Saul's reign. Since the war began eight years before David was born, before
it ended Samuel prophesied of David succeeding the throne after Saul. The Lord hath sought
him a man according to his own heart, and God hath commanded him to be ruler over his
people, ISa 13:14 The Philistines took from them all their smiths so they would have no
weapons to fight with or no one to make them. Hence, when the day of battle came only Saul

and his son Jonathan had weapons. ISa 13:19-22
2919c AM, 3629 JP, 1085 BC

394. David was born to Jesse the Ephrathite in his old age.lSa 17:12 David was the youngest of
eight sons born to Jesse. Bethlehem was called the City of David ISa 20:6 Lu 2:4 30 years
before he succeeded Saul in the kingdom. 2Sa 5:4 ISa 16:1

2941c AM, 3651 JP, 1063 BC

395. God had rejected Saul and his family from the kingdom. After mourning a long time about
this, Samuel was sent by God to Bethlehem to anoint David as king. This occurred 40 years
before the rebellion of Absalom. ISa 16:1 2Sa 15:7 David was a handsome looking lad who was
called away from shepherding his father's sheep. ISa 16:12 Because David was preferred before
his older brothers and being anointed in their presence,lSa 16:13 they were envious of him.lSa
17:28 David's brothers were as envious of him as Joseph's brother's were of him. He was also
made king over Judah at the same age that Joseph was made ruler over Egypt. Ge 41:46 2Sa 5:4
From the day of his anointing, the Spirit of God came upon him giving him his courage and
wisdom. ISa 18:5,13 2Sa 5:2 As a result of this, while Saul lived, he was made general over all
Israel and became a great warrior to fight the Lord's battles. ISa 25:28 He became known as a
prophet and the sweet Singer of Israel who by his divine Psalms would teach and instruct the
people of God. Ac 2:30 2Sa 23: 1,2

396. Mephibosheth (or Meribbaal) ICh 8:34 9:40 the son of Jonathan was born five years before
the death of his father 2Sa 4:4

2944c AM, 3654 JP, 1060 BC

397. David feared that he might at last fall into Saul's hands, so he fled to king Achish in Gath
taking 600 men with him. ISa 21:10 Achish gave him the town of Ziklag to dwell in and he
lived there for one year and four months in the land of the Philistines.

2948a AM, 3657 JP, 1057 BC

398. From there he attacked and killed all the Geshurites, Gezrites and the Amalekites, leaving
no one alive to carry news of the slaughter to king Achish. ISa 27:1-12

2948c AM, 3658 JP, 1056 BC

399. While David was at Ziklag, many who were relatives of Saul came to stay with him. Also
many valiant men of the tribe of Benjamin, the tribe of Gad and various good soldiers came over
Jordan to him in the first month when it overflowed all its banks. They were accompanied by
many other captains and commanders of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah. ICh 12:1,15,18

2949c AM, 3659 JP, 1055 BC

400. King Achish planned to invade the Israelites with his Philistine army. He took David along
with him.lSa 28:1,2 While David was on the march with his 600 men, he gathered a number of
others from the tribe of Manasseh who joined him.lCh 12:19 The Philistines were then
encamped at Shunem and the Israelites were in Gilboa. ISa 28:4

401. When Saul saw the army of the Philistines, he became afraid and sought counsel from the
Lord. Receiving no answer by a dream, or by Urim, or by his prophets, he went to Endor by
night to consult with a witch. When she conjured up a vision of Samuel, Saul received the
dreadful message, God shall deliver Israel, together with thyself, into the hands of the
Philistines; and tomorrow, thou and thy children shall be with me ISa 28:5,6,19 ICh 10:13,14

402. While David was away on his march, the Amalekites took Ziklag, plundered it and burnt it.
They carried away David's two wives Ahinoam of Jezreel and Abigail, the widow of Nabal,
along with the rest of the wives and children of his men.lSa 30:1-31

403. When Saul returned the same night from the witch, the Israelites moved to the fountain of
Jezreel and the Philistines went to Aphek. The princes of the Philistines became jealous of
David so he and his men left their army early the next morning and returned to Ziklag. The
Philistines in the interim marched up to Jezreel to fight with the Israelites. ISa 29:1,3,10,11 It
seems that Saul and his sons were not slain the next day after his communication with the
apparition of Samuel (since all that day David was with the army of the Philistines) but Saul's
death occurred some while after David's departure from them.

404. When David was returning to Ziklag, there came to him seven captains of the Manassites.
ICh 12:20,21 They had arrived three days later, and found the town plundered and consumed
with fire. The last 200 of his company were tired of marching and rested at the brook Besor.
With the other 400 David followed after the Amalekites, overtook them. The battle lasted from
the twilight of the first day to the evening of the next. They recovered all that was lost and
returned home with joy.lSa 30:1-31

405. The host of Israel were soundly trounced. The three sons of Saul, Jonathan, Abinadab and
Melchishua were also killed. Saul and his armourbearer fell on their own swords. The following
day the Philistines took off the head of Saul and hung up his armour in the temple of their idol
Ashtaroth. His body and the bodies of his three sons were also left to hang on the walls of
Bethshemesh. However, the men of Jabeshgilead remembered the deed of valour which Saul
had done for them at the beginning of his reign. They stole away their bodies from there and
burnt them. They buried their bones under an oak at Jabesh and fasted for them for seven days.
ISa 31:1-13 ICh 10:1-14

406. Mephibosheth, was the son of Jonathan who was now dead. When his nurse heard the news
of his death she ran away with Mephibosheth. Because she was very afraid and in a great haste,
he fell out of her arms and became lame in his feet ever since. 2Sa 4:4

407. When David returned from the slaughter of the Amalekites, three days later he heard of the
defeat of the army of the Israelites. A boy of the Amalekites who was in the fight told him and
brought Saul's crown and bracelet which he had removed from Saul's body. 2Sa 1:1-16 From
this news, though quickly brought to David, it is inferred that the defeat in Gilboa happened a
number of days after David left the Philistine army. This was not unusual that the battle was so

delayed. Much later the Syrians camped against the Israelites at the same place at Aphek and
waited seven days before fighting with them. IKi 21:20,26,29

408. David executed the Amalekite who claimed to have slain Saul. In a funeral song, he praised
Saul, Jonathan and God's people 2Sa 1:13-27 Companies of the Israelites' army flocked daily to
him. ICh 12:22 He asked counsel of God before he went up to Hebron with his men and their
families. Here he was anointed king by the men of his own tribe at the age of 30. He reigned
over Judah for 7 years and 6 months. 2Sa 2: 1-4,1 1 5:4,5

409. Abner, the former captain of Saul's army, took Ishbosheth, Saul's son to Mahanaim and
there he made him king over the rest of Israel. Ishbostheth was 40 years old and reigned two
years over Israel 2Sa 2:8-10 He had two years of peace with the house of David, just as his
father's two year reign ISa 13:1 referred to two years of peace with the Philistines. See note on
2909c A.M.

410. David sent messengers to the men of Jabeshgilead and thanked them for the kindness
which they had showed to King Saul. He informed them that he was now king over Judah. 2Sa
2:5-7 To strengthen himself, he made an alliance with Talmai, king of Geshur and secured it by
marrying his daughter, Maacah. She bore him Absalom and Thamar. 2Sa 3:3 13:1

2951c AM, 3661 JP, 1053 BC

41 1. After the two years of peace with Ishbosheth, there was a long war between his people and
the people of David. Joab the son of Zeruiah, David's sister's son, headed up David's side and
Abner the other side. Many battles and skirmishes happened. David's side grew stronger and
stronger and Ishbosheth's side became weaker. 2Sa 2:26-3:1

2952a AM, 3661 JP, 1053 BC

412. The eighth Jubilee.
2956d AM, 3666 JP, 1048 BC

413. When Abner was disgracefully used by Ishbosheth, he revolted and sided with David. He
arranged with the chief men and heads of Israel to transfer the whole kingdom to David. ISa
25:44 2Sa 3:6-21

414. When David fled from Saul, ISa 19:12 his wife Michal was given by Saul in marriage to
Phaltiel. David demanded that Ishbosheth send her back. ISa 25:44 2Sa 3:14,15

415. When Abner came with 20 men to David, he was well received and given a feast. When he
returned from David in peace, he treacherously slain by Joab. David made a great mourning and
lamentation over him and he was buried at Hebron. 2Sa 3:17-39

416. All Israel was troubled by the death of Abner. Baanah and Rechab, of the tribe of Benjamin
murdered Ishbosheth when he was resting on his bed in the heat of the day. They brought his
head to David and he had them executed. 2Sa 4:1-12

417. The captains and elders of all the tribes came to Hebron and anointed David king over
Israel for the third time. ICh 12:23-40 11:1-3 2Sa 5:1-3

2957a AM, 3666 JP, 1048 BC

418. David with all Israel marched to Jerusalem against the Jebusites. By Joab's valiant actions
they captured the fort of Zion. Henceforth it was called the city of David, just as Bethlehem, his
birthplace, was called. He made Jerusalem the capital of the kingdom and reigned over all Israel
for 33 years. 2Sa 5:5-7,9 ICh 11:4-7

2957c AM, 3667 JP, 1047 BC

419. When the Philistines heard that David was made king over all Israel by every tribe, they led
their army twice against him at the valley of Rephaim and were beaten both times. 2Sa 5:22-25
ICh 14: 1- 17 It was here that David, in the time of harvest, desired a drink of water from the well
at Bethlehem. To please him, three of the most valiant captains broke through the host of the
enemy to get it. When they brought it to him, he would not drink it. 2Sa 23: 13 ICh 11:15

2958b AM, 3668 JP, 1046 BC

420. David built up the city of Zion and strengthened the fortifications. Joab repaired the rest of
the city. 2Sa 5:9 ICh 11:8

421. Hiram sent messengers to David and cedar wood and carpenters and masons. These built
his house. 2Sa 5:11 ICh 14:1

2959 AM, 3669 JP, 1045 BC

422. The ark of the covenant which in the first sabbatical year was brought from Gilgal to
Shiloh, was brought from Kirjathjearim in this sabbatical year. It was moved from Shiloh 70
years earlier. From the house of Abinadab, 30,000 choice men from all Israel accompanied the
move of the ark by David. He composed the 68th Psalm for the occasion as may be deduced
from Ps 68:1. This verse appears to have been taken from a prayer which was appointed by
Moses to be used and sung every time the ark was moved. Nu 10:35 The ark was carried first to
the house of Obededom. After three months, it was moved into the city of David, or the fort of
Zion. David himself rejoiced before it and sang Ps 132:8. Solomon his son, repeated this verse
2Ch 6:41 in the next year of jubilee when he brought the ark into the Holy of Holies of the
temple.

vv Arise O Lord unto thy resting place, thou and the ark of thy strength"

423. See also Ps 132:6,7. From the Hebrew:

vv Behold we (i.e. the men of Bethlehem dwelling there) have heard of it at Ephratah (our own
country) and found it in the fields of Jair, or the wood; (i.e. in the hill of Kirjathjearim, for that

signifies a city, bordering upon woods)"

424. From Ps 132:13,14

vv The Lord hath chosen Zion, for an habitation for himself; saying, This is my rest for ever here
will I dwell, for I have a delight therein."

425. At Zion the ark is There to have rested, ICh 6:31 and was moved into the new tabernacle
which David had prepared for it at Jerusalem. 2Sa 6:17 ICh 16:1 2Ch 1:4

426. The tabernacle of the congregation built by Moses, with the brazen altar used for the daily
sacrifices, remained at Gibeon, in the tribe of Judah until the temple of Solomon was built. It
was no longer in Shiloh in the tribe of Ephraim. ICh 6:32,48,49 16:39,40 21:29 2Ch 1:3,5,6 IKi
3:2,4

427. The ark was moved from house of Joseph, of which the tribe of Ephraim was a part into the
tribe of Judah. Hereafter Shiloh played no part in their worship. Ps 78:67,68 Jer 7:12,14 26:6

2960d AM, 3670 JP, 1044 BC

428. David now dwelt in his house of cedar which he had built and had peace on every side. He
told Nathan the prophet, that he planned build an house. God replied that this was a work that
should be done by a man of peace not war. His son Solomon would build the house not David.
2Sa 7:1,2,11,13 ICh 17:1-27 22:8-10 24:3,6 2Ch 6:8,9 IKi 8:18,19 From now until the birth of
Solomon was spent in wars. David subdued the Philistines, the Edomites, the Amalekites, the
Moabites, the Ammonites and the Syrians. 2Sa 8:3 ICh 18:1-17 The borders of Israel stretched
not only from Shihor in Egypt to Hamath, ICh 13:5 but even from there to the river Euphrates to
the borders of Syria Zobah. 2Sa 8:3 This was the extreme bound of all that land which had been
formerly promised to the seed of Abraham. Ge 15:18 De 11:24 Jos 1:3,4 It was never possessed
by any of them except only by David and his son Solomon. IKi 4:21,24 2Ch 9:28

429. At this time Hadadezer, also called Hadarezer, the son of Rehob, was king of Syria Zoba.
He united his forces from Damascus with Rezon the son of Eliadah's forces. They prepared to
fight against David not far from the river Euphrates. However, after David routed Hadadezer's
army, he slew 22,000 of the Syrians from Damascus and put garrisons in all that country. When
Rezon saw that David prevailed, he rebelled from Hadadezer and made himself captain over the
forces he had recently raised. He marched with them to Damascus and set up there a kingdom
for himself and his posterity. He was a very bitter enemy to Solomon, as was his kingdom to the
rest of the king's of Israel. 2Sa 8:5,6 IKi 1 1:23-25 Concerning this battle fought by David near
to the river Euphrates, Nicolous Damascenus, in Josephus, (lib. 7. Antiq. c. 6. or 5.) mentions
this battle of David's and calls this Rezon, Adad. He adds that his name was passed on to his
successors to the tenth generation, as Ptolemy did to his in Egypt.

2967a AM, 3676 JP, 1038 BC

430. After Nahash king of the Ammonites died, Hanun his son reigned in his place. He badly
abused the messengers that David had sent out of kindness to comfort him over the death of his

father.

431. Therefore, David sent Joab who defeated a huge army of the Ammonites and Syrian
mercenaries. David and Joab returned victorious to Jerusalem. 2Sa 10:1-19 ICh 19:1-19

2968b AM, 3678 JP, 1036 BC

432. David crossed Jordan with his army and slaughtered a vast number of the Syrians who were
led by Shophach, general of the army of Hadadezer, king of Syria Zoba. A time of peace
between David and the petty kings of Syria followed so that they sent no more aid to the
Ammonites, but served David. 2Sa 10:1-19 ICh 19:1-19

2969c AM, 3679 JP, 1035 BC

433. At the end of the year, when kings went to battle, Joab, with his army fought with the
Ammonites and besieged Rabbah, the capital city of Ammon. In the mean time, David took his
ease at Jerusalem, 2Sa 11:1 ICh 20:1 and there defiled himself in an adulterous relationship
with Bathsheba the wife of Uriah the Hittite. Uriah was then in the army. Consequently, David
arranged to have Uriah slain at the hand of the Ammonites. 2Sa 1 1 : 1-27

2970b AM, 3680 JP, 1034 BC

434. When David's child by adultery, was born, David was convicted by Nathan the prophet of
his sin and repented. David composed the psalm Ps 51:1-19, for a memorial of his sin with
Bathsheba, but the child died.2Sa 12:1-31

2971a AM, 3680 JP, 1034 BC

435. Bathsheba who was now David's wife, bore David another son whose name was given to
him by God called Solomon. This child proved to be a man of peace. ICh 22:9 His name means
one beloved of God, the name of Jedidiah. 2Sa 12:25

2972c AM, 3682 JP, 1032 BC

436. Ammon, David's oldest son, raped his sister Tamar. 2Sa 13:1-39
2974c AM, 3684 JP, 1030 BC

437. Two years after he raped his sister, Ammon was slain by his brother Absalom at the time of
sheep shearing, before grain harvest. 2Sa 13:23 This occurred at the end of the spring, shortly
after the middle of the first month during the second mowing of the grass. Codomanus notes this
from Am 7:1 Jos 3:15 4:9 5:10-12.

438. After Absalom killed Ammon, he fled to Geshur in Syria. He continued 3 years with king
Talmai his grandfather on his mother's side. 2Sa 13:37,38 15:8

2977c AM, 3687 JP, 1027 BC

439. After 3 years of exile, Absalom returned to Jerusalem. His father was pacified towards him
by the speech of the woman of Tekoa, who was employed by Joab. 2Sa 13:38 14:1-23

2979 AM, 3689 JP, 1025 BC

440. Absalom set Joab's barley on fire just before harvest time that year (for the following year
was a sabbatical year, when there was no harvest in Judah). By this means he was admitted to
his father's presence, whom he had not seen in the two years since his return from exile. 2Sa
14:28,30,33

2980 AM, 3690 JP, 1024 BC

441. This sabbatical year came between the burning of Joab's corn field, and the rebellion of
Absalom against his father. In his rebellion, Absalom obtained chariots, horses and a band of
ruffians around him, and insinuated himself into the favour of the people. He stole away their
hearts from his father David. 2Sa 15:1-6

2981c AM, 3691 JP, 1023 BC

442. 40 years after the anointing of David by Samuel, Absalom followed the advise of his chief
counsellor Ahithophel and took possession of his father's kingdom. This happened between the
Passover and the Feast of Pentecost. Codomanus assumes this to be the season from Barzillai
having provided David (when he fled) with new fruits and roasted grain. 2Sa 17:28

443. Against the practices of Absalom and Ahithophel, David composed the 3rd and 55th
Psalms. Also Shimei, of the tribe of Benjamin, railed against David, as he fled. 2Sa 16:5

444. When Ahithophel saw that his counsel was not followed by Absalom, he went and hanged
himself. 2Sa 17:23

445. In the battle with David, Absalom lost 20,000 men and fled. A bough of a thick oak caught
hold of his long hair so he hung there until Joab came and thrust him through with darts, killing
him. 2Sa 18:9-14

446. After this victory, David was brought home again by the men of Judah and one half of the
people of Israel. The Israelites rebelled, because they had not participated in that work so a new
rebellion grew among them. This rebellion was soon over when the head of Sheba the son of
Gera, was thrown over the walls to Joab, by the people of Abel. 2Sa 20: 1-22

2983c AM, 3693 JP, 1021 BC

447. The harvest of this year failed and there was a famine, which afflicted the land for three
years. This famine was sent because the blood of the Gibeonites was shed by Saul and his
family. 2Sa 21:1,2

2986c AM, 3696 JP, 1018 BC

448. The famine still continued so the Gibeonites hung two of Saul's sons and five of his
grandchildren in the beginning of barley harvest. Rizpah, Saul's concubine, watched their bodies
and kept them from being devoured by ravenous birds or beasts, until water dropped from
heaven upon them.2Sa 21:8-10

449. David took the bones of Saul and Jonathan his son and moved them from Jabeshgilead
along with the bones of the seven that were hanged. They were buried a Zelah in the sepulchre
of Kish the father of Saul. 2Sa 21:12-14

450. Many battles were fought with the Philistines and their giants. In one battle, David who
was now old, fainted in the fight and would have been slain by the giant, Ishbibenob and barely
escaped. This was the last fight that David took part in.2Sa 21:16-22 ICh 20:4-8

2987d AM, 3697 JP, 1017 BC

451. David desired to have a census taken; whether from Satan or his pride, God's wrath was
kindled against the Israelites. Therefore of all the tribes, (except the tribes of Levi and
Benjamin), ICh 21:6 27:24 the men older than 20 years were counted. ICh 27:23. This census
took 9 months and 20 days. 2Sa 24:8 God sent the prophet Gad to David and gave him the
choice of one of three punishments. He was to chose famine, sword or pestilence. 2Sa 2:48 The
famine was to last 3 years, that is in addition to the previous famine ICh 21:12 or of 7 years, as
from 2Sa 24:13. This included the 3 years of the previous famine 2Sa 21:1 and this present
sabbatical year in which no sowing would take place to compensate for the losses of the
previous years, for a fourth year of dearth. Three years of famine for the slaughter of the
Gibeonites were already past and after this there was a poor harvest for lack of seed. This
harvest would not be able to supply the needs of the next two years which the intervening
sabbatical year would require. So the famine would still continue in the land, especially among
the poor. Now to these past years of famine, God proposed to David three more years of famine,
to choose, if he would. The reason for reconciling these two different passages, has led me in
these texts ICh 21:12 2Sa 24:13, to refer this history of David's numbering the people to this
Sabbatical year.

452. Now of the three choices, David chose the plague. 70,000 men died in one day. When the
angel was about to destroy Jerusalem, God in his mercy bade him withhold his hand. He
commanded David to offer whole burnt offerings and peace offerings in the threshing floor of
Araunah or Oman the Jebusite. 2Sa 24:1-25 ICh 21:1-30

2988a AM, 3697 JP, 1017 BC

453. David foresaw that the house of God would be built in the threshing floor of Araunah. ICh
22:1 2Ch 3:1 He began to prepare the materials necessary for so great a work. He exhorted his
son Solomon and all the heads of Israel to carry the project through to a successful completion.
ICh 22:1-19

2988c AM, 3698 JP, 1016 BC

454. He took the number of the Levites, first from 30 and then from 20 years old and upwards.
He divided them into many ranks and appointed to every one of them their offices. He
established a set form both for ecclesiastical and civil government in the 40th year of his reign.
ICh 23:1-27:34 That is the beginning of the year, a year and an half before his death.

455. Rehoboam was born to Solomon by Naaman, an Ammonite woman. He was 41 years old
when he began to reign. IKi 14:21 ICh 12:13 For though Solomon called himself a little child,
IKi 3:7 and David his father said, he was a child, young and tender, ICh 22:5 29:1 yet in
another place, he calls him a man of wisdom. IKi 2:9 This was even before God granted him
extraordinary knowledge and wisdom. These three things, tender years, a son born and perfect
wisdom were not unique to Solomon at 18. For the same were attributed to king Josiah when he
was only 16, 2Ch 34:1-3 2Ch 36:2,5 for Jehoiakim was born when Josiah was only 14 years old
and Jehoahaz was born when Josiah was 16.

2989b AM, 3699 JP, 1015 BC

456. David was now seventy years old. Broken with continual cares and wars, he was so weak
and feeble that wearing extra cloths would hardly keep him warm. So Abishag, a young
Shunammite maiden was sent for, to keep him warm.

2989c AM, 3699 JP, 1015 BC

457. When Adonijah saw his father's decline, he took counsel and advise from Joab and
Abiathar the high priest and made himself king. When Bathsheba and Nathan told David of this,
he ordered his son Solomon to be anointed king in Gihon by Zadok the priest, Nathan the
prophet and Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada. As soon as Adonijah heard this, he fled to the
sanctuary and lay hold on the horns of the altar. He was pardoned by the grace and favour of
Solomon and set at liberty. IKi 1:1-53

458. David assembled all the governors, captains and commanders of Israel with his sons and
servants. He exhorted them all to the fear and worship of God and especially Solomon his son.
He ordered them to proceed with the building of the temple. He gave them the pattern of the
temple and consigned into Solomon's hands the gold and silver by weight for making every
vessel and implement to be used in the temple. ICh 28:1-21 After this, by David's example and
his exhortation, every man was moved to give gold, silver, brass, iron and stones all in great
abundance towards the building of God's house. They gave thanks to God. The next day, they
offered a 1000 young bullocks, 1000 rams and 1000 lambs, with the meat offerings. Solomon
was anointed as king the second time and Zadok confirmed as the high priest. ICh 29:1-23

2990a AM, 3699 JP, 1015 BC

459. After David gave instructions to his son Solomon, he died. IKi 2:1-10. He had reigned in
Hebron for 7 years 6 months and 33 years in Jerusalem over all Israel. 2Sa 5:5 Concerning the
forty years which the scripture attributes to his reign, we must take for the term which he
reigned before he made Solomon king in his place and after that he lived for 6 more months. So
that the years of Solomon's reign as mentioned in the scriptures, are to be reckoned from the first

month, a full half year, before David's death.
2990b AM, 3700 JP, 1014 BC

460. Adonijah used Bathsheba to ask Solomon to give him Abishag the Shunammite for a wife.
Therefore, as one still aspiring to be king Solomon had him executed. Abiathar of the family of
Eli, was put out of the high priesthood and Zadok, a descendent of Phinehas replaced him. This
was foretold by God in ISa 2:33,35. So the high priesthood reverted from the family of Ithamar
to the family of Eleazar and there continued. Joab fled to the tabernacle in fear and lay hold on
the horns of the altar. He was executed by Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, who was made captain
of the host in his place by the king. Shimei, who had before railed upon David, was confined
only to his house, yet with this condition, that if at any time he passed over the brook Kidron, he
would be executed. IKi 2:1-46

461 . When Hadad the Edomite heard that Joab was dead, he returned out of Egypt to his
country. When Solomon began to follow after vanities, God used him as an enemy against
Solomon. IKi 11:14,21

2991a AM, 3700 JP, 1014 BC

462. Pharaoh king of Egypt, gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon. He gave her the city of
Gezer located in the tribe of Ephraim. Jos 21:21 Pharaoh had taken it from the Canaanites and
killed all its inhabitants. IKi 9:16 Solomon brought her into Zion, the palace of David. 2Ki 3:1,2
2Ch8:ll

2991c AM, 3701 JP, 1013 BC

463. Solomon offered 1000 whole burnt offerings at Gibeon where the tabernacle was situated.
God appeared to him in his sleep and asked him to choose anything he wanted. Solomon chose
wisdom to be given him. Therefore, God gave him wisdom from above as well as all other
blessings over and above this. The first test of his wisdom was the deciding of the controversy
between the two women about the child. This gave him a reputation and the respect from the
people. IKi 3:1-28

2992a AM, 3701 JP, 1013 BC

464. When Solomon was visited by messengers sent from Hiram, king of Tyre, they wanted to
help him with timber for the building of the temple. When Solomon met Hiram's terms, Hiram
co-operated in the venture. Solomon supplied the workmen, over whom he set pay masters and
other officers to oversee the work. IKi 5:1-18

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The Fifth Age of the World

2992c AM, 3702 JP, 1012 BC

465. The foundation of the temple was laid in the 480th year after Israel's exodus from Egypt.
This was in king Solomon's 4th year of reign on the second day of the second month (called Zif,
Monday May 21st). IKi 6:1,37 2Ch 3:2

2993b AM, 3703 JP, 1011 BC

466. Three years after he was commanded not to cross the brook Kidron, Shimei returned from
Gath to bring back two run-away servants. Solomon commanded that he be executed. IKi 2:39-
46

3000a AM, 3709 JP, 1005 BC

467. In the 1 1th year of Solomon's reign, in the eighth month, (called Bui) the temple and its
furnishings was finished. It took 7 years 6 months to build. IKi 6:38 The dedication of the
temple was postponed till the next year because it was a Jubilee year.

3001a AM, 3710 JP, 1004 BC

468. This was the ninth Jubilee which opened the fourth millennium of the world. King
Solomon celebrated the dedication of the temple with great pomp and splendour. All Israel was
assembled together in the 7th month, called Ethanim. The ark was brought from Zion into the
Holy of Holies. The tabernacle and holy vessels from Gibeon went into the temple treasury. God
gave a visible and wonderful token of his presence. Solomon was standing on a scaffold made of
brass, kneeling down he uttered a set prayer to God. After this he blessed the people. He then
offered 22,000 oxen and 120,000 sheep. They celebrated the feast of the dedication of the altar
for 7 days and the feast of tabernacles another 7 seven days. On the 15th day the celebrations
were completed on the 23rd day of the 7th month when the people were dismissed to their
homes. IKi 8:1,2,65,66 2Ch 5:3-5 6:1 8:1-11

469. On the eighth day of the seventh month, that is (Friday, October 30th.) it was the first of the
seven days of the dedication. According to Levitical law the feast of atonement was held on the
tenth day, (Saturday, November 1st.) Lev 25:9 At the sound of the trumpet the jubilee was
proclaimed.

470. The feast of tabernacles was held on the 15th day. (Friday, November 6th.) The last day of
this feast was always very solemnly kept. This occurred on the 22nd. (Friday, November 13th.)
2Ch 7:9 Le 23:36 Joh 7:37 The following day, (Saturday, November 14th.) after the sabbath the
people went home.

3012c AM, 3722 JP, 992 BC

471. In the 13th year after the temple was built, Solomon finished building his own house. He
spent 20 years on both of them: 7 years 5 months on the temple and 13 years on his own house.
IKi 7:1 9:10 2Ch 8:1

472. As a reward for Hiram's good will in helping construct these houses, Solomon offered to
Hiram king of Tyre 20 cities of Galilee, or Cabul which were located within the tribe of Asher.
Solomon purchased these cities himself. When Hiram refused to take them, Solomon
reconstructed them all himself, planting colonies of the Israelites in them. IKi 9:10 2Ch 8:1,2

473. When Solomon had finished both houses and the wall of Jerusalem, he moved his wife, the
daughter of Pharaoh, out of the city of David, into a house which he had built for her. IKi 3:1
7:8 2Ch 8:11 He also built Gezer, which Pharaoh his father-in-law took from the Canaanites and
gave to Solomon. IKi 9:15-17 Gezer was located within the tribe of Ephraim.

3026c AM, 3736 JP, 978 BC

474. Shishak, also called Sefonchis (according to Egyptian Chronology) began to reign.
Jeroboam the son of Nebat fled to him and continued with him till after Solomon died. IKi
11:40 12:2

3029c AM, 3739 JP, 975 BC

475. Solomon forsook his lusts and vanities to which he was addicted in his later days. He
testified of his deep repentance in his book called The Preacher (Ecclesiastes) and made his
peace with God. 2Ch 11:17 Solomon died when he had reigned 40 years. IKi 11:42 2Ch 9:30

476. Rehoboam, Solomon's son, was made king by all Israel in Sichem. By his harsh approach
to his rule he alienated the hearts of ten tribes from him. These tribes sent for Jeroboam the son
of Nebat, in Egypt to be their king. Under his leadership, they rebelled from the house of David.
They killed Adoram, whom Rehoboam had sent to them, and abandoned the true worship of
God. IKi 12:1-33 In memorial of this sad disaster, the Jews kept a solemn yearly fast on the
23rd of the third month, called Sivan.

477. From this sad division made in that kingdom, Rehoboam reigned over Judah and Benjamin
17 years. IKi 14:21 2Ch 12:1,2 and Jeroboam over Israel i.e. over the other ten tribes, for 22
years. IKi 14:20

478. Rehoboam returned to Jerusalem and conscripted 80,100 men to fight against the ten tribes.
Through the prophet Shemaiah, he was admonished from God to abandon this plan. IKi 12:1-33
Continual war took place between the kings for the rest of their days. IKi 14:30

479. In the beginning of his reign, Jeroboam repaired Shechem where he was chosen king by the
people. This place was destroyed by king Abimelech, 258 years earlier. Jeroboam lived there
until he went over Jordan, and built Penuel. IKi 12:25 Finally, he built Tirzah and made that the
capital of his kingdom. IKi 14: 17 He feared that his new subjects would revolt against him if
they continued to worship at Jerusalem. So he devised a new religion. He set up two golden
calves, the one at Bethel and the other at Dan, for the people to worship. IKi 12:25-31

3030a AM, 3739 JP, 975 BC, 1 SK, 1 NK

480. NK - On the 15th day of the 8th month, (Monday, December 6th.) Jeroboam held a feast of
his own creation similar to the feast of tabernacles among the Jews. On an idolatrous altar which
he had built at Bethel, he offered sacrifices to his calf. IKi 12:32,33 At that time, God sent an
unnamed prophet from Judah who foretold what judgment God would execute by Josiah on the
altar and the priests that served it. This prophecy was confirmed by signs which appeared on that
altar and the king himself. IKi 13:1-34 2Ki 23:15-20 From the beginning of this idolatrous
worship and public demonstration of God's judgment there, we are to reckon the 390 years of
the iniquity of Israel as spoken of in Eze 4:5

481. This prophet was deceived by another prophet of Bethel, who lied about a message from
God. Contrary to the express commandment of God he ate meat at Bethel. Therefore, in his
return homeward, he was met by a lion which killed him. When the news came to the prophet
which had deceived him, he took the body and gave it an honourable burial. He assured his sons
that what had been foretold by that other prophet, would undoubtedly come to pass. IKi 1:3 2Ki
23:17,18

3030b AM, 3740 JP, 974 BC, 1 SK, 1 NK

482. SK - The priests, Levities and other Israelites who feared God did not follow Jeroboam but
worshipped with Rehoboam in Jerusalem. This helped maintain the kingdom of Judah for three
years. This was the time they walked in the ways of David and Solomon. 2Ch 11:17

483. NK - Jeroboam continued in his revolt and excluded the priests that were of the lineage of
Aaron the Levites from his worship. He made priests for the high places from men of the
common people. IKi 13:33,34 2Ch 11:14,15 13:9 Hence many of the priests and Levites
abandoned their possessions in those tribes and settled in Judah. They were followed there by
those of every tribe who wanted to worship the true God. They came to Jerusalem to worship
and sacrifice to the God of their forefathers. 2Ch 11:13,14,16.

3032d AM, 3742 JP, 972 BC, 3 SK, 3 NK

484. SK - Rehoboam, now settled in his kingdom, forsook the law of the Lord and all Israel and
Judah with him.2Ch 12:1 The Jews, who should have stirred up their Israelite brothers to
repentance, provoked the Lord with their own sins. They behaved worse than their forefathers.
They made high places, images and groves, for themselves on every high hill and under every
tree. They did all the wicked things the heathen did in their barbarous worship including those
nations whom God had cast out before them. IKi 14:22-24

3033c AM, 3743 JP, 971 BC, 5 SK, 5 NK

485. SK - In Rehoboam's 5th year, Shishak, king of Egypt, invited perhaps by Jeroboam, (who
had formerly lived with him, noted in the year, 3026 AM) led an army of 120 chariots, 60,000
horses, with innumerable footmen from Egypt. The men were from the Lubims, Sukkiims, and
Cushites who entered the land of Judah. They had already captured all the rest of their fortified
cites and finally came to Jerusalem. The king and his princes were brought to repentance by the

preaching of Shemaiah the prophet. The king received a gracious promise of their deliverance at
a high cost. They were to release to the Egyptians all the treasure of the temple and of the king's
house. All the shields of gold which Solomon had made which Rehoboam remade using brass.
IKi 14:26,27 2Ch 12:2-12

3046 AM, 3756 JP, 958 BC, 1 SK, 18 NK

486. SK - Abijah the son of Rehoboam, succeeded his father who died in the beginning of the
18th year of Jeroboam's. He reigned 3 years. IKi 15:1,2 2Ch 13:1,2

3047c AM, 3757 JP, 957 BC, 2 SK, 19 NK

487. SK - Abijah and his army of 400,000 men, fought with Jeroboam and his army of 800,000
men. Because Abijah trusted in God, he obtained victory against Jeroboam. He killed 500,000 of
Jeroboam's soldiers. This was the highest casualty rate of any battle recorded in the Bible.
Abijah captured Bethel where one of the calves was set up and Jeshanah and Ephrain, with all
its towns. 2Ch 13:1-22

3049c AM, 3759 JP, 955 BC, 1 SK, 21 NK

488. SK - After Abijam's death, at the very end of the 20th year of Jeroboam's reign, Asa his son
succeeded him and reigned 41 years. IKi 15:8-10

3050a AM, 3759 JP, 955 BC, 2 SK, 22 NK

489. This was the 10th Jubilee.

3050d AM, 3760 JP, 954 BC, 2 SK, 1 NK

490. NK - Nadab in the 2nd year of Asa, succeeded his dead father Jeroboam in his kingdom
and reigned only 2 years. IKi 15:25

305 Id AM, 3761 JP, 953 BC, 3 SK, 1,2 NK

491. NK - At the siege of Gibbethon of the Philistines, Nadab was slain by Baasha, a man from
the tribe of Issachar in the third year of the reign of Asa. In the same year that Baasha made
himself king over Israel, he utterly destroyed all the family of Jeroboam. He reigned for 24
years. IKi 15:27-29,33

3053c AM, 3763 JP, 951 BC, 5 SK, 3 NK

492. SK - God now gave 10 consecutive years of peace to the land, 2Ch 14:1,6 even to the 15th
year of king Asa's reign, or to the 35th year from the rebellion of the northern kingdom. 2Ch
15:10,19 In that year, this godly king Asa put away all public idolatry, reformed his kingdom
and fortified the cities of Judah against the invasion of enemies. 2Ch 14:6

3055d AM, 3765 JP, 949 BC, 7 SK, 5 NK

493. Jehoshaphat was born to Asa by his mother Azubah. Later he at the age of 35 succeeded
Asa in his kingdom. IKi 22:42 2Ch 20:31

3063c AM, 3773 JP, 941 BC, 15 SK, 13 NK

494. In the beginning of Asa's reign, Zerah the Ethiopian mobilised an innumerable army to
invade the land of Judah. This force had 1,000,000 men from the Cushites, who as it seemed
came from Arabia Petrea and the desert and the Lubims, besides those who fought aloft from the
chariots. Asa met this army with 300,000 men from the tribe of Judah and 280,000 from the
tribe of Benjamin. He called on the name of the Lord and routed and slew that vast army and
took much spoil from them. After this he was encouraged by Azariah the prophet. He assembled
all his subjects and also many of the Israelites which were loyal to him. They met at Jerusalem
in the third month in which the feast of Pentecost fell. They sacrificed to God from the spoil
which they had taken, 700 oxen and 7000 cattle and solemnly renewed their covenant with God.
Asa continued reformation of his kingdom and removed Maachah his grandmother, a great
patroness of idolatry, from the honour of queen mother. He brought into the temple the things
which he and his father had consecrated to God. 2Ch 14:8,9 15:1,10,11,13,16 16:8

3064c AM, 3774 JP, 940 BC, 16 SK, 14 NK

495. NK - Baasha saw Asa actively restoring religion to Judah and that many of his subjects
defected to Asa so that they might be partakers in God's covenant blessings. 2Ch 15:9 He never
ceased to make war upon Asa all his days. IKi 15:16,32 In the 36th year since the division of
the kingdom, in Asa's 16th year, Baasha started to build Ramah to prevent more of his subjects
from defecting to Asa. 2Ch 16:1

3064d AM, 3774 JP, 940 BC, 16 SK, 14 NK

496. SK - Asa hired Benhadad king of Syria to come and hinder the building of Ramah which he
did. Using the stones and timber from the city of Ramah, Asa built Geba and Mizpah. When
Hanan the prophet reproved him, for getting help from the king of Syria, he cast him into prison,
and at the same time, vexed some of his people. 2Ch 16:1-14

497. NK - At the same time Benhadad king of Syria, marched against the cities of Israel. He
destroyed Ijon in the tribe of Asher and Dan in Dan, Abelbethmaachah in the tribe of Manasseh
and all the borders of Chinnereth, with all the land of Naphtali. This forced Baasha to stop
building Ramah and retire to Tirzah. IKi 15:20,21 2Ch 16:4,5 Isa 9:1 Now this Benhadad was
son to Tabrimon, the son of Hezion, IKi 15: 18 or of Rezon the first king of Syria of Damascus
from whom the name of Hadad was passed on to his posterity in the kingdom. This is noted by
Nicolaus Damascenus as recorded by Josephus 1. 7. of his Antiquities, c. 6 ul. 5. where, Nicolaus
states:

vv The third of that name seeking to wipe away the blot of the overthrow, received in his
grandfather's days, marched into Judah and destroyed Samaria,"

498. Josephus understands it to be the invasion made upon Samaria, by Benhadad, in the time of
Ahab. See notes on 2960 AM and 3103 AM.

3074d AM, 3784 JP, 930 BC, 26 SK, 24 NK

499. NK - When Baasha died and was buried at Terza, his son Elah succeeded him.
3075d AM, 3785 JP, 929 BC

500. NK - In the 2nd year of Elah and the 27th of Asa, Zimri destroyed Elah and his entire
family. He reigned in Tirzah for seven days. But the soldiers at Gibbethon, a town of the
Philistines made Omri, the general of the army, king. He came to besiege Tirzah and Zimri set
fire to the king's palace and destroyed it and himself. IKi 16:15-18

501. The people of Israel split into two factions, one part followed Tibni, the son of Ginath, the
other followed Omri. Omri's side prevailed and Omri became king. IKi 16:8,21,22

3077 AM, 3787 JP, 927 BC, 29 SK, 3 NK

502. NK - Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab the son of Omri, as it seems was born 42 years before
her son Ahaziah reigned over Judah. IKi 8:26 2Ch 21:20 22:2 See Gill on "2Ch 22:2"

3079d AM, 3789 JP, 925 BC, 31 SK, 5 NK

503. NK - Omri began to reign in Tirzah over Israel in the 31st year of king Asa. IKi 16:23
3080d AM, 3790 JP, 924 BC, 32 SK, 6 NK

504. SK - Jehoram was born to Jehoshaphat 32 years, before his father took him as viceroy of
his kingdom. 2Ki 8:17 2Ch 21:20

505. NK - When Omri had now reigned 6 years in Tirzah, he then moved the capital of his
kingdom from Tirzah to Samaria. He built Samaria in the hill of Samaria, a place which he had
purchased from Shemer. IKi 16:23,24

3086 AM, 3796 JP, 918 BC, 38 SK, 1 NK

506. Omri died and was buried at Samaria. He was a poor father but Ahab the son who
succeeded him was much worse. Ahab reigned 22 years. IKi 16:28,29

3087 AM, 3797 JP, 917 BC, 39 SK, 2 NK

507. SK - In the 39th year of his reign, Asa was diseased in his feet. He sought for help from the
physicians and not from God. 2Ch 16:12

3090c AM, 3800 JP, 914 BC, 1 SK, 5 NK

508. SK - In the end of the 41st year of his reign, Asa died and was buried in a sepulchre which
he had prepared in the city of David. The tomb was filled with sweet odours and spices. 2Ch
16:13,14 He was a good father and an even better son succeeded him called Jehoshaphat. In the
very latter end of the 4th year of Ahab's reign, he started to reign over Judah and ruled for 25
years. IKi 22:41,42 2Ch 20:31

3092c AM, 3802 JP, 912 BC, 3 SK, 7 NK

509. SK - When Jehoshaphat was established in his kingdom, he began by removing the high
places and the groves. In the 3rd year of his reign, he sent out the Levites and other chief men
into all cities to instruct the people. God gave him peace. 2Ch 17:7-10

3097 AM, 3807 JP, 907 BC, 8 SK, 12 NK

510. SK - Athaliah the daughter of Ahab, king of Israel, married Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat
king of Judah. This union resulted from the marriage alliance Jehoshaphat made with Ahab. 2Ch
18:1 She had a son named Ahaziah, who at the age of 22 succeeded him in the kingdom. 2Ki
8:18,26,27 2Ch 21:26 22:2

3099a AM, 3808 JP, 906 BC, 9 SK, 13 NK

51 1. SK - The eleventh Jubilee.

3103c AM, 3813 JP, 901 BC, 14 SK, 18 NK

512. NK - Benhadad, king of Assyria, assembled his army together and with the assistance of 32
petty kings besieged Samaria. He was defeated by Ahab and fled. IKi 20:1-43

3104d AM, 3814 JP, 900 BC, 15 SK, 19 NK

513. NK - About a year later, Benhadad came up a second time as far a Aphek to fight with
Israel. He was badly defeated and surrendered to Ahab. Ahab received him with all courtesy and
honour and after a while let him go in peace. Ahab made a league of friendship with him. For
this act, God pronounced judgment upon him by his prophet. IKi 20:1-43 However as a result of
this league, there was 3 years of peace between the two nations. IKi 22:1

3105 AM, 3815 JP, 899 BC, 16 SK, 20 NK

514. NK - When Ahab could not get Naboth to sell him his vineyard, he was depressed. Jezebel
his wife, using false witnesses had Naboth condemned to death and stoned. Ahab got possession
of the vineyard. For this wicked deed, the prophet Elijah told him of the destruction which was
to befall him, Jezebel and all his posterity. When Ahab trembled at this and by a timely
repentance, he obtained a respite of this judgment. IKi 21:1-29

3106d AM, 3816 JP, 898 BC, 17 SK, 21 NK

515. SK - As Ahab had done, Jehoshaphat made Jehoram his son, viceroy of the kingdom.
Jehoram the son of Ahab succeeded his brother Ahaziah IKi 1:18 as king over the Israelites in
the 18th year of Jehoshaphat king of Judah. 2Ki 3: 1 He is said to have begun his reign, in the
2nd year of Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat. 2Ki 1:17

516. NK - Ahab in the 17th year of the reign of Jehoshaphat, made his son Ahaziah viceroy in
the kingdom. IKi 22:51

3107d AM, 3817 JP, 897 BC, 18 SK, 22,2 NK

517. SK - Jehoshaphat visited Ahab at the very end of the third year of peace which Ahab had
made with the Assyrians. He was invited by Ahab to go with him to the siege of Ramothgilead.
After being entreated he went but barely escaped from there with his life. IKi 22:1-53 2Ch 18:1-
34 When he returned home, the prophet Jehu, the son of Hanani reproved him for helping such a
wicked king. 2Ch 19:1,2

518. NK - After Ahab convinced Jehoshaphat to go with him, he went to besiege Ramothgilead.
Before he went, he asked what the outcome of the war would be from the 400 false prophets and
from Micaiah, the true prophet of God. They all told him he would do well but Micaiah foretold
his defeat. Ahab disguised himself but was slain in the fight. He was buried in Samaria. IKi
22:1-53 2Ch 18:1-34

519. After he was dead, Moab revolted from the Israelites. 2Ki 1:1 3:5 They had been in
subjection to them ever since king David's days. 2Sa 8:2

3108a AM, 3817 JP, 897 BC

520. SK - When Jehoshaphat had built a fleet, he send it to Ophir for gold. Ahaziah the wicked
son of Ahab went into partnership with him on this venture. At first Jehoshaphat refused the
joint venture IKi 22:49 but later agreed to it. For so doing, God destroyed the fleet and reproved
him by his prophet Eliezer, the son of Dodavah. 2Ch 20:35-37

3108b AM, 3818 JP, 896 BC

521. NK - Ahaziah king of Israel was injured when he fell through a lattice of his dining room in
Samaria. He asked Baalzebub, the god of the Ekronites, if he would recover. The prophet Elijah
destroyed with fire from heaven 2 captains and their companies of 50 who were sent to capture
and bring him to the king. At last, he went voluntarily with the third captain that came for him.
He told the king plainly that he would die. 2Ki 1:1-18 The king did die. He reigned two years,
partly with his father, partly by himself. IKi 22:51

522. When Ahaziah was dead, his brother Jehoram, the son of Ahab succeeded him in the later
end of the 18th year of Jehoshaphat and reigned 12 years. 2Ki 3:1

3108c AM, 3818 JP, 896 BC, 19 SK, 1 NK

523. Elijah was taken up into heaven in a fiery chariot. 2Ki 2:1-25
3109c AM, 3819 JP, 895 BC, 20 SK, 2 NK

524. When Edom was still under the control of Judah, the three kings from Israel, Judah and
Edom united to subdue the rebellious Moabites. In this war Elisha the prophet, miraculously
furnished the army with water and assured them of the victory over their enemies. Mesha king
of the Moabites was besieged in Kirhareseth and tried unsuccessfully to break out with the small
forces he had left. He captured the firstborn son who would have succeeded his father the king
of Edom and is called king of the Edomites by the prophet Amos. Am 2: 1 He offered him for a
whole burnt offering upon the wall of the city. 2Ki 3: 1-27

3112c AM, 3822 JP, 892 BC, 23,1 SK, 5 NK

525. SK - When Jehoshaphat was old, he desired to settle his estate. He gave the rest of his sons,
many gifts and fortified cities in Judah. His oldest son Jehoram (whom he had formerly
employed as his viceregent) was made consort with him in the kingdom. This was in the 5th
year of Jehoram king of Israel and he reigned for 8 years. 2Ch 21:2,3,5,20 2Ki 8:16,17

3115c AM, 3825 JP, 889 BC, 4 SK, 8 NK

526. Jehoshaphat died and was buried in the city of David. IKi 2:50 2Ch 21:5 This good king's
wicked son, Jehoram ruled alone for 4 years. When he was established in his kingdom, he slew
all his brothers and many of the other princes in Judah. 2Ch 21:1-20 The Edomites revolted.
They had been under the control of Judah since king David's time. 2Sa 8:14 Although they had
been smitten by Jehoram, yet, according to the prophecy of Isaac, Ge 27:40 they shook off
Judah's yoke for ever. Libnah, a city of the priests in the tribe of Judah, Jos 12:13 also revolted
at this time. 2Ki 18:20-22 2Ch 21:8-10

3116a AM, 3825 JP, 889 BC

527. SK - Jehoram followed the counsel of his wicked wife Athaliah and set up in Judah and
Jerusalem the idolatrous worship of Baal just as Ahab, his father-in-law had done. He forced his
subjects to worship Baal and he was reproved by a letter written by the prophet Elijah who
foretold what calamities and punishments would happen to him. 2Ch 21:11-15 These events
occurred as predicted. 2Ch 21:16-20

3116c AM, 3826 JP, 888 BC

528. SK - First God stirred up against him the Philistines and Arabians. These attacked Judah
and took away whatever was found in the king's house, together with his sons and wives. Since
all his other sons were slain, he had only Jehoahaz left. 2Ch 21:1-20 He was also called Ahaziah
and Azariah and succeeded his father in the kingdom. 2Ch 22:1,6

3117c AM, 3827 JP, 887 BC, 6 SK, 10 NK

529. SK - After this God struck Jehoram with an incurable disease in the bowels, which
tormented him for 2 whole years. 2Ch 21:15,18,19

3118dAM, 3828 JP, 886 BC, 7 SK, 11 NK

530. SK - When Jehoram was afflicted with this sickness, he made his son, Ahaziah, his viceroy,
in the 1 1th year of Jorum the son of Ahab. 2Ki 9:29

3119c AM, 3829 JP, 885 BC, 8,1 SK, 12 NK

531. When Jehoram's bowels fell out, he died a miserable death and was buried in the city of
David, but without any pomp and not among the kings. 2Ch 25:19,20 After this Ahaziah his son
succeeded him in the 12th year of Joram the son of Ahab and he reigned one year in Jerusalem.
He followed in the steps of his wicked mother Athaliah and the house of Ahab. He set up and
maintained the worship of Baal. 2Ki 8:25,27 2Ch 22:1-4

532. Ahaziah had a son by Zibia of Beersheba, whose name was Joash or Jehoash. He was
proclaimed king at the age of 7. 2Ki 1 1 :21 2Ch 24: 1

3120b AM, 3830 JP, 884 BC

533. NK - Jehoram king of Israel and Ahaziah king of Judah went out together with their armies
to Ramothgilead against Hazael. He had recently succeeded Benhadad in the kingdom of Syria,
as Elisha the prophet had foretold him. In that fight Jehoram was grievously wounded by the
Syrians and he retired to Jezreel to be healed of his wounds. 2Ki 8: 1-29 Meanwhile a certain son
of the prophets sent by Elisha came to Ramoth and anointed Jehu the son of Jehoshaphat the son
the Nimshi, king over Israel. He told him the will of God for the wiping out of the house of
Ahab. As soon as Jehu was proclaimed king by the captains and officers of the army, he
marched to Jezreel. There he slew both Jehoram and Jezebel.2Ki 9:1-37 Jehu sent letters to
Samaria which were responsible for the death of the seventy sons of Ahab as foretold by Elisha.
He took with him Jehonadab, the son of Rechab and came to Samaria. There he destroyed all the
family of Ahab with all the priests of Baal. Although he destroyed Baal worship, he still
maintained the worship of Jeroboam's golden calves and the associated idolatry by the Israelites
for all of his 28 year reign. 2Ki 10:28,29,39

3120c AM, 3830 JP, 884 BC

534. SK - Ahaziah returned from the battle at Ramothgilead against Hazael. Later he went to
Jezreel to see Jehoram the king of Israel who was recovering from his wounds. When Jehu
found many of his family attending him there and various princes of Judah, he slew them all.
Then he searched for Ahaziah himself who had escaped and fled to Megiddo. When he caught
up with him on the way to Gur which is in Ibleam, in the tribe of Manasseh, he killed him in his
chariot. Ahaziah was carried from there by his servants and was buried with his fathers in the
city of David. 2Ki 9:2 2Ch 22: 1-9 When Jehu was on his way back to Samaria, he met 42 men
of Ahaziah's relatives heading to Jezreel. There they intended to greet the king's children but
Jehu had them all killed. 2Ki 10:13,14

535. When Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, saw that her own son Ahaziah was dead, she killed
all the royal family of the house of Judah and took control of the kingdom. Jehosheba, the
daughter of king Joram, and wife to Jehoiada, the high priest, took the infant Joash who was the
son of her brother Ahaziah. Joash and his nurse were hid for 6 years in the temple while
Athaliah ruled. Thus she spared him from the slaughter of the rest of the royal family. 2Ki 11:1-
3 2Ch 22:10-12

3126c AM, 3836 JP, 878 BC, 1 SK, 7 NK

536. Jehoiada the high priest, brought out Joash at the age of 7 and anointed him king. After he
had Athaliah killed, he restored the worship of the true God, destroyed the house of Baal and
commanded Baal's high priest Mattan to be killed before his altars. 2Ki 1 1:4,21 2Ch 23:4,21
Joash began his reign in the 7th year of Jehu and reigned 40 years in Jerusalem. 2Ki 12:1 2Ch
24:1

3140c AM, 3850 JP, 864 BC, 15 SK, 21 NK

537. Amasiah the son of Joash and Jehoaddan, was born in Jerusalem because he was 25 years
old when he began to reign. 2Ki 14:2 2Ch 25:1

3147d AM, 3857 JP, 857 BC, 22 SK, 28 NK

538. Joash commanded the priests to repair the temple of God using the poll tax that was
gathered for that purpose. 2Ki 12:4-16 2Ch 24:4-14

3148a AM, 3857 JP, 857 BC

539. The twelfth Jubilee.

3148c AM, 3858 JP, 856 BC, 23 SK, 1 NK

540. In the 23rd year of his reign, Joash saw that the priests were quite slow in repairing the
temple. Therefore he assigned the task to Jehoiada the chief priest and to others to complete that
work. 2Ki 12:6-16

541. NK - Jehoahaz succeeded his father Jehu as king over Israel in the 23rd year of Joash the
son of Ahaziah. He reigned 17 years 2Ki 13:1 and Hazael king of Syria cruelly oppressed the
Israelites for his entire reign. 2Ki 13:3-7,22 as foretold by Elisha. 2Ki 8:12

3163c AM, 3873 JP, 841 BC 38 SK, 16 NK

542. Joash the son of Jehoahaz, was made viceroy with his father in the latter end of the 37th
year of Joash king of Judah. He reigned 16 years. 2Ki 13:10

3164c AM, 3874 JP, 840 BC, 39 SK, 17,2 NK

543. After Jehoiada died, his son Zechariah the priest was stoned to death for reproving the
Israelites for backsliding into idolatry. This was done by the king's command in the court of
God's house. 2Ch 24:17-22

3165 AM, 3875 JP, 839 BC, 40,1 SK, 3 NK

544. SK - The next year some small bands of Hazael, king of Syria attacked Judah and
Jerusalem and killed all the chief of the people. They took away all their spoil to their king.
When they were gone, Joash was left very sick. His servants conspired against him and killed
him in his bed in revenge for Jehoiada's death at the beginning of the 40th year of his reign. 2Ch
24:1,23-27 2Ki 12:17-21 His successor, Amasiah in the latter end of the 2nd year of Joash king
of Israel, reigned 29 years. 2Ki 14:1,2 When he was established in his kingdom he killed the
servants who murdered his father. However he spared their children according to the law of God
as delivered by Moses. 2Ki 14:5,6 2Ch 25:3,4

545. NK - When Jehoahaz the son of Jehu had reigned 17 years, he died and was buried in
Samaria. 2Ki 13:1-9 Shortly after his father's funeral, Joash visited Elisha the prophet who was
lying on his death bed. Tearfully he asked counsel of him concerning the state of the kingdom.
Elisha foretold that he should have 3 victories over the Syrians. 2Ki 13:14-20

3168c AM, 3878 JP, 836 BC, 4 SK, 6 NK

546. NK - Jeroboam the second, seems to have been made viceroy of the kingdom by his father
Joash. He went to war and in three battles overthrew Benhadad, who succeeded his father
Hazael in the kingdom of Syria. He recovered from Benhadad the cities which Jehoahaz his
father had lost. Hence we may gather, that Azariah king of Judah began his reign in the 27th
year of this Jeroboam. 2Ki 13:25 15:1

3178 AM, 3888 JP, 826 BC 14 SK, 16 NK

547. SK - Uzziah was born to Amasiah by Jecholiah of Jerusalem. He was also called Azariah
and was 16 years old when he succeeded his father in the kingdom. 2Ki 15:2 2Ch 26:2

548. Amasiah became proud of his recent victory over the Edomites. In this fourteenth year of
his reign, as Josephus, lib 9. Antiquit. ca. 10. states, he provoked Joash king of the Israelites to
battle. In the battle at Bethshemesh he was defeated and taken prisoner. He was released when a
payment of a large ransom including hostages was made. 2Ki 14:8-14 2Ch 25:17-24

549. NK - When Joash defeated Amasiah, king of Judah he took him prisoner. Joash broke
down 400 cubits of the wall of Jerusalem from the gate of Ephraim to the corner gate. When he
had taken all the treasure from both the temple and the king's house, he returned to Samaria. 2Ki
14:13,14 2Ch 25:23,24

3179c AM, 3889 JP, 825 BC, 15 SK, 1 NK

550. Joash died 15 years before the death of Amaziah. Jeroboam his son succeeded him and
reigned in Samaria 41 years. 2Ki 14:23

551. God used Jeroboam to deliver Israel. He recaptured Damascus and Hamath which rightly
belonged to the tribe of Judah. 2Sa 8:6 2Ch 8:3 He restored the former borders Nu 13:21 from
the entrance into Hamath to the sea of the plain. This fulfilled the prophecy of the Lord which
was spoken by Jonah the prophet, the son of Amittai. 2Ki 14:25,27,28

3194c AM, 3904 JP, 810 BC, 29 SK, 15 NK

552. SK - When Amaziah discovered a conspiracy against him at Jerusalem, he fled to Lachish
where he was murdered. From there he was carried to the city of David and buried. 2Ki
14:19,20 2Ch 25:27,28 Uzziah, or Azariah succeeded him in the 27th year of Jeroboam, king of
Israel as reckoning from the time that he began to reign as co-regent with his father as noted in
3168 A.M. He reigned 52 years in Jerusalem 2Ki 15:1,2 and under him the kingdom of Judah
prospered as much as Israel did under Jeroboam the second. As long as he followed the advice
of the prophet Zechariah, he applied his heart to religious matters. God prospered him and he
subdued the Philistines and his neighbouring enemies. He became mighty in his kingdom. 2Ch
26:2-16

3197a AM, 3906 JP, 808 BC 4, SK, 19 NK

553. SK - Now was the 13th Jubilee held under two most prosperous kings, under whom also
lived various great prophets in either kingdom. In Judah, lived that evangelical prophet, Isaiah,
the son of Amoz, Isa 1 : 1 and Joel, the son of Pethuel. He prophesied before Amos, as
Codamanus observes because in Joe 1:20 he predicted a coming drought which Amos in Am 4:1-
13 said had happened. Amos lived in Judah, among the herdsmen of Tekoa and was called to be
a prophet to the kingdom of Israel two years before the earthquake which happened in the days
of these two kings Uzziah and Jeroboam the second. Am 1:1 Zee 11:5

554. NK - At the same time, Jonah the son of Amittai and Hosea the son of Beeri prophesied in
Israel.

555. Jonah was from Gathhepher, 2Ki 14:25 a town of the tribe of Zebulunjoh 7:52 in Galilee
of the Gentiles. Isa 9:1 This is referred to by the Pharisees who spoke with Nicodemus. Joh 7:52
"Search and know that out of Galilee, never arose any prophet." It seems that at the time the
Syrians oppressed Israel, and all were vulnerable to their invasion, that they took great spoil, and
no one was able to deliver them. He foretold that Joash his son Jeroboam, would deliver Israel
out of their hands and avenge them of the wrong they had endured. 2Ki 14:25,26 Jonah was later
sent to Nineveh, the capital city of Assyria. By his preaching he brought both the king and
people to repentance Jon 3:1-10 Mt 12:41

556. When Jeroboam was successfully ruling Israel, Hosea foretold the ruin and desolation of it.
He also lived to see its ruin as he continued as a prophet to the time of Hezekiah. Ho 1:1 In the
6th year of his reign came the desolation of Israel. 2Ki 18: 10

557. Amos was a third prophet taken from Judah as he kept his flocks. He was sent to prophesy
to the people of Israel. Am 1:1,7,14,15 He was accused by Amasai the priest at Bethel, before
Jeroboam, who commanded him to return into Judah. Amos pronounced judgment against

Amasai saying

vv Thy wife, shall play the harlot in the city and thy sons, and thy daughters shall fall by the
sword. Thy land shall by divided by line; and thou shalt die in a polluted land. (viz. of Assyria)"

558. when Israel shall be carried away out of her own land. Am 7:10,12,13,17
3207 AM, 3917 JP, 797 BC, 14 SK, 29 NK

559. In Lydia, Ardysus of the clan of the Heraclidae, reigned 36 years (Euseb. Chron.)
3210 AM, 3920 JP, 794 BC, 17 SK, 32 NK

560. The kingdom of Macedonia, was set up by Caranus, a man of the clan of the Heraclidae.
3213 AM, 3923 JP, 791 BC, 20 SK, 35 NK

561. SK - There was an eclipse of the sun, of about 10 digits this year on the 24th day of June,
during the feast of Pentecost. (12 digits indicates a total eclipse, 10 digits would be 10/12 of the
sun's disk was covered.) Another eclipse occurred of almost 12 digits, 1 1 years later, on
November 8th 3933 JP, during the Feast of Tabernacles. A third eclipse of over 1 1 digits
happened the next year on May 5th, 3934 JP during the Feast of Unleavened Bread. (3943 and
3944 in original document) The prophesy of Amos, Am 8:8-10 is referenced as he states:

vv the sun shall set at noonday and I will bring darkness upon the earth in a clear day. I will turn
your festivals into mourning and all your solemn songs into lamentations."

562. Up to this time, the early church fathers took this prophecy to refer to that darkness which
came during the Feast of the Passover at the passion of our Saviour. In these three dark eclipses
which came during each of these feasts, in which all the males were in Jerusalem before the
Lord, that prophesy was thought to have been literally fulfilled. Among the Greeks, Thales the
astronomer thought Amos was the first to predict eclipses of the sun.

(June 24, 791 BC, JD=1432685.1171, middle of the eclipse in Jerusalem - 18.89 hours GMT
(for Babylon - 19.13), maximum - 0.92

Babylon - 0.63. Data taken from "Solar and Lunar Eclipses of the Ancient Near East from 3000
B.C. to with Maps" by Manfred Kudlek and Erich Mickler, published in Neukirchen in 1971.
Unable to confirm data using Canon of Lunar Eclipses", (-2002 - 2526), Jean Meeus, Herman
Muche, 1979. Editor.)

3220 AM, 3930 JP, 784 BC, 26 SK, 41 NK

563. NK - When Jeroboam died, the kingdom seriously declined. Tumults arose which headed
them toward their ultimate destruction beginning first with Jeroboam's own family and then the
whole kingdom. This was foretold in Am 7:1-8:14. All was reduced to anarchy among the
Israelites for eleven and an half years and there was no king during this time. This is deduced

when the times of these two kingdoms are compared. In Israel we understand that the 6 month
reign of Zachariah the son of Jeroboam occurred in the last 6 months of the 38th year of Uzziah.
The one month that Shallum reigned was the first month of the 39th year of Uzziah. 2Ki 15:8-13

3221c AM, 3931 JP, 783 BC

564. SK - Uzziah, king of Judah and his wife Jerusha the daughter of Zadok had a son named
Jotham. When Uzziah was quarantined because of his leprosy, Jotham ruled in the king's house
and judged the people. When Uzziah died Jotham succeeded him as king when he was 25 years
old. 2Ki 15:5,33 2Ch 26:21 27:1,8 From this we can deduce that a short time later when
Menahem, took over the kingdom of Israel, that Uzziah was an old man. It was at this time as he
aspired to take the office of a priest that he was stricken with leprosy. This is contrary to what
the Jews and Procopius Gaseus affirm, from Isa 7:1-25 that this overtook him about the 25th
year of his reign. The earthquake occurred in the days of Uzziah and Jeroboam, Am 1 : 1 Zee

1 1:5 It is clear that when Jeroboam died, Jotham had not yet been born.

3224a AM, 3933 JP, 781 BC

565. SK - Eclipse of the sun, see note on 3213 AM
3224c AM, 3934 JP, 780 BC

566. SK - Eclipse of the sun, see note on 3213 AM
3228c AM, 3938 JP, 776 BC, 35 SK, 9 NK

567. In the summer of the year 3228, the first olympiad took place (according to Greek
chronologers). Choraebus of Elis won the race. The Iphitean account dates it the 28th. As Julius
Africanus shows out of the writings of Aristodemus Eleus and Polybius (as in the Greek edition
of Eusebius by Scaliger, p. 13 & p. 216) states: And here ends that interval of time which by the
learned Varro (as in Censorinus' book, "de die natali", reports is termed mythological because
many mythological things are said to have happened. From this time on Greek history begins.

3232a AM, 3941 JP, 773 BC, 38 SK, 1 NK

568. NK - Zachariah the son of Jeroboam, began his reign in the 38th year of Uzziah king of
Judah. He was the fourth and last of the family of Jehu as was foretold by God. He reigned for 6
months. 2Ki 15:8,12,10,30

569. At the end of those 6 months, he was murdered by Shallum the son of Jabesh, in the sight
of the people. 2Ki 15: 10 At this time the calamities foretold by Amos the prophet took place.
Am 7:1-17 9:1-15

vv The high places of Isaac shall be desolate and the sanctuaries of Israel made a wilderness,
when I shall arise with a sword against the house of Jeroboam."

570. Shallum the son of Jabesh, reigned one month in the 39th year of Uzziah king of Judah.
2Ki 15:13

571. When Menahem the son of Gad, was going from Tirzah to Samaria, he killed Shallum and
destroyed Tiphsah with its borders. He also violently slaughtered all the pregnant women. 2Ki
15:14-16

572. This Menahem, is by Supitius Severus in his 1st book of "Histo. Sacra", goes by the name
of Manes. This person is also called Manichaus later known as the heretic, in that his name
means "a comforter"

3233c AM, 3943 JP, 771 BC

573. Boccaris Saites, reigned in Egypt for 40 years. (African.)

574. NK - While Menahem spent 1 1 months fighting to take over the kingdom, God stirred up
Pul king of Assyria to invade the land of Israel. ICh 5:26 2Ki 15:19

575. Pul seems to have been the father of Sardanapalus, from whose name he called himself
Sardan-pul just as Merodach king of Babylon, from Baladan his father, was called Merodach
Baladan. Isa 39:1 The following chronologers agree that he is the same person, but call him by
different names. Jul. African, calls him "Acracarnes". Eusebius, calls him "Oceazapes".
Stephanus Bysantinus calls him "Cindaraxes". Strabo, Arrian and Suidas, call him
"Anacyndaraxes". By others, (as we find in Atheneus, 1. 2. Deiphosoph.) he is called
"Anabaxares". Furthermore, I considered the number of years assigned by Africanus and
Eusebius, to the reigns of him and his son. I then counted the years backwards from the
beginning of Nabonassar to the end of Sardanapalus' reign. I believe both lived at the same time.
This man named Pul seems to have been the same man who was converted and brought to
repentance by the preaching of the prophet Jonah. This means that the men of Nineveh may
have risen in judgment against this nation. God here raised up a repentant, heathen man to take
vengeance on the unrepentent Israel.

576. Menahem gave Pul a thousand talents of silver to help settle and confirm him in his
kingdom. 2Ki 15:19,20 In reference to this, some refer to Ho 5:13

vv When Ephraim saw his sickness and Judah saw his wound, then Ephraim went to the Assyrian
and sent to king Jareb, who should defend or uphold him."

577. When Menahem was thus confirmed in the kingdom, he was established in the latter end of
the 39th year of the reign of Uzziah. He held the kingdom for 10 years. 2Ki 15:17

3237 AM, 3947 JP, 767 BC, 44 SK, 5 NK

578. Sardanapalus held the kingdom of the Assyrians for 20 years, according to Jul. Africanus.
and Euseb. In his Epitaph (which is contained in Atheneus 1. 12 out of Clirarchus and in Strabo,
1. 14 and in Arrian, 1 .3. of the acts of Alexander) he is said to have built two cities in Cilicia in
one day. These cities were Anchialus and Tarsus.

3242 AM, 3952 JP, 762 BC, 49 SK, 10 NK

579. SK - Ahaz the son of Jotham, was born in this year. He was 20 years old, when he started
to reign 2Ki 16:2 2Ch 28:1 and reigned for 16 years. After his death, his son Hezekiah, is said to
have been 25 years old, when he began to reign. Otherwise, Ahaz would only be 1 1 years old
when his son was born. Hence, Tremelius understands that Ahaz was 20 years old not when he
himself reigned, but when his father Jotham began his reign.

3243c AM, 3953 JP, 761 BC, 50 SK, 1 NK

580. NK - Pekahiah succeeded his father Menahem, who died in the 50th year of Uzziah, king
of Judah and he reigned for 2 years. 2Ki 15:22

3245c AM, 3955 JP, 759 BC, 51 SK, 2 NK

581. SK - Habyattes the elder, reigned in Lydia 14 years, (Euseb. Chron.)

582. NK - Pekah, the son of Remaliah, killed Pekahiah in his own palace in Samaria. He then
reigned in Pekahiah' s place for 20 years reckoning from the 52 years of Uzziah king of Judah.
2Ki 15:25,27

3246a AM, 3955 JP, 759 BC

583. SK - It was during the 14th Jubilee when Isaiah saw the glory of the Lord sitting on his
throne. God was surrounded with a guard of angels singing, "Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of
Sabaoth." The Jewish people grew more and more obstinate and blind every day lest they should
understand the words of the prophets sent to them and be converted and healed. Isa 6:1-13 Joh
12:40,41

584. Isaiah's vision came in the last year of king Uzziah. Isa 6:1 He was buried in the city of
David in the burying place of the kings, but apart from the rest because of his leprosy. Jotham
his son succeeded him in the 20th year of Pekah, king of Israel. He reigned 16 years in
Jerusalem, 2Ki 15:7,32,33 2Ch 26:23 27:1,8

585. Jotham fought a battle against the Ammonites and overthrew them. They became his
tributaries for three years. 2Ch 27:5 He had two successors, Micah the Morasthite and Isaiah.
Hosea executed the prophetic function. Mic 1:1 In his time also, as Josephus 1. 9. Antiq. c. 11. or
12. affirms, Nahum the prophet foretold the subversion of the Assyrians and of Nineveh. This
came to pass 115 years later. By that reckoning, Josephus understands that Nahum prophesied in
the time of Ahaz, the son of Jotham.

3252c AM, 3962 JP, 752 BC, 7 SK, 7 NK

586. In this year Hezekiah the son of Ahaz, was born by his mother Abi, the daughter of
Zachariah. He was 25 years old when he began to reign. 2Ki 18:2 2Ch 29:1

3254c AM, 3964 JP, 750 BC, 9 SK, 10 NK

587. Two towns were built in this year. Ardus was one of them. It was constructed on a very
small island as Mela notes. The whole circumference of this island was taken up with this one
town. Cyzicum was the second town located in Propontis.

588. Arbaces the governor of Media, scorned the effeminate ways of Sardinapalus. He conspired
with Belesus the governor of Babylon by sending a battalion of 400,000 men of Medes, Persia,
Babylon and Arabia. He was overthrown in three battles, but in the fourth the Bactrian soldiers
defected over to him. He attacked his enemies by night and unawares and drove them from their
camp. When Sardanapalus put all the command of the army into the hands of Salaemenus, his
wife's brother, he was also defeated twice by the conspirators. As a result he was almost killed
and all his army. When Nineveh was besieged, Sardanapalus sent three of his sons and two
daughters into Paphlagonia with a great treasure. They gave it to Cotta, governor of that
province. With this treasure Cotta dispatched messengers and commissioners throughout the
land to conscript soldiers and provide all the necessities needed to endure a siege. (Diod. Sic. 1.
2.)

3256c AM, 3966 JP, 748 BC, 11 SK, 12 NK

589. SK - Rome was founded by Romulus according to the reckoning of Fabius Pictor, the most
ancient of all Roman writers. This date is confirmed according to the account of the secular
games held by the ancient Romans most religiously. This happened shortly before the beginning
of the 8th Olympiad, on the feast of their goddess Pales, on the 10th day of April. However the
feast of Pales, according to Varro's account, was a full 5 years earlier than it is according to
Fabius. The poet Ovid said of this day:

vv Urbs oritur (quis tunc hoc ulli credere posses?) Victorem torris impositura pedem." Fal. 4.

590. That is:

A city is born,

(which who then would have thought)

That since the world

Has in subjection brought.

3257 AM, 3967 JP, 747 BC

591. In the 3rd year of the siege of Nineveh the river overflowed with continual rains. It flooded
a part of the city and undermined two and one half miles of the wall. When Sardanapalus knew
this, he made a huge pile of wood in his palace court and set it on fire, which burned himself, his
concubines, his eunuchs and all his riches. The palace itself was also burned to ashes.

592. The conspirators entered by the breach in the wall made by the water, and took the city.
They proclaimed Arbaces as their king. (Diod. 1. 2. and Athena. 1. 12 from Ctesias.) Therefore
the kingdom of the Assyrians was destroyed. From the beginning of the reign of Ninus, they
held all of upper Asia for 520 years as Herodus (1. 1. c. 95.) affirms.

593. After the kingdom fell, it was divided. Arbaces, whom Strabo calls "Orbacus" and Velleius
Paterculus named "Pharnaces" freed his countrymen the Medes from the Assyrian yoke. Later,
he enabled them to live according to their own laws. Herodotus, in the book previously
mentioned, affirms this. Belesis, is called Baladan in the scriptures. Isa 39:1 2Ki 20:12 Agathias
(1. 2. Histo. from Bion & Alex. Polyhist.) calls him "Belessas" or "Beleussus". Nicol.
Damascennus, in his Eclogs, set forth by Hen. Valesius, Naminybrus. By Hipparchus, he is
called "Ptolomaus". Censorinus is called "Nabonassarus." He held the kingdom of Babylon for
14 years.

3257b AM, 3967 JP, 747 BC

594. From twelve o'clock, on the first day of the Egyptian month Thoth, from Wednesday,
February 26th, in the evening, in the year 747 BC, all astronomers unanimously start the
calender of Nabonassar.

595. Meles in Lydia reigned 12 years, (Euseb. Chron.) of whom more is to be read about in
Herodotus. (1. I.e. 84.)

596. Ninus the younger, held the kingdom of the Assyrians (reduced now to the old boundaries).
The empire was quite diminished in Sardanapalus' 19 years. Eusebius explained the errors in
Chronology in many large volumes of his Greek Chron. out of Castor the Rhodian. This Ninus,
for good luck, seemed to have assumed the name of the first founder of the Assyrian kingdom.
His own original name was Eliam, as 1. 12. Histor. Annal. and Thilgamus tell us. In the
scriptures he is known as "Tilgathpilneser" ICh 28:20 or "Tiglathpileser". 2Ki 15:29 16:7,10

3262c AM, 3972 JP, 742 BC, 17 SK, 18 NK

597. Ahaz succeeded his father Jotham at the very end of the 17th year of Pekah, the son of
Remaliah and reigned 16 years in Jerusalem, 2Ki 16:1,2 2Ch 28:1

598. Towards the end of the reign of Jotham, God began to stir up Resin the king of Syria and
Pekah the son of Remaliah against Judah. 2Ki 15:37 Judah was terrified at the approach of these
enemies and expected a quick defeat at their hands. God sent a gracious message to Ahaz by
Isaiah the prophet with a promise of his deliverance and the destruction of his enemies. For a
sign of his deliverance (when the incredulous king was asked what sign he wanted, he said
none), God made him a promise that a virgin would bear Immanuel. He would be both God and
man, or God with us, or dwelling in our flesh. With regard to his office, he is the only Mediator
between God and man. ITi 2:5 He would bring to pass that God would "be with us" Isa 8:10
gracious and propitious to us and a very present help in trouble. Ps 46:1,2,7 Ro 8:31,32 This
message was most befitting the present situation in that all promises of God in Christ, are "Yea
and Amen", 2Co 1:20 to be fulfilled generally in him and for him. Besides this the land of Judah
was to be privileged to be Immanuel's land. Isa 8:8 Pertaining to the flesh, he was to be born not
only of the Jews but also of the very house of David. According to the prophecy of Jacob. Ge
49:10 This would happen before the sceptre would depart from Judah. That is, before Judah
would cease to be a nation ruled by kings. Therefore at that time Judah need not fear the
destruction of the house of David or the nation of the Jews. However, 65 years later this
happened to the Northern Kingdom as predicted by Isaiah. Isa 7:1-8:22

599. For a sign of the destruction of those kings who came against Ahaz, the prophet was
commanded to bring out Ahaz's son, Shearjashub. He told Ahaz that his son would eat butter
and honey until he was old enough to know right from wrong. Before this happened both these
kings would be dead. Isa 7:3,15,16 At the same time Isaiah's wife, a prophetess, bore him
another son. God named him Mahershalalhashbaz signifying that the Assyrian would hurry and
take away the spoil. They would plunder both Syrians and Israelites before the child would be
able plainly to pronounce, "My father", or "My mother." So the sons of the prophets were made
to serve for signs from God to the Israelites. Isa 8:3,4,18 After these prophecies Rezin and
Pekah came up together to besiege Jerusalem where Ahaz was. They could not take it as was
predicted by Isaiah. Isa 7:1-7 2Ki 16:5 This wicked Ahaz was no sooner delivered out of this
imminent danger, but he forsook God his deliverer and walked in the ways of the kings of Israel.
He set up the idolatrous worship of Baal and offered incense in the valley of Benhanan. He
made his own son to pass through the fire. He offered sacrifices in the high places, upon the hills
and under every green tree. 2Ch 28:2-4 2Ki 16,3,4

3263c AM, 3973 JP, 741 BC, 2 SK, 19 NK

600. SK - When Ahaz forsook God, God also forsook him. When Rezin and Pekah divided their
forces, they overcame him. This they could not do when their forces were united. God gave him
over into the hands of the Syrians who defeated him and carried away a great multitude of his
people captive to Damascus. Also the king of Israel defeated him and slaughtered a great
number of his people. 2Ch 28:5

601. At the same time, Rezin conquered Elath, which Uzziah had recovered for Judah. Rezin
rebuilt it and repopulated it with Syrians. 2Ki 14:22 2Ch 26:2 2Ki 16:2

602. NK - Pekah killed 120,000 valiant men of Judah in one day. Zichri, a mighty man of the
tribe of Ephraim, slew Maaseiah the king's son, Azrikam, the steward of the king's house and
Elkanah who was next to the king in authority. The Israelites also carried away captive from
Judah and Jerusalem 200,000 women, boys and maids. They plundered their goods and carried
all away to Samaria. When warned by Hadlai a prophet of God, they released all of the prisoners
and restored their goods to them in the presence of their princes and the whole congregation of
Samaria. They treated them kindly and escorted them safely to Jericho. 2Ch 28:6-15

3264c AM, 3974 JP, 740 BC, 3 SK, 20 NK

603. SK - The Edomites invaded Judah and carried away many captives. The Philistines whom
king Uzziah had conquered, 2Ch 26,6,7 now attacked the cities of Judah in the low countries
and southern parts and dwelt there. God gave Judah over to their enemies because of Ahaz's sin
and because he had led Judah into sin. 2Ch 28:17-19

604. Ahaz took all the gold and silver that was found in the Lord's house and in the treasury of
the king's house. He sent it for a present to Tiglathpileser king of Assyria wishing him to come
and deliver him from the kings of Syria and Israel. He came and took Damascus, and carried
away all its inhabitants to Kir and killed Rezin the king of Syria. 2Ki 16:7-9 This fulfilled the
prophecy of Isaiah, 2Ki 7: 16 8:4 9: 1 1 as well as of Amos who long before had foretold the ruin
of the king of Damascus, in these words.

VV I will send a fire upon the house of Hazael, which shall consume the palaces of Benhadad and
I will break in pieces the bars of Damascus and root out the inhabitants of the valley of Aven,
and him that beareth the sceptre out of the house of Eden and the people of Syria shall be carried
away into Assyria, saith the Lord," Am 1:4,5

605. So the kingdom of Damascus, of Hamath came to an end. (Am 6:2 and of Arpad, Jer 49:23
Isa 10:9 36:19 37:12,13) This kingdom began with a man called Rezon, IKi 11:23,24 and ended
with one of the same name. It lasted for 10 generations, as Nicol. Damascenes, cited by
Josephus, 1. 7. Antiquit. c. 6. affirms. See note 2960 A.M.

606. When Ahaz went to meet Tiglathpileser at Damascus, he congratulated him for his great
victory. He saw there an altar and he sent the pattern of it to Uriah, the priest, so that he might
make one like it in Jerusalem. When he returned, he and the people offered their sacrifices on it.
He moved the brazen altar far from the front of the house so that it would not stand between his
altar and the house of the Lord. 2Ki 16:1-20

607. NK - When Ahaz implored the aid of the kings of Assyria, (as it is said in 2Ch 28: 16
"kings" in the plural, by a usual analogy, or change of the number, Ps 105:30 Jer 19:3 25:22 Isa
1:52) against Pekah, Tiglathpileser came. He led away the people of Gilead or Peraea, to wit, the
Reubenites and the Gadites and the half tribe of Manasseh, to Habor and Hara and the river
Gozan. When he then passed over Jordan, he occupied Galilee and carried away all the
inhabitants of Naphtali, who Benhadad had left, together with the men of Galilee into Assyria.
ICh 5:26 2Ki 15:29 IKi 15:20 Isa 9:1

3265c AM, 3975 JP, 739 BC, 4 SK, 1 NK

608. SK - When Ahaz had now made himself a servant to the king of Assyria, then he found that
he had received more harm than help from him. 2Ch 28:20,21 Isaiah had previously intimated to
him of this using the allegory:

vv The Lord shall shave off the hair of thy head and feet with an hired razor, from beyond the
river, even the king of Assyria, and it shall also consume the beard." Isa 7:20

609. Therefore Ahaz built a secret passage between the king's house to the house of the Lord
because he feared the king of Assyria. 2Ki 16:18 Tremelius understands this to mean that for
fear lest the king of Assyria would assault him from that way and break into his palace. In the
midst of all of his afflictions, he sinned still more and more against the Lord. 2Ch 28:22

610. NK - When Hoshea, the son of Elah, murdered Pekah the son of Remaliah, he took over the
kingdom 20 years after Jotham started to reign over Judah, 2Ki 15:30-38 or the 4th year of the
reign of Ahaz. See Gill on "2Ki 15:30" However the kingdom was in civil disorder and anarchy
for nine years and Hoshea had a troubled reign.

3269 AM, 3979 JP, 735 BC, 8 SK, 5 NK

611. Candaules, whom the Greek authors call, as Herodotus said, Myrsylus, the son of Myrsus
was the last of the family of the Heraclydae. He reigned in Lydia for 17 years. (Euseb. Chron.)

3271 AM, 3981 JP, 733 BC, 10 SK, 7 NK

612. Nadius, or Nabius reigned over the Babylonians for 2 years. (Ptol. in Reg. Canone.)
3273c AM, 3983 JP, 731 BC, 12 SK, 9 NK

613. Chinzirus and Porus, reigned over the Babylonians, 5 years. (Ptol. in Reg. Canone.)
3274c AM, 3984 JP, 730 BC, 13 SK, 1 NK

614. NK - When Hoshea restored order in Israel, he began a peaceful reign in the latter end of
the 12th year of Ahaz king of Judah. 2Ki 17:1

3276b AM, 3986 JP, 728 BC, 14 SK, 2 NK

615. NK - Tiglathpileser or Ninus the younger reigned for 19 years according to Castor and
died. After him came Shalmaneser, called Evemassar as in the Greek copy of Tobias. This man
seems to be that Shalman, who in the prophesy of Ho 10: 14 is said to have laid waste Betharbel.
The place was famous later for the defeat of Darius the Persian. This is the country of Arbella,
in the land of Assyria, beneath Arpad. Against Hoshea, king of Israel, Shalmaneser came up. He
made him to serve and pay him tribute. 2Ki 17:3

3277c AM, 3987 JP, 727 BC, 1,16 SK, 4 NK

616. After Sabacon, an Ethiopian, had taken Boccoris king of Egypt alive, he burnt him in the
fire and reigned in his place 8 years. (Affica.)

617. SK - In the last year of his reign, Ahaz made his son Hezekiah viceroy with him in the
kingdom. This was in the latter end of the third year of Hoshea king of Israel. Hezekiah reigned
29 years in Jerusalem. 2Ki 18:1,2

3278a AM, 3987 JP, 727 BC

618. Jugaeus or Julaeus, reigned over the Babylonians 5 years, (Ptol. reg. Canon.)
3278b AM, 3988 JP, 726 BC

619. SK - Ahaz died in this year. The prophet Isaiah foretold the destruction of the Philistines
(who at that time, unjustly held a part of Judah, as was shown before, in the 3264th AM.) Isa
14:28-32 Likewise he predicted a great disaster to happen to the Moabites within three years. Isa
15:1-16:14 For fulfilment of these prophesies, see 3280 AM and 3284 AM.

3278c AM, 3988 JP, 726 BC, 1 SK

620. SK - After Ahaz died, Hezekiah, toward the latter end of the first year of his reign in the
first month Abib, opened the doors of the Lord's house which his father had shut up. 2Ch 28:24
He commanded the priests and Levites to sanctify themselves and then to clean up the temple.
2Ch 29:3,4

621. They were encouraged by Hezekiah and on the first day of the first month, (Sunday, April
21st) they sanctified themselves. According to the king's command, came to cleanse the house
of the Lord. On the 8th day of the some month, (Sunday, April 28th.) they entered into the porch
of the temple and sanctified the house of the Lord for 8 days. On the 16th day of the first month,
(Sunday, May 6th.) they finished that work. 2Ch 29:15-17

622. Early next morning (Monday, May 6th.), king Hezekiah called together all the rulers of the
city. He went up into the house of the Lord together with the people. With the ministry of the
priests and Levites, he offered many sacrifices upon the altar of the Lord with great joy and
gladness. 2Ch 29:20-36

623. According to the law in Nu 9:10,11, the passover was delayed until the second month for
the following reasons. The passover could not be kept at the same time when that meeting and
the cleansing of the temple was being done. The number of sanctified priests was not enough.
All the people were not gathered together from all the country to Jerusalem. Notice was sent to
all the people from Beersheba even to Dan. Not only the Jews, but some also out of the tribes of
Asher, Manasseh and Zebulun, came together in Jerusalem. The rest of the tribes laughed at the
notice. 2Ch 30:1-12 The altars for idols and of incense were destroyed first and then thrown into
the brook Kidron. They killed the Pascal lambs on the 14th day of the second month, (Sunday,
June 3rd.) They kept the feast of unleavened bread for 7 days. They offered their sacrifices of
thanksgiving and sang praises to the God of their fathers. 2Ch 30:13-22 As further testimony of
their thankfulness to God, they continued 7 more days. This time was kept and celebrated with
great glee and joy of heart. 2Ch 30:23

624. When they had finished these activities, then all the Israelites, who were present there,
about the end of the second month, went out into all the cities of Judah. They broke down the
images and cut down the groves and destroyed the high places and altars throughout Ephraim
and Manasseh until they had finished the work. When this was done, the Israelites returned
home. 2Ch 31:1

625. Hezekiah went further. He broke in pieces the very brazen serpent that Moses had set up
Nu 21:9 because in those days the Israelites burnt incense to it. In contempt of it, he called it by
a diminutive term, "Nehushtan", "a little piece of brass." 2Ki 18:4 He appointed the priests and
Levites to their duties. He provided for them food and maintenance by establishing again the
law of first fruits and tithes. 2Ch 31:1-21

626. On the 3rd month, every man brought in their first fruits and tithes and gave them to the
priests. 2Ch 31:5-7

3279a AM, 3988 JP, 726 BC

627. SK - In the 7th month after the harvest of the fruits of the whole year was completed, Ex
29:16 the collection of the first fruits and tithes was completed. 2Ch 31:7 Hezekiah appointed

officers for the proper distribution of them. 2Ch 31:1-21
3279b AM, 3989 JP, 725 BC, 3 SK, 6 NK

628. NK - Hoshea the king of Israel, consulted beforehand with So king of Egypt and refused to
pay tribute any longer to Shalmaneser. 2Ki 17:4

629. This So or Sua, as Jerome calls him, seems to be none other then Sabacon the Ethiopian.

630. Chrysostome, in his 30th Homile on John, says that this Hoshea made an alliance with the
Ethiopians. Severus Sulpicius, in his sacred History 1. 1 says

vv that he allied with the kings of the Ethiopians, who at that time, held the kingdoms of Egypt."

3280b AM, 3990 JP, 724 BC, 4 SK, 7 NK

631. NK - When Shalmaneser knew that Hoshea had allied himself with the king of Egypt, he
first secured all the land of the Moabites. So that he might have no enemy at his rear to annoy
his army, he razed to the ground their two chief cities, Arnon and Kirhareseth. This fulfilled the
prophecy of Isaiah foretold three years earlier. Isa 16:7-1 1 See Tremellius on this. Then he went
through and wasted all the land of Israel and marched toward Samaria in the 4th year of
Hezekiah. In the 7th year of Hoshea, he besieged Samaria for 3 years, 2Ki 17:4-6 18:9

3283 AM, 3993 JP, 721 BC, 6 SK, 9 NK

632. After Nabonasser's 26 year reign, Mardocempadus began to reign in Babylon for 12 years
according to Ptolemy's Reg. Canon. By the prophet Isaiah, Merodach Baladan, is called the son
of Baladan, Isa 39:1 as being Belesis, or the son, or according to a most usual Hebrewism,
nephew of Nabonasar. In Mardocempadus' first year the moon was eclipsed at Babylon,
according to Ptolemy in his 4th book of his great Syntaxis, c. 6. This was in the 27th of
Nabonasar, 29th of the month Thoth, as the Egyptians call it, (that is toward the end of our
March 19th) two and an half hours before midnight.

633. NK - Toward the end of the 3rd year of the siege of Samaria, in the 6th year of the reign of
Hezekiah and 9th of Hoshea, Shalmaneser took Samaria. He carried away the Israelites into his
own country and settled them in Halah, Habor and the river Gozan and in the cities of the
Medes. Tiglathpileser had formerly transported to this place the inhabitants of Perea, or the two
tribes and a half living on the other side Jordan. ICh 5:26 2Ki 17:6 8:10,11 Anarchy was in
Media before the kingdom of Media was taken by "Deioces". This gave occasion to the
Assyrians to invade and take over that whole country. This was the place where Tobit or Tobias
the elder states that he at this time with Anna his wife and his country men, the Nepthalites,
were carried away into the land of the Assyrians. There they provided grain and other food for
Shalmaneser's household. Also he was carried into Media and there placed in a principal city of
Media called Rages. There he deposited ten talents of silver in the hand and trust of Gabael his
near kinsman and one that was carried away captive with him to the same place. /APC Tob 1:22
This was the end of the kingdom of Israel after if revolted from the kingdom of Judah 254 years
earlier.

3284b AM, 3994 JP, 720 BC

634. In the second year of Merodach's reign, there was another eclipse of the moon in Babylon.
This happened in the 28th year of Nabonasar, on the 18th day of the month of Thoth, at
midnight. The Julian calendar dates it on Saturday, March 9th. Exactly 176 days and 20 and an
half hours later, a third eclipse of the moon took place. This occurred on the 15th day of the
month Phamenoth Sunday, September 1st. three hours and an half before midnight. (Ptolemy 1.
4. Magn. Syntax, c. 6, and 7.)

3285 AM, 3995 JP, 719 BC

635. Seuechus the Ethiopian, Sabacon's son, reigned in Egypt for 14 years. (African,) He seems
to also be called Sethos, priest to Vulcan who is mentioned by Herodotus in his second book c.
141.

3286 AM, 3996 JP, 718 BC

636. When Candaules indecently exposed his wife to his courtier named Gyges the son of
Dascylus, his wife ordered Gyges to murder him. As a result he married the wife of the
murdered king and took over the kingdom of Lydia. This is mentioned in a poem by Archilocus
from the Isle of Paros, who lived at the same time. So the kingdom of Lydia went from the clan
of the Heraclidae into the clan of Merduades. This clan ruled it for 170 years. Gyges himself
reigned 18 years. (Herod. 1.1.) Gyges was but a bondslave as appears by that saying of Cresus
his grandchild in Xenophon, (Justit.Cyri. 1. 7.)

VV I understand that the first of my ancestors that here reigned, was made a king and a free man
both at the same time."

637. Plato in his 2 de Repub. states that he was master of the king's cattle and his name was
Gyges. In the eastern dialect this seems to have been Gug, or Gog.

3287 AM, 3997 JP, 717 BC

638. When Gyges took over the kingdom, he sent various large offerings to Delphi. He made
war upon Miletus and Smyrna and took the city of Colophos by force. (Herod. 1. I.e. 17.)

639. When the Gitteans revolted, Eluleus king of Tyre, sailed there and subjected them again.
Shalmaneser the king of Assyria marched with his army and invaded all Phoenicia and came
against Tyre. Shortly after he made peace with them and returned home again. Not long after,
Sidon and Ace (called later Ptolomais) and Poletyrus or old Tyrus, with various other cities
defected from the Tyrians to the Assyrians. When only the Tyrians now stood against him, he
returned a second time. In this action the Phoenicians furnished him with 60 ships, and 800
sailors. The Tyrians attacked this fleet with only 12 ships, routed all the navy and took 500
prisoners. By this the Tyrians obtained a good reputation as a naval force. Shalmaneser returned
to besiege Tyre. He set guards by the river and conduits which served the city and cut them off.
This hindered them from getting water. They held out for five years and at last were forced to

dig wells within their city walls to get water. This is from Menander of Ephesus, in his
Chronicles, translated into Greek, from the Tyrian Annals, cited by Joseph. 9. Antiq. c. ult.
Eluleus is called Ayluleus by Rufinus an ancient Latin historian. Hence Scaliger calls him
Eliseus. I disagree with him in this that he here says that the Cyprians were by Menander called
Kitteans. However he by the name of Gitteans, understood indeed the inhabitants of Gitta, or
Gath well known by that name in the Bible. 2Sa 15:18 21:19 ISa 17:4 These were also added to
Judah by Hezekiah in the very time of this Eluleus or Eliseus, as may be gathered from
Josephus. He says that Hezekiah made war on the Philistines and defeated them. He added all
their cities (except one) and country from Gath to Gaza to the kingdom of Judah. (9. Antiq. cap
ult.) Also from 2Ki 15:18 18:8 Hezekiah smote the Philistines as far as Gaza and its territories.
Isaiah prophesied against the Tyrians who at this time were grown proud and insolent by reason
of their wealth and success in wars. Isa 23: 1

640. When Shalmaneser died, his son Sennacherib reigned in his stead. /APC Tob 1:18
Herodotus in 1. 2. calls him the king both of Assyria and Arabia too. It could be at that time that
the Assyrians ruled over Peraea, or the land of Gilead and Hamath, or Ituraea and held also a
part of Arabia, either Petraea, or Deserta. For that Ivah, or Ava, which Sennacherib boasted
much of seems to have been conquered by him or his ancestors. 2Ki 18:34 19:13 Isa 37:13 This
was a country lying in the desert of Arabia, Fram. Junius affirms based on 2Ki 17:24. The
prophet Isaiah foretold the calamity which was to fall upon the Moabites by Shalmaneser, (of
which I spoke in 3278 AM. and 3280 AM.). This is taken from Bersus' History of the Chaldeans
as cited by Josephus. (lib. 10. c. 1.) He says that Sennacherib reigned in Assyria and also that he
waged a fierce war on all Asia and Egypt.

3291c AM, 4001 JP, 713 BC

641. This war of his upon Egypt lasted 3 whole years and Palestina also joined with him in the
war. This is deduced from Isa 20: 1-6. Isaiah is told to take off his coat of hairy cloth (belonging
to his prophetic function, as in Zee 13:4) from his loins and his shoes from his feet. He was
commanded to walk up and down naked and bare foot for 3 years for a sign to the Egyptians and
Ethiopians. This intimated that when that time expired, they likewise would be stripped of their
clothes and go bare foot into captivity and bondage by the king of Assyria. This command the
prophet is said to have received in the year when Tartan was sent by Sargon king of Assyria and
besieged Ashdod and took it. Isa 20:1 Sargon is also called Sennacherib. Taran was one of his
commanders. 2Ki 18:17 By Ashdod, that famous city Azotus, a city of the Philistines, we
showed before from Josephus that it was conquered by king Hezekiah.

642. Hezekiah had shaken off the king of Assyria's yoke (which his father Ahaz had taken) and
would no longer serve him. 2Ki 17:7 In the 14th year of his reign, toward the end of it,
Sennacherib, came up against the kingdom of Judah. He besieged their fortified cities and took
many of them. Isa 36:1 2Ki 18:13 2Ch 32:2 When Hezekiah perceived that he intended also to
attack Jerusalem, he consulted with his princes. He plugged up all the fountains that were
around the city and diverted the brook Kidron which ran through the region. Then he built up all
that part of the wall which Joash the king of Israel had demolished in the time of Amaziah. He
fortified the house of David, and provided arrows and shields in great abundance and set
captains and colonels over the people. He called them together and he made a very short speech
to them. He persuaded them to be of good courage and not to have any fear of the king of
Assyria nor of his army. 2Ch 32:2-8,30

643. In those days when Hezekiah was very sick he was told by Isaiah that he would die. He
poured out his tears and prayers to God and he was healed. Another 15 years were added to his
life. Isa 38:1,5,21 2Ki 2:1,7 2Ch 32:24 He composed a song. First he showed the seriousness of
his illness and the anxiety he had. He told of his prayer to God and then acknowledged the great
benefit of his recovery received from God. Lastly he testified his faith in God, and promised to
be everlastingly thankful to him.

644. It is true that in the scripture this is recorded after the story of the slaughter of Sennacherib
and his army. However not precisely but with a general annotation only of the time, "In those
days." For this happened before his sickness, these scriptures plainly show.

VV I will add unto thy days fifteen years and will deliver thee and this city out of the hand of the
king of Assyria and I will defend this city."

645. Isa 38:5,6 2Ki 20:6 Now if we subtract from the 29 years which Hezekiah reigned, these 15
years, we shall find that the slaughter of Sennacherib and his army happened in the latter end of
the 14th year of his reign.

646. The sign of Hezekiah's recovery which God at his request gave to him, was that miraculous
going back of the shadow of the sun, upon the dial of Ahaz as recorded in Isa 38:8

vv Behold I will bring again the shadow of the degrees, which is gone down in the sundial of
Ahaz, 10 degrees backward, so the sun returned ten degrees, by which degrees it was gone
down."

647. As Jonathan the Chaldee Paraphraser interprets, "the stone of the hours" and renders it by
the hours of the clock. Yet in his commentary on this passage he observes that the Hebrew word
signifies degrees. Also in 2Ki 20:9 he states:

vv wilt thou that the shadow ascend 10 degrees, or that it return back 10 degrees?"

648. Nor may we ignore the Greek LXX interpretation of this passage since it is more ancient
than any of these writings. It states that by these words used here, no other thing is meant in this
history but the degrees of those scales or stairs which were made by Ahaz. Since it cannot be
shown that until after their return from the captivity of Babylon, there was any observation or
use at all of hours among the Jews. Others also attribute the invention of the Gnomon in the dial
among the Greeks to men of a later date as Anaximadder or Anaximener. This I shall show later
in the note on 3457 AM. However it seems that they received it originally from the Babylonians
as noted by Herodotus, when he says, (lib. 2. c. 109.)

vv The pole and the dial and the dividing of the day into twelve hours, all these the Greeks
learned from the Babylonians."

649. As concerning the retrograde motion of the Sun as mentioned in, Isa 38:8 /APC Sir 48:23 it
is when the sun stood still at the prayer of Joshua the moon also stood still at the same time. Jos
10:12,13 It is apparent that with the sun the moon also, and all the frame of heaven went
backward and that there was as much subtracted from the night, as there was added to the day.

There was a miraculous alteration in the parts of the normal day. By divine providence things
were so ordered that no harm or hinderance did happen to the constant and ever self-like motion
and harmony of the heavenly bodies. This is evident by those three solar eclipses, of which I
spoke earlier, from Ptolemy. The account of these if calculated from our times backward yields
the same result of the times as was formerly observed by the Chaldeans and in the same manner
as if no such retrogradation or going back of the sun had ever happened.

650. Now in the beginning of the 15th year of Hezekiah's reign, Merodach, or Berodach
Baladan, the son Baladan, the king of Babylon, sent messengers with presents to him. They
wanted to know the reason for the miraculous retrogradation of the sun which happened in the
world. Hezekiah from pride and vain ostentation showed them all his treasures and pomp of
riches. God presently foretold him of the captivity of Babylon which was to happen:

vv Behold the days come, that all that is in thine house and that which thy fathers have laid up in
store until this day, shall be carried away into Babylon; nothing shall be left, saith the Lord."

651. He added further that his sons which were not yet born should also be carried into captivity.

vv Thy sons also, that shall issue from thee and which thou shalt beget, shall they take away and
they shall be eunuchs in the palace of the king of Babylon,"Isa 39: 1-8 2Ki 20: 12-19

652. Nevertheless when Hezekiah with the inhabitants of Jerusalem, had humbled himself for
his former pride, the fierce wrath of the Lord fell not upon them in the days of Hezekiah. 2Ch
32:25,26,31

653. Micah also the Morasthite, prophesied to the people in Hezekiah's days:

vv That Zion should be plowed and Jerusalem laid in heaps and the mountain itself of the house
of the Lord, as the high places in a forest" Mic 3:12 Jer 26:18,19

(The important thing to note is that the earlier eclipse data was not disturbed by the events in
Hezekiah's day. Whatever happened, effected at the very least the sun, earth and moon system.
God made time go backward not just have the earth rotate backward. Otherwise the eclipse data
would be thrown off for eclipses that occurred before Hezekiah's event happened. An
undesigned coincidence in the sciptures verifies their authority. Of all the people in the world, it
is only recorded that the Chaldeans visited Hezekiah. They were very careful in noting
astronomical events and had noticed something strange as far away as Babylon. They no doubt
heard that Hezekiah had something to do with it and hence they went to him to learn more of
this event. In 331 BC they turned over 1903 years of astronomical observations to Callisthenes
when Alexander the Great was in Babylon. Editor)

3292 AM, 4002 JP, 712 BC

654. Memnon writes that Astacum in Bithynia, was built by the Megarenses, in the beginning of
the 17th Olympiad. (Biblioth Photii. p. 347.)

655. Herodotus, (lib. 2. c. 141.) tells us, that Sennacherib invaded Egypt, with a vast army and

made war upon Sethon, the priest of Vulcan. This man was a weak king and famous for nothing
except for being devoutly or rather superstitiously addicted to the worship of his petty god,
Vulcan. Herodotus also adds that even in his time, there remained a stone image of Sethon
holding a mouse in his hand. These words were engraved on the statue.

vv Let every man that looks on me, Learn godly and devout to be."

656. For his and their countries and their own priesthood's honour, the priests in that area
expound it this way. Sethon who was both king and priest, had by virtue of his piety and prayers
to his god Vulcan prevailed with the god. For when Pelussum, which stands in the very entrance
of Egypt was besieged by the enemy, their horse bridles, and buckles of their buckler, were so
gnawn to pieces by mice that the next day they fled with the loss of many of their men.
However, whatever the matter was at Pelusium, the undoubted word of the prophet assures us,
that the Assyrians marched far into the very heart of Egypt and led away a great many captives.

657. Nahum's prophecy against No was likely fulfilled by this expedition of Sennacherib's. No
was a large and strong city in Egypt. The prophecy was:

vv yet was she carried away; she went into captivity, her young children also were dashed in
pieces in the top of every street, and they cast lots for their honourable men and all her great
men were bound in chains" Na 3:10

3294c AM, 4004 JP, 710 BC

658. The prophecy made by Isaiah 3 years earlier concerning the rest of Egypt was fulfilled at
this time. Isa 24:1-23

vv The king of Assyria shall carry away a great multitude of the Egyptians captive; and of the
Ethiopians young and old prisoners, naked and barefoot":

659. 1 do not see why the next two verses should not refer to the Jews.

vv And they shall be ashamed of Ethiopia their expectation and of Egypt their glory: and the
inhabitants of this country shall say in that day: Behold such is our expectation, whither we flee
for help to be delivered from the king of Assyria and how shall we escape?" Isa 20:5,6

660. The Assyrian messenger had a good reason to remind them of Egypt when he said:

vv Now behold, you trust in the staff of this bruised reed Egypt, on which if a man lean, it will go
into his hand and pierce it; for even so is Pharaoh, to all such as trust upon him," 2Ki 18:27

661. For we find the same simile used by God of the Egyptians and Israelites, in Eze 29:6,7 and
in Isa 30:1-31:9. Here many things were spoken against the vain hope which the Jews had of
help from Egypt.

vv Therefore, saith he, shall the strength of Pharaoh be your shame, and your trust in the shadow

of Egypt your confusion, for the Egyptians shall help in vain and to no purpose: therefore have I
cried concerning this, Their strength is to stay at home." Isa 30:3,7

662. When Sennacherib returned from Egypt into Palestine, he besieged Lachish with all his
forces. 2Ch 32:9 Hezekiah sent to him at Lachish to buy his peace and agreed with him for
peace at a certain price. Therefore he drained all his own treasure of which he had formerly been
so proud as well as the treasury of the temple. He paid him 300 talents of silver and 30 talents of
gold. When he took the money, he broke his agreement and sent from Lachish to Jerusalem
Tartan, who had now taken Azotus and Rabsaris and Rabshakeh with a large army. 2Ki 18:14-
17

663. When these came to Jerusalem, they stood at the conduit of the upper pool by the highway
of the fullers field. After they called out to speak with the king, Eliakim, the son of Hilkiah and
Shebna the recorder went out to them. When they would not surrender the city, Rabshakeh then
cried out that Hezekiah did vainly rely on God for help and that he himself was sent by God.
After he reviled the God of Israel and Hezekiah his servant with many reproachful sayings, he
tried to make the people rebel and defect to the king of Assyria. This they spoke loudly in the
Hebrew language so that the people who stood on the wall might hear and understand what they
said. This they did to frighten and cause them anxiety so that in the resulting tumult they might
easily assault and take the city. Isa 36:1-22 2Ki 18:17-37 2Ch 32:9-18

664. When Hezekiah heard of this, he tore his clothes, put on sackcloth and went into the house
of the Lord. He sent Eliakim, Shebna and the elders of the priests, clothed likewise in sackcloth,
to Isaiah the prophet. They asked him to seek counsel of God for this sad situation and to pray to
God for help. The prophet encouraged them. He said that after the king of Assyria heard a
rumour, he would lift his siege and return to his country and be murdered. This all came to pass.
Isa 37:1-7 2Ki 19:1-7

665. When Rabshakeh could not take Jerusalem, he returned to Sennacherib. He left Lachish
and besieged Libnah. Isa 37:8 2Ki 19:8

666. Tirhakah king of Ethiopia did not invade Egypt and Syria as Scaliger groundlessly asserts
in his notes on Eusibius (p. 72.) and in his Isagogical Canons, page 311. Rather he sent forces to
assist and help the Egyptians and Jews. For the Scripture is clear, that he came to fight against
Sennacherib. Isa 37:9 2Ki 19:9 This Tirhakah, Strabo (lib. 1. and 15.) calls, Tearcon the
Ethiopian and further notes from Megasthenes, a writer of the history of India, that he passed
over into Europe and went as far as the pillars of Hercules.

667. When Sennacherib at Libnah heard a report of Tirhakah coming, he sent his commander
with railing letters to Hezekiah. He spoke of the God of Israel as if he were like one of the gods
of the nations, mere works of men's hands. Hezekiah took it before the Lord in his temple and
with many tears sought help and deliverance from God against the Assyrians. God answered
him by Isaiah the prophet. He said that God would defend that city and that the king of Assyria
should not so much as come there, but should return by the way he came. Isa 37:9-35 2Ki 19:9-
34 2Ch 32:17,19,20

668. The very same night after these things happened at Jerusalem and a few days after his
victory over the Ethiopians which happened about this time as some gather from, Isa 18:1-19:25

God sent his angel to their camp. He destroyed every man of valour, every commander, and
chief man in the Assyrian army. The next morning there were found 185,000 dead men. After
this Sennacherib shamefully broke camp and returned into his own land to rest at Nineveh. It
came to pass that as he was worshipping before his god Nisroch, Adrammelech and Sharezer
slew him with the sword. They fled immediately into the land of Ararat, or Armenia, and
Esarhaddon his son reigned in his stead. Isa 37:36-38 2Ki 19:35-37 2Ch 32:21 All this was
foretold by the prophet. Isa 38:1-22 31:8,9

669. In the first chapter of the book of Tobit, there are these things found which belong to this
story. When Sennacherib fled from Judah, he slew many of the Jews for the hatred he had
toward the Israelites. Tobit, or Tobia the elder, stole away the dead bodies and gave them a
proper burial. When he was accused of this to the king of Nineveh, he fled into hiding for a
time. They plundered and spoiled of all his goods leaving him only Anne his wife and Tobias
his son. After 45 days, or as the Greek copy has it, before 55 days, Sennacherib was murdered
by his sons. When they fled into the mountains of Ararat, Esarhaddon his son reigned in his
stead. Some copies incorrectly call him Achirdon or Sarchedon. The new king set Achiacarus,
the son of Hananeel, Tobit's brother, over all his father's affairs and his own. He was his steward
and keeper of his accounts and the cupbearer having the privy seal and was the second man after
the king.

670. Hezekiah had his son Manasseh, by Hephzibah, 3 years after his life was lengthened and 12
years before his death.

671. The Medes had up until now lived without a king. After Dejoces would not judge their
causes and controversies any longer, civil disorder ensued. The Assyrians used this occasion to
take possession of many cities and places in Media as I noted before on 3283 AM. The people
did not like the resulting anarchy and they submitted unanimously to Dejoces. This was 150
years before Cyrus began his reign as Herodotus in his first book states quoting from Ctesias on
this point. Both Dionysius, Halicarnasseus and Appianus Alexandrinus, in the beginning of his
Roman Histories agree. Though Diodorus Siculus, in his second book, whether through faulty
memory or poor copying puts Cyazaris for Dejoces. He is said to have been elected king over
the Medes, about the second year of the 17th Olympiad according to Herodotus. For subtracting
150 years from the beginning of the reign of Cyrus which he supposed happened in the
beginning of the 55th Olympiad results in the middle of the year 4154 JP or 560 BC. It follows
that the 1st year of Dejoces the first king of the Medes must be in the 3rd year of the 17th
Olympiad in the middle of the year 4004 JP. This allowed the latter end of the second year of
the same Olympiad to have been spent in the transaction of this business and election of the new
king. This is the first epoch or point of the beginning of this new kingdom of the Medes.
Herodotus correctly determined and recorded this fact. The precise times of every king's reign
when compared with the eclipse of the sun, which happened in the reign of Cyaxares described
later in the 3403 AM. will be shown as we proceed.

3295a AM, 4004 JP, 710 BC

672. The 15th Jubilee which was the middle most of all the jubilees, was the most joyful except
for the one at Solomon's dedication of the temple. The fresh memory of so great a deliverance
and for the prosperity that happened made this one of the best jubilees ever. Many brought
offerings and gifts to the Lord at Jerusalem and rich presents for the king. He was magnified
later among all nations, and prospered in whatever he undertook to do. 2Ch 32:23,27,30

673. After this great deliverance God prospered Judah greatly. 2Ch 32:22 Isa 37:31,32 That this
was a jubilee is necessary to understand the sign of God's mercy given the year before to
Hezekiah:

vv You shall eat saith God, this year, that which groweth of itself, the second year, that which
springeth of the same; and in the third year, sow ye and reap ye and plant vineyards and eat of
the fruit thereof, Isa 37:30 2Ki 19:29

674. The previous year's harvest was either gathered by the enemy which roved all over the
country, (according to God's threatening, Le 27:16 De 28:33 Jer 5:17) or spoiled and trodden
underfoot by them. It would be necessary for the people to live that year upon that which grew
by itself. Because this year was a Jubilee, it was not lawful either to sow or reap. Otherwise, if
no Sabbatical year intervened, they might have done this. Since the Assyrian army was
destroyed by the angel, there was nothing to hinder them from planting a crop. But the following
year when there was neither enemy to frighten them, nor Sabbatical year to prevent them, they
might legally resume farming as at other times.

3295b AM, 4005 JP, 709 BC

675. After Mardosempadus, or Merodach Baladan had reigned 12 years in Babylon, he was
succeeded by Arkianus in the 29th year of Nabonaser and reigned 5 years (Ptol. in Reg. Can.)

676. According to Eusub. Chron., Parion in the coast of Hellespont, near to Lampsacus was built
or rather re-established by the Milesians and Erythreans who sent a colony there at this time.

3296 AM, 4006 JP, 708 BC

677. Dejoces king of the Medes built Ecbatane this year in the first year of the 18th Olympiad
according to Eusebius' Greek Chronicle. This city in Ezr 6:2 is called Achmetha, but Ctesias in
his Persica, as Stephanus Byzantinus states, called it Agbatam. A fuller description of the
construction of it is in /APC Jud 1:1-16 where it is said that it was built by Arphaxad king of
Medes. Herodotus and other writers attributed it to Dejoces. It appears that the same man was
called by both names. More will be said on this in the notes on 3448 AM.

3299 AM, 4009 JP, 705 BC

678. Taracas or Tirhaka the Ethiopian reigned in Egypt 18 years. See note on 3294 AM.
(Africanus.)

3300 AM, 4010 JP, 704 BC

679. After Arkianus, there was no king for 2 years.
3302 AM, 4012 JP, 702 BC

680. Belibus, or Belithus and Belelus, held the kingdom of Babylon for 3 years. (Ptol. Reg.
Canon.)

3305 AM, 4015 JP, 699 BC

681. Apronadius reigned in Babylon for 6 years. (Ptol. Reg. Canon.)
3306c AM, 4016 JP, 698 BC

682. Hezekiah was buried in the upper part of the sepulchres of the family of David. All Judah
and the inhabitants of Jerusalem paid him every honour possible. 2Ch 32:33 After Hezekiah,
came his son Manasseh who reigned 55 years. 2Ki 21:1 He again set up the high places which
his father Hezekiah had pulled down. He built altars to all the host of heaven in the two courts of
the house of the Lord. He made his son pass through the fire in the valley of the son of Hinnom.
He used divinations and sorceries and soothsayings and set up a molten image in the house of
the Lord. He made Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem to sin and do worse than all the
nations, whom God had driven out before the Israelites. 2Ki 21:2,1 1 2Ch 33:2,9 He also shed
much innocent blood, insomuch that he filled Jerusalem with it. In addition to his own sin, he
made Judah to sin and to do that which was evil in the sight of the Lord. 2Ki 21:16 24:4
Manasseh is thought to have cut the prophet Isaiah into two pieces with a wooden saw. The
Babylonian Talmud in their treatise, Justin Martyr in his Coloquie with Tryphon, Jerome upon
Isa 20:57 and others of our men, explain the passage in Heb 1 1:37

vv were sawed in pieces",

683. as referring to Isaiah. For all this God threatened that:

vv he would stretch out over Jerusalem, the line of Samaria and the plumb of the house of Ahab:
and that he would wipe Jerusalem, as one useth to do, when he wipes a dish and turneth it upside
down," 2Ki 21:13

3311 AM, 4021 JP, 693 BC

684. Rigibelus reigned over the Babylonians for one year. (Ptol. Reg. Can.)

3312 AM, 4022 JP, 692 BC

685. Mesissimordacus reigned over the Babylonians for 4 years. (Ptol. Reg. Can.)
3316 AM, 4026 JP, 688 BC

686. There was a vacancy of a king in Babylon for 8 years. (Ptol. Reg. Can.)

687. According to Herodotus, (lib. 1. c. 130) Dejoces extended the kingdom of the Medes, as far
as the river Halys, 128 years before the end of the reign of Aastyages.

688. In the 23rd Olympiad, Herostratus Naucraties a merchant of Egypt, went to Paphos in the
island of Cyprus. There he bought a little image of Venus about the size of the palm of a man's
hand and of very ancient workmanship. By its power he was miraculously delivered from a
storm at sea. He consecrated the image at Naucratis in the temple of Venus, with great
solemnity. This is according to Atheneus, who was born in the same place, in his 15th book
Deipnosophist. However, according to Scrabo, 1. 17., there was no such town as Naucratis in
Egypt at that time nor until later when it was built by the Milesians. This was in the time of
Cyaxeris king of Medes and of Psamyticus king of Egypt, who both lived at the same time.

3317 AM, 4027 JP, 687 BC

689. Civil disorder increased in Egypt for there was no king for 2 years. (Diod. Sic. 1. 1.)
3319 AM, 4029 JP, 685 BC

690. After this Egypt was ruled by an aristocracy of 12 men who governed the kingdom by a
Common Council. This government according by Herod. (1. 2. c. 147) and Diod. Sic. (1. 1.) is
said to have lasted 15 years. Tremellius is of the opinion, that the burden of Egypt, spoken of by
the prophet Isa 19:5,6 refers to the drying up of the river Nile as foretold in:

vv They shall want of their waters, to run into the sea, so that their river shall be dried up and
turning away their waters, they shall empty and dry up their channels fenced with banks"

691. Based on Herodotus, Tremellius states:

vv The 12 petty kings using the labour of this poor people, shall strive to overrule the very works
of nature and shall turn away the waters of Nile. Even to make its channels dry. They did this so
that they might finish their pond or lake of Marios with their Pyramides and Labyrinth solely for
their lust and pleasure's sake."

692. But Scaliger in his Canon. Isagog. understands it, that there should be there so great a
drought that their river Nile in the summer season would not rise nor flow nor water Egypt as it
normally did. He refers this prophesy to the earlier times of Soij or Sabbacon.

3323c AM, 4033 JP, 681 BC

693. When the family of the Babylonian kings died out, after 8 years of no kings, Esarhaddon
the king of Assyria conquered them and held that kingdom for 13 years. (Ptolemy's, Can. Reg.)
It appears Assaradinus is the same person as Esarhaddon. This is from the similarity in the
names and by the word of the Holy Scripture. It intimates that he was king both of Assyria and
Babylon at the same time. 2Ki 17:24 19:37 See note on 3327 AM.

3324 AM, 4034 JP, 680 BC

694. Ardys the son of Gyges, reigned in Lydia for 49 years. He captured Pryene and invaded
Miletus. (Herod. 1. 1. c. 15.)

3327 AM, 4037 JP, 677 BC

695. In Sicily, the city Gela was built and in Pamphilia, Phaselis by two brothers, Antiphemus
and Lacius. (Euseb. Chron.) They consulted the oracle at Delphi concerning a place to live. It
answered that the one should sail westward and the other eastward, as Stephanus Byzantinus in
the word "Gela", reports, from Aristenetus on his first commentary of Phaselis. Heropythus in
his book of the "Borders of the Colophonians", said concerning the building of Phaselis, that
Lacius who transported a colony there, met Cylabra, a shepherd with his flock. He gave him the
price of the ground where he built his city from his provisions. Philostephanus in his book
entitled, "Of the Cities of Asia", gives a more detailed account of Lacius and a man from Argos.
One of them went with Mopsus (the founder of the city Colophos) and whom some call Lindius,
brother to Antiphemus the builder of Gela. (Lindius is said to have been of Rhodes by
Herodotus 1. 7. and by Thucidides 1. 6.) Lacius was sent by Mopsus with another man, by the
oracle and wish of Mantus and Mopsus, his mother. Because the decks of his ships were
smashed in a tempest about the Chelidonian Isles, he could not arrive till late at night. There he
bought the plot of ground where he built his city, as Mantus had foretold. He gave certain salt
meats for it to Bylabra the owner of it. This is what he desired most from all their ship's
provisions. (Athens Deipnosoph. 1. 7.)

696. In this year the prophecy was fulfilled that was spoken by Isaiah Isa 7:1-8:22. In the
beginning of the reign of Ahaz, within 65 years, Ephraim shall be conquered and never be a
nation again. For although most of them were carried away by Shalmaneser 44 years earlier and
the kingdom utterly destroyed, yet among them who were left there was some form of
government. Now they ceased to be a distinct people because of the many foreigners who came
to live there. Compared to the total population, the small number of the Ephraimites was not
significant. A few remained in their country as appears from the story of Josiah. 2Ch 34:6,7,33
35:18 2Ki 23:19,20 There were every now and then new colonies of people sent from Babel,
Cush, Halvah and Sepharvaim. These dwelt in Samaria and its cities. 2Ki 17:24 This was done
by Esarhaddon king of Assyria (who was also called, Asnappar the Great and magnificent). This
is evident by the confession of the Cushites in Ezr 4:2,10

697. At the same time as Israel was conquered, the same Assyrian army attacked Judah. They
captured Manasseh the king, as he was hiding in a thicket. They bound him with chains of brass
and carried him captive into Babylon. 2Ch 33: 1 1 Some think this calamity was foretold by the
prophet Isaiah, when he says:

vv within sixty five years Ephraim shall be so broken in pieces, that it shall be no more a people.
And the head of Ephraim is Samaria, is the son of Remaliah: And if you will not believe, you
shall not be established," Isa 7:8,9

698. Jacobus Capellus has noted in his Chron. that you yourselves also shall be broken in pieces.
Further, he adds that also the Jews in Seder Olams Rabba and the Talmudists, cited by Rabbi
Kimchi, on Eze 4:1-17 state this.

699. In the 22nd year of Manasseh's reign, he was carried away captive into Babylon. After he
repented of his sin, 33 years before his death, God restored him again to his kingdom. 2Ch
33:12,13 His captivity likely did not last very long for no notice of it is taken in 2Ki 21:1-18 It is
recorded that he reigned 55 years in Jerusalem. 2Ki 21:1 2Ch 33:1

700. When the new inhabitants of Samaria did not serve the God of Israel, some were killed by
lions. When the king of Assyria was told this, he ordered that one of the priests, which were
brought from there in the captivity, should be sent back. When the priest returned he made his
residence at Bethel. There he taught them how to worship God but according to Jeroboam's
religion. They worshipped the calf at Bethel as well as their old idols. They are said to have
feared God and not to have feared him. There is little difference between worshipping many
gods and no God at all. 2Ki 17:25,33,41 This was the beginning of the animosity which grew
later between the Samaritans and the Jews. Ezr 4:1 Ne 4:2 Joh 4:9

3329 AM, 4039 JP, 675 BC

701. According to Euseb. Chron., Chalcedon, or Calcedon, (as it is found on some old coins)
was built by the Megarenses at the mouth of the Euxine Sea among the Thracians. They had
possession of Bithynia in Asia. (Thucidid. 1. 4. Strabo 1. 12.)

3334 AM, 4044 JP, 670 BC

702. Psammiticus Saits, the son of Pharaohnecho, was murdered by Sabbacon the Ethiopian and
one of those twelve tyrants of Egypt. Sabbacon took over the kingdom and reigned there 54
years. (Herod. 1. 2. c. 152. and c. 157.) Isaiah seems to allude to this when he says:

vv And the Egyptians will I give up into the hands of lords, which shall lord it cruelly over them,
till a fierce king shall come to rule them," Isa 19:4

703. Psammitichus was sent away and confined in the low country near the sea. He hired
soldiers out of Arabia and a number of pirates from Ionia and Carions, who roved about that
shore and assembled the Egyptians who sided with him. In the main battle fought near to
Memphis, he overthrew the rest of those domineering lords. For their good service, the Ionians
and Carions had land assigned to them to live in. This land was around the cities of Bubastis and
Pelusius, which stood upon the mouth of the river Nile. From that time on, the Greeks and other
foreigners were always welcome in Egypt. (Herod. 1. 2. Diod. Sic. 1. 1.) The same Herodotus
also reports, that after a 29 year siege, this Psammiticus took by force a large city in Syria called
Azotus. (ib. c. 157.) That is the city of Ashdod. I showed perviously on the note on 2391 AM
that it was taken by Tartan the commander of the king of Assyria and his army in one year. It
was so destroyed by Psammitichus that as the prophet Jeremiah says there was but a remnant of
its people left in his days. Jer 25:20

3336 AM, 4046 JP, 668 BC

704. After Assaridinus or Esarhaddon, Saosduchinus ruled both of the empires of Assyria and
Babylon for 20 years. (Ptol. Can. Reg.) In the book of Judith that was written in the Chaldee
language by some Jew living in Babylon, he is called Nabuchodonosor, a name common to all
kings of Babylon. However he was called the king of Assyria and is said to have reigned in the
great city of Nineveh. /APC Jud 1:7 The learned Franc. Junius thinks that Saosduchinus is the
same person as Merodach-Baladan of the Bible, the grandfather of that Nebucadnetzar and great
grandfather of Nebuchadnezzar. Hence he thinks it was Merodach-Baladan who took king
Manasseh prisoner to Babylon and released him later. For he states:

""this man was the first king of Babylon and was later made king of Assyria, succeeding in that
kingdom after Esarhaddon the Great. When his brothers were found guilty of murdering their
father, they were deemed unworthy of the kingdom. After this, all Asia was in a tumult from a
war which lasted a long time after."

705. The succession of Asar-Adon Merodach, Ben-Merodach and Nebuchadnezzar, first and
second, is only based on Anianus, that false Metasthenus. According to Junius, Merodach was
not grandfather of Nebuchadnezzar or rather Nabopolastar of Nebuchadnezzar the great. Neither
was he at first only a trustee of the king of Assyria and later came to be king both of Assyria and
Babylon. 2Ki 20:12 Nor did he ever succeed Esarhaddon the great in any kingdom of his, since
this Mardocempadus or Merodach died 1 1 years before ever Manasseh became king. Also 42
years after his death, Aassaradinus or Essarchaddon left Saosduchinus to succeed him in both
the Assyrian and the Babylonian kingdom as we noted from Ptolemy's Canon, Reg. If Junius, a
man of no less modesty than learning, had seen this, no doubt he would have altered his opinion
in this point. Therefore I thought it good in this place to have the reader note that from an event
that never happened he should not seek to interpret the prophecy of Eze 3 1 : 1 1 , 1 8 as Junius
distinguishes them. This is:

"Esarhaddon the Assyrian, was put down, or thrust out of his kingdom, by Merodach Baladan.
Therefore, all defected from him and many of them fled to the king of Babylon,"

706. As in the sentence following:

"So that now the land of Assyria, was most shamefully trodden under foot and brought into
contempt of all men" (Ver 20)

3339c AM, 4049 JP, 665 BC

707. Meshullemeth the daughter of Haruz of Jotbah, bore to Manasseh his son Ammon. He was
22 years old when he began to reign. 2Ki 21:19

3344a AM, 4053 JP, 661 BC

708. This was the 16th Jubilee.
3347c AM, 4057 JP, 657 BC

709. In /APC Jud 1 : 1- 16 we read that Nabuchadonosor, king of Assyria, in the 12th year of his
reign overcome Arphaxad the king of the Medes, the founder of the city Ecbatan. This battle
was in the great plain of Ragau near to Euphrates and Tigris and Jadason in the plain of the
country of Erioch king of the Elicians. (We read this in the first chapter of the book of Judith
which Jerome at the request of Paula and Eustochiam translated into Latin.) However, whoever
first published that book in Greek with many alterations and additions of his own, tells us that
Nabuchodanosor in the 12th year of his reign fought a battle with king Arphaxad. This was in a
great plain near Ragau. Arphaxad was helped in the battle by all that inhabited the hill countries,
all that bordered on the river of Euphrates and Tigris, and Hydaspes and that dwelt in the plain

of Arioch king of the Elymeans. /APC Tob 1:5-6. After reviewing the battles mentioned before,
he tells us, that he fought this battle against Arphaxad in the 17th year. He conquered all of
Ecbatan and in the hill country of Ragan, thrust Arphaxad through with his own spear. When he
had accomplished his aim in the war, he returned to Nineveh to feast and celebrate with his
army for 120 days. According to Herodotus, Dejoces' death occurred in the 12th year of
Saosduchinus' reign. One would argue that Saosduchinus and Dejoces are named
Nabuchadonosor and Arphaxad in the book of Judith. In trying to render a reliable succession of
kings in Media, to the fables of Cresias, Franc. Junius would need to divide the Median empire
into two parts. However, Herodotus known as "the father of histories" sees no division of the
kingdoms at all. Fr. Junius gives one of the kingdoms to Dejoces (also called Arioch) Jer 49:14 /
APC Jud 1:6-16. The other part of Media he assigns to Artecarmins (whom Ctesias calls
Articam and who is here called Arphaxed). This king Arphaxed, established his kingdom at
Ecbatan to the end. He thought this to be a strong place in which he would best withstand the
assault of Dejoces and all other enemies. Since no division ever was made of Media, both the
name of Arphaxad and the Ecbatan kingdom should have been given to Dejoces and not to
Arioch or Atticarmes. The book of Judith states that Arphaxad was the founder of Ecbatan.
Herodotus and others affirm that Dejoces (also called Arphaxad) was indeed the founder. No
one ever wrote that Arioch or Artecarmes built it.

710. After Dejoces died, Phraortes, his son succeeded him and reigned for 22 years. (Herodotus,
1. I.e. 102.)

3348c AM, 4058 JP, 656 BC

711. According to the Chaldee copy of /APC Jud 2:1 Arphaxad (or Dejoces) is said to be the
13th king of Ecbatan but in the Greek, the 18th). One year after Dejoces was overthrown, on the
22nd day of the first month, Nabuchadonosor made plans to subdue nations and add countries to
his dominion. He made Holophernes general of all his armies. Holophernes besieged
Bethhoglah, also called Bethulia, a city of Judah. While this was happening he was beheaded by
Judith, a woman of the tribe of Simeon. After the death of her husband Manasseh, who died in
the time of the barley harvest, she spent 3 years of widowhood in that city. The Greek copy says
she was a widow for 4 years. /APC Jud 2:8,13

3349 AM, 4059 JP, 655 BC

712. In this year, Isthemus and Borysthenes were built in the country of Pontus. Also,
Lampsacus in Hellespont and Abdera in Thrace, were built according to Euseb. Chron. that is,
Borysthenes by the Milesians of Ionia, Lampsacus by the Pheonceans and Abdera by the
citizens of Clazomene. Solinus c. 10 explains that the sister of Diomedes first built Abdera.
After it fell into ruin it was rebuilt and enlarged by the Clazomenians. This took place in the 51st
Olympiad which ended a year prior to this date. The leader of the Clazomene colony, was
Timesius a citizen of Clazomene, (Herodotus, 1.1. c. 168.). Herodotus also adds that Timesius
was not able to complete the work because he was attacked by the Thracians.

3355c AM, 4065 JP, 649 BC

713. Amon and Jedidah, the daughter of Adaiah had a son in Boscath, called Joash who was
eight years old when he began to reign. 2Ki 22:1

3356c AM, 4066 JP, 648 BC

714. Chyladanus succeeded Saosduchinus both in the Assyrian and Babylonian kingdoms. He
reigned 22 years. (Cano. Reg. Ptolemy). Alexander Polyhistor calls him Saracus (or Saracen),
which means "robber", or "spoiler".

715. By the oracle of Delphi, Grinus the son of Esanius, king of the island of Thera, was
commanded to go build a city in Libya. This city was in ruins because no one knew where Libya
was. It is said that for 7 years there was no rain in that island. All the trees there died in that
drought except one. (Herodotus 1. 4. c. 150, 151.)

3361c AM, 4071 JP, 643 BC

716. In this year king Manasseh returned from his captivity. He had partly restored the true
worship of God, which he had formerly discredited. When he died he was buried in the garden
of his own house. 2Ch 33:1-16 2Ki 21:18 According to his last will or testament, as if he
repented for his former evil doings, he deemed himself unworthy to lie among his own royal
ancestors. (Tremelius.)

3363c AM, 4073 JP, 641 BC

717. After Manasseh died his son Amon reigned for 2 years. Amon forsook the Lord God and
offered sacrifices to all the graven images, which his father had set up and he worshipped them.
He never repented of this as his father did but sinned more than ever his father had. 2Ki 21:19-

22 2Ch 33:21-23

718. This wicked Amon was murdered in his house by his own servants. He was buried with
Manasseh his father, in the garden of Uzzah. The people slew all that conspired against him. 2Ki
21:23,24,26 2Ch 33:24,25

719. And to him succeeded his son Josias, a child of 8 years old, and reigned 31 years 2Ki 22:1
2Ch34:l

3364 AM, 4074 JP, 640 BC

720. Those of the isle of Thera, wearied by their seven years of drought, hired Corobius, a
merchant in scarlet of the city of Itanus in the isle of Crete. He had formerly been driven by a
tempest into a place called Platea, an isle of Libya. They sent him a second time with some of
their own countrymen to find that isle. When they found it they left Corobius there with
provisions for some months. They returned quickly to let their countrymen know what they had
found. When they did not return to Platea at the appointed time, it happened that a ship of
Samos, whose captain was Coleus came from Egypt. It put in there and left Corobius and his
men another year of provisions. It then put out to sea again. It was caught by a strong wind and
driven beyond Hercules' pillars into the main ocean and finally came to Tarteslus in Spain.
(Herod. 1.4. c. 151, 152.)

721. The Thereans chose by lot from their seven towns people to establish a new colony. They
sent them away to Platea in two ships under the command of one Battus, otherwise called
Aristoteles, or Aristeus. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 151, 152.)

722. Thales the son of Examius, was this year also born at Miletus in Ionia. This was the first
year of the 35th Olympiad according to Laertius notes in Apollodorus' Chronicle.

723. After the Commerians were driven out of their dwellings by the Scythian Shepherds (called
Nomads), they left Europe and went into Asia. Following the coast to Sardis, they captured all
the city except the citadel. This was the time when Ardys, the son of Gyges, reigned there. (Her.
1. 1. c. 15 and 130 and in his 4th book, c. 1. and 12.)

724. When the Thereans had lived in Platea for two years, they left one of their company behind
and all sailed to Delphi. There they enquired of the oracle why things were no better since they
came into Libya. The oracle answered that they were not yet come to the city of Libya, where
they were told to go. Therefore they returned again to Platea. They took the one they left there
and they established a colony in a place in the land of Libya, opposite the isle of Platea, called
Aziristus. This place was surrounded with most scenic hills and a river running around it on
either side. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 157.)

725. In that place next to the gardens of the Hesperides and the greater Syrtus, or quicksand, the
earth was covered with a shower of rain of pitch, or sulphur. Presently there grew up an herb
called Sylphius or Laser i.e. Benjamin, as the Cyreneans say. This occurred seven years before
the building of their city. (Theophrast. in his History of Plants, 1. 6. Pliny in his Nature. Hist. 1.
19. c. 3.)

3369 AM, 4079 JP, 635 BC

726. Phraortes king of the Medes perished in the siege of Nineveh with a large number of his
army. His son Cyaxares reigned for 40 years after him. In the beginning of his reign, he wished
to avenge his father's death. He compelled all Asia as far as the river Halys to join with him in
his war against the Assyrians. (Herod. 1. 1.)

3370a AM, 4079 JP, 635 BC

727. When Josiah was 16 years old, he had a son called Jehoiakim by Zebudah the daughter of
Pedaiah, of Rumah. He was 25 years old when started his reign. 2Ki 23:36

728. The same year his son was born he began to seek the God of his father David. 2Ch 34:3
3370c AM, 4080 JP, 634 BC

729. Cyaxares defeated the Assyrians in battle but as he went to besiege Nineveh, a vast army of
the Scythians attacked him. These were those Scythians who drove the Cimmerians from
Europe. Pressing their advantage, they departed from the Lake of Meotis and left the mountain
Caucasus on their left. They entered Media, under the command of their king Madois the son of
Ptotothya. (Herd. 1. I.e. 104. 1. 2. c. 1. and 1. 7. c. 20) Mados was also called Indathyrsus the

Scythian who storming out Scythia, went over the country of all Asia until he came into Egypt.
Strabo states this in the beginning of his Geography from Megasthenes and Arrian in his book
"Of the Affairs of Judah". Mados was the same man as Indathirsus, against whom Darius the
son of Hystaspes later made such an unlucky voyage. (Herod, 1. 4. c. 76. 126, 127) When the
Medes were defeated by the Scythians, they lost control of Asia. The Scythians held Asia for 28
years. (Herod. 1. I.e. 104. and 1. 4. c. 1.) Tremellius and Junius refer that prophecy of Na 2:5

vv He (that is, Cyaxares, besieging Nineveh) shall reckon up his great men; but they shall fall in
their journey, (that is) in the journey of the Scythians"

730. Their coming at this time to Asia is better called a journey through Asia rather than an
established government or kingdom in Asia. In 28 years, they overran, possessed and lost
Media, Assyria and all Asia.

vv they shall hasten to his wall, as if they would be his protector, i.e. they shall come hastily to
Nineveh, as if they had delivered it out of the hand of Cyaxares and would deliver it."

3371c AM, 4081 JP, 633 BC

731. In this year, Josiah had a son called Shallum or Jehoahaz by Hamutal the daughter of
Jeremiah of Libnah. He was made king after his father at the age of 23 years. The people chose
him for king passing over his older brothers. 2Ki 23:30,31 It seems the name of Shallum was
changed to Jehoahaz for good luck. The other Shallum, the son of Jabesh, only ruled one month
before he was murdered by Menahem. 2Ki 15:13,14 Of the four sons which Josiah had that are
mentioned in ICh 3:15 this Shallum was named last not Johanan the firstborn, as some have
thought. It is easily deduced that Jehoahaz was not the firstborn. For it is said that he was
anointed by the people. 2Ki 23:30 However the firstborn of kings were not normally so anointed
because the kingdom was theirs by common right. Also, Jehoahaz was 23 years old when he
was anointed king. However, three months earlier his brother, Eliakim was made king at the at
the age of 25. Hence he was older by two years than Jehoahaz. This is confirmed by Josephus, in
his tenth book of Antiquities, c. 6. & 7.

3373 AM, 4083 JP, 631 BC

732. Sadyattes, the son of Ardyis, reigned in Lydia for 12 years. (Herodot. 1. I.e. 16.)

733. When the Scythians had subjected all of upper Asia, they went straight into Egypt. When
they came as far as Syria Palestina, Psamitichus the king of Egypt met them in person. He
persuaded them by gifts and presents not to go any farther.

734. On their return, they came to Askelon which is in Syria. The greater part of the army
passed through the area without doing any damage. However some stragglers at the rear, robbed
the temple of Venus Urania. For this all their posterity were smitten with the emerods. (Herod. 1.
1. c. 105.) In this year, which was the second of the 37th Olympiad, the Scythians invaded Syria
Palestina. (Eusebius Chron.) Also Sinope, was built by the Milesians this year. It was the chief
city in all the kingdom of Pontus. (Strabo 12th book) Phlegon says, (cited by Stephanus de
Tribibus,) the Sinope was built by Macritius of the isle of Coos. It is certain that when the

Cimmerians came to Asia after they fled from the Sythians, they built Chersonesus, in the same
place where Sinope a city of the Greeks now stands. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 12.) After settling in
Aziristus for 7 years, the people of Thera were persuaded by the Libyans to leave. They moved
to a place called Irasa and settled there near a fountain named after Apollos. (Herod. 1. 4. c.
158.)

735. In the 2nd year of the 37th Olympiad, Battus built the city of Cyrene there. He reigned for
40 years and after him his son Arcesilaus for 16 years with those of the first colony only. Later
in the reign of Battus, Arcesilaus, his son, went there with a great number of other Greeks who
were stirred up by the oracle of Delphi. The city of Cyrene was built when Apryas reigned
among the Egyptians. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 159.) This is a better account of events than others have
given.

3374c AM, 4084 JP, 630 BC

736. In the 12th year of Josiah's reign, he began to cleanse Judah and Jerusalem from idolatry.
He destroyed the high places, groves, and altars of Baal with the images. He burned the bones of
their priests upon their own altars. He even went as far as to the cites in Manasseh, Ephraim,
Simeon and Naphtali and destroyed all the altars, groves and carved images he found. 2Ch 34:3-
7

3375c AM, 4085 JP, 629 BC

737. In the 13th year of king Josiah, Jeremiah was called by God to be a prophet. He refused.
God called him again and encouraged him with promises and signs belonging to the office and
function of a prophet. He was bid to prophesy to the Jews of the calamity which was to happen
there by the king of Babylon. Jer 1:2,17 28:3 At the same time, Zephaniah and others warned
the rebellious people to repent which they did not. Zep 1:1 Jer 25:3-5

738. Prosias, or Prusa was built in Bithynia. (Euseb. Chron.)
3378 AM, 4088 JP, 626 BC

739. Nabopolasur of Babylon, (who was made general of the army by Saraco also called
Chinaladanus, king of Assyria and Chaldea,) and Astyages, (who was made governor of Media,
by his father Cyaxares,) made an alliance together. Astyages gave his daughter Amyitis in
marriage to Nebuchadnezzar the son of Nabopolasur. The two men joined their forces and took
the city of Nineveh with Saraco its king. (We gather this from a fragment of Alexander
Polyhistors that was misunderstood by Georgius Symelius, who cites it in Grac. Scalig. p. 38.
39.) We find in the end of the book of the Greek copy of Tobit that Nabuchodonosor is called
Nabopolasur and Assuerus is Astyages and is also called Ahasuerus. Da 9:1 Nineveh was taken
while Tobit the younger was still living. When Shalmaneser took Samaria, he carried Tobit and
his father captive to Assyria. Tobit is said to have lived 127 years. Since only 95 years passed
from the captivity of Israel to this time, Tobit must still have been alive. When Josiah was
reigning, (as Jerom in his commentaries upon the prophet Jonah affirms) Nineveh was
destroyed. Thus the prophecies of both Nahum and Isaiah, concerning the destruction of
Nineveh were fulfilled. This is also described in Eze 31:1-18

740. When Saraco was killed, Nabopolasur ruled the kingdom of Chaldea for 21 years.
(Polyhistor, Berosus in his 3rd book of the Affairs of Chaldea, Ptolemy, in Reg. Can.)

3379 AM, 4089 JP, 625 BC

741. Sadyattes king of Lydia, invaded the territory of the Milesians and started a war that lasted
for 6 years.

3380d AM, 4090 JP, 624 BC

742. In the 18th year of Josiah's reign, he charged Hilkiah the high priest to use the money
which had been collected to repair the house of the Lord. When he was doing this he found the
original book of the law, which was first laid up in the side of the Ark of the Covenant. De
31:26 This book seems to have disappeared ever since the beginning of Manasseh's reign. When
he found it, he sent it by Shaphan the scribe to the king. After Josiah heard the book entirely
read to him, he asked counsel of Huldah the prophetess. She prophesied to him that that
kingdom should certainly be destroyed but not in his lifetime. 2Ki 22:3-20 2Ch 34:8-28 The
king called the elders of Judah and Jerusalem, with the priests and prophets. He had the book of
the law read to all the people and renewed the covenant between God and the people. Again, he
cleansed the city from idolatry, and throughly restored the worship of God. 2Ki 33:1-14, 2Ch
34:29,30 He demolished the altar and high place which Jeroboam the son of Nebat had set up.
He burnt the bones of the dead upon the altar as had been foretold 350 years earlier. 2Ki 13:2
When he had destroyed the altars which the kings of Israel had built in the cities of Samaria,
slain all their priests and burnt dead men's bones upon them, he then returned to Jerusalem. 2Ki
23:15-20 Even with this renewing of the covenant and general reformation of religion, the
inevitable decree of desolation to follow because of the people's sins still stood. From this time
of renewing is the beginning both of the 30 years spoken of in the first of the prophecy of
Ezekiel and also the 40 years of the iniquity of Judah. Eze 4:6

3381c AM, 4091 JP, 623 BC

743. Josiah kept the passover in the same 18th year of his reign, on the 14th day of the first
month (Monday, May 4th) in the presence of all Judah and Israel and the inhabitants of
Jerusalem. He kept this with more solemnity than ever had been done by any of the kings of
Israel or Judah in olden times. 2Ki 23:21-23 2Ch 35:1-19 He took away all witches and
soothsayers, all images and gods and all the abominations, which were found in the land of
Judah and in Jerusalem. He obeyed all the words which were written in the book of the law that
was found by Hilkiah. 2Ki 33:24 De 18:9-1 1

3383c AM, 4093 JP, 621 BC

744. Toward the end of the 5th year of Nabopolassur, (which is the 127th from the Epoch of
Nabonazar,) on the 27th day of Eygptian month of Athyr, toward the 28th of the month, the
moon was eclipsed at Babylon, beginning 5 hours after midnight. (Ptol. Syntax, p. 125. Greek
edition) This was on Saturday, April 22nd or the 27th of Athyr as it drew to a close. This is
Ptolemy's meaning, when he says, that it was from the 27th to the 28th, lasting in all six hours
after the midnight of the 27th day to the sun-rising when the 28th day was to begin.

3384d AM, 4094 JP, 620 BC

745. Hamutal bare to Josiah, after Shallum, or Jehoahaz, Mattaniah. He was later called
Zedekiah and was 21 years old when he began to reign. Jer 51:1 2Ki 24:17,18

746. Xenophanes Colophonius, founder of the sect of the Eleatic discipline in philosophy, was
born in the 40th Olymiad. (Elius Empiricus, in his first book, contra Mathematicos, c. 12.)
(More correctly related from Apollodorus, as cited by Clemens Alexandrinus, 1. 1. Strommat.)

3385 AM, 4095 JP, 619 BC

747. The son of Sadyattes called Halyattes the younger reigned in Lydia for 57 years. He spent
the first 5 years fighting the war against the Libyans that his father had started. (Herod. 1. I.e.
17. 18, 25.)

3387c AM, 4097 JP, 617 BC

748. Jehoiakim son of Josiah, had a son, by Nehushta, the daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem,
called Jehoiakim or Jeconiah. He was 18 years old when he began to reign. 2Ki 28:8

3388 AM, 4098 JP, 616 BC

749. Necho, the son of Psammitichus, reigned in Egypt 16 years. (Herod. 1. 20. c. 159.) The
Bible calls him Necho or Pharaohnecho. 2Ch 35:24 2Ki 23:29 Jer 46:2 This man began a
channel from the Nile to the gulf of Arabia, which cost the lives of 120,000 Egyptians. He
abandoned the work when it was half done. He sent certain Phoenicians to sail round Africa.
They set sail from the Gulf of Arabia or the Red Sea. They went into the southern sea and sailed
around the coast. They finally came to the strait of Gibraltar and returned into Egypt, three years
after they started out. (Herod. 1. I.e. 158. and 1. 4. c. 52)

3390 AM, 4100 JP, 614 BC

750. In the 12th year of the war between the Lydians and the Milesians, the Lydian army had
burnt the harvest of the Milesians, as they normally did each year. It happened, that the wind
caught the flames and set the temple of Minerva in Assesus on fire and burnt it to the ground.
After the army returned, Halyattes, became sick for a long time. Finally he sent to consult the
Oracle at Delphi. The prophetess refused to entertain his request until the temple which his men
had destroyed was rebuilt. Periander the son of Cyphelus, ruler of Corinth, found out the reply
and told it to his good friend Thrasibulus, king of the Milesians. He cleverly ordered that when
Halyattes and his ambassadors came about rebuilding the temple, the Milesians should be
feasting and revelling using all the remaining grain and supplies in the city. Halyattes expected
to find that the Milesians would be starving from the long war. However, when he saw they
appeared to have plenty to eat, he made peace and a league of friendship with the Milesians.
Halyattes built two temples of Minerva at Assesus to replace the one he destroyed. When he got
well, he sent rich presents and offerings to Delphi. (Herod. 1. 1. ca. 19,20,22,23,24. with
Polyanus, 1. 6. Stratag.)

3393a AM, 4102 JP, 612 BC

751. The 17th Jubilee.
3393c AM, 4103 JP, 611 BC

752. Anaximander Milesius, the son of Praxidemus, was born in Ionia. See note on 3457 AM.
3394c AM, 4104 JP, 610 BC

753. By God's command, Necho king of Egypt went against the king of Assyria, who at that
time made war with him and planned to besiege Carchemish on the river Euphrates. 2Ki 23:29
2Ch 35:20-22 Josephus states that he went to fight against the Medes and Babylonians, who had
overthrown the empire of the Assyrians, (lib. 10. Antiq. ca. 6.) Carchemish, at the time of
Sennacherib belonged to and was occupied by the Assyrians. Isa 10:5-19 However when that
kingdom was destroyed, it returned to the hands of the Babylonians. Just as when king of Persia
defeated Babylon and Assyria, Ezr 6:22 he was called king of the Assyrians, so when the king of
Babylon defeated Assyria, was likewise called king of Assyria. In addition the heathen authors
also tell us, that Babylon was in olden times part of Assyria and the Holy Scriptures state that
the kingdom of Chaldea was founded by the king of Assyria.Isa 23: 13 Nu 24:22 Isa 52:4 Na
9:22

754. When Josiah unadvisedly entered into this war, he was slain. 2Ki 23:29,30 2Ch 32:22,23
This happened in the valley of Megiddo which belonged to the tribe of Manasseh. Jos 17:11 Jud
1:17 (Herod. 1. 2.) Herodotus refers to this story saying, Necho attacked the Syrians with an
army on foot and overthrew them in Magdala. After the fight he took a great city of Syria named
Cadytis. Scaliger notes that this Cadytis was actually Kadesh which is mentioned in Nu 21:16.
Scaliger also believes that Magdala and Megiddo, were located near each other. Because
Magdala was the more noted place of the two, the fight was said to have taken place there. In the
same way it is commonly understood that the battle between Alexander and Darius at
Gaugamela, is said to have been fought at Arbela since Gaugamela was an obscure place. It may
be that Magdala and Megiddo were the same place since that is the place from which that other
Mary obtained her surname of Magdalene. In Mt 15:39 we see Magdalam is how the name is
rendered. The Syrian renders it Mageda and the old Latin translates it Magedan, which appears
to be similar to Megiddo.

755. Since the good king was killed in this way and the fact that he lived postponed the
Babylonish captivity from that nation, 2Ki 22:20 the last year's jubilee was turned into a year of
lamentation. It almost became a common proverb, "The lamentation of Hadadrimmon in the
valley of Megiddo". Zee 12:11 Not only all the people at that time bewailed the death of Josiah,
but even later, a public mourning for him was voluntarily kept. The prophet Jeremiah also,
wrote a song of memorial called "Song of Threnes", or "Lamentations" 2Ch 35:24,25 In this
song he bewailed the calamities which were shortly to befall that people. Jeremiah wrote:

vv The breath of our nostrils, the anointed of the Lord, is taken in their pits: of whom we said,
under the shadow of his wings we shall live among the heathen." La 4:20

756. So that we may very justly question the first verse, or poem of that book which we find in
the Greek and common Latin translation but disagrees with Jerome. It is prefixed before the
Threnes or Lamentations of Jeremiah.

vv And it came to pass after that Israel was carried into captivity, and Jerusalem laid waste,
Jeremiah the prophet sat down and wept, and made this lamentation in Jerusalem and sighing
and howling, out of the bitterness of his heart, said:"

757. Whoever added this should have noted the verse:

vv Add not to his words, that he blame thee not and thou be found a liar," Pr 30:6

758. There was also a second Song of Lamentations for the miserable condition of the kingdom
of the Jews after the death of Josiah. It was composed by the prophet Ezekiel and appointed to
be sung, Eze 19:1-14

759. After the death of Josiah the people feared that the king of Egypt would invade when there
was no king. They anointed as king his youngest son Shallum or Jehoahaz. He soon did that
which was evil in the sight of the Lord even as his forefathers had done. 2Ki 23:30-32 2Ch 36: 1
See note in 3371 AM.

3394d AM, 4104 JP, 610 BC

760. When Necho returned from Assyria, he disposed Shallum from the throne after he had only
reigned 3 months. He made Eliakim his older brother king in the place of his father Josiah and
changed his name into Jehoiakim. 2Ki 23:31,32,34 2Ch 36:2-4 This was a public witness that he
attributed the victory he had over the Assyrians to the Lord Jehovah only. He formerly
prophesied that it was God who sent him against the Assyrians. 2Ch 35:21,22 He imposed a
tribute of one hundred talents of silver and one talent of gold on the land of Judah. He put
Shallum or Jehoiakim in fetters at Riblah and carried him away prisoner into Egypt where he
eventually died. 2Ki 23:33-35 2Ch 36:3,4 Eze 19:3,4

761. The prophet Jeremiah by God's appointment went to Shallum in the new king's palace. He
earnestly entreated the king, his courtiers and all the people the with promises and threats from
Almighty God. He foretold that Shallum or Jehoiakim would be carried away captive into
Egypt.

vv Weep not for him that is departed (meaning Josiah) nor make lamentation for him; but weep
for him that is to depart: (that is Shallum) because he shall return no more to see his native soil."
Jer 22:1,2,10,-12

3395a AM, 4104 JP, 610 BC

762. In the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim, Jeremiah was commanded by God to stand in
the court of the temple. He exhorted the people who assembled from all the cities of Judah to
bow themselves there before the Lord. It being then the feast of Tabernacles, wherein all the
males out of the cities were required to appear at Jerusalem. De 15: 16) He told them to repent

and when they would not, he denounced the judgment of God against them saying:

vv That that house should become as Shiloh: and that city should be accursed among all the
nations of the earth:"

763. This resulted in his arrest by the priests and prophets and all the people that were then in
the court. They accused him to be a man worthy of death, but he was acquitted and set at liberty
by the public judgment of the princes and elders. Jer 26:1,2,19

3395b AM, 4105 JP, 609 BC

764. Like Jeremiah, Uriah also the son of Shemariah from Kirjathjearim, prophesied against
Jerusalem and the land of Judah. When Jehoiakim the king sought to put him to death, he fled
into Egypt. The king sent after him Elnathan the son of Achor and other men who overtook him
and brought him back to the king. He had him killed and threw his carcass among the vilest
sepulchres of the common people. However Ahikam, the son of Shaphan who had formerly
been a man of great authority with king Josiah, 2Ki 22: 12 2Ch 34:20 was a friend of Jeremiah.
Ahikam prevented Jeremiah from being turned over to people to be killed. Jer 26:20,24

765. To these I might add the prophet Habakkuk. When he complained of the stubbornness of
the Jews, God replied:

vv That he would shortly send the Chaldeans into Judah";

766. Further he declared his purpose concerning that matter:

VV I will do a work in your days, which you will not believe when it shall be old unto you: For
behold I will stir up the Chaldeans, a fierce nation and a swift: which shall walk through the
breadth of the land, to possess a land which is none of theirs as their own inheritance. " Hab
1:5,6

767. In the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim, Jeremiah foretold that Zedekiah should be king
of Judah and Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon. He would conquer his neighbouring nations. Jer
27:1,11

3397a AM, 4106 JP, 608 BC

768. The governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia revolted from Nabopolassar king of Babylon.
When Carchemish was taken, Nabopolassar sent against them his son Nebuchadnezzar (after he
made him viceroy in the kingdom) with a large army. This was done in the latter end of the third
and beginning of the fourth year of Jehoiakim, king of Judah. Da 1:1 Jer 25: 1 .

3397b AM, 4107 JP, 607 BC

769. When Nebuchadnezzar was made viceroy in the kingdom, God revealed to Jeremiah these
things. First was the defeat of the Egyptians at the river Euphrates then later in their own

country. Nebuchadnezzar would make himself master of Egypt. Jer 46: 1-28 The first came to
pass almost immediately. Pharaohnecho's forces at Carchemish were cut off by Nebuchadnezzar
king of Babylon, in the 4th year of Jehoiakim. Jer 46:2 The second happened after the taking of
Tyre, in the 27th year of the captivity of Jeconiah. Eze 29: 17-19

770. In the 4th year of Jehoiakim, which was the first of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, the
prophet Jeremiah reproved the Jews for not obeying the word of the Lord. He had proclaimed
this from the 13th year of king Josiah, even to that present 4th year of Jehoiakim, that is for 23
years. All that time they were stubborn and disobedient to his admonitions as well as all the
other prophets whom the Lord had sent. Again he told them of the coming of Nebuchadnezzar
upon them and of their captivity in Babylon which was to last 70 years. He stated that Judah and
the other nations were to serve the king of Babylon.

3397c AM, 4107 JP, 607 BC

771. Lastly, the kingdom of Babylon itself would be destroyed and the land of Chaldea would
be desolate. Jer 25:1,3,11,12 Many years earlier, this 70 years was mentioned by Isaiah in more
obscure terms when he spoke of the destruction of Tyre. Isa 23:15,17

3398a AM, 4107 JP, 607 BC

772. In the 4th year of Jehoiakim, Baruch the son of Neriah wrote in a book according to what
Jeremiah spoke. It had all the words of the Lord concerning Israel and Judah, from the time of
Josiah until that day. He read them in the house of the Lord, in the audience of the men of
Jerusalem, and of all the Jews who were assembled there from their cities, in the day of the fast.
Jer 36: 1-8 That is that solemn fast which was yearly kept on the 10th day of the 7th month, Le
16:29 23:27 Nu 29:7 five days before the feast of tabernacles. All the males from all the cities of
Judah, were to appear at Jerusalem. See note on 3395 AM. Baruch was extremely amazed and
afflicted in his soul, with the horror of these dreadful judgments which he had written. Jeremiah
comforted him, by the word of the Lord concerning this calamity which was to be brought upon
all the land by the Babylonians and assured him of his own life, in the midst of all these
troubles. Jer 45:1-5 In the passage Jer 31:1-32:44 may allude to this also as well as the promises
made concerning the restoration of the church.

773. When Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came to Judah, the Rechabites, of the descendants
of Jonadab, the son of Rechab, 2Ki 10:15 for fear of the host of the Chaldeans and Syrians, left
their tents and came into Jerusalem. They had dwelt in tents according to the rule of their
forefather Jonadab. Jer 35:8-1 1 Since material in this chapter is written in the present tense, we
gather that the time of the Rechabites refusing to drink wine occurred when the city was
besieged by Nebuchadnezzar. Da 1 : 1

774. God gave Jehoiakim the King of Judah into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon,
with part of the furniture of the house of the Lord. Da 1:2 This was in the 9th month called
Chisleu, as may be gathered from the anniversary of the fast which was kept in remembrance of
this calamity and was a tradition of the Jews. Zee 7:3,5 8: 19 It was kept in this month. Jer 36:9

775. Nebuchadnezzar chained Jehoiakim to carry him away to Babylon. 2Ch 36:6 Later upon
submission and his promises of subjection, he let him stay in his own house where he lived as

his servant for 3 years. From this time of the carrying of the king and people of the Jews into the
bondage of Nebuchadnezzar, starts the 70 years of the captivity of Babylon which were foretold
by the prophet Jeremiah. Jer 25:11 29:10

776. Nebuchadnezzar ordered Ashpenash, the overseer of the eunuchs, that he should carry from
there the best of the children of Israel, both of royal blood and of the princes. Da 1:3 This was
predicted by Isaiah the prophet to Ezekiel. Isa 39:7 They were under his care and to be educated
for 3 years in the language and sciences of the Chaldeans. The best of them were to be picked to
stand before the king and serve in his palace. Among those taken from the tribe of Judah, were
Daniel, who was Belshazzar, Hananiah, who was Shadrach, Mishael, who was Meshach and
Anani, who was Abednego. Each had his name changed at the discretion of the prince of the
eunuchs, Da 1:3-7

777. Now after those Scythians, of whom I spoke before, had taken their pleasure in Asia for 28
years, Cyaxares and the Medes gave them a great feast. When they were all drunk on a certain
day, he had most of their throats cut. (Herod. 1. 1. ca. 106.) In addition to these certain other
Scythians of the nomads or shepherds were expelled from their own country by an opposing
faction. They had been entertained by Cyaxares and by him employed, partly in hunting , partly
in the education of children. After this massacre, when these were poorly treated by him, they
killed one of the boys which they had taken to educate. They dressed his flesh like venison and
set it before Cyaxares and his guests to eat. After this they quickly fled away to Halyartes the
king at Sardis for protection. When Cyaxares demanded Halyartes surrender them to him,
Halyattes refused. Hence started a five year war between the Medes and Lydians. (Herod. 1. 1.
ca. 73,74.) Concerning the Cimmerians, (see note on 3368 AM), Halyattes drove them from all
Asia. (Herod. 1. 1. ca. 16.)

3399a AM, 4108 JP, 606 BC

778. In the 9th month of the 5th year of Jehoiakim, there was a solemn fast before the Lord
proclaimed to all the people at Jerusalem. This was in remembrance, it seemeth, of the taking of
the city by the Chaldeans the year before in the same month. Baruch stood at the gate of the
house of the Lord and read all the words of the Lord. These words were spoken by Jeremiah to
him and written in a book. All the people who were assembled at Jerusalem from all the cities of
Judah heard Baruch read the book. When the princes were told of this by Micah the son of
Gemariah, they called Baruch to them. They heard him read the same book and fearing the king,
advised Jeremiah and him, to hide. When the king heard part of the book read, he first cut the
book through with a pen-knife and then hurled it into the fire that was in the hearth and burnt it.
Jer 36:9-25 In memory of this detestable act of the king, the Jews to this day keep a fast, upon
the 7th day of the 9th month called Chisleu.

3399b AM, 4109 JP, 605 BC

779. When Jehoiakim had burnt the book, he ordered Jerahmeel the son of Hammelech, Seraiah
the son of Azriel and Shelemiah the son of Abdiel, to apprehend Baruch the writer and Jeremiah
the prophet. God hid them and against that impious king and his kingdom, pronounced this
sentence.

v \..Thou hast burned this roll, saying, Why hast thou written therein, saying, The king of

Babylon shall certainly come and destroy this land and shall cause to cease from thence man and
beast? Therefore thus saith the LORD of Jehoiakim king of Judah; He shall have none to sit
upon the throne of David: and his dead body shall be cast out in the day to the heat and in the
night to the frost. And I will punish him and his seed and his servants for their iniquity; and I
will bring upon them and upon the inhabitants of Jerusalem and upon the men of Judah, all the
evil that I have pronounced against them; ..." (Jeremiah 36:29-31 AV)

780. Later by God's appointment, Baruch wrote again the words from Jeremiah, the same words,
which he had written before and wrote many additional things. Jer 36:26-32

781. Nebuchadnezzar capitalised on his victory over Necho and took from the Egyptians all the
lands they possessed between Egypt and Euphrates. From that time on, Necho did not venture
out of Egypt. 2Ki 24:7 Meanwhile his father Nabopolassar, died in the land of Babylon, when he
had reigned 21 years.

782. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, he ordered the deportation to Babylon of the captives of
Jews, Syrians, Phoenicians and Egyptians. His army and equipment were sent there also. He
posted a small company at the nearest way through the desert and returned to Babylon before
them. He was made king over all his father's large dominions. He distributed the captives when
they were brought to Babylon, into various colonies as he saw fit. (Berosus 1. 3. of the affairs, of
Chaldea,) The vessels and other furniture of the temple Nebuchadnezzar took away with him to
Babylon were put in the temple of his god, Belus. Da 1:2 2Ch 36:7 His son was named after this
god. According to Abydenus in his "Assyrian History" and Brosus, he did greatly enrich and
adorn that temple with the spoil which he had taken in that war.

783. The rest of the Scythians who had escaped the slaughter of the Medes returning home, were
met by a great army of lusty young men. These had been born of their own wives in their long
absence by their slaves. With these they fought many a sharp battle but at last, laid aside their
swords. Each man took a whip in his hand, as is more fitting for the correction of slaves, and
thereby made them all to flee. (Herod, in the beginning of his 4th book.)

3401a AM, 41 10 JP, 604 BC

784. When Jehoiakim had lived 3 years in subjection to the king of Babylon, he rebelled against
him. 2Ki 24:1

785. Daniel and his three followers refused the diet provided for them from the king's
allowance. They dined only on pulse and water. However they were found to look better and of
a more fair complexion than the rest which did eat of the king's food. After three years, they
were brought into court to attend the king. They greatly excelled in all matters of knowledge,
wisdom, and science, which the king was pleased to ask them about, above all the Magi and
astronomers that were in his kingdom. Da 1:5-20

786. In the second year of his kingdom, Nebuchadnezzar dreamed of the great image made of
various metals. When he forgot his dream, he asked his Magi and astronomers what his dream
was and what it meant. When they could not satisfy him in so unreasonable a demand, he
commanded them all to be put to death. When Daniel saw the execution being prepared and
understood the reason for it, he asked the king to delay for a while. Daniel and his companions

prayed to God. God revealed the dream to Daniel and the interpretation of it. He declared to the
king what his dream was and also the four monarchies which were to come. This was the
meaning of the image which he saw in his dream. After this the king enriched him with great
gifts and made him governor of all the province of Babylon and chief over all its wise men.
Moreover at his request, he made his three companions, Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego,
principal officers in all that province. Da 2:1-49

3403d AM, 4113 JP, 601 BC

787. In the beginning of the 6th year of the war between the Medes and the Lydians, the war
was stalemated. Thales the philosopher of Miletus had predicted to the Ionians that an eclipse of
the sun would happen. When both the armies saw the day grow dark like the night, they stopped
fighting. Later they made a peace between themselves by the mediation of Syennesis of Cilicia
and of Labynitus the Babylonian (which was Nebuchadnezzar). Halyattes gave his daughter
Ariena, to Astyages the son of Cyaxeres in marriage. (Herod. 1. 1. ca. 74.) This eclipse as
predicted by Thales, happened exactly when Cyaxeres the father of Astyages and king of the
Medes and Halyattes Cresus' father and king of the Lydians were fighting together. This is
confirmed by Endemus, in his "Astronomical History". Also Pliny speaks of it and gave the
following reason for the eclipse: (1. 1. c. 12.)

vv Among the Greeks, the first one that found out how to predict the eclipses was Thales the
Milesian. He foretold the eclipse of the sun, in the 4th year of the 48th Olympiad, which was in
the reign of Halyattes, "

788. (For so is the reading in the old copy, not of Astyages, as the common edition has it) 170
years after the building of Rome. Clemens Alexan. (lib. 1. Strom.) places this fight of Cyaxares
and eclipse of the sun about the 50th Olympiad. He differs greatly from the opinion of Endemus,
whom he cites for it. For both the time assigned by Endemus and Pliny does not agree with
Cyaxares, but with the reign of Astyages. Also from Ptolemy's, sun and moon-tables, which are
the same with those of Hipparchus, it appears plainly that the sun was eclipsed in the 4th year of
the 44th olympiad. That is in the 147th of Nabonasar, on the 4th day of the Egyptian month
Paeon, (or Sunday, September 20th according to the Julian Calendar) 3 hours 25 minutes before
noon. This eclipse was of 9 digits, (12 digits is 100%) and continued almost two hours.

3404c AM, 41 14 JP, 600 BC

789. Plamnis the son of Neco reigned in Egypt for 6 years (Herod. 1. 2. c. 161.)

790. The Phocenses set sail from Ionia and built Marseilles on the coast of Liguria in Italy 120
years before the naval battle at Salamis. (According to Marcianus in his Periegesis reports from
Timeus.) This was in the first year of the 45th olympiad according to both Eusebius in his
Chronicle and Solinus in Polyhistor. However the latter confounds this first colony of the
Phocenses made in the days of Tarquinius Priscus with their later one under Servius Tullus. See
note on 3461 AM. The story of the wedding which was the occasion for the building of this city,
is described in detail by Atheneus, 1. 3. from Aristotle. He speaks of the commonwealth of the
Marseilians. Justin has a similar account in his 43rd book out of Tro. Pomp, who relates the
same thing, though differing in the names of the persons concerned.

791. Nebuchadnezzar's army of Syrians, Chaldeans, Moabites and Ammonites, attacked
Jehoiakim and destroyed all of Judah. 2Ki 24:2 They took 3023 prisoners from there in the 7th
year of Nebuchadnezzar. Jer 52:28

792. Astyages or Ahasuerus, Da 9:1 who married Ariena the year before had a son called
Syaxares or Darius, the Mede. He was 62 years old when he succeeded Belshazzar, who was
slain, in the kingdom of the Chaldeans. Da 5:30,31 Astyages, in the lifetime of his father, gave
in marriage his daughter, Mandanes, who was born by his former wife, to Cambyses son of
Achemenes, king of Persia. (This is according to Xenophon, who states this in his first book of
the education of Cyrus.) He derives his family pedigree from Perseus. From this union Cyrus
was born the next year. Hence we do not believe Ctesias, who contrary to Herodotus and
Xenophon and others, states that that Astyages was related to Cyrus in any way.

3405c AM, 4115 JP, 599 BC

793. After Jehoiakim was taken prisoner by the Chaldeans, he was thrown out without a proper
burial, buried like an ass. His body was dragged out of the gate of Jerusalem, according as was
foretold by the prophet. Jer 22:18,19 36:30 Though in reference to the common course of nature,
he also may be said to have slept with his fathers. 2Ki 24:6

794. After him, his son Jehoiachin, who was also called Coniah and Jeconiah, reigned 3 months
and ten days in Jerusalem. He also did what was evil in the sight of the Lord, as his father
Jehoiakim had done before him. 2Ki 24:8,9 2Ch 36:8,9 God pronounced this most dreadful
decree against him:

vv Write this man childless, a man which shall not prosper in his days; for none of his seed shall
prosper to sit in the throne of David, nor reign any more in Judah" Jer 22:30

795. Concerning this matter, refer to Christophorus Helvicus' book of the Genealogy of Christ.
At this time, the prophecy of Jeremiah contained in Jer 23: 1-40 seems to have been uttered.

796. In the same year when the former army was sent, the servants of Nebuchadnezzar king of
Babylon came to besiege Jerusalem. When Nebuchadnezzar himself came to the city while his
servants besieged it. Jehoiachim the king, with his mother Nehushta, a woman of Jerusalem and
his servants and officers, with all his courtiers, came forth to the king of Babylon. This
happened in the 8th year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign over Babylon. He took from there all the
treasure, both of the temple and of the king's house. He broke in pieces all the golden vessels
and furniture, which Solomon had made for the temple of the Lord, just as the Lord, Isa 39:6
had foretold. He carried away king Jehoiachim to Babylon with his mother, his wives and his
courtiers. From all of Jerusalem he took 10,000 men, the magistrates, every man of strength, all
the carpenters and smiths. He left only at Jerusalem the poorer sort of people. From the other
parts of the land, he carried away 7000 able bodied men and 1000 of the smiths and carpenters.
These were all strong men and fit for war. They were carried prisoners into Babylon. 2Ki 24:8-
16 2Ch 36:10 Jer 24:1 29:1,2 Eze 17:12 Among the captives was Mordecai of the tribe of
Benjamin, the son of Jair, Es 2:5,6 and Ezekiel the priest, the son of Buzi. Therefore he in his
prophecy starts the captivity from this time, Eze 1:2,3 which he also calls his own banishment.
Eze 40:1 An Epistle, said to be Jeremiah's, is sent to those that were appointed to be carried
away to Babylon. It warned them to beware of the idolatry which they should see practised in

Babylon. /APC Bar 6:1-73

797. While the king of Babylon thus ravaged in Judah, God prepared a worm which in due time
should eat out this spreading tree. The cry of this poor people came to the Lord.

vv O daughter of Babylon, wasted with misery, happy shall he be that shall reward thee, as thou
hast served us, who shall take thy children and dash them against the stones," Ps 137:8

798. For in this very year, was Cyrus the Media-Persian born whose father was a Persian and his
mother a Mede, as I showed before. This very Nebuchadnezzar, at the hour of his death, as
Abydenus has it, uttered this prophecy:

NV There shall come a Persian Mule, who shall make use of your Devils, as his fellow- soldiers, to
bring you into bondage:"

799. This was also foretold by that Oracle given to Croesus:
vv When a mule king, shall to the Medes be born, &c."

800. The Pythian Priests interpreted this to refer to Cyrus, who was to be born of a father and a
mother of two different nations, a Persian and a Mede. (Herod. 1. 2. c. 55. and 91.) But most
plainly and truly Isaiah foretold, Isa 13:1,2 that the Babylonians also should have a time wherein
to endure their hell of slavery. Their children would one day be dashed against the stones before
their eyes. Isa 13:16 These miserably captive Jews would one day be restored to their liberty. He
called their deliverer many years before by his proper name of Cyrus. Isa 44:28 45:1 God gave
him the reason for this unusual revelation:

vv For my servant Jacob and for Israel my chosen's sake, have I called thee by thy name and
given thee a surname, though thou hast not known me," Isa 45:4

801. As for the age of this Cyrus, Tully in his 1st book de Divinations, cited it from Dionysius a
Persian writer, in this manner:

vv The sun appeared to Cyrus in his sleep, standing at his feet. When Cyrus endeavoured to take
the sun in his hands three times, the sun turned aside and went away. The Magi, who are
counted as wise and learned men among the Persians, said that by his three attempts to take hold
of the sun meant that he should reign 30 years. This came to pass accordingly, for he started to
reign at the age of 40 and lived to the age of 70."

802. From which dream perhaps, so expounded by the magicians, Cyrus took his name; for, as
Ctesias rightly says,

vv Cyrus in the Persian language, means the sun:"

803. So also said Plutarch in his work on the life of Artaxerxes as well as Chur or Churshid, in
the Persian poets, as it is said to this day. From the work of Tully's compared with Da 5:31 it

appears that Darius the Mede or Cyaxares the son of Astyages that Cyrus' uncle was born before
him. Therefore Xenophon in his book entitled, "Of the Institution of Cyrus", 1. 6. coined the
expression:

vv seeing I am here present and am older than Cyrus, it is fitting that I speak first: "

804. And in book 4 by the same author, when Cyrus wrote to Darius, he used these words:
VV I advise you, though I be the younger of the two."

805. Nebuchadnezzar made Mattaniah the son of Josiah, king in place of Jeconiah his uncle and
changed his name to Zedekiah, meaning "the justice of the Lord". Jer 37:1 2Ki 24:17 He had
made a covenant with him and had taken an oath of allegiance from him and Zedekiah, had
taken an oath by God to perform it. 2Ch 36:13 Eze 17:13,14,18 By giving him this new name,
he intended to remind Zedekiah of the just judgment of God if he would break the oath.

806. Zedekiah reigned a full 1 1 years in Jerusalem and did evil in the sight of the Lord his God.
He did not humble himself before Jeremiah the prophet who spoke to him in the name the Lord
but stiffened his neck and hardened his heart that he might not return to the Lord God of Israel.
Jer 1:3 32:1,2 2Ki 24:18,19 2Ch 36:11-13 Indeed, all the leaders of the priests and the people of
the whole land transgressed the law and polluted the house of the Lord which God had
sanctified in Jerusalem. Nor would they listen to the word of the Lord, which he spoke to them
by the mouth of his prophet Jeremiah and other prophets. Instead, they despised them and
mocked the messengers which God sent to them until the fire of God's fury burst upon his
people. Jer 37:2 2Ch 36:14-16.

807. After Jeconiah was carried away, God revealed to Jeremiah in a vision of two baskets of
figs, the captivity of the new king Zedekiah and the remainder of the people. Jer 24: 1,2,8,9,

808. In the beginning of Zedekiah's reign, Jeremiah prophesied the captivity and restoration of
the Elamites. Jer 49:34-39 For Nebuchadnezzar had taken from Astyages, the whole province of
Elam, with the city Susa on the river Ulai and annexed it to his kingdom. Jer 25:25 Da 8:1,2
Later these Elamites combined with the Medes against the Babylonians. Isa 21:2 When
Belshazzar was overthrown, they recovered their state again, under Cyrus. Their chief city Susa
was made by Cyrus to be the seat of the Persian kingdom. (Strabo, 1. 15)

809. When ambassadors came from the various kings of Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre and Sidon
to Jerusalem, to visit the new king Zedekiah, God told Jeremiah to give to each of them chains
and whips to be presented to their masters. He commanded them all to submit to
Nebuchadnezzar and stop listening to their wizards and stargazers, who advised them not to
submit. He advised Zedekiah to remain loyal to the king of Babylon and to beware of the false
prophets. By threats and promises he persuaded many of the people to submit to and obey the
king of Babylon. Jer 39:1-18

810. When Jeconiah was carried away with the other captives, Zedekiah sent Elasah, the son of
Shaphan and Gemariah the son of Hilkiah, to Nebuchadnezzar in Babylon. Jeremiah sent a letter
by them which he had written to the elders and priests and prophets and the rest of the people,

who had been carried from there by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. In the letter, the prophet
instructed them how to behave themselves in captivity and comforted them with a gracious
promise of deliverance at the end of the 70 years. He predicts the great calamities which were to
fall on those whom they had left behind in Jerusalem. He foretold the miserable end which
Ahab, the son of Kolaiah and Zedekiah the son of Maaseiah, the two false prophets should come
to. Jer 29:1-23

3406 AM, 4116 JP, 598 BC

811. Seraiah sent letters, as it seems, by Zedekiah's messengers, when they returned from
Babylon, to Zephaniah, (who was the second chief priest) 2Ki 25:18 and to the rest of the priests
at Jerusalem. He denounced what the prophet Jeremiah had written to them. When this was read
to Jeremiah, he pronounced a heavy judgment from God on him. Jer 29:24,32 At this time also it
seems he made those notable prophecies concerning the kingdom of Christ and restoration of the
church in Jer 30:1-31:40.

3407 AM, 4117 JP, 597 BC

812. Cresus was born. He was the son of Halyattes, king of Lydia and his mother was a woman
of Caria. It appears that he was 35 years of age, when he began to reign. (Herod. 1. I.e. 26. and
92.)

3408dAM,4118JP, 596BC

813. In the 5th month of the 4th year of Zedekiah, Hananiah a false prophet, made a false
prophesy. He said that at the end of two years, all the vessels, and furniture of the house of the
Lord and Jeconiah and all the people, who were carried away to Babylon would return and be
brought home again. When Jeremiah mocked him, he took a yoke of wood from about
Jeremiah's neck and broke it. He said:

vv Thus shall the Lord break the yoke of Nebuchadnezzar, within two years precisely, from off
the neck of all the nations:"

814. Jeremiah replied,

vv That God, instead of that wooden yoke, would lay an iron one upon the neck of all these
nations, under which they should bow, and serve the king of Babylon, Jer 28:1-14

3409a AM, 41 18 JP, 596 BC

815. Hananiah the false prophet died in the seventh month according to the word of Jeremiah.
Astyages, after the death of his father Cyaxares, reigned over the Medes 35 years. (Herod. 1. 1.
c. 130.) He is also called, Ahasuerus, Da 9:1 or Asuerus. /APC Tob 14:15

3409c AM, 4119 JP, 595 BC

816. God by his prophet Jeremiah foretold that Babylon and the land of Chaldea should be
overrun and laid waste by the Medes and Persians. He comforted his people with the sweet
promises of their deliverance. Jer 50:1-51:64

817. Zedekiah, in the 4th year of his reign, sent Seraiah, the son of Neriah, the son of Maaseiah
to Babylon, to whom Jeremiah delivered the these prophecies of the destruction of Babylon.
These were written in a book. He read the book to the people and threw it into the river
Euphrates. Jer 51:59-64 His brother Baruch, son also of Neriah, the son of Maaseiah, Jer 32:12
51:59 Jeremiah's scribe, is thought to have gone to Babylon with Seraiah.

3409dAM,4119JP, 595BC

818. Baruch is said to have read all the words of his own book to Jeconiah, the son of Jehoiakim
and to all the captives that were then dwelling with him at that time in Babylon. This was in the
5th year, (that is after Jeconiah was carried away to Babylon) in the 7th month, at the time when
the Chaldeans took Jerusalem and burnt it with fire. /APC Bar 1:2-4 Some think that this was
the same month when Jeconiah gave himself up to the king of Babylon and Jerusalem was taken
and perhaps partially set on fire by the Chaldeans. For I cannot agree with Severus Salpicius,
who perhaps taking it from that text, states in his first book of his Sacred History that at this
very time:

vv Nebuchadnezzar entered Jerusalem with his army and laid both city and walls, temple and all,
even with the ground,"

819. Yet the former guess of Fran. Junius, concerning the quenching of the fire, and the taking
of the city is somewhat more tolerable than that of our seminary priests of Downay when they
said:

vv that the whole time of the taking of Jerusalem, lasted eleven years before it was wholly burnt:"

820. That is from the time, when it was taken under Jeconiah until the time it was taken under
Zedekiah. This book was written in the 5th year of that interval of time. Hugo Grotius thinks
that the first writer of it means here that the fifth year after the carrying away of Jeconiah. The
phrase "the rest of the burning of Jerusalem", was added later by someone else who was of
opinion that Baruch never went to Babylon until after the burning of Jerusalem, which happened
in the reign of Zedekiah.

821. Ezekiel had his first vision from God in the beginning of the 30th year from restoration of
the worship of God in the 18th year of Josiah's reign, or the 5th year of the captivity of
Jehoiakim or Jeconiah, 5th day of the 4th month, (on Saturday, July 24th). He was among the
rest of the company that were carried away to Babylon, by the river Chebar or Chaborra
according to Strabo and Ptolemy. Eze 1:1,2,28 From here he was sent to be a prophet among the
Jews of the captivity. When he came to those who dwelt at Telabib near the river Chebar, he sat
down as a man distressed for 7 days. After this, God reminded him of his call with promises if
he obeyed and with threats if he refused. He confirmed him with a new sign and gave him
courage and boldness by his word. Eze 2:1-3:27

822. The prophet was commanded to make a drawing of the siege of Jerusalem, and to lie a long
time on his side for 390 days. This was to be a type of how many days the siege of the city of
Jerusalem would last and of the number of years of the iniquity of the house of Israel from the
time of Jeroboam. Eze 4:1-17

3410 AM, 4120 JP, 594 BC

823. Shortly after Plammis king of Egypt returned from his journey which he had made into
Ethiopia, he died. His son, Apryes, succeeded him and reigned for 25 years. (Herod. 1. 2. c. 161)
The scriptures call him Pharaohhophra. Jer 44:30 He and a well equipped army made an
incursion into the Isle of Cyprus and upon Phoenicia. He took Sidon by force and the rest of that
country by the very dread and terror of his name. After a main victory at sea, over both Cyprians
and Phoenicians, he returned into Egypt with a huge spoil taken from them. (Diod. Sic. 1. 1.) It is
reported of him, that he said that no God was able to put him out of his kingdom for he thought
he made his kingdom very secure. (Herod. 2 c. 169) In Eze 39:3 (as Tremelius has noted) is in
that allegorical Prosopopeia, most elegantly expressed,

vv The river is mine own, for I have made for it myself."

3410c AM, 4120 JP, 594 BC

824. When Ezekiel had lain 390 days upon his left side, he turned to his right and lay there 40
more days. This was a type of the many years of the iniquity of Judah. Eze 4:6 See also Eze 5:1-

7:27

3410d AM, 4120 JP, 594 BC

825. In the 6th year of Jeconiah's captivity and 5th day of it, (which was Wednesday, September
22nd) God carried Ezekiel away by the Spirit to Jerusalem. In a vision there, he showed him the
infinite idolatry practised there and the plagues which were to befall that city for this. Eze 8:1
9:1-11:25

826. According to his prediction, Pelatia, the son of Benaiah died. God comforted the godly in
their captivity in Babylon by the sanctification of his presence and with his evangelical promises
for the time to come. When the vision was over, the prophet was brought back by the Spirit to
his people in Chaldea and there declares to them all that God had showed him. Eze 11:13-25

341 la AM, 4120 JP, 594 BC

827. God by signs and words predicts Zedekiah's flight by night, the putting out of his eyes, his
going into captivity and his dying in Babylon. Also he foretells the captivity of the Jews and the
calamities which they were to endure before this captivity. Eze 12:1-28 In this same year, the
next 7 chapters of Ezekiel were written. From his writings we understand that Daniel's name
was at that time very famous for his continual prayers which he made for the people of the
captivity. Eze 14:14,20 Zedekiah did not regard the covenant and oath which he had sworn and
rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Eze 17:15,17

3411dAM,4121 JP, 593BC

828. In the 7th year of Jeconiah's captivity, the 10th day of the 5th month (Sunday, August
27th), Ezekiel reproved the elders for their gross hypocrisy in coming to ask counsel of God. He
prophesied of the calamity that was to come on all flesh. He pronounced God's judgment on the
idolaters and comfort to the godly. Eze 20:1-23:49

3413 AM, 4123 JP, 591 BC

829. After Battus founded the kingdom of Cyrene, he was succeeded by his son Arcesilaus who
reigned 16 years. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 159.)

3414d AM, 4124 JP, 590 BC

830. This was a sabbatical year in which the men of Jerusalem, set their servants at liberty
according to the law. Eze 21:2 De 15:1,2,12 Jer 34:8-10 The men of Jerusalem also heard that
Nebuchadnezzar was approaching with his army. Nebuchadnezzar marched against Zedekiah
and ravaged all the country. He took their strong holds and came before the very walls of
Jerusalem. (Joseph, Antiq. 1. 10. c. 10.) He had taken all the cities of Judah, except Lachish,
Azekah and Jerusalem. All of these cities were besieged by all his forces. Jer. 34:1-7

3414b AM, 4124 JP, 590 BC

831. The siege of Jerusalem did not begin until the middle of winter. In the 9th year of the reign
of Zedekiah on the 10th day, (Thursday, January 30th) Nebuchadnezzar with all his army came
before Jerusalem. He built forts all around it. 2Ki 25:1 Jer 39:1 52:4 In memorial of this event a
yearly fast is kept among the Jews beginning from the captivity until this day.Zec 8:19

832. On the same day of the siege of Jerusalem, God revealed to Ezekiel who was in Chaldea its
complete destruction. This was represented to him in type to a seething pot. His wife died that
day in the evening. He was told not to mourn her death. In this way he was to signify the
grievous calamity of the Jews which was to surpass all expressions of grief by mourning.Eze

24:1-27

3414d AM, 4124 JP, 590 BC

833. God told the prophet Jeremiah to tell Zedekiah of the complete destruction and burning of
Jerusalem brought on by the king of Babylon. Zedekiah was to be carried away prisoner to
Babylon. However, he would die in peace and have an honourable burial. Jer 34:1-7

834. Zedekiah imprisoned Jeremiah for his prophecy in the king's prison house. This happened
in the 10th year of Zedekiah and the beginning of the 18th year of Nebuchadnezzar. He
recovered the land of Hanameel, by right of redemption. Jer 32:1-16 All things then came to
pass which he foretold. These are contained in Jer 32:1-33:26

835. Pharaohhophra, also called Vaphris, came with his army from Egypt, to help Zedekiah and
the Chaldeans raised the siege before Jerusalem. Jeremiah was allowed to go free during the

siege and had not been thrown into the dungeon until later. Zedekiah sent messengers to
Jeremiah to ask him to make intercession to God for the deliverance of the people. Jeremiah told
him that the Egyptians would return to their own land and the Chaldeans would return to
Jerusalem and destroy the city by fire.Jer 37:3-10

836. When the siege was raised the people took back their Hebrew servants whom they had
formerly set free, because they no longer feared the enemy. They made them serve them as
before, which was contrary to the law and covenant. For this barbarous act, Jeremiah reproved
them, telling them if they released their servants they would escape the sword, famine and
pestilence of the returning Chaldeans. He told them the Chaldeans would be returning to make
war again and would take their city and burn it to the ground. Jer 34: 1 1-22

837. While the Chaldeans were perusing the Egyptian army, Jeremiah planned to escape but he
was stopped by the princes. He was taken and scourged and cast into the dungeon in Jonathan's
house for a long time. Jer 37:11-16 While Nebuchadnezzar was perusing the Egyptians in the
18th year of his reign, he took 832 prisoners from Jerusalem and for safeguard, he sent them all
back to Babylon. Jer 52:29

838. Pittacus of Mitylene was one of the 7 wise men. He was sent against Phrynon who was
surnamed the Pancratiast, which means "a man excellent in all feats of chivalry". Phrynon was
an olympian who won the bell in the games at Olympus. At that time he was serving as a
general of the Athenian army. He had taken two towns, Sigeum and Achilleum, from the
Lacedemonians, with a Navy to Troas. In this battle, the Athenians were victorious. They took
the shield of Abraeus, since the poet of Mitylene, had thrown it away in his efforts to escape.
They hung it up in the temple of Minerva in Sigeum. After this, Phrynon challenged any man
that dared to encounter him to a single combat. Pittacus accepted the challenge and with a little
net which he had hid under the hollow of his shield, he caught him by the head and killed him
with his three-forked spear. The Mitylenians offered him a large portion of land for killing
Phrynon. He only accepted as much land as he could throw his spear across. On this land he
built a temple and called it Pittacium. This story seems to be mangled and is imperfect in
Herodotus, (1. 5. c. 95.) However that defects in him is supplied by Plutarch, in his book entitled,
"De malignitate Herodoti", of the envy, or spitefulness of Herodotus, together with (Strabo, 1.
13. Polyenus, 1. 1.) Festus, in the word, Retiarius "a fighter with a net." and Diogenes Laetius, 1.
1.) He tells us, that the Mitylenians for that service made him their sovereign, of their own
accord, 20 years before he died. He states this was in the third year of the 52nd Olympiad. In
carefully calculating it, I chose to place it in the 3rd year of the 47th, though Eusebius places it
on the 2nd year of the 43rd Olympiad. This seems to more closely agree because in the
Catalogue of the Victorious Runners who won prizes, Phrynon, is said to have gotten the bell in
the 36th Olympiad. The war did not end with this duel, but their quarrel was referred to by both
parties to Periander of Corinth, who was also reckoned as another of the seven wise men of the
world. As an indifferent arbitrator, he ordered that each party should hold what they had in their
possession. The Mitylenians were to keep the Town of Achilleum and the Athenians Sigeum.
(Herod. 1. 5. c. 94. 54. Strabo 1. 13.) Periander out of Sosicrates shows that Laertius died 6 years
after this and before the 49th Olympiad. This reveals Herodotus' error in his account of times,
where he makes this peace between the Athenians and Mitylenians, toward the latter end of the
Successors of Pisistratus in Athens' government.

3415b AM, 4125 JP, 589 BC

839. In the 10th year of the captivity of Jeconiah and on the 12th day of the 10th month, (on
Sunday, February 1st.) Ezekiel prophesied against Pharaoh and all Egypt. Ezekiel foretold that
Pharaoh would prove to be only a staff or reed to the house of Israel. Pharaoh's attempts to
relieve Israel were all in vain. He predicted that Pharaoh himself would be over thrown in the
desert of Libya by the Cyreraeans. (see note in the year 3430). Egypt was to be miserably
wasted by the Babylonians and that desolation would last for 40 years, Eze 29:1-16

3415c AM, 4125 JP, 589 BC

840. When Nebuchadnezzar had routed the Egyptian army, he presently returned to the siege of
Jerusalem about the 15th day of the 3rd month, that is , 30 days before he took it.Eze 4:5,8
Jeremiah told Zedekiah that he would be given into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar. Zedekiah
then command him to be removed out of the Dungeon of the prison in Jonathan's house and
taken into the court of the prison. He was to be given a roll of bread each day as long as there
was any bread left in the city, Jer 37: 17,21

3415dAM,4125JP, 589BC

841. As the siege continued Zedekiah inquired of Jeremiah, but he still sent him the same
answer, that both king and people must fall into Nebuchadnezzar's hands. He said if any stayed
in the city they would perish by sword, famine or pestilence. However, if any would go out, and
submit to the king of Babylon, they would have their lives saved.Jer 21:1-14

842. The princes cast Jeremiah into Malchiah's dungeon, which was in the court of the prison for
answering the king in this way. He was delivered by the help of Ebed-Melech, one of the kings
Eunuchs, and was again consulted by the king. When he still continued in pronouncing
judgment against the land of Judah, he was still kept in the court of the prison until the city was
taken. Jer 38: 1-28 He assured Ebedmelech, in the name of the Lord; that he would be free from
all harm and danger in that calamity. Jer 39:15-18

3416c AM, 4126 JP, 588 BC

843. Tyre rejoiced to see the wretched condition Jerusalem experienced by Nebuchadnezzar's
hand. However, in the 1 1th year of Jeconiah's captivity, in the first day of the first month,
Ezekiel prophesied that Tyre would also perish in like manner by the same hand and that all who
saw her former wealth and bravery would be amazed. Tremellius and Pradus places this
prophecy in the 5th month. This would place it in the 12th year of Jeconiah's captivity in
Babylon. He also foretold the same misery for the Sidonians, Tyre's neighbours. Eze 26:1-18 At
that time the fame of Daniel's wisdom was so great, even in foreign nations, that used to speak
in a proverbial way "as wise as Daniel". It was from this man that God upbraided Ithobolus king
of Tyre, with his pride and arrogancy of his mind.

vv behold, thou art wiser than Daniel; no secret can be hid from thee," Eze 28:3

844. In the same year, the 7th day of the 3rd month, (Tuesday, April 26th) God revealed his will
to Ezekiel, of sending and arming Nebuchadnezzar against Pharaoh, to the ruin of Egypt. Eze
30:20-26

845. In the same year also, upon the first day of the 3rd month, (Sunday, June 19th) God
declared that the Egyptian, could no more avoid this determination, than the Assyrian could. Eze
31:1-18

846. Near the end of the 1 1th year of Zedekiah, Jer 1:3 on the 9th day of the 4th month
(Wednesday, July 27th) the famine grew strong in Jerusalem. The city was broken up and the
Chaldeans entered it. 2Ki 26:2-4 Jer 39:2,3 52:5-7

847. When the city was taken Zedekiah and all the men of war fled away by night.

848. The Chaldeans pursued after them and took Zedekiah. They brought him as a prisoner to
Riblah where Nebuchadnezzar was. He saw his children slaughtered and he had then his eyes
put out. He was enchained with steel chains and carried away from there to Babylon. 2Ki 25:4,7
Jer 39:4,7 52:7,1 1 The prophecies were fulfilled of him, that with his eyes he would see the king
of Babylon, Jer 32:4 34:3 but he would not see Babylon although he would die there. Eze 12:13

849. On the 7th day of the 4th month (Wednesday, August 24th) Nebuzaradan, captain of the
guard was sent by Nebuchadnezzar to enter the city.2Ki 25:8 He spent two days preparing
provisions. On the 10th day of that month, (Sunday, August 27th) he executed his charge. He set
fire to the temple and on the king's palace. He also burned to the ground all the noble men's
houses, with all the rest of the houses in Jerusalem.Jer 52:13 39:8 Our country man Tho.
Lydiate, thinks that fire was set on it on the 7th day; but not burnt down till the 10th. In
remembrance of this calamity, the fast of the 5th month was ordained to be kept.Zec 7:3,5 8:19
This fast is observed by the Jews to this day. However it is kept by them on the 9th day and not
the 10th of the month Ab. The temple was destroyed toward the end of the 19th year of
Nebuchadnezzar's reign. Jer 52: 12 2Ki 25:9 This was in the beginning of the first year of the
48th olympiad, in the 160th year, running of Nebonasar's account, 424 years, 3 months and 8
days, from the time that Solomon laid the first stone.

850. On the same 5th month, Jer 1:3 all the walls of Jerusalem were levelled to the ground.
Nebuchadnezzar carried back to Babylon all the remaining people in the city, all those who had
formerly fled over to him, all the common people of the city, all the treasure of the king and of
his nobles and the furniture of the temple. Jer 39: 8,9 52:14,23 2Ki 25:10,17 2Ch 36:18-20 Thus,
Judah was carried away out of her own land. Jer 52:27 2Ki 25:21 468 years after David began to
reign over it. These events have been recorded from the dividing of the 10 tribes, from the tribe
of Judah, 388 years and from the destruction of the kingdom of Israel, 134 years.

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The Sixth Age of the World

851. Nebuzaradan left the basest sort of the people in the land of Judah to dress the vineyards
and to till the ground. The king appointed Gedaliah the son of Ahikam, a man of the same
country as governor Jer 39:10 42:16 2Ki 25:1,22,23 but without any kingly title. The reason for
this is, as Severus Supitius, in his sacred History, notes:

vv To have some preeminence over a few miserable boors or persons, was not reckoned to be any
dignity at all."

852. Nebuzaradan took to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah, Seraiah the chief priest and Zephaniah the
second priest and the three keepers of the gate of the temple, and other principal men. They were
put to death there. Jer 52:24,27 2Ki 25:18,21 Jehozadak, the son of Seraiah and who after him
came to be the high priest, was carried away captive to Babylon. ICh 6:15

853. Jeremiah was bound with chains and was carried with the rest as far as Ramah towards
Babylon. There his irons were removed and he was set free. He was given his choice of either
going to Babylon and there to be honourably treated or stay in the country with those miserable
wretches who were left behind. He decided to stay and was sent back with money in his purse to
Gedaliah the governor at Mizpah in the tribe of Benjamin. Jer 39:1 1-14 40:1-6

854. The captains and companies, who fled by night when the city was first taken, 2Ki 25:4 Jer
52:7 were scattered over the country. These with all the Jews who had fled to the Moabites and
Ammonites and other nearby nations, after a while returned to Gedaliah in their own country.
They were given a good provision of wine and oil and other summer fruits to live on. Jer
40:7,12 2Ki 25:23,24

855. Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah, of the family of the kings of Judah was bribed by Baalis
king of the Ammonites to kill Gedaliah. He came to him with ten resolute fellows to Mizpah.
They were graciously entertained by Gedaliah who gave no credit to those who told him of
Ishmael's treachery and died as a result. Jer 40:13-16

3417a AM, 4126 JP, 588 BC

856. In the 7th month, Ishmael with his ten companions murdered Gedaliah as well as any
Chaldeans and men of arms they found in Mizpah. Jer 41:1-3 2Ki 25:25 In remembrance of this,
the Jews keep a fast to this day, on the 3rd day of this month Tizri. A day or two later, the same
Ishmael slew some more men, who clad in mourning apparel, brought offerings and
frankincense from Sichem, Shiloh and Samaria to the house of the Lord that now lay in ruins.
These were tricked into going to Mizpah, where they were murdered in the open streets. Their
bodies were cast into the well of king Asa. Jer 41:4-9

857. Ishmael returned to the king of Ammon with the king's daughters and the rest of the people
who were left at Mizpah as his prisoners. Johanan, the son of Kareah, met him with a band of
men and took away all his prisoners and set them free. Ishmael with only eight men in his
company fled to the Ammonites. Jer 41:10,15

858. Johanan and all his captains with the rest of the people remained near Bethlehem. For fear
of the Chaldeans they intended to flee into Egypt. Jer 41:16-18 Many of them went to Jeremiah
and desired an answer by him from God about this plan. After 10 days, he told them God's
message. He exhorted them not to leave their country. He assured them that if they stayed, God
would protect them there and that no harm should come to them from the Babylonians. If they
went into Egypt, everyone of them would perish by sword, by famine, by other kinds of death.
The common people went into Egypt according to their old custom of never obeying good
counsel nor God's commands. They took Jeremiah and Baruch the son of Neriah with them to
Tahpanhes. Here Jeremiah declared to them in a type, the destruction of Egypt by
Nebuchadnezzar. Jer 42:1-43:13 (Severus Sulpicius, Sacred History, 1. 2.)

3417b AM, 4127 JP, 587 BC

859. In the 12th year of Jeconiah's captivity, on the 5th day of the 10th month, (Wednesday,
January 25th) when news came to Ezekiel of the taking of Jerusalem, the prophet foretold of the
utter destruction of the remaining Israelites. This was after the others had fled to Egypt. Eze
32:1-16

860. In the same 12th year, in the first day of the 12th month, (Wednesday, March 22nd) Ezekiel
prophesied of the grievous plague and affliction which Nebuchadnezzar would bring on the land
of Egypt. Eze 33:1-16

861. On the 15th day, the same prophet predicted of Pharaoh and all the people of Egypt that
they would be brought down as low as hell with the rest of the uncircumcised nations. Eze 32: 17-

32

862. Jeremiah prophesied of the destruction which would follow the Israelites at Migdol not far
from the Red Sea, Ex 14:2 at Tahpanhes, (or Daphne-pelusium), at Noph, at Memphis and in
Pathros, a country in Egypt. For a certain sign of their own misery, he gave them Pharaoh, or
Apryes, king of Egypt, whom they should see brought low before their eyes. Jer 44: 1-30

863. Obadiah the prophet uttered a prophecy against Edom, which shamefully gloated over the
calamity of the Jews when Jerusalem was destroyed. Likewise Jeremiah did, Jer 49:7 Eze 25:12
and the authors of the Psalms, Ps 79:1-1-13 137:1-9 who wrote about the same time.

3418 AM, 4128 JP, 586 BC

864. When Cyrus had lived 12 years or more with his father in Persia, his grandfather Astyages
sent for him. He and his mother Mandane went to him in Media. (Xenophon, li. 1. of the
Unstitu. of Cyrus.)

3419 AM, 4129 JP, 585 BC

865. When Ithobalus was reigning in Tyre, it was besieged 13 years by Nebuchadnezzar.
Josephus reports this from Philostratus and other writers of the affairs of Phoenicia. (Antiq. 1.
10. c. 11. & 1. 1. cont. Apion.) During these 13 years, it seems that the neighbouring nations, the

Moabites, the Ammonites and Edomites, were also subdued by Nebuchadnezzar, according to
the predictions of the prophets. Jer 27:1-22 48:1-49:39 Eze 25:1-17

3420 AM, 4130 JP, 584 BC

866. It was the 23rd year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign when he lay siege to Tyre, which borders
the land of Israel.Jos 19:29 Nebuzaradan, captain of his guard, took away 745 remaining Jews
and Israelites together to Babylon. Jer 52:30 This extreme depopulation was foretold by Ezekiel
Eze 4:5,6 in reference to the iniquity of Israel lasting 350 years, which was distinct from Judah's
iniquity lasting 40 years until it was ended.

3421 AM, 4131 JP, 583 BC

867. Cyrus was now almost 16 years of age. Evil-merodach, the king of Assyria's son, was about
to marry a wife called Nicotris. He made an inroad, with a great army of cavalry and foot
soldiers on the borders of Media. There he took his pleasure in hunting and harrowing the
country. Astyages, Cyaxares' son and Cyrus' grandchild had just begun to bear arms. They
marched out and met him in a battle with the cavalry and overthrew him, driving him out of his
borders. (Xenophon. 1. 1. of the institution of Cyrus.)

868. After this Cyrus was called home by his father Cambyses. He had one year left of
schooling. Xenophon in the same book tells us this. It is also referenced in Athenaeus', 14th
book Dipnosoph out of Dion that Cyrus who served Astyages as the holder of his battle-axe and
later as one of his armour bearers returned into Persia. At that same time Angeres who was a
musician sang a song while Astyages feasted his friends. He said:

vv That a fierce wild beast, more fierce than any boar; was let go, and sent into a sunny country
and that he should reign over all these provinces and should with a handful of men, maintain
war against great armies, &c."

869. Astyages tried to call back Cyrus again, but could not get him.

3422 AM, 4132 JP, 582 BC

870. Cyrus spent 17 years among boys and then he spent ten years more among the youths.
(Xenophon 1. 1. of the Instit. of Cyrus.)

3424 AM, 4134 JP, 580 BC

871. In the 50th Olympiad, Epitelides the Lacedemonian, won the race in running. Certain men
from Cnidos, not Rhodes, avoided the hostility of the kings of Asia by agreeing to make a
colony elsewhere. They made Pentathlus a Cnidian, who was of the family of Hippotas, the son
of Hercules. They moved to Sicily when Egesta and Selinunte were at war with each other.
Pentathlus was killed while fighting within the ranks of the Selinuntians. The rest of them made
Gorgus, Thestor and Epethirsis their captains. These men were all from the same family as
Pentathlus was. They set sail from there and settled in the Isle of Lipara, (Diod. Sic. 1. 5.)

3429 AM, 4139 JP, 575 BC

872. Arcesilars reigned 16 years in Cyrenaica and was succeeded by his son Battus who was
surnamed Eudaemon. A large multitude of Greeks were advised by the Oracle at Delphi to go to
Battus. They ravaged the lands of the bordering Libyans and divided it among themselves.
Before this the colony in Cyrene consisted only of those who came from the Isle of Thera whose
founder was Battus. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 159.)

3430c AM, 4140 JP, 574 BC

873. On the 10th day of the first month of the 25th year of the captivity of Jeconiah, (Tuesday,
April 30th) Jonathan the Chaldee Paraphrast states that 14 years after the destruction of
Jerusalem, Ezekiel had a vision. In this vision the temple, the city and the kingdom of the
Israelites was restored. This also foretold the restoration of the church by Christ with its
greatness, honour and excellence. Eze 40:1-48:35

874. The Libyans were driven out of their lands and country by the inhabitants of Cyrenaica.
They put themselves under the protection of Apryes king of Egypt. He gathered a great army
together and sent them against the Cyrenians. The Cyrenians camped at a place called Irasa near
the fountain called Thestis. They routed the army of the Egyptians so that only a few of them
were left to return again into Egypt. The Egyptians grew angry with Apryes and revolted from
him. They thought that he purposely sent them on a suicide mission to be rid of them. They
reasoned that he did this so that he might more easily dominate the rest that were left. (Herod. 1.
4. c. 159, 1. 2. 161. Diodor. sic. 1. 1.)

3431 AM, 4141 JP, 573 BC

875. Amasis, also called Saits, (who was frequently spoken of by Plato in his Timaeus) was sent
by his father to stop this rebellion of the people. However, they made him king instead of his
father. Apryes sent Paterbanes, a noble person, to call Amasis back. When Paterbanes returned,
they cut off his nose and ears, because he did not bring Amasis back with him. After this
unworthy act took place, all the people defected from him to Amasis. (Herod. 1. 2. c. 162.)

3432b AM, 4142 JP, 572 BC

876. Finally, Tyre surrendered to Nebuchadnezzar. It was not taken by force, and was ransacked
by the soldiers. Eze 29:18,19 Therefore he replaced king Ithobains with Gaal, a man of the same
country to be a petty king there. He governed them 10 years, as Josephus affirms from the
Annals of the Phoenicians, (lib. 1. contra Apion.)

3432c AM, 4142 JP, 572 BC

877. In the 1st day of the 1st month of the 27th year of the captivity of Jeconiah, (Tuesday, April
21st.) God promised to give all Egypt to Nebuchadnezzar for a spoil in recompence for his long
labour in defeating Tyre. Eze 29:17-20

878. When Cyrus was 27 years old, he was taken from the rank of striplings, and reckoned

among the number of men, according to the discipline and use of the Persians. (Xenophon, 1. 1.
of the institution of Cyrus.)

879. Taking advantage of the rebellion in Eygpt, Nebuchadnezzar invaded Egypt with his army
after he was solicited by Amasis to help him against his father Apryes. After he conquored it
from Syene to the ends of it, he made havock of the Egyptians and of the Jews which lived
there. Some he killed and he lead away the rest into captivity according to Jeremiah's
prophecies. Jer 43:1-44:30 46:1-24 Eze 29:1-31:18

3433 AM, 4143 JP, 571 BC

880. Pharaohhophra, or Apryes, was forced to retreat into the country of Thebez. It seems
Nebuchadnezzar made Amasis his viceroy over all Egypt. Though Herodotus did not know of
this for Scaliger observes in his notes, Ad Fragmenta:

vv The priests of Egypt told him of such things, as he desired to know. They spoke only of things
that glorified their nation, but concealed the rest. This showed their cowardice and slavery, and
made payment of tribute to the Chaldeans."

3434 AM, 4144 JP, 570 BC

881. When Nebuchadnezzar finished his conquests, he returned to Babylon. When at ease in his
own palace, he had that remarkable dream of the great tree whose destiny was to be cut down.
This tree represented him. The meaning of it was explained by Daniel when he could not learn it
from his wizards of Chaldea. Da 4: 1-37

882. Nebuchadnezzar now built up Babylon in wonderful magnificence and beauty. He built a
whole new city outside the old one and enclosed all of it with a triple wall made of brick. As a
favour to his Median wife called Amyrtis, (of whom I spoke in 3374 AM) king Astyages'
daughter, he made that famous and so much renowned garden, born on pillars of which Berosus
writes:

vv He built that garden, called the Hanging Garden, because his wife desired the pleasure of the
hills since she was brought up in Media."

883. Q. Curtius said:

vv It is said that a king of Syria, reigning in Babylon, built this great work at the importunity of
his wife, whom he dearly loved. She desired to enjoy the pleasure of hills and woods, in that low
country of Babylon and set her husband to the task of imitating the genius or spirit of Nature
itself, by the amenity and pleasantness of this work."

884. Those who would know more of the infinite magnificence and sumptuousness of this work
must read the fragments which are left from Berosus and Abydenus. The former blames the
Greek writers who attribute this work to Semyramis, where indeed, this and those other vast and
magnificent structures were the works of this Nebuchadnezzar. So states Josephus, in his first
Book centra Apion. The latter writer says plainly that those vast walls with their brazen gates

were reckoned among the wonders of the world and remained to the times of Alexander the
Great. Eubebius in his ninth book, De Evangelical Preparat. attributes this to Nebuchadnezzar.
Clitarchus and others, who accompanied Alexander in that journey state that the circumfirence
of that wall was 365 furlongs, (about 46 miles) according to the number of the days of the year.
(Diod. Sic. 1. 1.) They also state that every furlong's length of it was built and completed in one
day. (Q. Curtius, 1. 5. c. 4.)

885. Twelve whole months were no sooner past, but Nebuchadnezzar, growing proud and
boastful of the magnificency of his buildings, lost his mind and was put out of his palace. He
spent seven years in the woods and fields among beasts. Da 4:32,33

886. Apryes gathered an army of 30,000 mercenaries from Ionia and Caria to help him fight
with his son Amasis, at Memphis. The army was routed and he was taken prisoner. He was kept
for a while in the city of Sais. Not long after this, he was strangled, according to the prophecy of
Jer 44:30. (Herod. 1. 2. 163. and 169 and by Diod. Sic. 1.1.)

887. After his death Amasis reigned 44 years, (Herod. 1. 31. c. 10.) and paid tribute all that time
to the king of Babylon. The priests did not make that known to Herodotus.

3442a AM, 4151 JP, 563 BC

888. The 18th year of Jubilee.

889. At the end of 7 years, Nebuchadnezzar humbly acknowledged the power of God. He was
restored both to his right mind and his kingdom. He publicly proclaimed God's great grace and
mercy shown toward him and his power over all nations. Da 4:34-37

3442b AM, 4152 JP, 562 BC

890. Nebuchadnezzar died after he had foretold that Cyrus would capture Babylon. So states
Abydenus (quoted by Euseb. 1. 9. Prapar. Evang. c. ult.) based on the account from the
Chaldeans. He departed this life after he had reigned about 20 months as viceroy in the kingdom
with his father and 43 years by himself.

891. After Nebuchadnezzar, his son Evilmerodach reigned. In the 37th year of the captivity of
Jehoiachin, or Jeconiah, about the 25th day of the 12th month (Tuesday, April 15th),
Evilmerodach ordered Jeconiah to be promoted. Jer 52:31 Two days later he took him from
prison, changed his prison clothes and sat him ahead of all the princes in his court. He counted
him among the king's friends and for the rest of his life, Jeconiah ate at the king's table. 2Ki
25:27-29

892. In Lydia after Haylyattes died, his son Cresus reigned for 14 years. (Herod. 1. I.e. 86)

893. After king Baal, the king of Babylon governed Tyre by judges. The first one was Ecnibalus
the son of Baslacus, whom Scaliger calls. xl[m !b l[bAynk[ He ruled 3 months. Next came
Chelbes, the son of Abdeus, whom Scaliger also calls ydba !b fbklx . He ruled there 10 months
according to Josephus who writes this from the Phoenician Annals, { Josephus, Apion 1. 1.

<1:783>}

3443 AM, 4153 JP, 561 BC

894. Abhar the high priest judged Tyre 3 months. After him, Mitgonus and Gerastratus governed
them for 6 years. { Josephus, Apion 1. 1. <1:783>}

895. When Croesus was living at Sardis, all the wise and learned men of Greece went to him
including Solon the law maker. Solon had that famous discussion with Croesus about of the
uncertainty of man's life and of all human happiness in it. (Herod. 1. I.e. 28-33) There exists at
Laertius a short epistle of Solon's to Croesus that Solon wrote near the end of his life. He said
that he was sent for by Croesus at the time Pisistratus governed Athens. At the same time,
Aesop, a Phrygian who composed those famous fables, was sent for by Croesus to come to him
at Sardis. Croesus held Aesop in great esteem. Croesus was upset with Solon and was dismissed
in an uncivil manner because Solon spoke quite candidly to him. He sent him a letter stating that
kings must have either very few or very pleasing words spoken to them. Solon wrote back that
kings must have, either very few or very honest things spoken to them. { * Plutarch, Solon, 1. I.e.
28. 1:483,485}

896. Aesop went from Sardis to Delphi and was there most unjustly sentenced to die.
Accordingly he was thrown down the rock there, called Phaedrias, about the 54th olympiad
according to Trabe. That is near the end of the 4th year of that olympiad, if the times be
correctly calculated. The revenge of this murder was often threatened by the Oracle there. It was
later executed by Judmon, grandchild to that Judmon of the Isle of Samos. Aesop sometime had
been with this slave and with Rhodope of Thracia, that famous strumpet. (Herod. 1. 2. ca. 134.)

897. After Solon left Croesus, he went into Cilicia and there built a city, and called it Solos after
himself. He settled certain Athenians there. In process of time, they corrupted the native
language and were said to commit solecisms in their speech according to Laertius in his life
reports. This place is more properly said of the Solii in Cyprus than of the Solenses in Cilicia.
This is shown by Solon in his eulogies written to Philonyprus the king, recorded by Plutarch, in
the life of Solon. Here Plutarch also tells us that this petty king of Cyprus made use of Solon's
wit and counsel in some of his own affairs. He moved a little town formerly called Epea, into a
lower ground more fit and useful for habitation and in honour of Solon, called it Solos.

898. After Solon departed, Croesus, who deemed himself the happiest man alive, found out by
sad experience that all Solon had told him, of the instability of man's life and happiness of it was
true. For shortly thereafter he had a dream in which he saw his son Atys thrust through with a
spear. This was a portent of the violent death which was soon to happen to him. He sought
diligently to prevent this and was prepared to marry him. Adrastus of Phrygia of the king's
family there had slain his own brother. He was banished against his will by his father Midas, the
son of Gordius, (not that old Midas, the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, whose Epitaph made by
Homer and set upon his tomb, Herodutus in the life of Homer recounts). He came to Sardis and
Croesus pardoned him for this accidental death. When Croesus had done this, he committed to
him the care and safe keeping of his son Atys. At that time, he was requested by the Mysians to
come and help kill a huge boar which destroyed the grain and other crops growing about the hill
Olympus. It also often killed many of the farmers. When Adrastus aimed at the boar with the
point of his spear, he accidentally gored Atys and killed him. When Croesus had pardoned him

for this, he killed himself on the tomb of Atys. When Croesus lost his son, he spent two whole
years mourning for him. He broke off his mourning for fear of Cyrus' growing power and by
whom he was afterward conquered. (Herod. 1. I.e. 34-46.) whereof also you may see, what Hen.
Valesius states in his collections (Diodo. Sic. p. 238.) and what Val. Max. states (1. 1. c. 7.).

3444c AM, 4154 JP, 560 BC

899. Evilmerodach the king of Babylon, was a wicked man. He had many attempts made on his
life and was murdered by Neriglissoros, his sister's husband, when he had reigned little more
than two years. (Berosus 1. 3. of the Chaldean Affairs, cited by Josephus 1. 1. contra Apion) We
read that Jeconiah king of Judah had a daily food allowance made for him for his diet until he
died. Jer 52:34 2Ki 25:30 Therefore, it is most probable, that Jeconiah himself died about the
same time Evilmerodach died.

3444d AM, 4154 JP, 560 BC

900. After Neriglissoros murdered Evilmerodach, he reigned 4 years. (Berosus 1. 3. Chalean
Affairs)

901. In the kingdom of Media when Astyages or Assuerus died, /APC Tob 14:15 he was
succeeded by his son Cyaxares, Cyrus his mother's brother. (Xenophon 1. 1. of the Institution of
Cyrus) This was in the beginning of the first year of the 55th Olympiad, 31 years before the
death of Cyrus. Daniel calls Cyaxares, Darius the Mede, the son of Assuerus.

3445 AM, 4155 JP, 559 BC

902. The king of Babylon conscripted troops from his own subjects and help from Croesus the
king of Lydia with the Cappadocians, the Phrygians, Carians Paphlagonians and Cisicians, on
the west. On the east he approached the Indians also to join with him in battle against the Medes
and Persians. He told them that they were two great nations who were now allied together. If
they were not checked, they would eventually overrun and bring into subjection all countries
near and far. Cyrus was made general of the Persian army by his father Cambyes and all the
counsel of the kingdom. He was sent to Media with 30,000 soldiers and 1000 commanders all of
equal authority under his command. (Xenophon, 1. 1. Institution of Cyrus ) When he came he
was made general of the Median forces by his uncle Cyaxares who had sent for him and was
placed solely in charge of the war against the Babylonians. From this time are the 30 years of his
reign or principality reckoned starting from the end of the 1st year of the 55th Olympiad. (Julius
Africanus, 1. 3. of his Annals, from Diod. Sic.) Thallus, Castor, Polybius, Phlegon, and other
chronologers also count this as the beginning of the reign of Cyrus as cited by Eusebius. (1. 10.
de Prapara. Evangelica.)

903. In the spring of that year, at the close of the same year of the same Olympiad, Solon, left
Philocyprus the king and the Solii. He thought to return to Athens as we find in his eulogies as
mentioned before in Plutarch. However, he suddenly became sick and died in Cyprus at the age
of 80 years. Laertius says this happened in the year when Hegestrates was archon or president of
Athens and in the second year of Pisistratus ruling there. (Plutarch from Phanias the Ephesian)

3446b AM, 4156 JP, 558 BC

904. In the 30th year after the desolation of Jerusalem, the unknown author of 2nd Esdras claims
to have had that conference with the angel Uriel. This is recorded in /APC 2Es 3:1-4:52 at what
time Salathiel was captain of the people, /APC 2Es 5:16 because Jeconiah was dead.

905. When Croesus was preparing to fight with Cyrus, he sent great presents to Delphi and
consulted the oracle there concerning the matter of this war. This was 3 years before Sardis was
taken. (Herod. 1. 1. c. 53-55, 91.)

3447 AM, 4157 JP, 557 BC

906. When the king of Armenia saw that the Babylonians were making preparations against
Cyraxeres, he would neither send him aid nor pay him tribute any longer in spite of the
agreement he had made when Astyages or Cyaxares had overcome and subjected him.
Therefore, Cyaxares, under the pretence of a hunting trip, attacked Armenia and defeated both
him and his son Tigranes in a battle. He put them under his control again. He also conquered the
mountains which lie between Armenia and Chaldea and there built a strong fort. He made peace
on certain conditions between the two nations. (Xenoph. 1. 3. de Instit. Cyri.)

3448 AM, 4158 JP, 556 BC

907. Cyaxares and Cyrus marched against the Babylonian king, Croesus and the rest of the
confederates and gained a major victory over them. The king of Babylon fell in the battle and
Croesus with those which were left, broke his camp by night and fled. Cyrus who had made a
league with the Hircanians who had defected to him from the Babylonians, used their help and
guidance in the way to pursue the fleeing enemy. He overtook them and after another battle he
defeated them. After Croesus sent away his women by night because the days were so hot, he
left his camp with all his horses. The Hyrcanins fell upon the companies of the Cappadocians
and Arabians and slew both their kings. Cyrus spared the lives of such as either were taken by
force or had yielded to mercy. He divided the spoil of the battle among his soldiers. (Herod. 1. 3,
4.)

3448c AM, 4158 JP, 556 BC

908. Laborosoarchodus, son of Neriglissorus, was much more wicked than his father. He
reigned after his father for 9 months in Babylon. (Berosus.)

909. Balatorus reigned in Tyre for one year among other judges. (Phoenici. Annal.)

910. Gobrias, had an only son who was killed by that new king of Babylon in a hunting match.
He and his friends defected to Cyrus. (Xen. 1. 4.)

911. Cyrus came to invade the country of Babylon. He stood outside the walls of the city and
challenged the new king to a duel. Gadatas, was a noble man of whom this new king was jealous
because the king's wife admired him, so he defected to Cyrus. The Babylonians sought revenge
for this and spoiled Gadatas' lands. Cyrus pursued them and routed their forces. Unknown to

Cyrus, the Cadusii, whom he had appointed as the rear guards of his army, had laid siege to a
country near the city. They were cut off by the king of Babylon. When Cyrus first revenged the
death of these men, he came to an agreement with the king to allow only the soldiers to fight
allowing the peasants on both sides to hold a truce. He passed beyond the city and captured
three of their forts. He returned to the confines of Assyria and Media from where he started. He
invited his uncle Cyaxares to come him. When he came there, Cyrus honourably received and
entertained him in the pavilion of the king of Assyria, Neriglostorus. Since winter was
approaching, they consulted together about the things necessary to maintain the siege, should it
carry on that long. (Xenophon 1. 5. & 6.)

3449b AM, 4159 JP, 555 BC

912. After Laborosoarchadus, who was disposed of by his subjects for his acts of villany,
Nebuchadnezzar's grandchild by his daughter succeeded him. He was his son by Evilmerodach
and called by Berosus, Nabonidus, but by Herodotus, Labynitus, by Abydenus, Mabannidochus
and by Daniel, Belshazzar, also Baltazar. He reigned 17 years, according to Berosus in his third
book of his Chaldee History and Ptolemy in Can. Reg.

913. In the first year of this king's reign, Daniel had a vision of 4 beasts which signified the 4
empires of the world. He also saw God overcoming all earthly powers and the sovereignty of the
Son of Man in all things. Da 7: 1-28

914. When Balatorus, the petty king of Tyre died, Merbalus was sent from Babylon to replace
him and reigned for 4 years. (Phoenis. Annal.)

3451 AM, 4161 JP, 553 BC

915. In the 3rd year of Belshazzar, Daniel had a vision of a ram and a goat, foreshadowed the
destruction of the Persian Empire by Alexander and the great misery which Antiochus would
bring upon the people of God. Daniel was living at Susa in the province of Elam, upon the bank
of the river Ulai. Da 8: 1,2 This river surrounds the citadel of Susa and parts the provinces of
Susa and Elimais. That is the Susachaeans from the Elamites, as the inhabitants of those two
provinces are distinguished by Ezr 4:9 and as Pliny 1. 6. c. 27. From this we know that at this
time the province of Susa was not in the hands of the Medes or Persians. It was controlled by the
Babylonians, under whom Daniel then lived, as I noted before in 3405 AM.

916. Berosus tells us (in his third book of his Chaldee History, quoted by Josephus, 1. 1. cont,
Apion.) that those walls about the river of the city of Babylon, (which were started by
Nebuchadnezzar) were fully lined with brick laid with a kind of slime, or liquid brimstone. For
his mother Nicotris, an astute woman, saw the gathering storm about to break upon Babylon.
She had turned the river Euphrates, which normally ran swiftly in a straight course. After
drawing it through many winding channels, which she had cut for that purpose, she made it to
run more slowly than it did formerly. Then she raised a huge dam on each side of the river.
Upstream from the city she constructed a huge lake into which she diverted the river. Thus, she
left the channel of the river dry. When this was done, she lined the banks of the river inside the
city brick walls. She installed watergates in the walls around the city. She also built a stone
bridge in the middle of the city. When this was done, she diverted the river from the lake to its
original channel. (Herod. 1. I.e. 185, 186, 188.) The magnificence of this stone bridge which

joined the king's houses, that stood on each side of the river, is described by Philostratus, in the
life of Apollonius. (lib. I.e. 18) He said that it was built by a queen that came out of Media.
Hence we gather that as Nebuchadnezzar married Amyitis, so likewise his son, Evilmerodach
married this Nicotris from Media.

3453 AM, 4163 JP, 551 BC

917. When Merbalus died, the king of Babylon sent Hirom, his brother in his place. He reigned
in Tyre for 20 years. (Phoenic. Annal.)

3455 AM, 4165 JP, 549 BC

918. Darius the son of Hystaspis, was born. He was almost 20 years old shortly before Cyrus
died. (Herod. 1. 1, c. 209)

3456c AM, 4166 JP, 548 BC

919. When Croesus was made general of the army of the Babylonians and others, he crossed
over the river Halys which divided the lands of Media and Lydia. Using the skill of Thales the
Median philosopher, he crossed the river without a bridge and came into Cappadocia. There he
took the city of Pteria and all the surrounding cities. He utterly destroyed the Syrians who had
done him no wrong. Herodotus in (lib. 1. c. 72.) states that Cappadocians were called Syrians by
the Greeks.

3456d AM, 4166 JP, 548 BC

920. After Cyrus had sent to the Ionians to see if they would join him or remain loyal to
Croesus, he fought an indecisive battle with Croesus. The next day Croesus returned to Sardis
because Cyrus did not attack him again. He intended not to fight that winter but wait for the next
spring, to march against the Persians. In the meantime, he sent all his auxiliaries to their homes
and sent ambassadors to those who were loyal to him, as were the Lacedemonians. He ordered
them all to come to meet at Sardis in five months. When Croesus had disbanded his army, Cyrus
attacked him with all his forces. When this surprise attack was made, Croesus, though greatly
troubled, still went forth to fight with him with such of his Lydians as he had. He trusted mainly
in his cavalry. Cyrus thwarted his design by placing his camels in front of his troops, knowing
that horses cannot tolerate the smell of camels. Therefore all the horses of Croesus turned tail
and carried their riders away with them. However, the Lydians left their horses and set
themselves in battle array. Yet at last, after many were killed on each side they fled. The
Persians followed up on this victory and attacked Sardis which they took in 14 days. Croesus
was condemned to be burned. When he came to the place of execution, he cried out, "O Solon,
Solon", whose wise counsel, concerning the instability of human affairs he had formerly so
much despised. When Cyrus heard this he not only spared his life but took him also into his
privy counsel. Cyrus arranged the funerals of Abradatos the king of Susa (who defected from
the king of Babylon to him and was slain in the battle). Also he arranged the funeral of Panthea
his queen who killed herself when she saw her dead husband. He made a huge and magnificent
monument for them. (Herod. 1. I.e. 75-90 with Xeno. instruc. 1. 7. The collections out of Diod.
Sic. by Hen. Vales, p. 241. Plut. in the life of Solon. Ployan. in his stratag. 1. 7. in Cyrus and
Croesus and Solinus in Polyhist. 1. 1.) Eusebus in his Chronicles states that Cyrus attacked

Sardis, in the 28th Olympiad that is in its 1st year.

921. When Croesus sent his shackles as a present to Delphi, he complained in vain that he had
been misled by the Oracle. (Herod. 1. I.e. 90, 91) When the men of Ionia and Eolia, wanted to
submit to Cyrus under the same conditions that they had formerly lived by under Croesus, Cyrus
declined. He granted those terms only to the Milesians, who feared what might happen to them
and had previously made peace with him. (Herod. 1. 1. c. 141, 143, 169) The rest of the Greek
city states were fortified. They sent Pithermon of Phocca, with other ambassadors to the
Lacedemonians to seek help from them which they refused to do. Yet they sent their ambassador
Lachrines to Cyrus to warn him not to touch any of the Greeks in Asia. He sent them word
again, that he would shortly make them stop caring for the Ionians and the rest of the Greeks in
Asia and attend to their own affairs at home. (Herod. 1. I.e. 141, 152, 153)

3457 AM, 4167 JP, 547 BC

922. Thales the Milesian advised them to hold a counsel at Treos, which was a city in the centre
of Ionia. (Herod. 1. I.e. 170.) Cyrus remained at Sardis and built battering rams and other
equipment purposing to raze the walls of all that stood against him. The Carions sent and asked
his help to settle their civil war. He sent Adusius, a Persian with an army. The Cilicians and
Cyprians willingly joined this force. Adusius put an end to their difference, however he left
sufficient garrisons of his own in the cities of either party. (Xenoph. 1. 7. Instit.)

923. At the end of the first year of the 58th Olympiad, Thales the Milesian philosopher died, (as
Laertius states from of Sosicrates). Anaximander, his countrymen first observed the loxodromy,
or motions of the stars in the Zodiac, as Pliny, from other authors states, (lib. 1. c. 8.) However
Plutarch in his 2nd book, "de Placitis Philosophorum", has more correctly told us that that point
of astronomy was known to Thales the Milesian, Anaximander's teacher. He died at the age of
64 in the 2nd year of this Olympiad according to Laertius in his "Chronicle of Appolodorus the
Athenian", Further from Phavorinus' "Varia Historia", he tells of his scientific inventions. He
was the first to invent the sun dial which he installed in Sparta. He also invented the horoscopes
for the finding out the equinoxes and solstices for the dial to determine the hour of the day. The
horoscope or instrument is used to observe the equinoxes and the tropics, or the summer and
winter solstice is different from this. Pliny attributes the invention of the dial and clock to
Anaximenes, his scholar, and fellowcitizen: (lib. 2. ca. 76.)

vv This rule and reason of shadows, which was also called Gnomonical, or Dial work, was first
discovered by Anaximenes, Anaximander's student. He was the first that set up a Sciathericum,
which is a dial to show what is the time in Sparta. (See note on 3291 AM)"

924. Anaximenes the son of Eurystratus succeeded Anaximander in his school at Meletus
according to Clemens. (Alexandri. in his 1st book of his Aronsat.) Following the advise of
Thales, Pythagoras went into Egypt when both his teachers Anaximander and Anaximenes were
dead. Polyerates of Samos sent with him a letter of commendation to Amasis king of Egypt
according to Laertius in his life of Pythagoras. It seems this Amasis was surnamed by the
Egyptians Somnesartcus. Pliny (in his 36th book, c. 9.) shows that in his reign Pythagoras came
into Egypt. He stayed there 22 years and conversed with the priests. From them he learned his
knowledge in astronomy and geometry. He was initiated into all their rites and ceremonies,
according to Jamblichus, (in the life of Pythagoras, c. 3. & 4.) Therefore he was circumcised by

them and after he was admitted into the secrets of their religion so that he might more freely
partake of the mystical philosophy of the Egyptians. In attaining this, he was mainly indebted to
Sonchedes, the chief prophet among them. (Clem. Alexan. 1. 1. Strom.) I think this Sonchedes
was from Sais. He talked much with Solon according to Plutarch in his life. They taught
Pythagoras about Metempsuchosis, or transmigration of souls out of one body into another,
according to Diodr. Sic. He was quite familiar with their books and writings about history.
(Valer. Max. 1. 8. c. 7.)

3458 AM, 4168 JP, 546 BC

925. Hystaspes and Adusius united forces and conquered all Phrygia bordering on the
Hellespont. They captured their king and brought him prisoner to Cyrus. (Xenoph. Instit. 1. 7. )

926. Cyrus committed Sardis to the keeping of Tabulus a Persian. He committed the treasure of
Croesus and the rest of the Lydians to Pactyas of Lydia. He returned towards Ecbatan and took
Croesus along with him. He paid little attention to the affairs of Ionia. No sooner had Cyrus left
Sardis, but Pactyas immediately persuaded the Lydians to revolt from Cyrus and his governor,
Tabulus. Using the king's treasure he hired soldiers from other parts and drove Tabulus into the
citadel and besieged him there. When Cyrus was told this on his way he took the advice of
Croesus. He sent back Mazares a Median, with a part of his army. He defeated the Lydians and
made them agreeable to the rule of Cyrus. (Herod. 1. I.e. 153-157) So the nation that was
famous for hard work, power and chivalry, grew soft from luxury and lost their courage and
virtue. (Justin, from Tragus, 1. 1. ca. 7.)

3459 AM, 4169 JP, 545 BC

927. Mazares demanded Pactyas from Cumaeans where he had sought refuge. The Cumaeans
consulted the Oracle at Branchis who said that they should deliver him up. Aristodicus the son
of Heraclides persuaded them not to give him up to be slain by the Persians. Since they did not
want him to stay lest Cyrus come and destroy their city, they sent him away safely to Mitylene.
When the Mitylenians were ready to surrender him, the Cumaeans sent a ship to Lesbos and
there took him to Chios. There the Chii drew him by force from the temple of Minerva and
delivered him to Mazares. The Lesbos were rewarded by having Atarneum a place in Mysia
opposite Lesbos given to them. (Herod. 1. 1. ca. 157-160.) Plutarch seeks to justify both the
Mitylenians and the Chii in this matter in his book, of "The malignity of Herodotus", using the
more ancient historian, Caron of Lampsacus. He states the matter thus:

vv Pactyas hearing of the approach of the Persian's army, fled first to Mitylene. and then to Chios
and there Cyrus took him.

928. When Mazares had captured Pactyas, he marched against those who with Pactyas had
attacked Tabulus. He conquered the inhabitants of Priene, partly ravaged the country lying on
the Maeander River. He gave both it and the city of Magnesia for a reward to his soldiers.
(Herod. 1. 1. ca. 161.)

3461 AM, 4171 JP, 543 BC

929. Harpagus, who was a chief general under Cyrus, went with his army against Ionia. He
fought with them (as Eusebius in his Chron. upon the 2nd year of the 59th Olympiad notes) for
Mazares was dying of a disease. Harpagus (whom some erroneously call Harpalus) was made
general in the place of Mazares. When Harpagus came into Ionia, he immediately besieged
whatever city he came to. He took Phocaea, the capital city of all Ionia. (Herod. 1. 1. ca. 162)

930. The Phoeneans abandoned the city when they saw they could not hold it. They escaped by
ship with their wives and children to Chios. Seeking revenge for the loss of Phocaea, they killed
all the garrison which Harpagus had left there to hold it. From there they sailed to the isles of
Oenusae and then to the isle of Cyrnus or Corsica. Here, 20 years before they had made a colony
and built a city called Alatia. When they had stayed five years and made all the neighbouring
countries weary of them by their robbing and plundering, the Italians and Carthaginians sent a
navy of 60 ships. After several naval battles, the Phocaeans won but at the cost of many lives
and lost 40 ships. They moved to Rhegium in Italy and there built the city Hyela, later called
Velia in the territory of Oenotria. (Herod. 1. I.e. 164-167) Also Thucides (lib. 7. of his history)
confirms that the Phocaeans, which built Marseillus, defeated the Carthaginians at sea. One
group built Velia and another Marseilles, in the time of Servins Tullus king of the Romans. This
was more than 600 years after the coming of Aeneas into Italy as is testified by Hyginus who is
quoted by A. Gellius. (lib. 10. Noct. Attica, c. 6.) Concerning this colony of the Marseillius,
Isocrates mentions in his Archidamus. See note on 3404 AM.

93 1 . When Harpagus besieged the city of the Teians, they abandoned the city and sailed into
Thrace. There they built a city called Abdera. This city was begun earlier and unsuccessfully by
Timesius, a man of Clazomenae. See note on 3349 AM. The rest of the Ionians, all except the
Milesians who had before hand made a league with Cyrus, were conquered one by one by
Harpagus. He allowed them to stay in their own country. They paid what was imposed upon
them. (Herod. 1. I.e. 168, 169.) When they were afflicted in this manner, they assembled in their
old common council of Ionia, called Panionium. Bias of Priene, chief of all the wise men of
Greece, counselled that they should build a common navy and sail to Sardinia. There they
should make a common city for all Ionians to live in and be free from this slavery and live
happily. (Herod. 1. I.e. 170)

3464c AM, 4174 JP, 540 BC

932. When Cyrus had subdued Asia Minor, he immediately made war on the Assyrians. He
marched with his army against Labynitus or Nabonidus their king. (Herod. 1. I.e. 178, 188.) The
news of this came to Babylon two full years before the city was besieged. Jer 51:46 When Cyrus
was marching toward Babylon, he was delayed at the river Gnides which runs into the Tigris.
For want of boats, he could not cross over it. While he stayed there, one of the white horses
which were consecrated to the sun, went into the river and drowned in its swift current. Cyrus
was furious about this event and stopped his march to Babylon. That summer he had the river
divided into 360 channels. He intended to make it so that a woman may pass through it and not
get her knees wet. (Herod. 1. 1. c. 189, 190, 202. 1. 5. c. 52.)

3465b AM, 4175 JP, 539 BC

933. The next year Cyrus marched to Babylon. Here Cyrus defeated, Belshazzar, or Nabonidus.
The Chaldeans retreated into the city and resolved to endure a siege (Herod. 1. I.e. 190.) Jer 51:

27,28,30 which they took lightly for two reasons. First, they had more than 20 years of
provisions in Babylon. Secondly, they thought there were many in Cyrus' army who favoured
the Chaldeans more than the Persians. (Herod, ib. Xenophon. Instru. 1. 7.)

934. Cyrus made a vast trench around the wall of the city. He cast up the earth towards his own
army and made bulwarks along it. He placed guards on these and divided his whole army into
12 parts. He ordered that each part would in turn stand watch for a month. (Xenophon. ib.)

3466b AM, 4176 JP, 538 BC

935. When Cyrus had spent much time in this work with little to show for it, at last he made a
ditch from the river to that vast lake which was 300 or 400 furlongs wide (40 to 50 miles wide).
Belshazzar's mother, Nicotris, had dug this lake. Then he opened the mouths of this and that
other ditch which he had newly built about the city and let the river flow into them. Hence he
made the channel which was not more than two furlongs wide (1/4 mile) passable for his men.
(Herod. 1. 1. c. 190, 191. Xenophon Institut. 1. 7.) Jer 51:32,36

936. Cyrus with his army went through the water gates in the wall and got into the city on a
festival day while all the men were at banquets. (Herod. 1. I.e. 190, 191. Xenophon Institut. 1.
7.) Jer 51:39,57 So vast was that city that as the inhabitants reported, when the outskirts of it
were surprised and taken by the enemy, they who dwelt in the heart of the city, never heard of it.
(Herod. 1. I.e. 191) Jer 51:31 alludes to this when it says:

vv that post upon post and messenger upon messenger shall run to tell the king of Babylon, that
all the outskirts of the city were possessed by the enemies."

937. When Belshazzar and all his nobles were feasting, he ordered his servants to bring all the
vessels of the house of the Lord, which Nebuchadnezzar his father, or grandfather (for he was
his son's son Jer 27:7) had brought away from Jerusalem. As they glorified his idols and
reproached the true God, God sent a hand to write on the wall of the room, where Belshazzar sat
drinking. It wrote the number of years which the Babylonian Empire was to last and that it had
been now weighed in the balance and was found wanting. Therefore it was to be transferred to
the Medes. It also declared what was to happen to Belshazzar. When his wizards of Chaldea,
could not read the writing, his queen advised him to send for Daniel. When he came, he read the
writing and interpreted it for him. For his efforts, he was publicly proclaimed the third man in
the kingdom.Da 5:1-31 Since the king's wives are said to have been present at the banquet, Da
5:2,3 and the queen to have come in afterward, Da 5: 10 this is to be understood of the queen
mother, Nicotris. She was the mother of this last king of Babylon, as we have already shown out
of Herodotus.

938. In the same night of this banquet, Belshazzar the king of the Chaldeans was slain Da 5:30
by the soldiers of Gobryas and Gadneas. (Xen. 1. 7. Instr.) So the Babylonian kingdom came to
an end, as had been predicted, Isa 13:1-14:32 21:1-17 34:1-17 46:1-13 Hab 2:1-20 Jer 25:1-38
50:1-51:64 and the empire transferred to the Medes and Persians. Da 5:21 6:8,12,15

939. Darius the Mede, son of Assuccus or Cyaxares, the son of Astyages, took over the kingdom
as given to him by Cyrus the conqueror. Da 5:31 9:1 Cyrus had set apart the king's house and all
his palaces in Babylon so that if he should come to Babylon, he would have a palace of his own

to stay in. (Xenophon, Instit. 1. 8.) The angel, in this first year of his reign, is said to have
confirmed and strengthened him in his kingdom. Da 11:1 After this he is said to have reigned
for 2 years.

940. When Cyrus had set all things in order at Babylon, he returned through Media into Persia,
to his father Cambyses and Mandana his mother who were yet living. From there he returned
again into Media and married the only daughter and heir of Cyaxares. For a dowry he had the
whole kingdom of Media given to him. After the marriage, he left for Babylon taking her with
him. At Babylon he sent governors into all his dominions. Megabyxos went into Arabia.
Artacaman went into Phtygia the Greater. Chrysantas went into Lydia and Ionia. Adusius went
into Carin. Pharmichas went into Phrygia Hellespontiaca, or the Less. In Cilicia and Cyprus and
Paphlagonia he sent no Persian governors because they submitted to him and of their own
accord helped him against the king of Babylon. However, he made them pay tribute. (Xen.
Instis. 1. 8)

941. All the countries which Cyrus subdued as general of the forces of Media, he added to the
dominions of Cyaxares. (Xen. 1. 5.) Therefore it is most likely that at the former meeting in
council, he made that distribution of the governments by Cyaxares' advise. Xenophon (lib. 8.)
states about Cyrus,

vv It seemed good unto him, to set governors over all the nations which he had subdued:"

942. Daniel, who, as it seems went at this time with Cyrus from Babylon to Media, said of
Cyaxares:

vv It seems good to Darius, to set over the kingdoms, 120 governors, that they should be over all
the kingdoms." Da 6:1

943. Over all the governors he made three overseers, the principal one was Daniel. As a result
the rest were envious of him and had the king make a decree that:

vv for 30 days time, no petition should be made to any god or man, but to himself only"

944. When Daniel had broken this decree by praying to God, he was cast into the lion's den. He
was delivered from the den with no harm done to him. Then Darius cast those plotters against
Daniel into the same lion's den and published that famous decree through all his dominions, that
every man should reverence and fear Daniel's God. Da 6:1-28

3467a AM, 4176 JP, 538 BC

945. From the year of the Babylonian captivity of the Jews that started when Jehoiakim was
defeated in the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, until the end of the first year of the reign of Darius
the Mede, was almost 70 years. According to Jer 29:10 the captivity was almost over:

vv Thus saith the Lord, when the 70 years shall begin to be finished with Babylon, then will I
visit you and perform my good word unto you and will bring you again to this place and when
you shall call upon me to depart from thence and when you shall pray unto me, then will I hear

you."

946. Knowing the time of the captivity was almost up, Daniel prayed fervently for the remission
of his own sins and of his people's and for the release from captivity. The angel Gabriel brought
him an answer not only for this but also concerning the spiritual deliverance of the church to be
effected at last by the death of the Messiah. He gave that famous prophecy of the 70 weeks. Da
9:12-27

947. When Cyrus had spent one whole year with his wife in Babylon, he assembled his whole
army. It is said to have 120,000 calvary, 2,000 iron chariots, and 600,000 foot soldiers. When he
outfitted his troops he undertook that campaign whereby he is said to have subdued all nations
from Syria to the Red Sea. (Xenophon, Instit. 1. 8.)

3468a AM, 4177 JP, 537 BC

948. After Cyrus' father Cambyses died in Persia, Cyaxares in Media held all the empire of the
east. From this year, both Xenophon, (8. Inst.) reckons the 7 years of his reign, but the Holy
Scripture from the records of the Medes and Persians, reckons this the first year. It states that in
this year came that famous edict of his. Thus said Cyrus king of Persia:

vv Into my hand hath God given all the kingdoms of the earth."

949. In this year, the 70 years of the Babylonian captivity ended as foretold by Jeremiah and
according to the prophecy of Isaiah who mentioned Cyrus by name. Isa 44:28 45:1-3 He gave
permission to all the Jews dwelling anywhere in his empire to return into their own country.
Those who returned he ordered to rebuild the temple of God. They could build it as large as they
wished. Hag 2:3 They could use the resources from the king's treasury. Cyrus restored all the
vessels of the house of God which Nebuchadnezzar had brought from there. 2Ch 36:22,23 Ezr
1:1,2,7 5:13,14 6:2,5

950. Cyrus made Sheshbazzar the captain of the Jews who returned to Jerusalem. According to
Cyrus' orders, Sheshbazzar received from Methridates the treasurer all the vessels belonging to
the temple. These were to be returned to Jerusalem. Ezr 1:7,11 5:14,15 Sheshbazzar was his
Chaldean name but his Hebrew name was Zerubbabel. Ezr 3:8,10 5:16

3468c AM, 4178 JP, 536 BC

951. The Jews prepared to return to their country. The poor were given an allowance to help
with the costs. Ezr 1:5,6 There were 42,360 of the children of the province or poor people of the
Hebrews born in Chaldea who returned. Their captain was Zerubbabel, the son of Shealtiel or
Salathiel and their high priest, Jehu, or Jeshua, the son of Jozadak. In addition there were 7,337
proselytes, man servants and maid servants who also returned. Ezr 7:1 Ne 7:67 12:1-9 However
the total sum given in Ezra is only 29,818. In Nehemiah, the sum is 31,031. Neither of these
tally to 42,360 but at the end of each list the total of 42,360 was said to be the number of the
whole congregation. Ezr 2:64 Ne 7:66 To tally to 42,360 the Hebrews in their great Chronicle
(cap. 29) tell us that we must include in this number, those of the other tribes of Israel, who
came up out of the captivity with the Jews. For even at the end of the Jewish state, there was a

remnant of the other ten tribes, Ac 26:7 not only of the dispersion, Jas 1:1 and at Jerusalem, 2Ch
9:3 Lu 2:36 and other cities of Judah 2Ch 1 1:16 31:6 but also of those who still lived on their
lands. Shalmaneser did not take everyone away from the tribes, (see note on 3227 AM
concerning the history of Josiah) but he left a remnant of them, in their own country, who were
later, together with the Jews and Benjamites and Levites, carried away by Nebuchadnezzar to
Babylon and were now set at liberty and sent back again by Cyrus. After this first year of Cyrus,
all the Israelites, are said to have dwelt in their own cities. Ezr 2:70 In the 6th year of Darius,
they are said to have been present at the dedication of the Temple and to have offered there 12
he goats for the sin of all Israel. Ezr 6:16,17 When Christ preached the gospel in Galilee, Mt
14:14 he fulfilled the prophesy of Isaiah that the people of Zabulon and Naphtali would see a
great light. Isa 9: 1,2 The chief men of their father's families came to Jerusalem and offered
according to their ability toward the rebuilding of the temple, 61,000 drachmas of gold, 5,000
pounds of silver and 100 priests robes. Both the priests and Levites and the rest of the people,
lived in their own cities. Ezr 2:68-70

3469a AM, 4178 JP, 536 BC

952. On the first day of the seventh month in the feast of trumpets, the Israelites all came from
their cities to Jerusalem and there built the altar. Every morning and every evening they offered
the daily sacrifice to God and on the 15th day of the same month, they kept the feast of
tabernacles. In addition, they provided materials and workmen for the building of the temple, as
Cyrus had given them permission to do. Ezr 3:1-7

3469c AM, 4179 JP, 535 BC

953. In the second year, the second month, Jair, after their return from Babylon, they appointed
Levites to oversee the work of the house of God. When they laid the foundation of the temple,
the old men cried who 53 years earlier had seen the old temple standing. The young men greatly
rejoiced to see the new temple going up. Ezr 3:8-13

954. The Cuthaeans, the old enemies of the Jews, who had previously been settled in Samaria by
Esarhaddon, cunningly offered to join them in building the temple. When the Jews refused their
help, they hindered the Jews all they could in the work and discouraged the people from
completing the task. Ezr 4:1-4

3470a AM, 4179 JP, 535 BC

955. This was the first sabbatical year kept by the Jews, after their return from the captivity of
Babylon.

956. The Samaritans by bribing certain courtiers of Cyrus, disrupted the Jews in their work of
building the temple. Ezr 4:5 From this was the reason for the 3 weeks of mourning by the
prophet Daniel. He continued his fast which was begun about the 3rd day of the 1st month in the
3rd year of Cyrus through all the time of the feast of Passover. Da 10: 1,4 After this on the 24th
day of the 1st month, while he stood upon the bank of Hiddekel, or the River Tigris, he had the
vision of the kings of Persia, of Alexander the great and his successors and their kingdoms. This
is recorded in Da 10:1-12:13 and was the last vision that he had shortly before his death.

3473 AM, 4183 JP, 531 BC

957. Amasis, as it seems, defected from Cyrus. The people of Egypt who were carried away
formerly by Nebuchadnezzar, after 40 years in exile they were now sent back again by Cyrus
into their own country. They returned to their old kingdom toward the end of the life of Amasis.
Egypt was again a kingdom, very old and ancient indeed, but the basest of all others and of no
longer much use to any other country. Eze 29:11-16 Jer 46:26 Xenophon, (8. Instit. Cyr.) and
also in the prologue to his whole work, states that Cyrus had Egypt in his possession. All authors
agree that it was later subdued by his son Cambyses. Hence, we gather, that in the intermediate
time, they enjoyed their freedom.

958. It may be that when Amasis revolted from Cyrus, that when Hirom had been king of Tyrus
for a full 20 years, (who was the last king mentioned by Josephus, in his catalogue of them) he
was overthrown. In his place, they had governors set over them by other nations instead of being
governed by men of their own country. For the very Punic names of those kings, show that they
were all of the same country as Tyre. This situation was like the Egyptians who had been ruled
by Amasis.

3475b AM, 4185 JP, 529 BC

959. Cyrus died at the age of 70 years. He was first made general of the Median and Persian
armies a full 30 years earlier. He took Babylon 9 years before his death and reigned for 7 years
and a month or so.

960. Authors differ as to how he died. Herodotus (lib. 1. c. 214), Justin from Trogus (lib. 1. c. 8)
and Valer. Max. (lib. 9. c. 10.) say that he was slain in a fight against the Maslagetae or
Scythians. He was decapitated by Tomyris their Queen and she threw him into a tub full of
blood. She told him to satiate himself with blood with which he had so much thirsted after in his
lifetime. Diod. Sic. (lib. 2.) states that when she had taken him prisoner, she crucified him.
Ctesias (lib. 1 1) states that in a battle against the Derbicans, the nation bordering on Hyrcania,
after he was wounded in the thigh by a certain Indian, he slew Amorraeus their king and his two
sons. Three days later, he died. Johannes Malela of Antioch, from a forged book, attributed to
Pythagoras of Samos, states that he was slain in a sea battle against the Samiaens. Xeno. (instit.
1. 8.) reports that he died a natural death in his own country of Persia. He ordered his sons that
they should wrap his body neither in gold nor silver, but in plain cloth, and bury him in an out of
the way place. They were to call all his friends, Persians and others to his grave and having there
presented them with whatever was fit to be given them at the funeral of a fortunate man, they
should be dismissed. His tomb was made at Pasarges. This is stated by those who wrote the
nobel acts of Alexander the Great, as Curtius, Plutarch, Arrian. According to Strabo (lib. 5 of his
Geography), Aristobulus was sent by Alexander to see the tomb. He recites also this inscription
found on his tomb.

vv O man, I am Cyrus, who founded the Persian monarchy and was king of Asia; and therefore
envy me not that I have a monument."

961. Strabo, from Onesicritus cites a Greek epitaph written for him, (if any man will believe it),
in Persian letters. It was:

vv Here Cyras I do lie, who king of kings was high"

962. It is of the same character with that one cited by Lucian, from the same Onesicritus in his
discourse "De Longavis", of long lived men, that Cyras missing at last those friends of his
which his son Cambyse had taken away, he died for grief at the age of 100.

963. Cyras left his kingdom to his eldest son Cambyses and to his younger son, Tanaoxaras, or
Tanyoxareas, whom Herodotus calls Smerdis. Justin from Tragus calls him Mergis. Ctesias
states he left the seigneuries or commanders, of Bactria, Choromnea, Parthia and Caramania.
However, Xenophon, (Instit. 1. 8.) states it was of the Medes, Armenians and Cadusians.

964. In the start of the kingdom of Ahasuerus (for by that name is Cambyses known in the
language of the Scriptures) the Samaritans, who had before fought secretly to undermine the
Israelites, now openly sent a letter to the king against the inhabitants of Judah and Jerusalem.
Ezr 4:6 They knew very well, what difference there was between the father and the son's nature
and disposition. Cyrus was naturally kind and loving to those who were under him and the other
furious by nature and sudden in his resolutions. This is noted of him in Diod. Sic. in his
Excerptu, published by Henr. Valesius, (p. 238, 249) with Herodotus (1. 3. c. 89.)

3477a AM, 4186 JP, 528 BC

965. This was the 2nd Sabbatical year held by the Jews after their return from Babylon.
3478 AM, 4188 JP, 526 BC

966. As Cambapheus an eunuch controlled the king of Egypt, likewise his first cousin, Isabat an
Eunuch controlled Cambyses king of Persia. Cambapheus betrayed the bridges, passages and
other things to the Persians when they promised him the government of Egypt for his trouble.
(Ctes. Persicor 1. 3.)

967. Following up on this information, Cambyses gathered an army and a navy. His army
consisted of various other nations in his empire and of Greeks from Ionia and Eolia in Asia. His
naval forces came mainly from the Sidonians and Cyprians. Polycrates, the king or tyrant of
Samos, furnished him with 40 warships and he used as sailors all such as he suspected for
enemies at home. He hoped they would die in Cambyses' service and never return home to
bother him again. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 1, 19, 44.)

968. Phanes of Halicarnaslus was a chief man among the aides of Egypt and well versed in their
affairs. He hated Amasis and when he saw that Cambyses was preparing to fight against Egypt,
he defected to him. He told Cambyses many secrets of the land of Egypt. When Cambyses was
greatly perplexed as to how to cross the desert without proper water supplies, he advised him to
send to the king of Arabia, to obtain permission to pass through his country for (Herod, lib 3. c.
4,7.) without his consent, no one could get to Egypt. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 88)

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969. The king of Arabia made a league with Cambyses through the messengers that were sent to

him. He sent all his camels laden with leather bags full of water to the places where Cambyses
with his army was to pass. (Herod, lib 3. c. 9.)

970. When Cambyses came with his army into Egypt, he found Amasis had died recently after
he had reigned 44 years. (Herod, lib 3. c. 9. & 10.) Diod. Sic. (1. 1. Biblioth.) states that he died
when Cambyses began his war in Egypt in the later end of the 3rd year of the 63rd Olympiad.
His son Psammenitus, (whom Ctesias calls Amyrteus) reigned 6 months. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 14.) In
this time it rained at Thebes, in the upper Egypt. This is taken for a good luck., (Herod. 1. 3. c.
10.)

971. When the Persians passed those sandy dry deserts of Arabia, they came to the edge of
Egypt, (Herod. 1. 3. c. 11.)

972. When Cambyses came to besiege Pelusium, he placed cats and dogs and sheep, and birds
called Ibides and all kinds of living creatures, which the Egyptians worship for gods, in front of
his army. The Egyptians did not shoot at the enemy lest they hurt their own gods. Hence
Cambyses took Pelusium, got an toe hold on Egypt, (Polyenus in the 7th book of Stratag.)

973. The Greeks and Carians mercenaries who came to help the Egyptians hated Phanes who
was instrumental in bringing this foreign army to Egypt. They slew his sons before his eyes and
after drinking their blood started fighting with him. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 11.)

974. After a sharp encounter, many were slain on both sides and the Egyptians were routed.
(Herod. 1. 3. c. 11)

975. Cambyses sent a Persian herald up the river in a ship of Mitylene to Memphis, where the
Egyptians had fled in great disorder and confusion.

976. The herald exhorted them to surrender but the men of the city sallied out against the ship,
captured and destroyed it. They tore everyone on board limb from limb. They retired into the
city and later endured the siege for a short time, (Herod. 1. 3. c. 13.)

977. Arcesilaus, son of Battus the lame and of Pheretima his wife, surrendered Cyrene to
Cambyses and agreed to pay him tribute. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 165.) The inhabitants of Cyrene, the
Barcei and the Libyans who bordered on Egypt were terrified with his success against their
Egyptian neighbours. They submitted to him and sent their presents to Cambyses. Cambyses
took what came from the Libyans graciously. The Cyrenians were so small and sent him only
500 minae of silver. He took it and threw it among the soldiers. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 13. & 91.)

978. Ten days after Cambyses had taken Memphis, he tried to humiliate Psammenites. He had
imprisoned him with other Egyptians in the suburbs of the city. In contempt of Psammenites, he
sent his daughter with other maidens of the Egyptian nobility with pitchers to fetch him water
from the river. He sent the young son of Psammenties with 2,000 more of the same age and all
principal noble men's sons with ropes about their necks and bridles in their mouths to be
shamefully put to death. He did this in revenge of those men of Memphis who destroyed the
ship and murdered the Mitylenians he had sent to them. He ordered that for every Mitylenian
who was killed, ten of the chief of the Egyptians should be put to death. The first to die was the

son of Psammenites. Cambyses would have spared him but acted too late to do so. However,
Psammenites lived peacefully later with Cambyses. At last when Psammenites was convicted of
stirring up the people to a new rebellion, he drank bull's blood and died. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 14,15.)
Cresias states however that he was sent away prisoner to live in Susa.

979. Cambyses marched from Memphis and came with his army to the city Sais. When he came
to the palace of Amasis, against whom he undertook this war, he had his body to be hauled from
its vault and to be brought before him. He had its carcase whipped with scourges and all kind of
reproach,and contumely done to it. Then he had it consumed with fire. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 16 . and
Diod. Sic, in his Excerpta; published by Hen. Valesius, p. 249.)

980. Cambyses conquered Egypt, in the 5th year of his reign. He ruled there for 3 years. (Jul.
African, and Euseb. in Chronic. Grec. p. 17.) He killed 50,000 Egyptians in battle and sent away
7,000 as prisoners to Susa. (Ctesias)

981. Jamblicus reports that Pythagoras was among the rest taken to Babylon where he conversed
with their wisemen. (Jambli. in his Life) Another writer of his life, namely Malchus, or
Paphyrius, says, that at Babylon, he not only conversed with the other Chaldeans, but applied
himself also to Zabratus who purified and cleansed him from the sins of his former life. This
Zabratus is thought by some, to have been that Nazaratus of Assyria, whom Alexander,
(Polyhistor I think) in his book of Pythagorical Opinions, infers that he was the teacher of
Pythagoras. Some others mistaking the matter, judge him to have been the prophet Ezekiel, as
Clement of Alexandra, (1. 1. Strom.) states. All this shows is that he did converse with the wise
men of the Jews in Babylon. He later made use of many of their opinions in the writing of his
Philosophy. These writers are of that opinion, Hermippus, in his first book of Pythagoras,
quoted by Josephus (1. 1. cont. Apion.) and in his first book, of Law Makers, cited by Origen, (1.
1. cont. Celsum.) Aristobulus the Jew, a Peripatetic Phylosopher, in his first book to
Phylometor, Clemens of (Alex. 1. 1. Strom.). Eusebius (1. 13. Prepar. Evangel.) believes that the
books of Moses were translated into Greek, before the Persian empire began. However it is far
more likely that he got that part of his learning by talking with the Jews in Babylon. Pythagoras
was familiar with Jewish writings according to Pyrphier in his Life, from Diogenes, "of the
incredible relation made of Thule".

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982. Cambyses wanted to prepare a navy to go against the Carthaginians but gave it up. The
Sidonians, upon whom he relied for naval service, refused to go against their own colony and
kindred. Meanwhile, he sent for some of the Itchthyophgaies, from the city Elephantina. These
were well versed in the Ethiopian language. He sent them as spies to the Ethiopians called
Macrogis. These are generally a very long lived people and live in the parts of Africa south of
Egypt, bordering the India Ocean and Red Sea. The spies went under the pretense of bearing
gifts for their king and wishing to see The Table of the Sun. The king of Ethiopia in the presence
of them, took his bow, and bent it and then unbent it again. He gave it them to carry to
Cambyses, and asked them tell him that when his Persians should be able to easily bend such
bows as those he should, then and not before, gather a huge army and fight with the long lived
Ethiopians. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 17.-25.)

983. Cambyses' full brother, Smerdis, or Tanyoxarces tried to bend this bow and came within

two fingers breadth of the notch. None of the other Persians came that close. Out of envy
Cambyses dismissed him and sent him to Persia. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 30.)

984. In a rage, Cambyses ordered an expedition against Ethiopia without any provisions made
for grain or food. Like a mad man, as soon as he had heard what his Ichthyophagites had said,
he immediately marched away with all his own foot soldiers and ordered the Greeks to stay
behind. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 24.)

985. When he came as far as Thebez in Egypt, he culled out about 50,000 of his army and sent
them first to rob the land, then to burn the Temple of Jupiter Ammon and to make slaves of all
the inhabitants of the place. He marched on towards Ethiopia, (Id. ib. Diodor. Sic. in his
Excerpta, published by Hen. Vales, p. 249.)

986. On that journey Cambyses subdued the Ethiopians who bordered on the lower parts of
Egypt and lived in the city of Nisa. They kept the holy days to Bacchus. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 97.) To
Saba the chief house or palace of the king of the Ethiopians and the island where it stood, he
called "Meroes" in memory of Meroe, who was his wife and his sister. (Strabo. 1. 17. of his
Geogr. Josephus. 1. 2. Antiq. c. 10.) She had accompanied him into Egypt and died there. No
other king of Persia before him had married their sister. Shortly after this, he married his older
sister Atossa. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 31.) After his death, she married Magus and after him, she married
Darius Hystasphis. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 68, 88.)

987. The army which went from Thebez against the Ammonians, travelled seven days over the
sands and came to the city, Oasis. (This city was inhabited by those Samians, which were of the
Eserionian tribe.) From there they came to a country called "the isle of the happy ones".

988. As they marched from there over the sandy plains and midway between Oasis, and
Ammonia, it is said, that there arose a mighty strong wind out of the South while they were
eating. It brought those shifting sands upon them and overwhelmed them all. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 26.
Just. 1. I.e. 9.) Plutarch in the Life of Alexander, says, that there were 50,000 men lost in that
land being buried by the sand storm.

989. The army which with him against the Ethiopians, ran out of provisions after five days.
When they had lost hope of any food, they cast lots and started to eat one another. When
Cambyses saw this, he returned to Thebez, having lost much of his army. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 25.
Seneca, 1. 2. c. 30.) Lucan in his "Of His Natural Questions", says,

And mad Cambyses, marching toward the east,
Came to the long-liv'd Ethiopians:
And wanting food, his own men up did eat;
And yet the head of Nile never found.

990. Cambyses returned to Memphis discharged his Greeks and shipped them home. (Herod. 1.
3. c. 25.) He saw the Egyptians keeping an holy day because their god Apis had appeared to
them. He thought they had done it for joy of his disastrous journey. He sent for Apis and killed it
with his sword. He commanded all his priests to be scourged with whips and the rest of the
Egyptians who were found keeping the holy day, were to be slain by his soldiers. Apis was
wounded by him and died in the temple. The priests took the body of the beast and secretly

buried it. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 27-29.) Apis was a sacred bull worshipped in the temple of Ptah in
Memphis.

991. The Egyptians say that Cambyses who was mentally unstable, now went stark mad. This
first manifested itself when he killed his own brother. After he sent him to Persia, (as was said
before) Cambyses dreamed that a messenger came to him from there who told him that Smerdis,
his brother was sitting on the regal throne and touched the heavens with his head. He was
astonished by this dream and immediately sent Prexaspes, his most trusted friend, to kill his
brother Smerdis. When he came to Susa he had him murdered. Some say he took him on a
hunting match; others report that he lured him along as far as the Red Sea and drowned him in
it. (Herod, c. 23. c. 30, 36.) Justin based on Tragus, (1. 1. c. 9.) states that this charge was
committed to Cometes, one of the Magi and that he did not murder Smerdes or Merges until
after Cambyses was dead. Ctesias, disagrees with Herodotus. He says that Spendahates, one of
the Magi, was scourged by Tanyaxares, that is, by this Smerdis' commander. He accused him to
Cambyses of seeking to make himself king. By the advise of Spendahates, he was sent for from
Bactria to Egypt. He was forced to drink bull's blood and died from it. Spendahates was sent
back into Bactria. Because he looked like Tanyoxarces or Smerdis he ruled there in his place.

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992. After Harpagus, Oroetes, a Persian, was made governor of Sardis and of all the provinces
of Lydia, Ionia and Phrygia by Cyrus. He is said to have sent a messenger to Polycrates of
Samos to ask him about a certain matter. When the messenger came, Polycrates was lying on his
bed in his chamber with Anacreon the Teian sitting by him. He was that excellent lyrical poet of
Ionia and who, as Clem. Alexand. says, was the first inventor of love songs. Polycrates totally
ignored the messenger. Oroetes resolved revenge for this insult. He sent Myrtus, a Lydian the
son of Gyges, with another message to Polycrates that for fear of Cambyses, he would defect to
him with all his treasure. Polycrates heeded the message and quickly went to Oroetes in person
with Democedes, a noted physician of Crotona in Italy. When he came as far as Magnesia,
Oroetes took him and crucified him. He let the Samians who came with him go free. The rest of
them including Democedes were made his slaves. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 120-127.) Valer. Max.. (lib. 6.
c. ult.) relates that he was crucified by Orontes (for so he calls him, with Tully, 1. 3. de Finibius)
who was governor under king Darius on the top of the mount Mycale. That is in that foreland of
Ionia, which looks toward Samos. Darius at that time was one of the bodyguards to Cambyses
and held no high office in the Persian empire. Herodotus states (Herod. 1. 3. c. 139, 140.) that in
Cambyses' expedition into Egypt, Syloson the brother of Polycrates, presented him with a most
rich robe publicly at Memphis. Hence the saying: "Syloson's robe". He also says, that Polycrates
came to a foul end. This happened when Cambyses was in Egypt, (Herod. 1. 3. c. 120.) and Pliny
assents also (Pliny 1. 33. c. 1.) where he says that this happened in the 230th year after the
building of Rome, which according to Varro was on the 64th Olympiad.

993. When Cambyses saw his wife Meroe grieving for her brother Smerdis, he killed her too.
(Herod. 1.3. c. 31.32.)

994. In the 7th year of Cambyses, the 225th year of Nabonasser's calendar, upon the 17th day of
the Egyptian month Phamenoth, (July 16th.) one hour before midnight, the moon was eclipsed at
Babylon. (Ptol. in his, Mag. Syntax. 1. 5. c. 14.)

995. Cambyses shot Prexaspes' son, who was his cup bearer with an arrow. The next day he had
12 principal men of the Persians who had done him no harm, buried alive with their heads
downward. He ordered that Croesus, who had been for some time king of Lydia to be executed
because had in a fair and friendly manner admonished him not to do such things. He changed his
mind before the execution but killed those whom he appointed to kill Croesus. Many similar
mad pranks he played on Persians and his friends while he stayed at Memphis. He opened many
of their sepulchres to see the bodies of those who lay buried there. He went into the temple of
Vulcan where he laughed exceedingly and mocked his image. Another time he went into the
temple of the Cabirie, where only the priests were to go. After jeering their images, he had them
all burned. (Herod. 1. 3. from c. 34-38.) The rest of their temples, he either burnt down, pulled
down, defaced, or destroyed. He did the same to their obelisks. (Strabo. 1. 17.)

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996. Patizithes one of the magi, who Cambyses had left to oversee his private estate at home,
found out about the death of Smerdis. This was a closely guarded secret known only to a few
Persians. He set on the throne his own brother, who was also called Smerdis and very similar in
features to the dead man. He immediately sent messengers to all parts of the empire and to the
rest of the army in Egypt, that from now on they should obey only Smerdes the son of Cyrus and
not Cambyses. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 61.) Justin (Trogus, 1. I.e. 9.) states that Cometes one of the magi
who killed Merges or Smerdes, (to whom the kingdom rightfully belonged after Cambyses) set
up his own brother Oropastes who also closely resembled Smerdes. However, Ctesias writes,
that Bagabates the eunuch and Artasyras an Hyrcanian, who were with Cambyses in Egypt and
of great authority under him took counsel while Cambyses was still living. They planned to set
up as king Spendadates, one of the magi who also looked very much like Smerdes, when
Cambyses died.

997. Cambyses sent to the Oracle of Butis. It answered that he should die at Ecbatane.
Cambyses took this to be the Ecbatane in Media where all his treasure was.

998. As he stayed at Ecbatane in Syria, a messenger brought him word what the commandment
of Patizithes was. When he heard of the conspiracy against him, he leaped on his horse,
intending to march quickly with his army to Susa against the conspirators. As he was leaping,
his sword fell out of its scabbard and ran into his thigh. On the 20th day after the accident, he
sent for the nobles of Persia to come to him. He told them of the death of his brother and the
treason of the magi against himself. He charged them that by no means were to allow the
kingdom to return to the Medes for Magus was a Median. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 73, 126.) Soon after
this, his wound festered and he died when he had reigned only 7 years and 5 months. (Herod. 1.
3. c. 62-66.) Josephus tells us that on his return from Egypt, he died at Damascus, (Antiq. 1. 11.
c. 3.) thus putting Damascus for Ecbatane in Syria as Herodotus had. Ctesias states that he came
as far as Babylon and that there he was wounded and died. He wrote of his death and the signs
leading up to it:

vv When Cambyses was offering sacrifices, the beasts throats were cut and no blood came out.
He was much amazed. Roxane bore to him a boy without a head and that amazed him more. The
Magi told him that this portended that he should leave no successor of his own. His mother also
appeared to him in a dream and seemed to threaten him with destruction, for his brother's death.
This troubled him yet more than all the other signs. When he came to Babylon, he sat there
whittling a little stick with a knife to pass the time. By chance he hurt a muscle in his thigh and

died 1 1 days later. (Ctesias.) When he left Egypt, he left Aryander to govern it in his place."

999. After Cambyses died, the Persians did not know that they had Magus for their king. They
thought Cambyses' brother had indeed succeeded him in the kingdom. Perxaspes vouched for
this and said that he never killed him nor was it in truth safe for him now to confess that he had
killed a son of Cyrus. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 66.) The ruse was easy to conceal for among the Persians it
was proper that the king be rarely seen in public. (Justin. 1. I.e. 9.) So it came to pass, that this
Magus or Smerdes, who impersonated Smerdes the son Cyrus, peacefully held the kingdom for
7 whole months, thus making up the 8th year of Cambyses' reign. During that time he spared no
cost, to show all kinds of bounty and good will toward the subjects in all the empire. After he
died Asia and all other nations except the Persians, mourned for him. He sent couriers
throughout the empire and proclaimed three year's freedom from paying taxes and military
service. He did this as soon as he took the title of king. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 67.) He also took Atossa
the daughter of Cyrus and all the rest of the wives of Cambyses. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 68. 88.)

1000. Ammianus Marcellinus, (1. 23.) out of ancient books reports that after Cambyses' death, 7
Magi took over the management of the kingdom of Persia. Valer. Max. in his (9th book, c. 2. )
agrees with this also. Of them two were chief, named by Herodotus, (1. 3. c. 61. 78.) Patizithes,
whom Tragus calls Cometes and his brother. He was king in name only by impersonating the
son of Cyrus. He was called by Herodotus, Smerdis, by Eschylus, Mardus, by Ctesias,
Spendahates, by Trous, Oropastes and in the scripture, Artaxerxes.

1001. The Samaritans sent letters to this Artaxerxes asking him to forbid the further building of
Jerusalem. They said it was a rebellious and wicked place and if it was rebuilt, it would never
pay tribute to the kings of Persia. Eze 4:7-16

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1002. Artaxerxes sent a letter forbidding the rebuilding of Jerusalem until he should so order.
The Samaritans encouraged by this reply, came swiftly to Jerusalem and forced the Jews to stop
building both the city and the temple, although Cyrus expressly ordered them to finish the
temple. They stopped all work until the 2nd year of the reign of Darius. Eze 4: 17-24

1003. While Artaxerxes held the kingdom, Oroetes the Persian, ruled at Sardis. He reproached
Mitrobates, governor of Dascylium, in the continent of Asia for not having taken the Isle of
Samos and annexing it to his government. In the lifetime of Polycrates, he took Mitrobates and
his son Cranapes, both men of good esteem among the Persians and slew them. He committed
other outrages also. He murdered a messenger sent from Darius because he told him something
displeasing. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 126.)

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1004. Ctesias tells us that Isabates the eunuch, who had the charge of carrying the body of
Cambyses into Persia told the plot of the Magi to the army. When he was pursued by them, he
fled for safety into a temple. There they decapitated him. However, Herodotus says, that 8
months after Cambyses' death, the matter was brought first to light by the cunning of Otanes the
son of Pharnaspes and later more fully explained by Prexaspes. When Prexaspes was in a certain
tower, he called the people to him and from there declared to them that Cambyses ordered him

to murder his brother Smerdes, the son of Cyrus and that they were being ruled by the Magi.
When he had said this, he threw himself down headlong among them. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 68, 75.)
Justin from Herodotus and Trogus Pompeius, records Otanes discovery and the distraction of
the Magi as follows:

vv Ostanes (who is that Otanes) sent a messenger to his daughter, who was one of the concubines
of the king and inquired whether it was a son of Cyras who was king. She replied that she did
not know nor could she ask the other concubines because they were kept in seclusion from each
other. Then he advised her that when her turn came to lie with him, she was to feel his head as
he lay asleep. For Cambyses, or (as Herodotus has it) Cyrus had Magus' ears cut off. Later she
assured him that the king had no ears. He told the princes of Persia and swearing an oath with
them, they conspired against the imposter king. There were seven of them involved in this. Lest
the matter be discovered, they hid a dagger in their coats and immediately went to the place
where the king was. They killed those who stood in their way. At last they came where the Magi
were assembled. The Magi slew two of the conspirators. Herodotus states they were only
wounded. They were all laid hold of by the Magi who outnumbered them. Gobryas held one of
them about the middle. His fellows could not get near to Magus to kill him for fear of hurting
Gobryas. He bade them kill the Magus through his body. Fortunately, they killed the Magus, and
did not harm Gobryas. (Justin. 1. I.e. 9.)"

1005. According to Ctesias, the names of these 7 Persians (whom Jerome on Da 11:2 calls the
Magi) were these, Onophas, Iderues, Naradobates, Mardonisu, Barises, Artaphernes and Darius,
the son of Bystaspes. Herodotus, calls them, Otanes, Hydarves, Megabyzus, Gobryas,
Aspathines, Intaphernes and Darius. Darius had recently arrived there from Susa, where his
father Hystaspes, was governor. Ctesias and Herodotus tell us that the Persians always kept a
yearly festival upon the day when the Magi were overthrown.

1006. Six days after the Magi were overthrown, those 7 Persians met to decide what form of
government suited Persia best. Otanes advised an aristocracy, Megabyzus, an oligarchy but
Darius persuaded them to adopt a monarchy. Darius' opinion prevailed and was carried by
majority vote. Otanes resigned all his rights to the other six on the condition that neither himself,
nor any of his descendants should ever be subject to any of them or their posterity. Only his
family among the Persians were left free and not subject to the king's command provided that
they broke no law of the Persians. Since he was the first to act and organised the conspiracy,
they thought it fit to heap all kinds of magnificence and honour upon him and his posterity. Each
year he was presented with a Median Robe. For the election of a new king, they came to this
agreement. Every one of them should get on horseback a little before sunrise and whoever's
horse happened to neigh first after the sun was up would be king in Cambyses' place. The horse
of Darius the son of Hystaspes, by the craft and subtilty of Oebaris, neighed first. All the rest
leaped off their horses and adored Darius, crying, "God save the king." (Herod. 1. 3. c. 80-88.)

1007. Each of the seven had the following privileges. First, they should come to court whenever
they pleased and have free access to the king, (unless he was in bed with the queen) without any
notice. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 84, 118.) Secondly, that they might each wear his turban differently from
all other men. The king only and his heir wore their turbans upright. (Seneca 1. 6. de Beneficiis
c. 31., Plutarch in the lives of Theistocles and Artaxerxes) and the rest of the nobility wore them
hanging backward. It was granted to them and their posterity that they should wear them
pointing forward because when they went to kill the Magi, they used this as a sign between
themselves. (Plutarch in his Precepts of Government.) For Darius had given this as a sign for

each to know one another by in the dark. They were to turn the buckle that fastened their turbans
at the back and wear it on the front. (Polya. 1. Stratag. 7. )

1008. The greatest privilege granted them was that although the king had a perpetual
dictatorship over them, yet each man in turn would have a kind of tribunal power with him. I
deduce this from the following. First, these conspirators foresaw that they would prove
burdensome (and how I ask more than in this way?) to Darius, so they bond him with an oath
which was most religiously observed among the Persians. Darius swore that he would never put
any of them to death, either by poison, or sword, or by any violent way, or by starving them.
(Valer. Max. 1. 9. c. 2.) Secondly, for that Eschylus, who was in the fight against the Persians at
Marathon names two kings successively between the slaughter of the Magi and the reign of
Darius, Maraphis and Artaphrenes. The first seems to be the one who Ctesias calls Mardonius
and the other Artapherne. Lastly, for that in Ezra, in the edict of Darius, in the second year of his
reign, for the rebuilding of the temple, we find Artaxerxes, also called by the name of "king of
Persia", Ezr 6: 14 to have given his consent to it in his 2nd year of his reign for the rebuilding of
the temple. It is hard to understand this to mean any other than Artaphernes.

1009. In the beginning of his reign, Darius took Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, who had formerly
been married to his own brother Cambyses and afterward to the Magus and made her his wife.
He purposed to better establish his kingdom by marrying into royalty so that the kingdom might
not seem to move to another family but rather remain in the family of Cyrus. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 88.
1. 7. c. 2. & Justin from Trogus 1. I.e. 10.) And he was first called Ochus, (Valer. Max. 1. 9. c.
2.) yet later when he took over the kingdom of Cambyses, he took his surname also. So I
conceive, that both he was that Achash-veroth, or Ahasuerus, which in the story of Esther, is
said to have reigned from India to Ethiopia, over 127 provinces. His chief wife Atossa, was none
other than Vashti as mentioned in the book of Esther.

1010. Ochus still continued governor at Sardis and kept a thousand Persians for guards about
him. When Darius sent his royal letters by Bagaeus the son of Arton to the soldiers there, they
killed him. His goods were confiscated and brought to Susa. Democedes, whom he had made his
slave, a physician of Crotona, (Herod. 1. 3. c. 127-129.) was also taken to Susa.

101 1. It happened later that when Darius was hunting he fell from his horse and wrenched his
foot badly. The Egyptian surgeons sought to straighten it. Their methods were so violent that he
could not sleep for seven days. On the 8th day, Democedes was brought in shackles to him, in a
poor and ragged condition. He used such Greek somentations, that the king quickly went to
sleep again and in a short time recovered. He was rewarded with rich gifts by the king and his
wives, dwelt in a good house in Susa and sat at the table with the king. He had everything that
his heart could wish except he was forbidden to go to Greece again. When Darius would have
hung his Egyptian physicians because a Greek could do more in his cure than they all,
Democedes obtained their pardon from the king. There was a certain fortune teller of Elis, who
came in the company with him and had followed Polycrates to Magnesia and was brought to
Susa among the rest of Oroetes' slaves. Democedes obtained his freedom. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 129,
130, 132.)

1012. It happened later that Atossa, the daughter to Cyrus and wife of Darius had an ulcer in her
breast. After it was lanced, it spread further and further. When Democedes had cured her of that
sore, he prevailed upon her, to have the king to make war on Greece. Darius presently called 15
choice men, all Persians. He commanded them to follow Democedes and by his directions to spy

out all the maritime places of Greece and bring him back again with them to him. They went
into Phoenicia and from there to Sidon. There they outfitted themselves with ships and other
provisions and sailed to Greece. They viewed all the seacoasts of Greece and drew maps of it.
They were the first Persian spies that ever came to Greece. When they had viewed the most
famous cities and places in the heart of Greece, they passed from there to Tarentum in Italy.
From here Democedes stole away to Crotona where his own home was and there marrying the
daughter of Milo Crotoniates, that famous wrestler. He did not return any more to Darius.
(Herod. 1. 3. c. 133-138., Athanaus, 1. 12. Deipnosoph. and Aelian. Var. Histor. 1. 8. c. 17.)

3484a AM, 4193 JP, 521 BC

1013. This was the third sabbatical year held by the Jews after their return from Babylon.
3484c AM, 4194 JP, 520 BC

1014. Mordecai the Jew, is said to have had a dream in the Greek additions of /APC Est 11:1-12
on the 1st day of the month Nisan, in the 2nd year of the reign of Artaxerxes the Great (for
Ahasuerus or Darius the son of Hystaspes) concerning a river signifying Esther and two dragons
portending himself and Haman, /APC Est 10:4-13

1015. In the second year of king Darius, which was in the 65th Olympiad, Haggai the prophet
reproved the idleness of the Jews for not rebuilding of the temple. For not doing this was the
cause of crop failures and other plagues which continually happened to them between the first
and third Sabbatical years. He earnestly persuaded them to change there ways. Then,
Zerubbabel, the governor of the Jews and Joshua the high priest and all the people earnestly
started to rebuild the temple on the 24th day of the same month. Hag 1:1-15

3485a AM, 4194 JP, 520 BC

1016. On the 21st day of the 7th month in the same year Haggai encouraged the Jews to go on
with the work with a promise of God's presence and blessing on them in it. Although the
beginnings of this present structure did not compare with its glory 69 years earlier, he told them
the Messiah, who was born 516 years later, would be first shown in the temple and of the peace
which would flow to all nations. If they consider that fact, then they must acknowledge that the
glory of this temple will excel the beauty of the former. Hag 2:1-9

1017. In the 8th month of the 2nd year of Darius, Zechariah the son of Barachiah exhorted the
people to repentance. Zee 1:1-6

1018. On the 24th day of the 9th month of the same 2nd year, about halfway between seedtime,
(which immediately followed the end of the sabbatical year,) and the harvest, the temple began
to be built on its old foundation by Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest, with the assistance of
Haggai and Zechariah the prophets. Ezr 5:1,2 Hag 2:10,18,19

1019. On the same 24th day, the two last prophecies of Haggai, were revealed to him. One
vision concerned the end of those plagues. The other was about the overthrow of various
kingdoms and the exaltation of Zerubbabel. Hag 2:10-23

3485b AM, 4195 JP, 519 BC

1020. Tatnai, governor of the countries of this side the river, Shetharboznai, and the
Apharsachites their associates came to Jerusalem to hinder the work of the temple. They asked
the chief of the Jews by whose command they did it. They answered that they did it by the
authority of the edict of Cyrus, and went on with their work. Ezr 5:3-5,13,16 The laws of the
Medes and Persians were perpetual and unalterable. Da 6:8,12 Es 1:19 8:8 Therefore it was
lawful for the Jews to proceed in the work without expecting any new order about it.

1021. Their enemies sent a letter containing the Jew's answer to Darius and desired that search
might be made in the records at Babylon. They wanted to see if there were any such grant made
by Cyrus or not and desired to know the king's further pleasure concerning this. Ezr 5:5-17

1022. The work was thus interrupted and the famine continued in Judah because the grain was
not yet ripe. On the 24th day of the 1 1th month Sebat, in the 2nd year of Darius, the prophet
Zechariah had a vision of horsemen galloping up and down over the face of the whole earth
which was at rest and quiet. When the prophet asked what it meant, God made a gracious
answer with many comforting words to the angel who entreated God to cease his anger and fury
against the Jews, Jerusalem and cities of Judah. These 70 years are to be reckoned, from the
coming of the Assyrians and the last siege laid to Jerusalem. (See note on 3415 AM) Jer 34:1
Eze 5:12,13 Zee 1:1-3:10 This exhortation which is read in, Zee 2:6,7 was sent to the Jews still
remaining in Babylon. They were told to get out as fast as possible to avoid that calamity, which
a while later Darius brought upon Babylon when he took it.

1023. The edict of Cyrus for the rebuilding of the temple was found at Achmetha, or Ecbatan, in
the province of the Medes. Darius sent this and a second command in favour of the Jews to
Tatnai and his fellows. They were ordered not to hinder the work of the Lord's house but help it
along. The costs of the project were to be taken from the king's tribute. They were to pay the
costs for the daily sacrifices that were to be offered by the priests at Jerusalem. With this new
command and the encouragement of Haggai and Zechariah, they enthusiastically completed the
work. Ezr 6:1-14

1024. 1 think that at this time, Artaxerxes, who Ezr 6:14 signed with Darius in this edict and
shared power with him in ruling the kingdom was one of the 7 princes of Persia who slew
Magus. That is he who Eschilus, (in Persis) calls Artaphrenes Hellanicus, (as his Scholiast terms
him), Daphernes. According to Ctesias, Artaphernes and Herodotus, he is Intaphernes.
Therefore, according to the privilege granted by Darius of seeing him without notice, he was
detained by the doorkeepers of the bedchamber who told him that the king was asleep with the
queen. He thought they lied to him and drew his scimitar and cut off both their ears and noses,
tied the reigns of a horse about both their necks and sent them running. When they came to the
king they showed him what they had suffered and why. The king sent for the rest of the seven
princes individually, fearing that this might have been done by the common consent of them all.
When he found this not to be the case, he executed Intaphernes and all his sons except the eldest
whom he spared at his mother's petition. Herodotus relates this matter (Herod. 1. 3. c. 118, 119.)
as a thing that happened shortly after the execution of the Magi. However, Valer. Max.
following other authors, (1. 9. c. 2.) tells us, that finding himself checked by these princes, put
them all to death by a newly devised kind of punishment. He says that he made a lower room
and filled it with cinders and supported the room over it with only one post. When he had

feasted and filled them with food and drink, he put them all into that upper room. When they
were all fast asleep, he had the post that supported the room removed and they all fell into the
cinders in the lower room and died.

1025. Now though it be not very likely that they perished in this manner, yet is it very credible
that he put them out of the government of the kingdom, and hence eased himself of their heavy
yoke.

3485c AM, 4195 JP, 519 BC

1026. And from that time on, Darius was an absolute monarch. He is called Ahsuerus in the
Scriptures. Therefore Ahsuerus, made a feast in the 3rd year, reckoned from the beginning of his
reign in his palace at Susa. He wanted to show the glory of his kingdom and magnificence of his
state. He invited all the governors and great men of his dominions. The feast lasted 180 days. Es
1:2-4 Pliny (1. 6. c. 27.) states that Susa was built by this Darius. This is also called Elian, (Pliny
1. 13. de Anima 1. c. 59.) and was embellished with magnificent palaces by him. Herodotus. (1. 5.
c. 49.) tells us, that he made this his home and kept all his treasure there.

3486 AM, 4196 JP, 518 BC

1027. After this half year banquet was over, there followed another one lasting seven days.
Everyone in Susa was invited. The men were sitting with the king in the court of the garden of
the king's house and the women were within the palace itself with Vashti the queen, (who is
Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus.) Es 1:5-9

1028. On the last day of this feast, the king being somewhat drunk, wanted to show off the
beauty of his queen to the men and sent for her to come to him. She refused and by the advise of
Memucan had her divorced. He was one of the seven wise men of the Medes and Persians who
knew the laws and statutes of those countries. For these were the king's judges, which judged in
all causes arising among the Persians and revealed all cases in point of law. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 14,
31. Plutarch in the "Life of Artaxerxes") They made a law that every man after this should be
master in his own house. Es 1:10-22

1029. After this a search was made for all the fair damsels that were to be found in the empire to
find a new queen for the king to replace Vashti. Among the ones selected, was Hadassah, a
damsel of the Jews, who was also called Esther; the daughter of Abichajile, a woman of
Benjamin. Es 2:1-8

3487a AM, 4196 JP, 518 BC

1030. In the 4th year of Darius, the 4th day of the 9th month, called Chisleu, the Jews through
Sharezer and Regemmelech consulted with the priests and prophets concerning the appointed
fast to be held on the day of the destruction of the city and temple of Jerusalem. God answered
them that those fasts of the 5th and 7th months which they had observed for 70 years displeased
him and reminded him of their obstancy and sins which caused that terrible desolation in the
first place. Zee 7:1-14 From the destruction and the death of Gedaliah two months later (which
was the reason for the fast in the 7th month), to the very time of this prophecy, we, in our

Chronology, count 70 years.

1031. In Zee 8:1-23, God tells them that he would restore Jerusalem and put an end to all their
former miseries and that he would change their fasts into mirth and gladness. These fasts were:

1. 4th month, 9th day when the city was taken

2. 5th month, 10th day when the temple was burnt

3. 7th month when Gedaliah was murdered and they were scattered among the nations

4. 10th month, 10th day when Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city under Zedekiah.

3489 AM, 4199 JP, 515 BC

1032. Toward the latter end of the 6th year of Darius on the 3rd day of the 12th month, called
Adar, the temple was finished. At the dedication, the Israelites who returned from the captivity,
celebrated with great joy and many sacrifices. The priests and Levites performed their offices
and duties in the temple. Ezr 6:15-18

1033. On the 14th day of the 1st month, they joyfully celebrated the first passover in the second
temple and kept the feast of unleavened bread for seven days. For God had turned the heart of
Darius, king of Assyria toward them. Ezr 6:19,22 After a 20 month seige, he took Babylon, by
the help of Zopyrus. He could now rightly be called king of the Assyrians as well as the
Persians. (Herod. 1. 3. in fin. & Justin at the end of his book.)

3490b AM, 4200 JP, 514 BC

1034. When Esther's turn came to be brought to the king Ahasuerus, she was brought from the
Seraiglia to the king's chamber by Hegai the eunuch. Es 2:12-15

vv The women in Persia, come round in their turns, to their husband's beds." (Herod. 1. 3. c. 69)

1035. In the 7th year of Ahasuerus' reign, in the 10th month called Tebeth, when Esther came to
the king, she found grace and favour in his eyes above all the other damsels. He put the crown of
the kingdom upon her head and made her queen in the place of Vashti. Es 2: 16,17 From this I
gather that as Vashti was Atossa, so Esther was the one Herodotus called the virgin Artystone.
He said that Darius loved with her more than all his wives and he made a solid gold statue of.
(Herod. 1. 3. c. 88. 1. 7. c. 69.) Hadassah, which was another name given to Esther sounds much
like Atossa. Herodotus makes Artystone to have been Cyrus' daughter and Atossa's sister. We do
not know whether Herodotus was not so well skilled in the Persian genealogies or that the
Persians themselves for very envy concealed the name of Esther.

1036. In honour of his new marriage, Ahasuerus made a most sumptuous feast for all his princes
and servants and called it Esther's feast. He eased the provinces of many taxes and gave gifts
according to the wealth of so great a king. Es 2:18

1037. The 19th Jubilee.
3491a AM, 4200 JP, 514 BC

1038. Haman, the son of Hammedatha the Agagite, of the tribe of the Amalekites, hated the Jew
Mordecai because he would not fall down and adore him as others did. He resolved for his sake
to be revenged of all the Jewish nation (which was always at odds with his De 25:19) and to
destroy it. To find a good time to do this, he cast pur, that is, lots before him on the first month
Nisan, in the 12th year of king Ahasuerus. The lot fell on the 12th month Adar. Es 3:1-7

1039. For vacuous reasons he offered Ahasuerus 10,000 talents of silver, (which the king would
not accept) and obtained a grant from him to destroy the Jews. Es 3:7-1 1

1040. On the 13th day of the first month, the king's edict was proclaimed in Susa and copies of
it were dispatched by carriers into all the provinces of the empire. All Jews without respect to
sex or age on the 13th day of the 12th month Adar were to be killed. Es 3:12-15 When this
happened, Mordecai, Esther and all the Jews, humbled themselves before the Lord, by fasting
and prayer. Es 4: 1- 17 In memory of this their posterity to this day observe a solemn fast, upon
the 13th day of the month Adar, which they call Esther's fast.

1041. Esther went to the king in gorgeous apparel and was graciously received by him. She
invited the king to a banquet. Meanwhile, Haman was busy having a gallows made for
Mordecai. Es 5:1-14

1042. One night when Ahasuerus could not sleep, he had the records read to him. It was found
that two of his servants, Bigthan and Teresh his doorkeepers, had plotted his death and that
Mordecai had revealed this conspiracy to him. Thereupon he ordered that Mordecai should be
highly honoured publicly by none other than Haman himself. Es 6:1-14

1043. Shortly after this, Haman was hung on the gallows he made for Mordecai. Es 7:1-10
Haman's house was given to the queen. Mordecai, her uncle who had raised her, had daily
honours bestowed upon him. Es 8:1,2,15-17

1044. On the 23rd day of the month Sivan, there was an edict proclaimed at Susa and copies of
it sent away speedily by carriers into the 127 provinces. It stated that the Jews on the 13th day of
the month Adar, which was the day appointed for their massacre, could defend themselves and
to kill any who attacked them. They could keep the spoil of any man killed. In Susa and in all
the provinces there was great rejoicing among the Jews. People in various countries became
Jews. Es 8:9-17

3494d AM, 4204 JP, 510 BC

1045. Happias (twenty years before the fight at Marathon, in which he served on the Persian
side) was now an old man. He was expelled from Athens by the Lacedemonians and the faction
of the Alemaeonidae. He left the Athenians, and went first to Sigeum and from there sailed to
Lampsucus, to his son-in-law Aeanpias' father and from there went to Darius. (Thucid. 1. 6.)
Now Pisistratus, the son of Hippias, had committed Segeum in Troas to Hegesistratus' base son.
This was a place for Hippias and later for others of the family of Pisistratus to escape to when in
trouble. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 65, 91, 94)

3495b AM, 4205 JP, 509 BC

1046. Upon the 13th day of the 12th month Adar, the Jews killed all those who intended to kill
them by Haman's decree. In Susa and the palace, they killed 500 men together with Haman's ten
sons. In the rest of the provinces, they killed 75,000 men but touched not one penny of their
goods. Es 9:1-16

1047. On the 14th of the same month, the Jews in the provinces stopped killing their enemies
and had a feast. They at Susa were granted one more day of vengeance by the king. They slew
300 more of their enemies; and hung the carcasses of Haman's ten sons on the gallows. Es 9:13-
19

1048. On the 15th day, Jews who lived in Susa made merry and feasted. Es 9:18

1049. Mordecai began the custom of keeping a holiday in remembrance of Purim on the 14th
and 15th days of the month Adar. This was established by Esther. Es 9:23-30 This is the Jew's
Shrovetide, when they read the history of Esther. As often as the name of Haman is read, they
rap and make a noise with their hands or mallets upon the desk in their synagogues.

3500 AM, 4210 JP, 504 BC

1050. In the isle of Naxos, some of the rich were expelled by the poor. They resorted to
Aristagoras, son of Molpagoras and son-in-law and first cousin by the mother's side, to
Histiaeus, Tyrant of Meletus. Histiaeus had left Aristagoras governor there in his place when
Darius had honoured him by taking him to Susa. Aristagoras told the matter to Artaphernes, son
of Hystaspes and brother to Darius, governor of Ionia, who lived at Sardis. He persuaded him to
take over for the king, Naxos, Paros and Andros and the rest of the Cyclades, all dependents of
Naxos. Darius at Susa liked the idea and next spring he furnished 200 ships for that war. (Herod.
1. 5. c. 30-32.)

3501c AM, 4211 JP, 503 BC

1051. Artaphernes, made Megabates a Persian and a close cousin to him and Darius,
commander-in-chief of the Persian army. He ordered him to go to Miletus with his fleet of 200
ships. He was to join forces with Aristagoras and the Ionian army, which he did. They sailed
from there to Chios. A disagreement occurred between Aristagoras and Artaphernes, when they
had spent four months in the siege of Naxos. Nothing came of the seige and each returned home
again, accomplishing nothing. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 32-34.)

3502b AM, 4212 JP, 502 BC

1052. The 70 years had elapsed from the taking of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar. This was the
number of years of the bondage of that city as stated in. Isa 23: 15,17 After this time, it seems
they lived in freedom from any foreign subjection, until the time it was again taken by
Alexander the Great.

1053. Aristagoras feared what might happen to him because he had not been able to take Naxos.
He had no money to pay his army. He began to think of revolting from the Persians. It happened

that exactly at that time, a messenger came from Histiaeus in Babylon. His message was written
in letters made with hot irons upon the flesh of his head and now overgrown with hair. He
advised Aristagoras to defect from Darius and cause all Ionia to revolt, if he could. (Herod. 1. 5.
c. 35. Polya. Stratag. 1. 1.)

1054. Aristagoras told this to his friends and persuaded them to side with him. Hecataeus the
historian tried in vain to prevent them from rebelling against the king of Persia. The conspirators
sent Iarrogaras to Myletus to the army, which upon their return from Naxos, remained there and
by a stratagem, won over all the principal commanders of their fleet.

1055. Aristagoras, now publicly revolted from Darius. He made a fair show of a kind of liberty
to the Milesians. He took away the rulers that were in some cities of Ionia. He then went to the
Lacedemonians to ask for their help but they flatly refused. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 36-38, 49-51.)

3503a AM, 4212 JP, 502 BC

1056. In the 20th year of the reign of Darius, 245 of Nabonassar's era, on the 28th day of the
month Epiphus, according to the Egyptian calendar, (November, 29) there was an eclipse of the
moon at Babylon ending about midnight. (Ptol. Mag. Syntax. 1. 4. c. 9.)

1057. The Lacedemonians sent to Sigeum for Hippias the son of Pisistratus. He went to Athens
on the hope they gave to him that he may be restored to power. This was all in vain and returned
to Asia. He accused the Athenians of many things to Artaphernes, hoping to bring Athens under
the subjection of Darius, (Herod. 1. 5. c. 91, 96.)

1058. When the Athenians understood that Hippias had defamed them to Artaphernes, they sent
their messengers to Sardis to persuade the Persians not to give credit to those outlaws of the
Athenians. However, Artaphernes advised them that if they loved themselves and their own
safety, they should call home again and receive Hippias. They refused any such conditions. It
happened that Aristagoras the Melesian returned empty handed from Sparta he came to Athens
and there obtained 20 ships to aid the Ionians in their war against the Persians. They made
Melantho an eminent man in Athens commander. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 96, 97.) This fleet, as
Herodotus (Herod. 1. 3. c. 98. ib.) has well noted, was the beginning of all the trouble between
the Greeks and Persians. This was the beginning of all the wars which occurred between the
Greeks and the Persians and which ended in the ruin of the Persian Empire.

1059. When Aristagoras returned to Miletus, he persuaded the Paeones to return to their own
country. Megabuzus the governor of Thracia had carried them away from their own country on
the banks of the River Strymon into Phrygia and by the authority of Darius settled them there.
They took with them their wives and children and went away to the seaside. Some settled there
for fear of going any farther. The rest went to Chios, from there sailed to Lesbos and to
Doriscus. From there, they went by land into their own country. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 98.)

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3504 AM, 4214 JP, 500 BC

1060. The Athenian fleet arrived at Meletus. Five triremes of the Eretrians came with them to
help the Athenians. There Aristagoras remained. He sent his own brother Charopinus
commander over the Milesians and Helmophantus commander over the rest of the Ionians to
fight against Sardis. The Ionians with the Athenians and Eretrians sailed to Ephesus. They left
their ships at Coresus, a port of the Ephesians and marched to Sardis. They took and burnt it all
except for the citadel which Artaphernes himself kept. They even destroyed the temple of
Cybele. When the Lydians and Persians united forces they defended and held the market place
through which ran the River Pactolus. The fearful Ionians retired to the hill Timolus next to the
market and fled to their ships by night. The Persians who dwelt on that side the river Halys,
gathered their forces and pursued them. They overtook them near Ephesus, fought and routed
them. Many were killed including Enalcidas captain of the Eretrians. He won many garlands in
many of their games and was highly commended in the poetry of Simonides. They who escaped
from the battle, scattered into their various cities. The Athenians abandoned the Ionian cause
from that time on, although they were earnestly entreated to help the Ionians by Aristagoras.
(Herod. 1.5. c. 99-103.)

1061. Onesilus disposed of his older brother Gorgus, king of the Salaminians, and forced him to
flee over to the Medes for help. Onesilus caused the whole island of Cyprus to defect from the
Medes except for the people of Amathusa. When he was besieging that city, Darius received
news of the burning of Sardis by the Athenians. He was very angry with the Athenians and
ordered one of his attendants that as often as ever he sat eating, he should remind him three
times of it by saying, "Sir, Remember the Athenians." Heedlessly, he sent away Histiaeus, the
brother of that Aristagoras from Susa to Meletus who later became the ringleader of the Ionian
rebellion against him. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 104-106.)

1062. The Ionians sailed into the Hellespont and took Byantium with other cities in those parts.
When they sailed from there, they caused many of the cities of Caria to join with them in this
war against the Persians. When the city Caunus heard of the burning of Sardis, they joined them
when before this had refused to. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 103.)

1063. At Clazomenae, which was an island but now joined to the continent of Ionia, by a neck
of land, (Strabo. 1. 1.) Anaxagoras the philosopher, son of Hegesibulus was born (Olym. 70.)
according to Diogenes Laertius in his life, from Apollodorus' Chronicle.

1064. While Onesilus and his army beseiged Amathusa, He received news that Artybius, a
captain of the Persians, was heading to Cyprus with a very large army. Onesilus sent to the
Ionians for help and they immediately sailed to Cyprus with a large fleet. The Persians left
Cilicia and landed in Cyprus. They marched to the city of Salamis and sent the Phoenicians with
their ships to take the point of a promontory in the island called, Claves Cyprus, i.e. the keys of
Cyprus. A naval and land battle ensued. At sea that day, the Ionians behaved valiantly,
especially the Samians and defeated the Phoenicians. On land while the rest were busy fighting,
first Stesenor, tyrant of the Curii, betrayed his companions and then presently the men of
Salamis who fought in chariots, did likewise. The whole army of the Cypriots were routed and
many were killed. Among the dead was Onesilus, the author of this war and Aristocypius, king
of the Solians, son of that Philocyphrus. When Solon was at Cyprus, he greatly extolled him in

his poetry more than all the other tyrants. When the Ioninas heard that Onesilus was slain, and
the rest of the cities of Cyprus were besieged and that Salamis welcomed back Gorgus their old
king, they quickly returned to Ionia. Of all the cities of Cyrpus, Soli held out the longest. After
four months, the Persians undermined the wall around the city and took it. Hence the Cypriots
paid dearly for their one year of liberty and were reduced again to slavery. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 108-
116.)

3505 AM, 4215 JP, 499 BC

1065. The Persian leaders, Daurises, Hymaees and Otanes at Sardis who had married the
daughters of Darius pursued the Ionians who had helped in the attack against Sardis. After they
had routed them near Ephesus and driven them aboard their ships, they divided the rest of the
cities among themselves so they could conquer them. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 116.) Daurises subdued the
lands adjoining to the Hellespont and took in five days the five cities, Dardanus, Abydus,
Percote, Lampsacus and Paesus. He was on his way from there to the city Parios when he
received news that all Caria had revolted from the king and joined with the Ionians. He
abandoned his plan to take Parios and marched with all his army to Caria. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 1 17.)
Hymaees subdued the lands about Propontis and took the city of Cios in Mysia. When he heard
that Daurises marched from Hellespont to Caria, he left Propontis and marched into Hellespont.
(Herod. 1. 5. c. 122.) Artaphernes, the governor of Sardis and Otanes the third commander
attacked Ionia and part of Aeolia. In Ionia, they took the city of Clazomenae and in Aeolia, the
city Cuma. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 123.) After this, Anaxagoras with his men met together to decide on a
place to flee to. In this meeting, Hecataeus the historian advised them to move to the isle of
Leros and fortify it. They should stay there until it was safe to return to Miletus. Aristagoras
advised them to sail rather to a place called Myrcinus, a city of the Edons. These people dwelt
on the bank of the river Strimon which his own brother Histiaeus had formerly built. Aristagoras
committed the government of Miletus to Pythagoras and with a group of volunteers he sailed
from there into Trace and took control of the area he had planned to. (Herod. 1. 5 c. 124-126.)

1066. When Histiaeus, the Tyrant of Miletus, was sent away from Susa by Darius, he came to
Sardis. Artaphernes charged him with being the author of all the unrest and rebellion in Ionia.
He escaped by night to the sea coast and sailed over into Chios. The people thought that he had
been sent there by Darius to enlist their support against the Greeks and they put him in irons.
When they understood that he came to help the Greeks, they quickly set him free. He
immediately sent a message to Sardis, by Herminppus of Atarne, to persuade some Persians to
revolt. When Artaphernes got wind of this when he captured the messenger, he killed those
Persians. When this plot failed, Histiaens had the Chios escort him back to Miletus. The
Milesians were glad to be rid of Aristagoras and did not want another tyrant in his place. When
Histiaeus tried to secretly get into the city by night, the Mileasians wounded him in the thigh.
When he was expelled from there, he returned again to Chios, (Herod. 1. 6. c. 1-5.)

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1067. Daurises the Persian led his army against the Carians. They met at a place called
Columnae Albae or the White Pillars, near the river Marsyas. Pixodorus the son of Mausolus, a
man of Cyndya, who had married the daughter of Sienoses the king of Cilicia, advised then to
cross the river Maeander. They should have the river behind them and await the enemy there
and fight from this good position. The opposite opinion prevailed that the Persians should fight
with the river at their backs. This would cut off all retreat and force the Persians to fight harder.

When the Carians and Persians fought near the river Marsyas, the battle was fierce and long.
The Persians lost 2,000 men and the Carians 10,000. The Carians fled to Labranda to the temple
of Jupiter and there decided what to do. Should they submit to the Persians or abandon Asia? At
this time, the Milesians with their allies came to help them. Thus encouraged, they fought again
with the Persians who invaded them. After a longer battle than the previous one, they fled again.
They and the Milesians lost very many men. After these great losses, the Carians received more
help and fought with the Persians a third time. When they heard that the Persians were sacking
their cities, they lay in ambush for them as they were marching to Mylasa. This was planned by
Heraclides of Mylasa the son of Ibanollis. They attacked the Persians at night and slaughtered
them. The Persian commander, Daurisces and Amorges, Sismaces and Myrsus the son of Gyges,
were killed. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 118-121.)

1068. Hymees the Persian who led his army into the country of Hellespont, defeated all the
Aeolians, who lived in the region of old Troy. He also subdued the Gergithes, the rest of those
ancient Teucrians. After this he became sick and died at Troas. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 122.)

1069. When Histiaeus the Milesian could not get ships from Chios, he went to Mitilene. Here
the Lesbians let him have eight triremes and they sailed with him to Byzantium. Here they
intercepted certain ships of the Ionians, who came out of Pontus. These submitted to the
leadership of Histiaeus. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 5,26.)

1070. Aristagoras, Histiaeus' brother, was with his army at the siege of Mircinus, a city of the
Edones. He and his men were slain by the Thracians who lied to him about granting him safe
passage from the place. (Herod. 1. 5. c. 126.) Thucidides, (1. 4.) reckons from this time that it
was 61 years, to the starting of a colony of the Athenians by Agnon the son of Nicias, at
Amphipolis. Diod. Sic. in his 12th book, says, was done in the 85th Olympiad. That period of
time, we have here followed our relation of the six years (ending the year following) of the
rebellion of the Ionians against the Persians.

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1071. All the Persian commanders united in one huge naval and land force to take the city of
Miletus. Among the navy the Phoenicians were the best sailors. They were helped by the
Cypriots (who were recently subdued by the Persians,) the Cilicians and the Egyptians. (Herod.
1. 6. c. 6.) This threat seems to be mentioned by Diogenes Laertius in his life, in those letters
which are attributed to Anaximines the Melesian, written to Pythagoras who was living at
Crotona. He lived there for 20 years and then went to Metapontus and there lived the rest of his
days. (Justin from Trogus 1. 20. c. 4.) This was the fourth year of the 78th Olympiad, (as Euseb.
has it in his Chron.) which takes up part of this and part of the next year.

1072. The Ionian fleet had 363 ships and the Persians had 600. Aeaces the son of Solyson, the
tyrant of Samos and other tyrants of Ionia, who had been expelled by Aristagoras, were now in
the Persian army. They tried to draw as many of the countrymen as they could from the Ionian
to the Persian side. The naval battle between the Phoenicians and the Ionians happened at Lada,
a little island lying opposite Miletus. Of the 60 ships that came from the isle of Samos, 50
cowardly fled home from the battle. Likewise 70 more of the Lesbian ships and others of the
Ionians fled. There were 100 ships of the Isle of Chios which fought valiantly until at length
having taken many of the enemy's ships and lost many of their own, they returned home with

what they had left. Some were closely pursued by the enemy and ran aground at the promontory
of Mycale. They escaped to the shore and after travelling all night on foot, they came safely to
Ephesus. Here, the women were celebrating their feast and sacrifices called Thesmophoria, in
honour of their goddess Ceres. The men of the city thought that the Chians were thieves who
came to spoil them at that time. They attacked them suddenly and slew them. Dionysius, captain
of three ships of the Phoenicians, captured three ships of the enemies. He did not sail to
Phocaea, which he knew was about to fall to the enemy with the rest of the Ionian territories but
sailed directly to Phoenicia. Here he sank a number of cargo ships, and robbed them of their
valuable cargo. He then set sail for Sicily. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 7-17.)

1073. When the Persians had defeated the Ionians at sea, they attacked the beleagued city of
Miletus, both by sea and land. They undermined its walls with all kinds of engines of war and
they utterly overthrew and razed it to the ground in the 6th year after Aristagoras began his
rebellion against the king of Persia. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 18.) Some of the Mileseans who escaped
with certain of the Samians, started a colony in Sicily. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 22.) The rest were carried
away to Susa. Darius inflicted no more punishment on them and settled them in the city of
Ampa on the Persian Gulf near the mouth of the Tigris River. The Persians took the plain and
low grounds lying near the city of Miletus and gave the mountainous parts to the Carians of
Pedasus to possess. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 20.)

1074. After the taking of Miletus, the Carians were all quickly captured. Some surrendered
willingly and others by compulsion. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 25.) When Histiaeus the Milesian heard
what happened to his city Miletus, he sailed with the Lesbians who were with him to Chios. He
easily subdued them because they were greatly weakened by their heavy losses at Lada. He went
from there with a strong party of Ionians and Eolians to Thasos. While he was besieging Thasos,
he heard that the Persians were attacking the rest of Ionia. He lifted his siege from Thasos and
he immediately sailed to Lesbos with all his forces. When he saw that his men were short of
food, he sailed to the province of Atarnis and intended to forage for food there and in the
country lying by the river Caicus in the province of Mysia. Harpagus the Persian was in those
parts with a very large army. He attacked Histiaeus as he came from his ships at a place called
Malena and took him alive and killed most of his men. After Histiaeus was brought prisoner to
Sardis, Artaphernes crucified him and sent his head to Darius at Susa. Darius criticised them for
not bringing him alive to him. He ordered that his head should be interred, as a man respected
by him and the Persian nation. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 27-29.)

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1075. The Persian navy wintered near Miletus. They captured the islands bordering on the
continent and in less than two years captured Chios, Lesbos, Tenedos, and the rest. (Herod. 1. 6.
c. 31.)

1076. After the islands were taken, the Persian captains captured the cities of Ionia. When they
were subdued, they selected the most beautiful boys and girls from among them and sent them
to Darius. They burned the cities and their temples. Hence the Ionians were three times brought
into bondage, once by the Lydians and now twice by the Persians. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 31, 32.)

1077. Before the Phoenician fleet came, the inhabitants of Byzantium and of Chalcedon, which
is opposite it, abandoned their cities and fled to the remotest parts of the Euxin Sea. Here they

built a city called Mesembria. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 33.)
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1078. The Phoenician fleet sailed from Ionia and subdued all that lay on their left hand as you
go into the Hellespont. What lay on the right hand in Asia was already subdued by the Persians.
The fleet took Chersonesus and its cities except the city Cardia where until then Miltiades the
son of Cimon, had been tyrant. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 33, 34.) When Miltiades sailed from Cardia with
five triremes for Athens, the Phoenicians pursued him and took one of his ships containing his
son Metiochus. He was sent prisoner to Darius who honourably received him. Darius gave him
both house and lands and a Persian woman for a wife. She bore him many children. (Herod. 1. 6.
c. 41.)

1079. When Artaphernes the governor of Sardis, found the Ionians fighting among themselves,
he sent for some of each side to come to him. He made peace with them on certain conditions.
He made them to settle their differences by arbitration rather than by killing each other and thus
ruining their nation. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 42.)

1080. When Artaphernes made peace, he surveyed their country by parasangs, as the Persians
called every division and it contained 30 furlongs or 3.75 miles. He assigned a tribute on every
such division which was paid yearly to the king. The rate was similar to what they paid formerly
to Darius. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 42.) That rate was first levied when Darius became king and he
imposed it on all his empire (Herod. 1. 3. c. 89, 90.) and before he was master of the islands.
(Herod. 1. 6. c. 96.) According to Herodotus, we observe that to facilitate taxing, the 127
provinces mentioned in Esther, were now by Darius reduced to 20, yet the bounds of that empire
were still the same stretching from India to Ethiopia. One side was conquered by Cambyses and
the other by Darius. Concerning the revenue from India, Herodotus states:

vv Since the Indians were the most populous nation, more than all other men living that we know,
they pay far more tribute than any other nation does, that is 360 talents of gold dust and this is
the twentieth part or a Satrapie."

1081. Since we find that when Darius was made king, he did not control India, as is evident
even by Herodotus himself, (Herod. 1. 4. c. 44.), therefore it is likely that when the tax rate was
set by Artaphernes in Ionia, a similar tax was done all over the kingdom by the governors of
each of the provinces.

1082. It would be considered then, whether that which is said in Es 10:1-3

vv After this the king Ahasuerus imposed a tribute upon the land and isles of the sea;"

1083. That King Ahasuerus made all the earth and all the islands of the sea pay tribute refers to
this very time. For as Thucidides, (1. 1.) tells us, (and Plato in his Menexenus confirms) that
Darius, by the means of his Phoenician fleet, subdued all the islands lying in the Aegean Sea.
Diodorus Siculus, (1. 12.) states that they were all lost again by his son Xerxes immediately after
his defeat in Greece. It was after the 12th year of his reign that the scripture states that
Ahasuerus imposed this tribute upon the isles. For in the war of Xerxes against Greece, all the

islands which lay between the Cyanean Isles and the two forelands, that of Triopium in Cnidia
and that other of Sumium in Attica, sent him ships. Diodorus Siculus (1. 12.) states that his
successors held none of them all except for Clazomene, which was at that time a poor small
island (Thucidides, 1. 8.) and Cyprus. This is demonstrated by the tenor of Antalcidas' peace as
recorded by Xenophon (1. 5. Hellenic.) This seems to me to be a good argument, that the
Ahasuerus mentioned in Esther is none other than this Darius. For this and other such like
impositions laid upon the people, the Persians used to call him "a crafty merchant" or
"huckster", as Herodotus notes of him. Under Cyrus and Cambyses, his two predecessors, there
was no mention of any tribute charged upon the subject but that they only brought the king
presents, (Herod. 1. 3. c. 89.) Also, we read in the 15th book of the Epitome of Strabo:

vv The first that ever brought up paying of tribute, was Darius Lonimanus:"

1084. (mistaking the surname of Artaxerxes the grandchild and giving it to the grandfather)
vv for before him, men paid their kings, from what every country yielded, as grain, horses, &c."

1085. And Polyuenus, (Stratagem. 1. 7.) states that

vv Darius, was the first that ever imposed a tribute upon the people. Nevertheless, to make it more
palatable to them, he had his officers set the rate first. When they imposed a very heavy tax, he
took off one half of it which they willingly paid and took it for a great favour too from the king's
hand"

1086. This story is mentioned also, by Plutarch in his Apothegmes of Kings and Emperors.

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1087. In the beginning of this spring, the king relieved all the commanders and sent away the
young gentleman Mardonius, the son of Gobryas and who recently married to the king's
daughter Arotozostra. He came to the seaside in Cilicia with a vast well equipped army and
navy. He sent his army overland to Hellespont while he took the navy into the parts of Ionia. He
put down the Tyrants in each of the cities restored their elected governments. Shortly after this,
he subdued the Thasy by his fleet and the Macedonians by his army. His navy sailing from
Thasus to Acanthus. While they tried to round the cape of the mount Athos, a mighty tempest
destroyed 300 of his ships and over 20,000 men. While Mardonius with his army stayed in
Macedonia, the Thracians, called the Brygi, attacked his camp at night. They killed many of his
men and wounded Mardonius. When he had subdued Macedonia, he left and returned into Asia.

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1088. The next year, Darius ordered the inhabitants of Thasus, who had been accused of
intending a rebel against him, to demolish the walls of their city and to send away all their
shipping to Abdera. He then determined to see whether the Greeks would fight or submit to him.
He sent ambassadors into Greece with the order to demand earth and water from them. He
ordered his towns on the sea coast, to send fighting ships and others to send horses to him.
Therefore, many in Greece and in the adjacent isles gave him earth and water. The inhabitants of

the Island of Egina were the first to do this. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 46. 48. 49.)

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1089. The Eginetae who were traitors to Greece, were presently attacked by Cleomenes, king of
the Spartans. Demaratus, the other Spartan king, was expelled when a disagreement arose
between him and Cloemenes. He fled to into Asia to Darius who entertained him magnificently
and gave him cities and lands to rule. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 49, 50. 61, 67, 70.)

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1090. There was an eclipse of the moon at Babylon in the 31st year of Darius, 257th of
Nobonasar, the 3rd day of the month Tybi (April 25th) half an hour before midnight (Ptol. mag.
Syntas, 1. 4. c. 9.) Darius removed Mardonius from his command because of the poor handling
of the navy. He sent others to take charge of the war against the Eretrians and Athenians. These
were Datys, a Median and Artaphernes, (whom the Scholiast of Aristophanes calls Artabaxus)
commander of the horses, the son of his brother Artaphernes. As they were encamped in a plain
of Cilicia near the sea, they repaired all the naval forces and prepared their ships to transport the
horses which the tributary cities had provided. With the army and horse on board, they sailed for
Ionia (Herod. 1. 6. c. 94, 95.) with a fleet of 600 ships. Yet Plato in his Menexenus, counts only
300 ships and 500,000 soldiers. Lysias also confirms this number, in the Epitaph which he
made, upon the Corinthian Auxiliaries. However, Emilius Probus, in the life of Miltiades, says,
there were in that fleet, 500 ships; 200,000 soldiers and 10,000 horses.

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1091. The Persians sailed from Samos to Naxos and burned all its houses and temples. They
spared Delos and went to other the islands. From there they took captive both men to serve them
and their children for hostages. When the Casrystii refused to do this, they were besieged until at
last they also were forced to surrender their city and themselves to the enemy. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 95,
96, 99.)

1092. The Persians took Eretria after seven days siege. After spending a few days in settling
things there, they sailed to the land of Attica and destroyed a great part of it. At last by the
guidance of Hippias the son of Pisistratus they came to the plain of Marathon. They were
defeated by the men of Athens and of Platea, under the command of Miltiades. He had taken
command of the Chersonesus in Thracia. The Greeks lost 192 men, the Persians, 6400. (Herod.
1. 6. c. 101, 102. 112. 117.)

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1093. The Persians fled to their ships many of which were sunk or captured. In both the fights,
the Persians lost 200,000 men. Hippias, a former the Tyrant of Athens, died there, who had been
the author of this war. (Justin out of Trogus, 1. 2. c. 9.) The whole army of the Persians at this
battle consisted of 300,000. (Valer. Mas. 1. 5. c. 3.) Plutarch thinks it was less as he states in the
beginning of his Parallels. Justin and Orosius following him and say, they were in all 600,000
men: Aemilius Probus in his Militiades, states there were 100,000 solders and 20,000 calvary.

On the Athenian side there were 10,000 and of their auxiliaries out of Platea; 1,000, states Justin
with Orosus. Probus assures us, that the Athenians, with the men of Platea totalled but 10,000.
This significant victory happened on the 6th day of Boedromion, the 3rd month in the Attio
calendar after the summer solstice according to Plutarch in the life of Camillus. When
Phanippus was in charge of Athens. Plutarch has it in the Life of Aristides that in the 3rd year of
the 72nd Olympiad, 4 years before the death of Darius. Likewise Severns Sulpitius, in his 2nd
book of his Sacra Hisoria states the same thing. This was in the 10th year before Xerxes entered
into Greece, (as Thuscidides in his 1st book of his history states and Lysias in his Epitaph of the
Corinthian Auxiliaries confirms) and 10 full years before the sea fight at Salamis in the same
month of Boedromion. (Plato 1. 3. de Legibus.)

1094. Datis and Artiphernes returned into Asia taking with them their captives of Eretria to
Susa. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 1 19.) According to Ctesias, Datis was slain in the fight at Marathon and the
Athenians refused to give the Persians his body.

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1095. When the Eretrian captives were brought to Darius, he had them settled in a part of the
Cissian country called Anderica, 210 furlongs (26 miles) from Susa. (Herod. 1. 6. c. 119.) This is
described in more detail in Philostratus, in the life of Apollonius, (1. 1. c. 17.)

3517d AM, 4227 JP, 487 BC

1096. After Darius had spent 3 years in making greater preparations against Greece than before,
in the fourth year the Egyptians revolted. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 1.)

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1097. When Darius was now ready to begin his war against the Egyptians, and Athenians, he
was required by the laws of the Persians to name his successor in the kingdom.

1098. Artobazanes, whom others call Artemenes, or Ariamenes was his son by Gobryas his
daughter. He was born to him before he came to be king and claimed the succession by right of
Primogeniture or as the firstborn. Xerxes, who was born after Darius became king by Atossa the
daughter of Cyrus who founded the Persian Monarchy, was named to be the next king. (Herod.
1. 7. c. 2, 3.) There was friendly rivalry between the two brothers. For more on this, see Justin,
from Tragus, (1. 2. c. 10.) and in Plutarch, in the Life of Artaxerxes and in his Apothigmes and
in his treatise on brotherly love.

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1099. When Darius had declared Xerxes to be the next king, when he was now ready to take his
journey. According to Diod. Sic. (1. 1 1) he was on his way into Greece in the year after the
revolt of the Egyptians. Toward the later end of that year he died after he had reigned for a full
36 years. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 4.)

1 100. After him came Xerxes, the 4th king of Persia after Cyrus. He trusted in his riches, (as

they were indeed exceeding great) and stirred up his own subjects together with all his allies and
friends to make war on the Greeks according to the prophecy of Da 1 1:2. In was not his original
intention but was put up to it by Mardonius, his first cousin from Alevada, the kings of Thessaly
of the family of Pisistratus and by Onomacritus, a Sorcerer of Athens. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 5, 6.)

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1 101. At the beginning of the second year of his reign after the death of Darius, Xerxes made an
expedition against the rebellious Egyptians. After he had subdued them, he brought them into a
harder state of bondage than they had ever felt under his predecessors. He made his brother
Achaemenes, the son of Darius, ruler over them. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 7.)

1 102. In this year Herodotus, the historian, the son of Lyxus and Eryone was born at
Halicarnassius in the province of Caria. He was 53 years old when the Peloponesian war began.
(A. Gellius 1. 15. c. 23.) affirms from Pamphyla. At that time, Artemelia, the daughter of
Lygdamis of Halycarnassus, after the death of her husband, obtained the tyranny which her
husband held. This occurred during the schooling of her young son, whose name was Psindelis,
as may be gathered from Suidas, in Herodotus. She ruled over the Halicarnassians, the Coi, the
Nisirians and Calydonians. After a while she came into Greece with five good fighting ships to
help Xerxes in his war. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 99.)

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1103. Xerxes gathered together from all of his empire, Egypt, Phoenicia, Cyprus, Cilicia,
Pamphylia, Pisidia, Lycia, Caria, Mysia, Troas, Hellespont, Bithynia and Pontus, 1200 ships to
meet him at Cuma and Phocaea in Ionia. He set out from Susa with all the troops and cavalry he
could muster in the beginning of the 4th year of the 74th Olympiad. However (Diod. Sic. in the
beginning of his 1 1th book,) merges the events of these 2 years into one and states this was done
in the first year of the Olympiad. Herodotus, (Herod. 1. 7. c. 21.) affirms that this preparation
took place 3 whole years before this year but with a note on the previous chapter which cannot
be consistent with the exact passing of the time. He says:

vv from the subduing of Egypt, he took 4 years in gathering an army and in making his
preparations. In the beginning of the 5th year, he began to march with a huge army:"

1 104. He left Susa in the beginning of his 5th year, not from the subduing of Egypt but from his
becoming king. Hence both Justin from Trogas, (1. 2. c. 10.) and Orosius follow Herodotus
incorrectly and assign these five years. Julianus in his first Oration of the praises of Constantius,
incorrectly says, that Xeres spent ten years preparing. More ingenuous than all these, (though he
is not overly exquisite in his account) is Labianus. He says that between Darius and Xerxes there
was ten years spent in the preparation against Greece. Since we have formerly showed from
Plato that from the fight at Marathon to the fight at Salamis which was fought in the first year of
the 75th Olympiad, (almost a full year after Xerxes left Susa), only ten years elapsed.

1 105. At Critalis in Cappadocia, all Xerxes' forces met. From there he passed over the river
Halys and came to Celaena, a city in Phrygia. Here Pythius, a Lydian, (Pliny 1. 33. c. 10. says he
was a Bithynian) the son of Atyis entertained him and his whole army in a most magnificent and
sumptuous manner. From here, they passed by Anava, a city of Phrygia and Lough where salt

was made and he came to Colossae in Phrygia. Here the river Lycus disappears underground.
From there he came to a town called Cyndra in Phrygia, then to Lydia and then passed by the
river Maeander. He passed the city called Callatebus and he finally arrived at Sardis. From here
he dispatched his messengers into Greece to demand of them earth and water. That is he
required them to surrender to him. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 26-32.)

1 106. In the mean time, the navy was at Eleus in Chersonesus. From here part of the army dug
through the neck of the mount Athos for 12 furlongs (1.5 miles). They and the Bastinadoes were
compelled to do this work. The neighbouring inhabitants were compelled to help. Bubares the
son of Megabysus and Artachaeus the son of Artaeus, both Persians were appointed to oversee
the work. When that neck of land was cut through and the sea let in, the channel was wide
enough so that two large ships with their oars extended might pass each other without touching.
(Herod. 1. 7. c. 22-24.) Another part of the army built a bridge of ships over the Hellespont,
where the sea from Abydus to the shore, on the other side, is 7 furlongs (a mile) wide. When the
bridge was completed, there arose a fierce storm and destroyed it. Xerxes in a rage caused 300
stripes to be given to the Hellespont and a pair of shackles to be thrown into the sea to bind and
fetter it with. He decapitated those who made the bridge and then employed others to work to
make the bridge stronger. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 33-36.)

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1 107. In the beginning of the spring, Xerxes with his whole army left Sardis where they spent
the winter and marched toward Abydus. As he was starting his journey, the sun stopped shining.
There were no clouds and the air was clear. The day was turned into night. At this incredible
sign, Pythius the Lyidan was terrified, (for it was no natural eclipse as the astronomical tables
easily show) and besought the king that of his five sons who were in his army, he would leave
his oldest out to be a comfort to him in his old age. In a rage, Xerxes had his oldest son cut in
two and his whole army marched between the parts of his body. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 37-39)

1 108. Hermotimus, who was an Halicarnaslaean, was the most influential of all the other
eunuchs with Xerxes. When he came into the country of Atarne, in the province of Mysia, he
sent for Panionius of the Isle of Chios. He was a slave trader and a eunuch also. His wife and
children came with him. He made the father castrate his sons and then had them do the same to
their father. Thus Hermotimus was avenged of the wrong done to him. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 105,106.)

1 109. Xerxes and his army went from Lydia to the River Caiicus and the country of Mysia.
From there they came into the country where old Hium or Troy stood. As he slept that night at
the foot of the hill Ida, there arose a terrible thunder storm which killed many in his army. After
this they came to the River Scamander which they drained dry. It was not able to satisfy the men
and animals with water. When Xerxes was there, he went up to see the old habitation of king
Priame. There he sacrificed to Minerva of Troy, 1000 oxen. The Magi that attended him offered
cakes to the nobles. After this a panic fell on his army at night and he left there in the morning
as soon as it was light and came to Abydus. (Heriod. 1. 7. c. 42,43.)

1 1 10. Here Xerxes took a fancy to see all his army at once. Therefore he had a luxurious hall
built of fair white stone and he sat in the hall. From there he could see his navy at sea and all his
army. He wanted to see a sea battle too. After that battle was done, the Phoenicians won the
prize. The king took great pleasure in the battle and in the number of his men. He looked at all

the sea of Hellespont covered with his ships and all the shores and plains about Abydus with his
soldiers. When he considered the shortness of man's life and that none of all these men would be
alive after 100 years, he wept. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 44,45.) (Valer. Max. 1. 9. c. 13.)

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1111. Xerxes sent his Uncle Arcabanus to be viceroy at Susa and there to take care of his house
and the kingdom. He prepared to enter Europe. As soon as the sun was up, he held a golden vial
in his hand over the sea. He prayed to the sun that nothing might hinder him in the conquest of
Europe, till he had gone to its utmost bounds. When he had said this, he flung both the vial and a
golden goblet and a Persian cimitre into the sea. When this was done, he sent his cavalry and
foot soldiers to pass over the bridge on the right hand which was toward Pontus. On the left
hand which was toward the Aegean Sea, he made all the bag and baggage, servants and
carriages to pass over. It took a whole week to cross over. When all this was done, the navy
sailed from the Hellspont west to a place called Sarpedon's cape. His army passed through
Chersonesus to Agora and turned aside to a place called the Black Bay the mouth of the Black
River. It was not able to supply enough water for all his army to drink. When they passed this
river, the army marched west to Doriscus. This is the name of a sea coast and of a spacious field
in the country of Thracia through which the large river Hebrus flows. Here they camped.
(Herod. 1. 7. c. 52-59)

1112. When the Navy came to this place, they were haled ashore. Xerxes wanted to count all his
navy and army. According to Herodotus, his foot soldiers numbered 170 myriads, or 1,700,000
men. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 60) His horses, besides camels and chariots, 8 myriads, or 800,000 horses.
(Herod. 1. 7. c. 87.) Among the commanders of his army, he mentions two of Darius' sons born
by his queen Artistone. (I conceive to have been Esther.) The one he calls Arsames was
commander of the Ethiopians from the south of Egypt. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 69.) The other he calls
Gobryas who was leader of the Maryandent and Ligyes and Syrians. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 72.)
Diodorus Siculus tallies his foot soldiers at 80 myriads or 800,000 men, less than half of what
Herodotus says. Yet the number which Diodorus attributes to the foot soldiers, Cresias assigns
to the whole army of all types, viz. 80 myriads besides the chariots. Isocrates in his
Paenathenaica says that in his army of foot soldiers was 70 myriads or 700,000 men. Elian (1.
13. c. 3.) of his Various History assigns this to the whole army. Pliny counts them at 788,000
men (1. 33. c. 10) and calls Xerxes, Darius. Justin, from Tragus and Orosius, follow him, (1. 1. c.
10.) and state that Xerxes had of his own subjects, 700,000 men and 300,000 auxiliaries from
his friends. Emilius Probus, in the life of Themistocles, says, that his foot soldiers were 700,000
men and his cavalry 400,000.

1 1 13. His naval force had 1207 ships of which the Phoenicians supplied him with 300 including
the ones sent by the Syrians in Palestine. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 89.) By Palestine he meant all the sea
coast of Syria as far as Egypt. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 91.) In another place he states it had in old times
been Syria Palestine (Herod. 1. 3. c. 91.) and that its inhabitants were all circumcised. (Herod. 1.
2. c. 104.) The Jews were also part of the Persian Empire. Josephus states that some of his
countrymen were in this army against the Greeks. To prove this, he cites those verses of the
poet, (Choerilus, 1. 1. cont. Apion.)

His camp a nation strange to see, did follow, Who spoke the language of Phoenicia;

And did the hills of Solymi inhabit,

Near to a broad lake which on them doth border:

Whose heads were rounded and on their bald crowns,
Of a horse head the dried skin did wear.

1 1 14. By this, the learned Salmasius also thinks that the Jews were meant in his Linguae
Hellenistacae Ossilegio. Although Scaliger, (In notes suis ad fragmenta) and Cunaeus, (1. 2. De
Rep. Hebra. c. 18.) and that most learned Bochartus (in Geogra. Sacra Par. 2. 1. 1. c. 6.) takes
them to be the Soylmi in Pisidia.

1 1 15. Besides these fighting ships, Herodotus tells us that he had 1207 cargo ships, some of 30
oars, others of 50 oars a piece, besides smaller vessels and ships to carry horses for a total of
3000. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 97.) Diodor. Sic. says, there were more than 1207 fighting ships, for
carrying horses, 850 and 3000 cargo ships of 30 oars a piece. The Poet Eschyius in Persia brings
in a messenger reporting the number of those ships in this manner.

I know that Xerxes ships a thousand were;
But full two hundred and seven ships he had,
Exceeding swift ones. So the fame doth go.

1 1 16. Whether he means that the total sum of them was a 1000 and so the 207 swift ships was
part of the total or whether both sums added together to give 1207. If so this agrees best with the
particular catalogue of the ships which every nation contributed to this expedition as mentioned
by Herodotus. It is not clear from the poetry what the exact total should be. Ctesias seems to
favour the former opinion and so does Tully in the first of his Orations against Verres. Iscocrates
in his Panegyric and Panathenaic Orations, agrees with the latter. Lysius in his Epitaph, says
there were about 1200 ships, plus 3000 cargo ships. Justin must be wrong when he says there
were 1,000,000 ships. Herodotus determines that about 241,000 troops were in the 1207 ships
which came from Asia in this way. He has 200 men in every hold plus 30 passengers from the
Persians, Medes and Sacaeans for a total of 36,210 passengers. In the 3000 cargo ships he places
240,000 men and average of about 80 per ship. So the whole navy consisted of 517,610 men.
The number of the army was 1,700,000 foot soldiers and 800,000 cavalry. The Arabians who
had charge of the camels and the Libyans who tended the wagons totalled about 20,000. The
total number in Xerxes' forces would be 2,317,610 plus horses, boys and other servants and
besides those who supplied the camp with food. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 184.)

1 1 17. Xerxes marched from Doriscus into Greece. As he came to any country, he conscripted all
who were fit for fighting. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 118.) He added 120 ships to his navy and added 200
more troops per ship for a total increase of the naval forces by 24,000 men. Herodotus thinks
that his army increased 30 myriads, or 300,000. Diod. Sic. thinks the increase was less than
200,000. So the total of Xerxes' army in European and Asiatic soldiers amounted to 2,641,610
men. He thinks that the number of boys keeping the horses, servants and sailors in the cargo
ships and others, was greater than the number of soldiers. So that if that former sum should be
but doubled, the number of those which Xerxes carried by sea to Sepias and by land to
Thermopylae would come to 5,283,220 men. This does not include the women cooks and
eunuchs for no man can tell the exact number of them. Neither could he exactly number the
horses and other beasts of burden and the Indian dogs with their keepers that followed the
nobles in the camp for their pleasure. Hence it is no wonder that so many rivers were exhausted
from the thirst of so many people. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 185-187.) Juneval states in Statyr. 10.

We now believe that many rivers deep,
Did fail the Persian army, at a dinner.

1118. Therefore the less of a wonder that both Isocrates in his Panothenaic oration and Plutarch
in his Parallels report that Xerxes took over 5,000,000 men into Greece.

1 1 19. Yet in this huge host, there was not a man as handsome as Xerxes or one that might seem
more worthy of that great empire than he. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 187.) Like Saul among the children of
Israel, ISa 10:23,24 so Xerxes might well seem to have been worthy of a crown. Yet, if you
speak as a king, says Justin from Tragus, you will find cause to commend his wealth, mentioned
before in Da 11:2 rather than by his character, of which he states:

vv there was such infinite abundance in his kingdom, that when whole rivers failed the multitude
of his army, yet his wealth could never be exhausted. As for himself, he was always seen last in
the fight and first in the flight. He was fearful when any danger was but puffed up with pride
when there was none."

1 120. Leonidus king of Sparta with an army of 4000 Greeks, interposed himself against him and
his whole army of 300,000 troops at the pass of Thermopylae in Theslaly. It was called that
from the hot springs which were there. In this epitaph by Herodotus we read: (Herod. 1. 7. c.

228.)

Here against three hundred thousand Persians,
Four thousand Spartans fought it out and died.

1 121. For thirty myriads is 300,000 which are the number stated by Theodoret (1. 10.) was the
size the whole army (Diod. Sic. 1. 11.) in this very epitaph, p. 26. in the Greek and Latin edition.
For, the 30 myriads have 20 myriads, which make 200,000. Yet (p. 5.) he says, that the whole
army consisted of a little less, than 100 myriads or 1,000,000 troops. When referring to this fight
at Thermopylae, (p. 9.) he says that 500 men held off 100 myriads or 1,000,000 troops. Justin
relating the same story from Tragus, (1. 2. c. 11.) states that 600 men, broke into the camp of
500,000, or as in Orosius, 600,000 men. Isocrates in his Archidamus says, that 1000 of them
went against 700,000 Persians. Instead of the 1000 mentioned by Isocrates, Justin and Orosius
say it was 600 and Diodorus, 500. These are those who were left when the rest of the Greeks
were sent away. They held out against the Persians to the last man including their Spartan king
Leonidas. Of this number, 300 were Spartans, the rest, Thespians and Thebans. (Herod. 1. 7. c.
222, 224.) They slew 20,000 of the enemy. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 24.)

1 122. While these things happened at Thermopylae, various naval battles occurred about
Artemisium, a cape of Eubaea. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 15.) Eurybiades, a Lacedemonian, was admiral of
the fleet of 271 ships, besides 9 others of 50 oars a piece. 127 were sent by the Athenians and
Plataeans. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 1.) Yet, Isocrates, in his Areopagitical Oration, says that the Athenians
supplied only 60 ships. Emelius Probus states that the whole Greek fleet had 300 ships and that
200 of them were from the Athenians. Themistocles, Herodotus, Diodorus and Probus all say
this battle was a draw, neither side winning. Isocrates in his Panegyrical Oration and Elian, (1. 2.
c. 25. Varia Histor.) say the Persians were decisively defeated. The day when this battle was
fought, is said by Elian, to have been upon the 6th of Thargelion, which was the second month
of the spring with the Athenians. This does not agree with Herodotus, who (Herod. 1. 8. c. 12.)

says, that this was done in the middle of summer after the end of the spring when the Olympiad
games were held in spite of all the trouble in Greece. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 26.) This was the 75th
Olympiad. Others like Dionysius, Halicarnaslaeus, in his Roman Antiquities, (1. 9.) states that it
was at that time that Xerxes made war upon the Greeks.

1 123. Four months after crossing the Hellespont with his army, Xerxes came to Athens. He
found it abandoned by all its inhabitants. Callias was the ruler of Athens at this time. (Herod. 1.
8. c. 51.) In this year, Anaxagoras of Clazomenae, a scholar of Anaximenes the Milesian, at the
age of 20 was made public reader of philosophy in Athens according to Laertius from Demerrius
Phalercus in his Catalogue of the 50 Rulers of Athens. At this time philosophy was first brought
from Ionia to Athens, according to Clemens Alexan. (1. 1. strom.) who states:

vv when Xerxes had taken Athens, he took also a multitude of books, which Pisistratus and the
Athenians had there stored. He sent them to Persia. The the rest of the city, except the Acropolis,
he burned according to A. Gellius." (1. 17. Noct. Attica)

1 124. 1 do not agree with him for Herodotus states plainly that all the Acropolis was burn.
(Herod. 1. 8. c. 53.) Likewise states Ctesias. Diod. Sic. further affirms that the temple of Minerva
which was undoubtedly in the Acropolis, was destroyed.

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1 125. The further Xerxes marched into Greece the more nations joined him. The Meleinses, the
Dorienses, the Locri, the Baeothians, Caristians, Andrians, Teniaus and various others sent
troops. Hence his army and navy were no less at Salamis and Athens than when he first landed
at Sepias and came to Thermopylae. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 66.) The verses of Eschilus mentioned
earlier seem also to imply this where he tells us that at the fight at Salamis there were 1000 or
1207 ships of his. Ctesias says that in that fight the Persians had 1000 ships. Plutarch in his
discourse, De glor. Athen. i.e. of the glory of the Athenians, where he says that the victory of
Themistocles at Salamis, was gotten with the loss of a 1000 enemy ships. At the naval battle
before Salamis, the Greek fleet was far greater than when they fought at Artemisium. They had
380 tall ships of war, of which Sparta sent 16. The Athenians had there 180 (Herod. 1. 8. c. 42-
44,48,62.) Plutarch agrees with Herodotus about the number of the Athenian ships. (Plutarch, in
the Life of Themistocles) (Herod. 1. 8. c. 61.) Diod. Sic. (1. 15.) says of the Athenians that they
had 200 ships in the battle. Ischylus says, that the whole number of the Greek ships in the fight
before Salamis was but 300 besides ten others of an extraordinary size. However Ctesias writes
that there were 700 in the Greek fleet. There they lost 40 ships and the Persian's lost 200 besides
those which were taken with the men in them. (Diodor, Sic. 1. 11.) Ctesias reports that the
Persians lots 500 ships during that battle. Artemisia, the queen of Halicarnassus, who came to
aid Xerxes, was praised by him for her heroic courage. (Justin. 1. 2. c. 12.) Xerxes on this
occasion was heard to say:

vv That his men had played the women and the women the men, in that service". (Herod. 1. 8. c.
88.)

1 126. Under the leadership of Eurybiades, the Lacedemonian and the sage and prudent counsel
and great prowess of Themistocles the Athenian, the Greeks won as big a victory at Salamis as
they did at Marathon. Plutarch contradicts himself as to the time when the battle at Salamis was

fought. For in the Life of Lysander and in his discourse on the glory of the Athenians, he says it
was the 16th day of the month Munichon, (which is the first of the months of spring with the
Athenians). However, in the Life of Camylus, he says it was on the 20th day of Boedromian,
which was their third month in summer. It is true that in the Bay of Saron, also called the Bay of
Salamis (Strabo 1. 8.) between the two islands of Salamis and Igina, there was a night battle at
sea between 10 Lacedemonian ships commanded by Gorgopas and 13 Athenian ships
commanded by Eunomus. This was near Zoster a cape of the isthmus of Attica. In the days of
Artarxerxes' Memoir, king of Persia, of which Xenophon, in his fifth book of his history of the
Greeks, mentions this:

vv In a sea battle made by moon light, Gorgopas took 4 tall ships of war and drawing them after
him carried them away to Egina. The rest of the Athenian fleet fled home to their port of
Piraum,"

1 127. It was the 16th day of that lunar month among the Athenians, when Gorgopas attacked
that small fleet of the Athenians. It happened to be a full moon, which helped the Athenian fleet
sail to safety with the loss only of 4 ships. Therefore the Athenians consecrated that day to
Diana and kept it as a holy day to her honour. Hence Plutarch confounded this later sea battle
fought at Salamis with that other one fought in the same place against Xerxes in his discourse,
"Of the Glory of the Athenians". Through error he wrote of it in this manner:

vv They consecrated the 16th day of the month Muichlon to Diana, because upon that day after
the victory won by the Greeks, the Goddess appeared full that night."

1 128. For that the victory of the Greeks against Xerxes happened about the 20th day of
Boedromion, Plutarch says in a treatise of his, "Of days..", quoted by himself in the life of
Camillus. It plainly appears in Herodotus that (Herod. 1. 8. c. 65.) the main day of that holy day
was the 20th of the month Boedromion. On this day the mysterious Pomp of Jacchus was openly
shown to the people, according to Plutarch in the Life of Camillus. Themistocles prevented his
countrymen from pursuing the enemies after their defeat at Salamis when they fled. He said this:

vv Now, let us stay in Greece and take care of ourselves and our families and look to the tillage
and sowing of our land, since the enemy is expelled from it. When the spring comes, then will
we take time to sail into Hellespont and Ionia."

1 129. Hence concludes the argument that the Persians were vanquished at Salamis not in the
beginning of the spring but in the latter end of summer.

1 130. After the sea battle Xerxes executed certain Phoenicians who were the first that fled and
threatened the rest with punishments answerable to their conduct. For fear of this, the
Phoenicians returned that day to Atrica. The night after, they sailed to Asia, (Diod. Sic. 1. 11. in
the 1st year of the 75th Olympiad.) Many other ships, fearing more the rage of the king than the
fury of the enemy, slunk away to their homes. (Justin 1. 2.c. 12.) Xerxes was terrified by this
disaster at sea and committed his sons to Artemesia the queen. She transported them to Ephesus
to be with Hermotimus their governor. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 103,107.)

1131. Cleombrotus of Sparta, the brother of Leonidas who died at Thermopylae, built a wall
across the neck of land which is called Isthmus Corinthiacus. This was to stop Xerxes from

coming by land into Peloponsus. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 71.) While he was offering a sacrifice against
the Persians, the sun was eclipsed. When this happened, he withdrew his army which was
building this fortification and he died shortly after this. He was succeeded by his son Pausanias,
as first cousin and tutor of Plistarchus, a child, the son of the dead Leonidas. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 10.)
The Prutenian account tells us of an eclipse of the sun of 8 digits (2/3 of total) at 1:39 pm that
lasted 32 minutes on the 2nd day of October.

1 132. To speed Xerxes on his way out of Greece, Themistocles sent a phoney message to him
from Salamis that the Greeks planned to send a fleet of ships to Hellespont to destroy his bridge.
When he heard this, he made all speed to get out of Europe into Asia. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 1 10. Diod.
Sic. 1. 11. in the 1st year of the 75th Olympiad and Plut. in the Life of Themistosles.)

1 133. Xerxes resolved to leave. He sent his fleet from Phalerus to Hellespont to guard the
bridge. He and Mardomius and his army marched speedily towards Thessalie. (Herod. 1. 8. c.
107,113,115.)

1 134. When Mardonius came with Xerxes into Thessalie, he chose from all his army, 300,000
men. These he kept with him to continue the conquest of Greece. Because the year was far
spent, he wintered in Thessalia. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 113,114.) Justin from Tragus, (1. 2. c. 13.) and
Plutarch in the Life of Aristides agree with Herododus. However, Diod. Sic. states that there
remained with him at least 400,000 troops.

1 135. In the meantime, the Lacedemonians by the command of the Oracle at Delphi, sent a
herald to Xerxes to require reparation from him for the death of their king Leonidas. He
answered that Mardonius should pay them their due. After this, he left Mardonius in Thessalie
and hurried to the Hellespont. He took a large number of troops for his guard. The rest he left to
be brought after him by Hydarnes. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 1 14,1 15,1 18.)

1 136. The army which he left behind with Mardonius was first hit by famine then a pestilence.
So many died that the highways lay strewn with the dead carcases of them. Both birds and
beasts of prey followed the army by the smell whereever they went. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 1 15. Justin 1.
2. c. 13.)

1 137. In Asia, the Archaeanactidae held the kingdom of Bosphorus Cimmerius for 40 years
(Diod. Sic. 1. 12.) in the 3rd year of the 85th Olympiad. These had their beginning from
Archaeanacres of Mitylene whom are said to have built Sigaeum with the stones dug from the
ruins of Troy. (Strabo. 1. 13.)

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1138. After 45 days, Xerxes came to the Hellespont. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 115.) Emil. Probus states it
was less time than that in his "Life of Themistocles". He says:

vv that upon the way that he took six months in going into Europe, on the same way out, he spent
less than 30 days returning to Asia."

1 139. When Xerxes found his bridge smashed by the winter storms, out of fear he crossed in a

small fishing boat.

vv And truly it was a thing worth the sight and a rare example of human frailty and change of
things in this world to see him lie sulking in a small boat. A little before the whole sea seemed
too little to contain him. He was destitute of a page to wait upon him whose army the very earth
seemed to groan for the burden of it." (Justin 1. 2. c. 13.)

1 140. When the army which followed him under the command of Hydarves found the bridge
smashed, they crossed over in boats to Abydus. On the other side they found much more food
than they had on their way. They gorged themselves with food and with change of water, they
died by the score. The rest accompanied Xerxes to Sardis. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 117.)

1 141. While Xerxes was on the way to Sardis, he sent Megabyzus to destroy the temple of
Delphi. When he desired to be excused, Mattacus an eunuch did the task and returned to Xerxes.
(Ctesius.)

1 142. When the news came to Susa by the couriers who were sent that Xerxes had taken Athens,
the Persians were so happy that they strewed all the streets with myrtle boughs and burnt
frankincense in them. They set themselves wholly to sacrificing and feasting. When the news of
his defeat at Salamis came, their attitude changed so that every man rent his garments and filled
all places with howlings and lamentations. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 99.) Ischylus described this turn of
affairs in his "Life in Persia."

1 143. When the remaining fleet and sailors had ferried the army from Chersonesus to Abydus,
they wintered at Cuma in Eolia, (Herod. 1. 8. c. 130.)

1144. Artabazus the son of Pharnabazus accompanied Xerxes with 60,000 soldiers to
Hellespont. When he saw that he was safely landed in Asia, he returned and stayed near Pallene
after Mardonius had wintered in Macedonia and Thessalia and had not looked after the rest of
the army. While Artabazus stayed there, he found that the city of Pntidea with Pallene revolted
from Persia and Olynthus was planning to. He besieged Potidea and Olynthus. When he
captured Olynthus and killed all its Pottiean inhabitants, he put Critobulus of Torona, a
Chalcedonian, in charge of the place. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 126,127.)

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1 145. When the Persians besieged Potidea for 3 months, a huge tide of the sea broke in upon
them over their trenches forcing them to lift the seige. Many perished in that flood. When others
fought to swim to safety, the Potideans went in boats and knocked them on the head. Those that
escaped, Artabazus took with him into Thessalia to Mardonius. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 129.)

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1 146. In the beginning of spring, the rest of the Persian fleet which had wintered at Cuma, sailed
to the Isle of Samos where others of their navy had wintered. The largest part of this navy were
Persian and Median sailors. They were joined shortly after by certain commanders, Mardoutes
Fitz Bargeus and Attanites Fitz Artacheus. They staying there with 300 ships to keep all of Ionia

from revolting. This number includes the Ionians that were with them under their command.
(Herod. 1. 8. c. 130.) However, Diodorus says that there were no less than 400 ships at Samos
which awaited any Ionian revolt in this a year of the 75th Olympiad.

1 147. The Greek fleet consisted of 1 10 ships under two commanders, Leotychides king of the
Spartans and Xanthippus an Athenian. They sailed to Egina where messengers came to them
from Ionia begging them to immediately come and relieve them in Ionia. After a while they
sailed as far as to Delos. (Herod. 1. 8. c. 131,132.) However, Diodorus tells us, that after thay
stayed some days at Egina, they sailed to Delos with 250 ships.

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1 148. Xerxes is said to have built both a palace and a citadel at Celene in Phrygia. (Xen, in his
Expedition of Cyrus, 1. 1.)

1 149. Mardonius with his army came to Athens which was not yet reinhabited ten months after
it was first taken by Xerxes. Whatever Xerxes left standing, he destroyed and burnt down. From
there he marched into the country of Megare, which was the farthest place west that the Persians
went in Greece. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 3,13,14.)

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1 150. While the Greek fleet stayed at Delos, messengers came to them from Samos, asking their
help for themselves and the rest of the Greeks who lived in Asia, against the Persians. At a
council of war, Leotychides the king of Sparta resolved to liberate all the Greek cities from the
Persians. They entered into a league with the Samians who came with their whole fleet to Samos
and stayed near the Temple of Juno. They prepared for a naval battle against the Persians.
(Herod. 1. 8. c. 89,91,95. Diod. Sic. 1. 11.)

1151. When the commanders of the Persian navy stayed at Samos, they heard that the Greeks
were coming against them. Knowing they were no match for them in a naval battle, they
allowed the Phoenician ships to sail off. The rest sailed to Micale, which is a cape in Ionia
where the army was. It was left there by Xerxes to keep Ionia under submission. 60000 men
were under the command of Tigranes who was the tallest and most handsome man of all the
Persians. Near to the temple of Ceres of Eleusis, they drew up their ships and enclosed them
with a rampart which they fortified with stones and stakes and anything else they could find
there. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 95,96.) They sent to Sardis and the other neighbouring places for more
soldiers. With these reinforcements, they had 100,000 troops. They prepared for a battle. (Diod.
1.11.)

1 152. In an engagement of cavalry between the Greeks and Persians near Erythrae in Beotia, the
Persian commander Masistius was killed by the Greeks. The Greeks called him Macisias. Great
lamentations were made by the Persians when he died. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 20,22,24. and Plutarch, in
the Life of Aristide.)

1 153. The Greeks under the command of Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus, routed the Persian
army of 120,000 at Platea according to Ctesias. Emil. Probus, in his Pausanias, says there were

200,000 soldiers and 20,000 cavalry. Plutarch in the life of Aristides affirms, that there were no
fewer than 300,000 men. To this 300,000 Herodotus adds also, about 50,000 Greek mercenaries
hired by Mardonius. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 31.) Diodorus Siculus, "to the 75th Olympiad", says, that
Mardonius had besides the troops left by Xerxes, also from Thracia and Macedonia and other
allies over 200,000 soldiers. In total he had over 500,000 in his army. Herodotus and Plutarch
affirm that the Athenians had at least 8000 men. The entire Greek army numbered 100,000 men
according to Diodorus Siculus, Trogus, Pompelus and Orosius or 110,000 according to
Herodotus. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 29.) Plutarch says the Greeks lost 1360 men in the battle. (Plutarch, in
the Life of Aristides) Diod. Sic. says they lost 10,000 men.

1154. The Persian general of the entire army, Mardonius the son-in-law, (not of Xerxes, as Imil.
Probus, in the life of Pausanias) of Darius who was father to Xerxes, (as I showed before in the
note on 3510 AM) was slain in this battle. He was hit by a stone flung at him by Aimnestus or
Arimnestus, a man of Sparta. (Herod. 1. I.e. 63.) (Plutarch in the life of Aristides) (Pausanias, 1.
1.) Ctesias was incorrect when he said that he was only hurt and so escaped for a time. Later he
was killed in a hail storm when he was destroying the temple of Apollo. However, Justin from
Trogus and from Justin Orosius states that Mardonius, accompanied with a very small company
escaped from there as from a shipwreck.

1 155. When the Persian army lost their general, they fled to a fortress of theirs made of wood.
The Greeks overcame it and killed over 100,000 of them. (Diodorus Siculus,) So that of the
300,000 of them, there were not left 3000 men in addition to the 40000 who fled with
Artabazus. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 69.)

1 156. Leotychides, who commanded the Greek navy came to Mycale to liberate the Ionians
from the Persians. With his own army and their help, he obtained there a most memorable
victory. He slew over 30,000 Persians besides Mardontes the Persian naval commander and
Tigranes the general of the army. The two other commanders of their fleet, Artayntes and
Ithramitres fled. The rest that escaped fled to the tops of the cape of Mycale. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 97-
104.) (Diod. Sic. 1.11.)

1 157. Both these fights happened near to the two temples of Ceres of Elensis on the same day of
the same month. The one battle was at Platea in Europe, early in the morning and the other at
Mycale in Asia later in the afternoon. The news spread swiftly far and wide that in a few hours
the news of the victory at Platea came to Mycale the same day before the battle. (Herod. 1. 9. c.
99, 130.) (Justin 1. 2. c. 14.) However, Diod. Sic. thinks (and that more probably) that
Leotychides heard nothing at all of what was done at Platea but cunningly spread such a rumour
among his soldiers to encourage them. The day of these two battles (Elim. Var. Hist. 1. 2. c. 25.)
says, was the 6th of the month Thargeleon, the 2nd month in the spring with the Athenians.
Plutarch with more wisdom says it was in the month Boedromion which was the 3rd month in
summer. It was either on the 3rd day of it (in the life of Camillius and in his discourse of the
glory of the Athenians,) or on the 4th. (the Life of Aristides) This battle at Micale happened in
the second year after Xerxes' first entering into Greece. (Herod. 1. 7. c.80.)

1 158. At this time all Ionia revolted from the Persians, (Herod. 1. 9. c. 103.) together with the
Eolians and their bordering Islands. (Diod. Sic. 1.11.)

1 159. The Greeks completely burned the Persian ships and camps. They returned to the Isle of

Samos and consulted together on how to move the Ionian nation out of Asia. Diod. says they
planned to move the Eolians to Greece too since they were exposed to the danger of the Persian
cruelty. The Athenians feared that the Ionians, who were now an independent colony would
intermix with the rest of Greece. They opposed this plan since the Ionians were also Greeks,
they could count on Greece for help against the Persians. They desired that the Ionians remain in
Asia. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 105. Diod. 1. 11. in 2nd year of 75th Olympiad.)

1 160. They of Greece entered into a league with those of Samos, Chios, Lesobs and the other
islands who had joined in this war against the Persians. They confirmed this with a solemn oath
to last for ever. They sailed in a group towards Hellespont and on their way came to anchor first
at a cape called Lectium. When an opposing wind changed to a favourable one, they passed on
to Abydus. When they found the bridges there already broken down which they intended to
destroy, Leotychides with his men of Peloponesus returned home. The Athenians under
Xanthippus and (as Thucidides says) with their allies from Ionia and Hellespont who had
revolted against the Persians, journeyed from Abydus to Chersonesus and there besieged Sestos.
Artayctes, a Persian, was a wicked man whom Xerxes had made governor of that province. The
town was surrounded by the strongest wall of any other towns in the area. Ocbasus a Persian,
who had stored the cables used in the construction of the bridges at Cardia, left that place and
came to Sestos also. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 105, 113-115.)

1161. Artabuzus the son of Pharnaces, with 40000 men who fled from the battle at Plataea,
travelled quickly through the countries of Phocis, Thessalie, and Macedonia, to Thracia. They
took the shortest overland route to Byzantium. Many men were left behind in his march. Some
were killed by the Thracians, some of hunger and some from the journey. When he arrived at
Byzantium, he crossed over to Asia by ship. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 65. 69, 76, 88.)

1 162. Those who had saved thmselves in the top of the rock at the cape of Micale, retreated to
Sardis where Xerxes still was. On that journey Masystes, one of the sons of Darius Hystaspes,
had charged Artayntes one of the chief commanders of the fleet at Mycale with cowardess.
When Artayntes attacked him with his sword, Xenagoras of Halicarnassus stepped in and
stopped the fight and saved Masystes from that attack. For so saving Xerxes' brother's life, he
was made governor of Cilicia. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 107.)

1 163. While Xerxes spent his time at Sardis, he there fell in love with his brother Masystes'
wife. When he could not seduce her, he married her daughter Artaynta to his own son Darius
hoping to get his will of her the more easily by this act. When the wedding was over, he returned
to Susa, (Herod. 1. 9. c. 108.) leaving part of his army at Sardis to continue the war against the
Greeks. (Diod. Sic. In 2nd year of 75th Olympiad.)

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1 164. In his flight, Xerxes burnt the Oracle of Apollo Didymeus, in Branchis, as he did all the
other temples in Asia except at Ephesus. After those of Branchis handed over the treasury of
their god, they all went along with him, fearing that if they stayed behind, they would have been
punished for sacrilege and treason. (Strabo. 1. 14. with Solinus c. 40.) Herodotus says that
Xerxes left Sardis and went to Susa but Diodorus says he went to Ecbatane. Ctesias writes that
he went from Babylon to Persia. Arrian in his book of Alexanders' Acts, affirms that after he
came to Babylon, he demolished the temple of Belus and all other consecrated places including

the Sepulchre of Belus. Strabo (1. 16.) says that he took away the statue of Belus made of solid
gold twelve cubits high. When the priests opposed it and would not allow it to be removed, he
slew them. (Herod. 1. I.e. 183.)

1 165. While the Athenians besieged Sestos, the autumn was approaching and they had still not
taken it and planned to abandon the seige. However, the people within were so driven with
famine that they were boiling their bedcords for food. Artayctes and Oebasus with many of the
Persians climbed over the walls by night and fled. When the inhabitants knew this early the next
morning, they surrendered to the Athenians. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 116, 117.)

1 166. A great number of prisoners were taken at Sestos and Byzantium by the Athenians and
their confederates in the army. The confederates of their own accord, offered to refer the
division of the prey to Cimon, a young Athenian gentleman. He set all the persons on the one
hand and all the clothes and ornaments which they wore on the other. He gave them first choice
saying the Athenians would take what was left. Herophytus of Samos persuded them to take the
clothes and ornaments instead of the people. Later, the friends and kinsmen of the prisoners,
came from Phrygia and Lydia and redeemed those prisoners at a high price. With the money,
Cimon maintained the fleet four whole months and brought much silver and gold into the
treasury at Athens. This act gave him a reputation of wisdom with the Athenians. They received
so much money by the bargain, they laughed at their fellows who had formerly laughed at them.
(Plutarch in the Life of Cimon and Polyanus, 1. 1. Straug.)

1 167. When Oebasus had escaped into Thracia, the Thracians, called Absynthii, captured him
and sacrificed him to their god Plestorus. His companions were killed by various ways.
Artayntes and his followers were captured at Egos Potamus and carried prisoner to Sestos. By
the sea side, where Xerxes had made his bridge, or as others say, on a hill near the city Madytus,
there they set up gibbets and hung them there after they stoned his own son to death before his
eyes. When this was done, the Athenians returned into Greece. In addition to the money, they
took the cables and ornaments of the bridges, which were made over the Hellespont. They
planned to hang them as trophies in their temples. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 1 18-120.) Xanthippus left a
garrison in Sestos and dismissed all strangers. He with his own companies returned to Athens.
So the war of the Medes, as they call it, came to an end after it had lasted a full two years.
(Diod. Sic. 1. 11. in the 75th Olympiad.)

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1 168. Bagapates the eunuch died after he had sat by the tomb of Darius for 7 years. (Ctesias)

1 169. Megabysus accused his wife Amyris, Xerxes' daughter, of adultery. She very sharply
blamed his daughter for it. (Ctesias) All the while, he committed both adultery and incest.
Xerxes turned his lewd affection from his brother Masystes' wife, to their daughter Artaynta,
whom he had now made his own daughter-in-law. He lay with her continually at Susa. (Herod. 1.
9. c. 107,108.)

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1 170. Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus was sent as general of the Greeks from Lacedemonia to
free the Greek cities that were still held by the the Persians. He had 20 ships from Peloponesus

and 30 more from Athens (Diodor. says 50 ships) commanded by Aristides. They sailed to
Cyprus and liberated many cities held by Persians. (Thucid. 1. 1. Diodor, Sic. in the 4th year of
the 75th Olympiad.)

1171. When Xerxes was celebrating his coronation day, he gave his queen Ametris any wish she
wanted. She asked for Masystes' wife, Xerxes brother. She had her breasts, nose, ears, lips and
tongue cut off and so sent her home again. Masystes conspired with his own children to steal
away to the province of Bactria. He wanted to make himself governor and incite Bactria and the
Saca to rebel against the king. He was intercepted on the way by Xerxes' soldiers and he, his
children and all that were in his company were killed. (Herod. 1. 9. c. 108-112.) The governmant
of Bactria was given to Hystaspes, the son of Xerxes. (Diod. Sic. in the 4th year of the 78th
Olympiad.)

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1 172. When Pausanias returned from Cyprus, he captured Byzantium. On his own authority, he
sent the Persians whom he had captured (some were close friends and kinsmen of Xerxes) home
safely to Xerxes. He let on that they had escaped. All this business was negotiated by Gongylus
an Eretrian. He also used him to carry letters to Xerxes that expressed his desire to marry
Xerxes' daughter. In return he promised to bring Sparta and all Greece, under his subjection.
Xerxes was glad for this news. He replied to him by Artabazus the son of Pharnaces. He said it
would be easier to communicate his counsels with Pausanias when they were closer. Therefore
he gave him the government of the province of Daseylis and recalled Magabates who was
governor there before. With these hopes, Pausanias grew more insolent than before and began to
live like a Persian and behaved imperiosly towards those who were in league with that state.
Most of them, especially the Ionians and others who had been recenty liberated from their
slavery under the Persians, defected to the Athenians and desired to serve under them. (Thucid.
1. 1.)

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1 173. When Pausanias was accused by the Spartans, he was recalled from Byzantium. He was
found guilty and condemned for some small misdemeanours but acquitted of treason against the
state. Nevertheless, he was removed from the government of Hellespont. On his own without
asking permission he hired a ship under the pretence of aiding in the war effort for the Greeks in
those parts. He wanted to advance his own interests with Xerxes. When the Athenians would not
allow him to stay in Byzantium, he returned not to Sparta but stayed at Colonae in Troas. He
was again accused at Sparta that he consorted with the Persians and that he was up to no good
while he was in those parts. When he was accused at Sparta, he was sent for again by the
Ephori. When he arrived, they threw him into prison but after a hearing he was acquitted again.
(Thucid. 1. 1.)

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1 174. In Greece because of the hatred to Pausanias, the common dislike of the Lacedemonians
was transferred to the Athenians. Under a pretence of revenging the wrong done to the various
countries by the common enemy, the Athenians made a tax of money and ships that each city
should contribute against the Persians. The cities in Greece and the Greek cites in Asia readily

agreed to this for the common safety of all. The first tax amounted to 460 (not as Diodorus has
it, 560) talents. It was stored in the Isle of Delos which was the common treasury of all Greece.
(Thucid, 1. 1. Diod. 1. 11. Justin 1. 16. c. 3. Plutarch and Emil. Probus, in the life of Aristides.)

1 175. When Pausanias was exposed by Argilius, his homosexual lover, to whom he had
committed his last letters to be sent to Artabazus, the Ephori starved him to death. (Thusic. 1. 1.
Diod. 1. 11. Emil. Prob. in the Life of Pausanias.)

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1 176. Artabazus, an Hyrcanian, was captain of the guard and was most trusted and had more
authority with Xerxes, as his father Artasyras had previously with Darius. He conspired with
Mithridares an eunuch, chamberlain to the king, (Cresias calls him Spamitres of Aspamiters)
who was his close friend and kinsman. He was let into the bedchamber with his seven young
robust sons at night and they slew Xerxes as he lay in his bed. In the middle of the night they
went speedily to Artaxerxes and told him that Darius, (who was the eldest of the three sons of
Xerxes) had killed his father so he would be king sooner. (Elian. 1. 13. c. 3. relates this as if it
were indeed the truth) By this lie, he persuaded Artaxerxes to have the king's guard kill his
brother Darius. (Ctesias, Diod. Justin 1. 3. c. 1.)

1 177. By Artabanus' plot, Artaxerxes was the next king. (Ctesias) He was a man of a mild
disposition and full of magnanimity to all. He was surnamed Longimanus because his right hand
was longer than his left. (Plutarch in the beginning of the life of Artaxerxes.) The 7 first months
of his reign are attributed to Artabanus. (Euseb. in his Chron.) It seems for that period of time,
he ruled all things in Artaxerxes' name. Diodorus intimates that Artabanus was presently
executed for his murder of Xerxes and Darius. Yet there was some time elapsed before this
happened as appears by the more complete accounts of this by Ctesias and Justin.

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1178. Themistocles of Athens was suspected of the conspiracy with Pausanias for the betraying
of Greece into the hands of the Persians. They searched for him and had they found him they
would have killed him. Therefore he fled from Greece and came to Pydna, a town beside the
Thermaic Bay of Macedonia. There he found a merchant ship going into Ionia and went aboard.
A tempest carried the ship into the middle of the Athenian forces which besieged Naxos. The
captain of the ship who was well paid by Themistocles, lay a whole night and a day at anchor
beyond the Athenian fleet. When the tempest was over, he came safely to Ephesus. (Thucid. 1. 1.
Emil. Prob. in the life of Themistocles. Polyan. 1. 1. Stratag.) Plutarch reports that he came to
Cuma and found many sea captains wanting to capture him, especially Ergoteles and Theodoras.
Xerxes had promised 200 talents to whoever would bring him his head. Therefore, he quietly
left the area and came to a little town called Etas in Eolia. He hid for a few days in the house of
one Nicogenes, a very wealthy man in those parts who was very familiar with several of the
king's most trusted attendants. Diodorus calls him Lysitheis and says further, that he was a man
of so very great wealth that when Xerxes passed that way he feasted both him and all his army
in a very magnificent manner. By this good host's means, he was put into a covered wagon, such
as the kings and other great men's harlots used among the Persians. He came safely into Persia
according to both Plutarch and Thucidides. However, Thucidides only says, that he went the
way from the sea side into Persia in the company of a certain Persian. Herodotus tells us that

from Ephesus to Sardis is a 3 day's journey and from there to Susa, 3 months. (Herod. 1. 5. c.
50,53,54.)

1 179. Artabanus planned to kill Artaxerxes, as he had done to his father and brother. He told his
plan to Megabyzus, whom he knew to be unhappy for the jealousy of his wife's supposed
unfaithfulness. She was Amytis the sister to Artaxerxes. They swore secrecy to each other, but
Megabysus presently went and disclosed the matter to the king who put Artabanus to death.
Then also came to light, his hand in the death of Xerxes and his son Darius. Aspamitres, or
Spamitres the eunuch, who was involved with him in this, was cruelly executed by certain racks
and other engines in a boat. (This is described more fully by Plutarch, in the life of Artaxerxes)
(Ctesias.) For Megabysus, Justin puts Becabasus, as consort with Artabanus in this plot and sets
out the manner of Artabanus' death thusly:

vv Artaxerxes, fearing the number of Artabanus' children, commanded all the army to be ready in
the field the next day. He planned to review his troops, the number of them and also how every
man could stand to his arms. When Artbanus was there present in his armour, Artaxerxes said,
that his own armour was a little short for him and that he would change with Artabanus. When
Artabanus at the command of the king, had taken off his armour, Artaxerxes ran his naked body
through with his sword,"

1 180. From the size of his armour, we may learn that Artaxerxes, was not at this time a child as
Justin claims, but that he was a man and old enough that the Scripture tells us, that in the 7th
year of his kingdom, he was a father of several sons. Ezr 7:23

1181. After Artabanus' death, there was a battle fought between his friends and the other
Persians in which three of his sons were slain. Megabysus on the Persian side was seriously
wounded. This grieved Artaxerxes, his sisters, Amytis the wife of Megabysus' wife and
Rhodogyne and his mother Amestris. Megabyzus recovered due to the great skill of Apollonis, a
doctor from the Isle of Coos. After this Bactria revolted from Artaxerxes and a different
Artabanus was made governor there. Between Artabanus and them a field was selected where
they parted on even terms. (Ctesias) Yet those words in the Greek are ambiguous. For either it
may be meant, as I have here expressed it, according to the interpretation of it made by Hen.
Stephanus. He says that there was another Artabanus made governor of Bactria instead of the
former, or that there was at this time another Artabanus who was governor of that province not
the same person whom the king killed. If we take the latter sense, then this revolt of the
Bactrians must refer to a later time but if the first, then to the present time. For at this time,
Hystaspes, Xerxes' son, was governor of Bactria according to Diodor. Sic. He was the middle
brother between Darius and Artaxerxes according to Ctesias. It seems reasonable that when
Hystaspes saw his younger brother Artaxerxes preferred before him in the kingdom, he would
incite not only the Bactrians whom he governed but also all his other friends, to recover his right
of the kingdom.

1 182. Eusebius in his Chron. notes, that in the 4th year of this 76th Olympiad, (upon which we
now are) Themistocles fled to the Persians. This agrees with the account of Thucidides. He
places the coming of Themistocles to Artaxerxes, between the siege of Naxos and that famous
victory over the Persians at the mouth of the river Eurymedon by Cimon the Athenian. He
makes the beginning of the reign of Artaxerxes to happen at the same time for he says that
Themistocles sent letters to Artaxerxes when he was recently crowned king. He desired his
favour and offered him his service against the Greeks. From this we may fully discern that the

true beginning of Artaxerxes' reign was almost a full nine years earlier than it is commonly said
to have been.

(Since this was written in 1650 new evidence has been found confirming Ussher's date.

vv The date commonly given for this is B.C. 445; but Ussher gave 454, and Hengstenberg and
others contend that this is the true date. Hengstenberg shows in his "Christiology" how the
mistake arose. Vitringa rectified the date, and Kriiger, by independent enquiry, also proved the
old date was wrong. Some hieroglyphic inscriptions in Egypt have shown that Artaxerxes was
associated with his father in the twelfth year of the reign of Xerxes, and this information
confirms the date given by Ussher and others." (article Seventy Weeks, p. 708, Concise Bible
Dictionary, Bible Truth Publishers, 59 Industrial Road, Addison, Illinois, 60101)

Ussher correctly identifies the starting date for Artaxerxes reign at 473 BC. From this we can
correctly calculate the start of Daniels 70 weeks of years. Those who use the date of 464 BC are
forced to bend the Bible to fit with this incorrect date. One of the most common methods is to
fudge the date of the death of Christ and to assume the that a prophetic year was only 360 days
long. Nowhere does the Bible state this and at no time in recorded history did any people use a
year of exactly 360 days. This is merely another attempt to bend the Bible to fit the opinions of
men. The start of Artaxerxes reign is confirmed by three authorities, the Bible, Eusebius in his
Chronicles and by Thucidides who was born about 4 years after this time. A threefold cord is
not easily broken. Editor.)

1 183. Plutarch from Phanias reports that Themistocles was brought into Artaxerxes favour by
Artabanus, a colonel. According to Eratosthenes, he obtained this favour from the colonel by the
means of his harlot who was from Eretria. He does not explain which Artabanus this was,
whether he was the one slain by Artaxerxes or that Artabanus that Xerxes entrusted government
of his kingdom 7 years earlier when he went to Greece. For if he meant the first, then
Themistocles must have come to Artaxerxes within the first 7 months of being crowned king
according to Euseb. If someone else then the time he came to the king might have happened in
any other month of that year. This would agree well with Thucidides, where he says:

"he was brought to Artaxerxes, when he was newly crowned king."

1 184. If was the right of the office of the colonel or chiliarch, being the second officer in the
kingdom, to bring those who were to be admitted into the presence of the king. (Emilius Probus,
in the life of Conon) (Elian, 1. 1.) (Vartius Histor. c. 21.)

1 185. When Themistocles was thus graciously received by the king, a new danger presented
itself. Mandane a daughter of Darius Hystaspes, lost all her children in the naval battle before
Salamis. She sought revenge upon Themistocles for this. When she could not prevail with the
king, or her friends and great men in the court, she stirred up the common people. When they all
rushed into the court, Artaxerxes told them fairly, that he would refer the whole matter to the
judgment of his lords. So by appointing a time for a hearing, he saved Themistocles from the
people's hands. (Diod. Sic. 1. 11.)

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1 186. In the second battle, a strong wind in their favour helped the Persians defeat and again
subject the Bactrians to Artaxerxes. (Ctesias.)

1 187. Themistocles spent a whole year in learning the Persian language, laws and customs of the
country. When he came to trial, he cleared himself of all the charges and endeared himself to the
king as no other Greek had done before him. Artaxerxes took him on hunting trips and had him
attend his private delights and recreations at home. He was admitted to the presence of Amestris
the king's mother and conversed familiarly with her. He bestowed on him also, a Persian wife of
noble parentage, excellent for beauty, and goodness of disposition. He had servants to wait on
him and cupboards of dishes of all sorts and all other things. These were for his needs and
entertainment. (Thucidides, 1. 1. Diodorus Siculus, 1. 11. Plutarch in the Life of Themistocles.)

1188. When Demaratus the Lacedemonian, who returned from Greece with Xerxes, displeased
the king greatly when he rode into Sardis in his chariot wearing his turban upright on his head in
a way reserved only for kings. Themistocles interceded for him and Artaxerxes wrath was
pacified so that they became friends again. (Plutarch in Them, with Seneca 1. 6. de Benesi c. 31.)

1 189. When Themistocles was made governor of the province of Magnesia, he returned into
Asia. (Thucid. 1. 1.)

1 190. On his return, he escaped an ambush planned by Epyxius, a Persian governor of the Upper
Phrygia and the Pisidians. He was warned in a dream of it by Dinaymena, the mother of the
gods when he was resting at noon. As a memorial, he built her a temple at Magnesia and made
his own daughter Muesiptolema to be a consecrated priestess to her. (Plutarch in Themistocles)
Some say it was his wife. (Strabo, 1. 14.)

1191. So that Themistocles might appear in Asia with the greater honour, the king gave him
besides the government of the province of Magnesia, the very city of Magnesia on the Meander
River. This city paid the king yearly fifty talents. This paid the food for his table. Lampsacus in
Hellespont supplied him with money to buy him wine for his meal. Myus, at the mouth of
Meander paid for his second course. Neanthes Cyzioenus and Phanias and Atheneus, (1. 1. c.
27.) listed two more cities in the country of Troas, that is Percotes and Palescepsis to supply him
with clothes and carpets. (Thucid. 1. Diod. 1. 11. Plut. and Emil. Prob. in the life of
Themistocles.)

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1 192. Cimon the son of Miltiades, who was general in the battle at Marathon, was now made
general by the Athenians against the Persians. He set out from the Pyreum at Athens with 200
fighting ships bound for Caria. Ships from Ionia and other parts joined him to increase the size
of the fleet to 300 ships. The coastal towns which were founded by the Greeks revolted from the
Persians to him. The rest which were inhabited by the natives of the country and held by the
Persian garrisons, he attacked and conquered. When he finished his work in Caria, he sailed into
Lycia and did in like manner there. When they submitted to the Athenian government, he
demanded ships of them and greatly increased his navy. (Diod. 1. 11.)

1 193. The Persians conscripted into the army what men they could from the other dominions of
the kings. For naval forces, they sent to the Phoenicians, Cyprians and Cilians. The chief

commander of all the Persian fleet was Tithraustes, a bastard son of Xerxes. (Diod. 1. 1 1)
Ephorus says that he was admiral of the fleet and Pherendates commander by land. Callisthenes
says that Ariomandes the son of Gobryas commanded the army. (Plut. in Cimone.)

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1194. After the Athenians had subdued Naxos, (Thucidides, 1. 1.) they and their confederates
under the conduct of their general Cimon, in only one day, defeated the Persians both in a naval
battle sea-fight not far from the Isle of Cyprus and also in a battle on land at the mouth of the
river Eurymedon in Pamphylia. This was in the 3rd year of the 77th Olympiad. (Diod. Sic. 1.

1 1.) He was of the opinion, (and so was Justin, 1. 2. in sine,) that Xerxes was yet living contrary
to what Thucidides states, who of these lived closest to that time. Therefore Eusebius is right
when he says this great victory was in the 4th year of Artaxerxes. He also notes:

vv Cimon obtained this victory by sea and land against the Persians, near the River Eurymedon
and so the war with the Medes ended."

1 195. For from the beginning of Artaxerxes' reign (as we have put it according to Thucidedes'
account) his 4th year was the same as the 3rd year of the 77th Olympiad mentioned here by
Diodorus. Eusebius puts the first year of his reign with the first year of the 79th Olympiad.
Hence he must of necessity have placed his 4th year with the 4th year of the same Olympiad.
The best way is to set down this whole matter in the same order as we find it in Diodor and
Plutarch, thusly.

1 196. When Cimon had heard that the king's captains had taken up their station with a great
army by land and a fleet by sea in the coast of Pamphylia, he stayed at sea so that they might not
come within the Chelidonian Islands. He went with 200 ships from Cnidus and Triopium to the
Greek city of Phaselites. When they would not allow his navy into their port nor defect from the
Persians, he burned their country and assaulted their city. Nevertheless, at the intercession of
those of Chios, who were in the fleet, peace was made on the condition that they should pay ten
talents and follow Cimon in the war against the Persians. (Plut. in the life of Cimon.)

1 197. When Cimon understood that the Persian fleet sailed about the coast of Cyprus, he
presently set sail towards them with 250 ships against 340 of theirs. (Diod. Sic.) Though
Ephorus says that the Persians were 350 and Phanodemus 600 strong. Yet these did nothing
worthy of so great a navy. They that were next to the land abandoned their ships and fled to land
to the army that was arranged in battle array there. The rest were attacked by Cimon, taken and
killed. (Plutarch) Thucidides says that they took all 200 of the Phoenician ships and sank them.
Emil. Probus (in the life of Cimon) says that he overcame and took all the fleet of the Cyprians
and Phoenicians to the number of 200 ships. Diodorus states that the Athenians sank many of
their ships and took 100 ships with their crew as prisoners. When the soldiers were fled from the
ships into Cyprus, they took those ships without any prisoners. These verses recall this victory
which the Athenians made and offered to their god. They are found both in Diodorus and also in
Aristides' Platonic Oration.

For these when soldiers all were killed at land,
An hundred ships of the Phoenicians took,
All full of men.

1 198. Plutarch in his little discourse of the Athenian glory, says that Cimon brought from
Eurymedon about 100 Phoenician ships of war. Diodorus affirms that he took not only more
than 100 but also 340 ships, that is, the whole Persian navy and 20,000 men.

1 199. Cimon was not satisfied with this victory at sea. He attacked the land army of the Persians
in Asia which he saw ranged on the shore near the mouth of the river Eurymedon. To better
achieve victory, he dressed all his soldiers in the Persian clothes which he had taken. The
Persians thought these were their navy and welcomed them. Therefore, Cimon, as soon as it was
night, (and it was very dark without the moon shining) landed his men. They attacked the
enemies camp and killed all they met. Pherendates, one of the two chief commanders and the
king's brother's son was killed as he lay in his pavilion. The enemy was soon put to flight.
(Diodorus) Commenting on this stratagem, Polyenus, (1. 1.) mentions but mistakenly says that
Cimon landed his men in Cyprus and not in Pamphilia. Likewise does Julius Frontinus, in the
end of his 4th book, where Conon is found written instead of Cimon.

1200. Cimon captured 80 Phoenician ships near Hydus which were not in the battle nor had
even heard of it.

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1201. Cimon sailed from Athens with 4 ships and captured 13 Persian ships in the Chersonese of
Thracia. He expelled the Persians and Thracians and took possession of the place for the
Athenians. In all Asia from Ionia to Pamphylia, the Persian army was driven out. (Plut. in the
Life of Cimon.) Pericles assumed the leadership of Athens. He set out with 50 ships and
Ephialtes with 30 more. They sailed beyond the Chelidonian Islands in the sea of Pamphylia,
never saw a Persian ship all the way, according to Plutarch from Calisthenes. Isocrates, in his
Panathenaic, says, that neither a Persian war ship went closer to Greece than the port Phaselis
nor any company of them by land crossed over the river Halys. However, Diod. writes that when
the Persians saw the increase of the Athenian power, they started building ships faster than ever.

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1202. Ezra the priest, a scribe or a lawyer skilled in the law of Moses, obtained permission from
Artaxerxes the king and his seven counsellors to resettle the Jewish state and to reform the
religion at Jerusalem. By this grant, it was again made lawful for all the willing Jews to return.
They could send or carry with them any gold or silver that either the king and his nobles or the
Jews would offer to their God. There were also thereby given all sorts of furnishings for the
Lord's house. The treasurers beyond the river were ordered to supply them with all other needs
from the king's treasury. All who worked in the temple would be free from tribute. All the
people were allowed to live according to their own laws. Ezr 7: 1 1-26

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1203. In the 7th year of Artaxerxes, the first day of the first month, Ezra, with a great number of
Jews, left Babylon for Israel. Ezr 7:6,7,9 8:1-14,30

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1204. On the 12th day of the 1st month, they left from the river Ahava and on the 10th day of
the 5th month, in the 7th year of Artaxerxes' reign, they arrived at Jerusalem. They rested there
for 3 days. Ezr 7:8,9 8:30,32

1205. On the 4th day of the 5th month, the gold and silver which they had brought was weighed
and with the other furnishings, were put in the house of the Lord. Those who returned offered
their sacrifices to God. When this was done, the king's edicts were given to the governors and
rulers beyond the river who showed much favour to the people and the house of the Lord. Ezr
8:33-36

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1206. When Ezra knew that the Israelites had intermarried with the heathen he mourned and
fasted. He publicly made intersession to God, to avert his wrath on them. Ezr 9:1-15 When
many of the people sorrowed for this, Shecaniah advised Ezra to direct the people that they
would vow to God to put away their heathen wives and the children whom they had by them.
This was done. Ezr 10:1-17

1207. Those who returned from captivity, were ordered to appear at Jerusalem within 3 days.
Those that did not would be punished. Therefore all the men of Judah and Benjamin gathered in
the court of the temple, on the 20th day of the 9th month. They trembled over the seriousness of
the matter and because of the inclement weather. Ezra commanded every male to separate
himself from his heathen wife. This they agreed to and desired that judges might be appointed to
see that the orders were followed. Two priests and two Levites were appointed to help carry this
out. Ezr 10:7-15

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1208. This examination was held from the 1st day of the 10th month to the 1st of the 1st month.
In two months the matter of the heathen wives was settled. Ezr 10:16,17

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1209. Themistocles died a natural death at Magnesia. Others say he poisoned himself voluntarily
when he saw that he could not subdue Greece as he had promised the king. (Thuc. 1. 1.) Cicero
says in his Laelius, that he killed himself 20 years after the death of Coriolan. According to
Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, that would be in the 3rd year of the 78th Olympiad. That year has
this note by Eusebius in his Chron.

vv Themistocles, whom his own worth had made the conqueror, his own country's wrong made
him the general of the Persians. However, so that he might keep himself from attacking it, he
appointed a sacrifice at which he drank a bowl full of the bull's blood. Hence he fell as a noble
sacrifice of piety, dead before the altar. So memorable was his departure from this life that it had
this effect that Greece would never need another Themistocles after him."

1210. Concerning his death, Tully in his Burtus, makes Pompo Atticus to state it this way:

vv For as you now tell us a tale of Coriolan, so Clitarchus and Stratocles do the same of
Themistocles. Thucidides, who was an Athenian of noble rank and an excellent man, lived not
long after him. He says only that he died and that he was buried privately in some place in
Attica and that there was some suspicion that he poisoned himself. Concerning him these men
write that when he had sacrificed a bull, he drank the blood of it in a basin and died in that
place:"

1211. Though indeed before the writing of this History by Thucidides, the Athenians themselves
had heard it from Aristophanes, in Equitibus. He wrote this in Athens the 7th year of the
Peloponesian war, when Stratocles was ruler of Athens. He states that Themistocles died from
the drinking of bull's blood.

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1212. The 20th Jubilee.

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1213. Inaros, the son of Psammericus king of Libya (not a Lydian as Ctesias has it) journeyed
from Marca a city bordering on Pharus caused much of Egypt to defect from Artaxerxes. He was
proclaimed king by them and sent for the Athenians at Cyprus. These were engaged in a war
with 200 ships, some of their own and the rest from their allies. (Thusid. 1. 1.)

1214. When Artaxerxes heard of the Egyptian revolt, he gathered an army and a navy from all
his dominions. He spared no pains nor cost in doing this. (Diodorus Siculus, 2nd year, 79th
Olympiad) This is 2 years earlier than the more precise account given by Thucidides.

1215. Artaxerxes planned to head this army into Egypt but his friends persuaded him otherwise.
He sent his brother Achemenes to head that expedition with 400,000 soldiers and 80 ships.
(Ctesius) Diodorus agrees with him that he sent Achemenes as general in this Egyptian war but
he says that he was the son of Darius and Artxerxes was his great uncle and he had only 300,000
troops. He means by this that it was Achemenes the son of Darius Hystaspis and Atossa, to
whom Xerxes had given the government of Egypt after Xerxes had conquered it. (Herod. 1. 7. c.
7,97.)

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1216. When Achemenes (also called Achemenides) came into Egypt, he refreshed his army at
the Nile River after the long march and prepared for battle. Those on the other side gathered
what forces they could from Egypt and Libya and waited for the Athenians to arrive. (Diod.
Sic.)

1217. The Athenians came from sea and entering the mouth of the Nile. They quickly made
themselves masters of the river. (Thucid.) Inaros, together with Charamitis, who was admiral of
a fleet of 40 Athenian ships defeated the Persians. Of the 50 Persian ships, they took 20 with all
their men and sank the other 30. (Ctesias) But Diodorus Siculus tells us, that the entire Athenian

fleet of 200 ships at Cyprus came to Egypt, not 40 ships only, as Ctesias said.

1218. Inaros with his own Egyptian troops and Athenian reinforcements, fought a battle with the
Persians on land. By their sheer numbers, the Persians were winning. When the Athenians came
and forced their one wing of troops to retire, many Persians were killed. The rest of the Persian
army fled and many were slaughtered. (Diodor.) Of the 400,000 men who Achemenes brought
into the battle, he and 100,000 of his troops were killed. He died of a wound which he received
from Inaros' own hand and his body was sent to Artaxerxes. (Ctesias) Herodotus mentions
(Herod. 1. 3. c. 12. 1. 7. c. 7.) that Achamenes a son of Darius and of other Persians were slain by
Inaros a Libyan, son of Psammitichus at Papremes.

1219. The Athenians routed the Persians and took two thirds of Memphis. They attacked the
other part called the White Wall, where the Persians and Medes had fled. (Thucid. and Diod.)

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1220. When Artaxerxes heard of this great defeat, he sent Megabasus a Persian to Sparta with
money to pay the Peloponesians to attack the Athenians. He thought that this would draw the
Athenians from Egypt. The Lacedemonians would not take his money nor yield to any of his
plans. When the king realised this, he called Megabazus home again with the money that was
left. He commanded Megabyzus, the son of Zopyrus to make provisions to go to Egypt. (Thucid.
and Diod.) Megabysus was formerly a general in Xerxes' army. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 82.) He married
Xerxes' daughter, Amytis. (Ctesias) He was the son of Zopyrus who recovered Babylon for
Darius, the son of Hystaspes, according to Herodotus at the very end of his third book.

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1221. Artabazus and Megabyzus were made commanders for the war in Egypt. They had an
army of 300,000 troops. (Diod.) Ctesias says they only had 200,000.

1222. When they came into Cilicia and Phoenicia, the commanders stayed for a time to allow
the army a rest after so long a march. Meanwhile, they ordered the Cilicians, Cyprians and
Phoenicians to provide the navy. They of Thrice provided 300 ships, fully manned and equipped
for war. (Diod.) Oriscus was the admiral of the fleet. (Ctesias.)

1223. They spent almost a whole year in training the troops for war. The Athenians continued to
besiege the fort of the White Wall in Memphis. The Persians manfully defended it and the
Athenians saw no possibility of taking it by a direct attack. However, they besieged it for all this
year. (Diod.)

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1224. When the Persian commanders in Asia had trained their troops, they marched from there
through Syria and Phoenicia. Their navy of 300 ships sailed along the coast as they went. When
they came to Memphis, (Diod.) their army of 200,000 was joined by 300,000 troops left by
Achemenes in Egypt. They fought a fierce battle with the Egyptians and many died on each
side. More Egyptians were killed than Persians. Megabyzus wounded Inaros in the thigh who

fled into the stronghold, called Byblus, on the Isle of Prosopitis in the river of Nile. He was
joined by the surviving Greeks but the Greek general Charamites was killed in this battle. All
Egypt except that fort of Byblus defected to Megabysus.(Ctesias.)

1225. When Megabysus had driven both Egyptians and Greeks from the field of battle and out
of Memphis, he besieged them in the little Isle of Prosopitis for 18 months. (Thucid. 1. 1.)

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1226. In the 20th year of the reign of Artaxerxes, in the 9th month called Chisleu, Nehemiah
was at Susa, the winter quarters of the Persian kings. (Athenaus, Despnosoph. 12.) When he
received news how the wall of Jerusalem was still broken down and the gates burnt with fire, he
mourned, fasted and prayed to God. He asked that God would forgive the people's sins and give
him grace in the eyes of the king. Neh 1:1-11

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1227. In the same 20th year of the king, in the month Nisan, Nehemiah's turn came to serve as
cupbearer to the king. Both the king and queen, (whom I suppose to be her whom Ctesias calls
Damaspia) noticed his sorrowful appearance. He presented his request to them and obtained
permission from the king to be the governor of Judah and to rebuild Jerusalem. Neh 2:1-6 This
event marks the start of Daniel's 70 weeks. Da 9:24,25 (For starting date of Artaxeres reign, see
note on 3531 AM «1190». Editor.)

1228. Nehemiah with a commission and supplies from the king came to Jerusalem in spite of the
opposition from the governors Sanballat the Horonite of Moab and of Tobiah the Ammonite. He
began the work and replied to them who laughed at him for undertaking so foolish an
undertaking. Neh 2:7-20

1229. The Persian commanders in Egypt made the river dry which flowed around the Isle of
Prosopitis by diverting the water into another course. This left the Athenian ships aground and
joined the Isle of Prosopitis to the mainland. As soon as the Egyptians saw the Athenian ships
aground, they surrendered and made peace with the Persians. When the Athenians were deserted
by the Egyptians, they burned their ships so they would not fall into the hands of the enemy. The
Persians crossed the dry channel and took the island. When they saw the valour of the Athenians
and remembering the losses they had received by them previously, they allowed the 6000 of
them to return home with their possessions. (Thucid. Diod. Ctesias.)

1230. The fortunes of the Athenians in Egypt, where they had spent 6 years in war came to
naught. Egypt returned under the control of Artaxerxes except for Amyrtaeus, who was king of
those who lived in the low countries of Egypt. They could not take him because of the vastness
of the low country and its inhabitants were most warlike. (Thucid. 1.1.)

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1231. Eliashib, the son of Joiakim, the son of Jehu (or Jehoshua) the high priest and the rest of
the Jews, started to build the wall of Jerusalem, Neh 3: 1-32 on the 4th day of the 5th month Ab.

Neh6:15

1232. Sanballat and Tobiah with the Samaritans and other enemies of the Jews, first laughed at
this new work. When they saw the wall half up, they stopped mocking and consulted how to
destroy the builders. When Nehemiah knew this, he first prayed to God and then ordered his
men to be ready for a battle. Thus he thwarted the plans of their enemies.Neh 4: 1-23

1233. When Nehemiah heard the outcries of the people, he ordered them to be freed, the slaves
from their bondage and the debtor from their debt. Those who had mortgaged their lands or
goods were to be freed from their debt. He set a good example by releasing his debts and all
engagements of lands or goods made to him and freed the poor of public taxes. He gave liberally
to those in need. Neh 5:1-19

1234. Nehemiah was not only in danger from Sanballat and other enemies abroad but also from
false prophets and false brethren at home. They tried to hinder the work as much as the others
did. In spite of these difficulties, the wall was finished in 52 days, on the 25th day of the 6th
month called EM. Neh 6:1-19

1235. The dedication of the wall was performed with much celebration and great joy. Neh 12:27-
43

1236. Nehemiah took care of the various offices belonging to the house of the Lord. He
appointed governors over the city and ordered its guards. He called the congregation together
and numbered those who had returned from the captivity. He selected a number of people to live
in the city with the rest of its inhabitants. Everyone according to his ability, made their various
offerings to God, Neh 7:1-73

1237. When 50 Greek ships were sent to Egypt to relieve those who were there for so long, they
knew nothing of what had happened to their country men. They anchored at Mendesium which
is a mouth of Nile. They were attacked by the Persians from the land and the Phoenicians by
sea. Most of them were killed. A few escaped to carry news to Greece. Of that great army which
was there before, only a few returned into Greece again. Most were lost as they passed through
the deserts of Libya to get to Cyrene. This was the sad end which came to that great expedition
of the Athenians in Egypt. (Thucid. 1. 1.)

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1238. In the feast of trumpets, in the 1st day of the 7th month, all the Jews came together at
Jerusalem. The law of God was read by Ezra and expounded to them. When they heard it, they
were all greatly grieved and wept. They were encouraged by Nehemiah, Ezra and the Levites to
keep that feast with joy. Neh 8:1-12

1239. On the 2nd day of the same month, the elders of the families, the priests and Levites
consulted with Ezra concerning questions arising from the reading of the law. They were
encouraged to keep the feast of tabernacles Neh 8:13-15 outside in the fields in booths made of
boughs as stated in the law. Le 23:40

1240. On the 15th to the 21st day, the feast of Tabernacles was celebrated with great care and
devotion. For 7 days together, the law of God was read and the 8th day also was kept very
solemnly according to the law. Le 23:36

vv Neither was there the like feast of Tabernacles kept from the days of Joshua, the son of Nun, to
that time and there was great joy made." Neh 8:17,18

1241. Of this the Jews in their Greater Chronicle, (c. 30) speak in this manner:

vv It may be said that he compares this the return of the children of Israel into the land in the days
of Joshua. For as in the days of Joshua they were bound to tithes, to the year of Shemite, or
Remission and to Jubilees and to the hallowing of their walled towns. So now in their return in
the time of Ezra, they were in like manner obliged to keep the law of tithes of the years of
Shemite or Releasings, of Jubilees and to the hallowing of their walled cities. They rejoiced
greatly before the Lord."

1242. On the 24th of this month, the Israelites who returned, separated themselves from all
strangers, made public profession of their repentance. Neh 9:1-38 They renewed their covenant
with God and bound themselves to observe the law of God, his worship, Neh 10:1-39 and the
law, Le 25:4 De 15:1 of the sabbath and the sabbatical year. Neh 10:31

1243. The chief heads of the people feasted at Jerusalem. The rest cast lots, according to which
every tenth man would live in Jerusalem. Neh 11:1-36 ICh 9:1-44

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1244. Megabyzus left Sartamah as governor of Egypt and returned to Artaxerxes with Inaros
and some other Greeks. He gave them his word that they would not be harmed. Artaxerxes
carefully observed this though he was incensed against Inaros for having slain his brother
Achemenes. When his mother Amestris (called Amytis by Ctesias) desired vengeance on Inaros,
the Greeks and Megabyzus, the king refused her request. (Ctesias)

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1245. The Athenians sent Cimon their general with a fleet of 200 ships of their own and their
confederates into Cyprus. 60 went to Egypt to Amyrtaeus who was still in Egypt. The rest
besieged Citium, a city in Cyprus. (Thucid. 1. 1.) At this time Artabazus and Megabyzus
commanded the Persian forces. Artabazus had his fleet of 300 ships around Cyprus. Megabyzus
with the army of 300,000 troops stayed in Cilicia. (Diod. Sic. 1. 12. in the 3rd year of 82nd
Olympiad)

1246. Cimon sent messengers to the oracle at the temple of Ammon to ask about some secret
matter. (Plutarch in the Life of Cimon)

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1247. In the siege of Citium in Cyprus, (as Thucidides says) Cimon died either of a natural

disease, (as Emil. Probus has it) or, as others say, of a wound which he received in battle. When
he was about to die, he advised those that were about him to conceal his death and to return
home as fast as they could. It happened that this secret was well kept and all the Greek army
returned home safely under the conduct (as Phanedemus speaks) of Cimon who had been dead a
whole month. Those who were sent to consult the oracle, received the answer that Cimon was
already with him. When they returned to Egypt and they understood that Cimon died at that very
time when the oracle answered them. (Plutarch in the Life of Cimon.)

1248. When the Greek army returned from Egypt, they who besieged Citium in Cyprus, were
short of supplies. They lifted their siege and sailed to Salamis in the same island. Here they
fought with the Phoenicians, Cyprians and Cilicians, by sea and land. In the naval battle, they
sunk many enemy ships and captured a 100 with all the soldiers and sailors still in them. The
rest they pursued as far as Phoenicia. The Persians with the remaining ships, fled into Cilicia
where Megabyzus was with the army. The Athenians sailed there as fast as possible and landed
their men on the open shore and attacked the enemy. In this fight, Anaxicrates who commanded
the fleet, behaved himself most courageously and died a most noble and heroic death. They
defeated the Persians and slew many of the enemy. They returned to their ships and sailed home
with those returning from Egypt. (Diod. Sic. in the 3rd and 4th year of the 82nd Olympiad,) as
he stands corrected from Thucidides. Elian writes that the Athenians lost in Egypt 200 ships and
in Cyprus 150 with all their equipment. (Elian. Variar. Histor. 1. 5. c. 10.)

1249. When Artaxerxes heard of the loss of his men in Cyprus, he sought advice from his
council concerning this war. It was resolved that it was for the good of the kingdom that peace
should be made with the Greeks. Therefore the king wrote letters to the captains and
commanders in Cyprus that they make peace with the Greeks on any terms. Hereupon Artabazus
and Megabyzus sent messengers to Athens to seek peace. When the Athenians had consented to
their conditions, they sent commissioners to represent them having full power and authority. The
leader of the group was Callias, the son of Hipponicus. (Diod. in the 4th year of the 82nd
Olympiad.) At this time, the men of Argos sent their messengers to Susa to know if Artaxerxes
would honour the league they had made with his father Xerxes, or if he considered them
enemies. Artaxerxes answered that the league continued and that he considered no city more
friendly to him than Argos. (Herodotus, 1. 7. c. 152.)

1250. The peace between the Athenians and their confederates on the one side and the Persians
on the other was concluded with these conditions:

vv That no Persian governor would at any time come within three days journey of the sea and that
there would be no warship from either side be found between Phaselis and the Cyantan Isles:"

1251. Or as Plutarch expresses it,

vv That the king would not have any warships in all the sea between the Cyancan and the
Cheldonian Islands."

1252. When the king and his council of war had subscribed to these articles, then the Athenians
took an oath that they would not invade any of the king's provinces. (Diod. in the 4th year of the
82nd Olympiad)

1253. Plutarch (in the life of Cimon) says that they built an altar in memory of this peace and
that they gave many honours on Callias who had been the architect of it.

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1254. Artaxerxes wearied for 5 years with his mother's nagging, gave Inaros the Egyptian king
and the Greeks that came with him into her hand. The queen had the body of Inaros to be so
racked and stretched out and wrenched several ways. He hung on three different crosses at one
time. She had the 50 Greeks (for she could catch no more) decapitated. (Ctesius) Thucidides
says that Inaros king of Libya was taken by treachery and crucified. Herodotus tells us, that his
son Thammyras by the favour of the Persians, held the government of Egypt which his father
had held before him. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 5.)

1255. Megabyzus was greatly grieved by the death of Inaros and those Greeks. He asked
permission to go to his own government in Syria. He had secretly sent the rest of the Greeks
there. He following them there and as soon as he came to Syria he revolted from the king and
gathered an army of 150,000 men. (Ctesias)

3557 AM, 4267 JP, 447 BC

1256. Osiris was sent against Megabyzus with an army of 200,000 men. In the battle, Osiris
wounded Megabyzus with a dart in the thigh two inches deep. Likewise, he wounded Osiris with
a dart first in the thigh and then in the shoulder. As Osiris fell from his horse, Megabyzus caught
him about by the middle and saved him. Many of the Persians fell and the two sons of
Megabyzus, Zopyrus and Artipsyus fought valiantly that day. Megabyzus won and carefully
returned Osiris to Artaxerxes who demanded his return. (Ctesias.)

3558 AM, 4268 JP, 446 BC

1257. Another army was sent against Megabyzus. The general was Menostanes, or Menostates,
son to Artarius, governor of Babylon and brother to king Artaxerxes. In the battle, Megabyzus
wounded Menostanes in the shoulder and in the head. Neither of those wounds were mortal, but
when it happened, he and all his army fled and Megabyzus had a most glorious victory.
(Ctesias)

1258. Artarius, Artoxares the eunuch, a Paphlagonian and Amestris, the queen mother,
persuaded Megabyzus to come to terms with the king. After much effort, Artarius, Amytis' wife
and Artoxares, who was now 20 years of age and Petisas, the son of Osiris, prevailed with him
to come to the king. When he came, the king sent him word that he freely pardoned him all his
past offences. A little later when the king was hunting, a lion set upon him. When Megabyzus
saw the lion raised upon his hind feet, slew him with his spear. The king was angry with him
because he had done it before the king could. He commanded that Megabyzus be decapitated.
The intercession of Amestris, Amyris and others, spared his life and he was sent away and
confined to the island of Cirta in the Read Sea (sic). Artoxares the eunuch for having spoken too
freely with the king on the behalf of Megabyzus, was banished into Armenia. (Ctesias.)

3559 AM, 4269 JP, 445 BC

1259. When Herodotus read his books at Athens before the council there, he was much
honoured for them, according to Euseb. in his Chron. There Scaliger notes that Herodotus wrote
his books before his going into Great Greece (Southern Italy) not in Great Greece itself as some
think following Pliny on this. We shall see more in the next year. But I observe that in these
books mention is made often of the Peloponesian war, both in (the 7th book c. 137. and in the
9th book c. 72.) In the former reference, a thing is related that was done in the 2nd year of that
war. In the later, a thing that happened in the 19th year of it at Decelaea. This is 22 years after
the time consigned by Euseb. to the reading of his book at Athens. See more on this in the year
3596 and 3597.

3560 AM, 4270 JP, 444 BC

1260. In the first year of the 84th Olympiad, when Praxiteles was the governor of Athens, 12
years before the Peloponesian war began, the Athenians sent a colony into Great Greece
(Southern Italy) to rebuild the decayed city of Thurii. Lysias, a youth of 15 years of age was one
of the leaders in this group (Plutarch and Dionysus Halicarnassaeus in the life of Lysians the
Orator) along with Herodotus who was 41 years old. Although he was born at Halicarnassus in
Caria, he obtained the surname of Thurius after this because of his part in reestablishing Thurii.
(Strabo, 1. 14) The 84th Olympiad happened on the 310th year from the founding of Rome,
according to Varro's account. In this year Pliny says that Herodotus compiled his History in
Thurii in Italy, (Pliny 1. 12. c. 4.) as mentioned in the previous year.

3562 AM, 4272 JP, 442 BC

1261. In this year all wars ceased throughout Asia, Greece, Sicily, Italy, Gaul, Spain and almost
the entire world. (Diod. Sic. 3rd year of the 84th Olympiad.)

1262. After Nehemiah had governed Judah for 12 years, that is from the 20th year of the reign
of Artaxerxes to the 32nd of the same, he returned to the king. (Ne 5:14, 13:6)

1263. In his absence Eliashib the priest, who was over the chamber of the house of God and had
made an alliance with Tobiah, prepared a room for him in the court of the temple. In this place
the gifts and tithes were formerly kept. The son of Joiada, the son of Eliashib the high priest,
(who was a different man from Eliashib of whom I just mentioned) became son-in-law to
Sanballat the Horonite after he married his daughter. When Nehemiah returned to Jerusalem
with a new commission, he quickly redressed and severely punished these and other wrong
doings. (Ne 13:1-31)

3563 AM, 4273 JP, 441 BC

1264. After Megabyzus had lived 5 years in exile, he fled from the Island where he was
confined and feigning himself to be a "pisagas", (i.e. leper in the Persian language and one to
whom no man might approach) he came home to his wife Amytis. By her and Amestris, the
king's mother, he was at last reconciled to the king. He sat at the king's table as before and died
at age 76. The king grieved very much for him. (Ctesias.)

3564 AM, 4274 JP, 440 BC

1265. In this year, the Samians and Milesians went to war over the ownership of the city of
Priene. This was the beginning of the 6th year, (according to Thucidides) of the 30 years of
peace and the league between the Athenians and Lacedemonians. It was in the middle of the 4th
year of the 84th Olympiad according to Diodorus. Priene was a city in Caria, which the Samians
and Milesians each claimed. The Milesians were too weak to defeat the Samians. They drew to
their side some Samians who were unhappy with things in their country. They went to Athens
and complained of the behaviour of the citizens of Samos. The Athenians sent for them to lay
down their arms and negotiate the matter at Athens. When the Samians refused to do this,
Pericles prevailed to have war declared against them. He did this as a favour to his prostitute
Aspasia, that famous courtesan whom he doted on not so much for her beauty as for her wit. She
was the daughter of Axiochus of Milesia. The Athenians sent a fleet of 40 ships under the
command of Pericles and easily took the city of Samos. He changed the government from an
aristocracy to a democratic one.

1266. After Pericles returned from Samos, there arose in Samos a terrible sedition. Some wanted
a democratic government and others wanted the old aristocracy. Those who disliked the
democratic form, conspired with the chief men of the city and sent to Asia to Pissuthnes, the son
of Hystalpes the governor of Sardis. When they had made a league with him, he gave them a
band of 700 soldiers. They returned in the still of the night to the Samos and were joined by
others of their consorts. They surprised and captured the town. They declared themselves
enemies to the Athenians and took the whole garrison of them with the captain and officers.
They sent them to Pissuthnes as a gift. They immediately marched against Miletus. The
inhabitants of Byzantium were also allies with them against the Athenians.

1267. When the Athenians heard of the revolt of Samos, they sent 60 ships. 16 went towards
Caria to attack the Phoenician fleet in those parts and into Chios and Lesbos to take on allies
from there. The other 44 vessels continued with Pericles as the admiral and his 9 colleagues.
The Samians recalled their 20 ships which they had sent full of soldiers to assault Miletus. They
were joined by 50 more ships. They fought with the 44 ships of the Athenians near an island
called Tragia and were defeated. From there the Athenians with 40 more ships from home and
25 more from Chios and Lesbos, went and landed with their forces on the Isle of Samos. They
captured the island and made a triple ditch about the city by land. They besieged the city with
their ships.

1268. A few days later Pericles learned by letters from Caria and Caunus, that the Phoenician
fleet was coming towards him to relieve Samos. He left part of his army to maintain the siege
and took 60 ships from the navy. He went as fast as he could to meet the Phoenician navy.
Stesagoras went with him with 5 ships from Samos.

1269. The Samians took advantage of the absence of Pericles. Under the command of Melislus,
the son of Ithogenes an outstanding philosopher, they attacked the Athenian camp which was
neither fenced nor manned as it ought to have been. When they sunk the ships which kept the
island and defeated and routed the army, they freely traded and brought in supplies for 14 days.

1270. When Pericles heard what had happened to his men at Samos, he hurried back as fast as
he could with a larger fleet. Thucidides, Agnon and Phormio joined him with 40 ships.
Tlepolemus and Anticles brought 20 more ships from Athens. Chios and Mitylene sent him 30
ships. With these great forces, he attacked and defeated Melislus. He besieged the town by land

and sea as before and harassed them with frequent assaults on every side. Some say that those
engines of battery, as Rams and Vines and Galleries were first invented here by one Artemon of
Clazomena. Ephorus the historian confuses him with Artemon Periphresus of whom Anacreon
the poet in his poetry mentions, (recited by Athenaeus 1. 12.) (Thucid. 1. 1.) (Diod. Sic. in the 4th
year of 84th Olympiad) (Plutarch in the life of Pericles,)

1271. After a 9 month siege, the Samians surrendered. The town was immediately destroyed and
they gave hostages for their fidelity in time to come. They gave up all their ships. They paid for
the expense of the war and made an instalment payment then. Those of Byzantium submitted to
the Athenian government as before. (Thucid. 1. 1.)

3566 AM, 4276 JP, 438 BC

1272. Spartacus succeeded Archaeanactides in the kingdom of Bosphorus Cimmerius. (Diod.
the 3rd year of the 85th Olympiad.)

3571 AM, 4281 JP, 433 BC

1273. Spartacus died after reigning 17 years. (Diod. Sic. in the 4th year of the 86th Olympiad) In
the 3rd year of the 85th Olympiad, he states that he reigned 17 years. The interval between these
two Olympic years assigned by him the one to the beginning, the other to the end of his reign
only make up 5 or at most both parts being included only 6 years of his reign. After him came
Seleucus.

3572 AM, 4282 JP, 432 BC

1274. At Athens in the year when Apseudes was over the government and in the last year almost
ended in the 86th Olympiad, Metone observed the summer solstice to be upon the 21st day of
the Egyptian month, Phamenoth (or the 27th day of June, according to the Julian calendar) in the
morning. (Ptolemy, in his Mag. Syntax 1. 3. c. 2.) From this he formulated the Cyclus Punaris, or
the circle of the moon which we call the Golden Number of 19 years. (Diod. Sic. the 4th year of
the 85th Olympiad) He deduced the beginning of this cycle from the next new moon following
that solstice on the 15th day of July, according to the Julian calendar.

3573 AM, 4283 JP, 431 BC

1275. Arcesilaus was killed by his subjects the Cyrenians. He was the 8th king in that state and
the man who in the 3rd year of the 73rd Olympiad, won the 31st Pythian race with his chariot.
He was made famous for that by Pindarus, in his 4th and 5th Ode. When his son would have
succeeded, he was disallowed by the Cyrenians. Thereupon he sailed into the Hesperides or
western islands and there died. So that kingdom of Cyrenia which had stood for 200 years came
to an end. It had four kings of the name of Battus and four of the name of Archelaus. These
interchangeably succeeded each other in the kingdom according to the oracle at Delphi as
reported by Herod. (Herod. 1. 4. c. 163.) (Scholiast. Pind. in Od. 4. Pythion.)

1276. Toward the end of the 1st year of the 87th Olympiad, when there were only two months
remaining in the rule of Pythodorus of Athens in the beginning of the spring, the Peloponesian

war started between the Lacedemonians and the Athenians. The nations living along the coast of
Asia, sided with the Athenians, All the Carians, the Dores, the Ionians, those of Hellespont, and
all the adjoining islanders supported Athens except for the two islands of Melos and Thera. Both
sides sent their embassies to Artaxerxes asking for help. (Thucid. 1. 2.)

1277. At the beginning of this war lived 3 famous historians, Hellanicus of the age of 65,
Herodotus at 53 and Thucidides at 40. (A. Gellius, in his 15th book. c. 23. states this from
Pamphylia, 1. 11.) Thucidides wrote the entire history of this war to its 21st year. He carefully
wrote what happened by the winters and summers. He began every summer from the first of the
spring and every winter from the first of autumn.

1278. In the first summer of this war, there was a total eclipse of the sun that was so dark, the
stars appeared in the sky. (Thucid. 1. 2.) This caused great fear among all men as a sad and great
omen in the world. When Pericles saw the captain of the ship he was on, troubled by the eclipse,
he put his cloak over his eyes. He asked him whether he was afraid at that or whether he thought
it portended any great event or not. When he said no, then Pericles replied what was the
difference between this covering of the sun and that except that the eclipsed area was much
larger than my cloak? (Plutarch in the life of Pericles) He discussed with him the causes of the
eclipses of the sun and moon and their motions by which they moved, according as he had
learned from his teacher Anaxagoras. He persuaded his fellow citizens not to trouble themselves
with a vain and needless fear. (Valer. Max. 1. 8. c. 11.) This eclipse happened on August 3rd at 5
o'clock in the afternoon at Athens. About 80% or 10 digits of the sun was covered.

3574 AM, 4284 JP, 430 BC

1279. A dreadful plague started first in Ethiopia and spread from there into Libya and Egypt and
especially into the regions of the Persian dominion. It raged unchecked in the city of Athens in
the 2nd year of this war. (Thucid. 1. 2.) From a historical perspective, he documents the nature of
this plague. He was sick with it and often in company with those who were sick. Hippocrates as
a physician who lived in Athens and was used in the curing of various persons afflicted with the
plague. He describes the plague from a medical view point. (1. 3. Epidem. Sect. 3.) Lucretius,
who lived many years after, describes this in his poetry.

1280. A sedition happened in a town of the Colophonians, called Notium. When Itamenes and
his Median soldiers were called in by one of the sides, they came and possessed the strongest
part of the town. (Thucid. 1. 3.)

1281. In the later end of this summer, Aristeas, the son of Adimantus a Corinthian and the
ambassadors of the Lacedemonians, Aneristus and Nicolaus, and Patrodemus and Timagoras of
Tegrea and Polis of Argos, journeyed into Asia toward Artaxerxes to ask of him aid of men and
money for the war. They went by Thrace and came to its king, Sitalces, the son of Tereas. They
planned to pass over the Hellespont and to go to Pharnaces, the son of Pharnatacus, hoping to
have him convoy them to safely to Artaxerxes. They were betrayed by Saducus, the son of
Sitalces the king and Nymphodorus of Abdera, the son of Pytheus. They were all taken to
Athens. The Athenians without any hearing killed them the same day they arrived and threw
their bodies into a ditch. (Thucid. 1. 2. with Herod. 1. 7, c. 137.)

3575a AM, 4284 JP, 430 BC

1282. The following winter the Athenians sent 6 ships to Caria under the command of
Melesandrus. They intended to gather money from those parts and to rid the seas of pirates.
These were from Peloponesus and preyed on poor merchants ships with their cargo which they
traded along the coast of Phaselis, Phenice and other ports of the continent. Melesandrus with
his Athenians and other confederates did not stay at sea. They went ashore in Licia and were
defeated by the enemy. He and most of his army were killed. (Thucid. 1. 2.)

1283. Seleucus, the king of Bosphorus Cimmerius, died after ruling for 4 years. (Diod. 4th of the
86th Olympiad.) After him Spartacus the 2nd reigned for 22 years.

3576 AM, 4286 JP, 428 BC

1284. Pericles died in the 4th year of 87th Olympiad, (Diod. 1. 12.) 2 years and 6 months after
the beginning of the Peloponesian war which he was the main cause of. (Thucid. 1. 2.) He was
senior statesman had continued as a prince of the Athenian state for 40 years. (Cic. 1. 3. de
oratore and Plutarch in the life of Pericles.)

1285. In the year Anaxagoras of Clazomenae died. He was Pericles' teacher and was born in the
70th Olympiad and died in the 1st year of the 88th Olympiad, according to Laetius in his life
from Apollodorus' Chron. However, there it is incorrectly stated as Olympiad 78. He adds that
the men of Lampsacus bestowed on him an honourable burial with this epitaph, as recorded also
by Elian, (1. 8. Var. Histor. c. ult.) on his tomb.

Great Anaxagoras lies here in mould,
Who did all secrets of the heavens unfold.

3577 AM, 4287 JP, 427 BC

1286. In the winter season of the 4th year of the Peloponesian war, the Athenians sent 12 ships
commanded by Lysicles with four commissioners to collect their tribute from their confederate
cities. Lysicles went from place to place to gather money. When he was leaving Myus through
Caria, the Carians and Anaeitae ambushed and killed him and most of his army. (Thucid. 1. 3.)

1287. When Alcides, the commander of the Lacedemonian fleet, came to the cape of Myonesus
in the country of the Teii, he killed most of the Greeks whom he had taken prisoners from Asia.
When he came to Ephesus, some messengers from the Samians who were of the Anaeitae,
rebuked him. They said he was wrong to deliver the Greek nation from servitude if he purposed
to destroy people who never bare arms against him nor were his enemies. Their only crime was
being forced to pay tribute to the Athenians. He then spared the rest and let them go.

1288. A new broil arose between the old citizens which dwelt in the lower town of Notium and
those which had recently fled there. When these saw the power of the Arcadians and other
barbarians as Pissuthnes which the governor of Lydia had sent. They made a wall around the
upper town for a fortification against the lower town. They made a league with the
Colophonians who lived in the upper town and sided with the Medes making one accord with
them. The other side sent for Pachetes, a captain of the Athenians to come and help them. When
he came, he defeated Hippias. Pissuthnes the captain of the Arcadians in the fort was asked to

leave the fort for a talk. They promised him that if they could not agree, he could return safely to
the fort again. When he came, Pachetes took and committed him to safe custody without
manacles or fetters. He attacked and captured the fort. Everyone in the fort was killed, both
Arcadians and Barbarians. Lastly, to keep his word with Hippias he let him return safely to the
fort. As soon as he came to the fort, they laid hold on him again and shot him to death with
arrows. So Pachetes restored Botium to the Colophonians, except to those who had sided with
the Medes. Afterward the Athenians sent a colony there and governed the place according to
their own laws. They gathered as many of the Colophonians from all parts as they could find to
live there. (Thucid. 1. 3. Polya. Stratag. 1. 3.)

3579c AM, 4289 JP, 425 BC

1289. Artaxerxes sent Artaphernes, a Persian ambassador, with a letter written in the Assyrian
language to Lacedemon. Among other things he said that he did not know what they wanted
from him for they had sent so many ambassadors to him. None of them agreed with each other.
Therefore if they would have him understand what they wanted, they should send some men of
their own to him. (Thucid. 1. 4.)

3579c AM, 4289 JP, 425 BC

1290. In the interim, Artaxerxes died and his son Xerxes succeeded him for only one year.
(Diod. Sic. the 4th year of the 88th Olympiad) His mother Damaspia died the same day that her
husband Artaxerxes (as the sequel shows) did. Bagorazus the eunuch carried the bodies of both
the father and mother into Persia. (Ctesias.)

3580a AM, 4289 JP, 425 BC

1291. In the winter of the 7th year of the Peloponesian war, Aristides, the son of Archippus, one
of the captains who were sent from Athens to gather the tribute of their confederates captured
Artaphernes the Persian ambassador as he was going to Lacedemon. This was at a place called
Etone on the river Strimon. He brought him as a prisoner to Athens whom the Athenians
presently sent back to Ephesus accompanied with an ambassador. When they came there and
heard that Artaxerxes had recently died, they returned home again. (Thucid. 1. 4.)

3580b AM, 4290 JP, 424 BC

1292. In the beginning of the next summer (the beginning of spring), Thucidedes says there was
a partial eclipse of the sun, beginning on the first day of spring, on the 21st day of March,
according to the Julian Calendar. This was toward the end of the 4th year of the 88th Olympiad,
in the morning. The sun was more than half eclipsed, according to the Prutenian account.

1293. The exiles from Mitylene after their city was taken by the Athenians joined with the exiles
from Lesbos. They hired some others from Peloponesus and went and took Rhaetium. After they
received money from them, they spared the city. From there they went to Antandrus and it was
betrayed into their hands. Their initial purpose was to liberate Mitylenian cities in Actea now
controlled by Athens and in particular, Antandrus. They fortified it. Using timber from the hill
Ida, they planned to build ships. They hoped to take over the city of Lesbos and other cities in

Eolia. (Thucid. 1. 4.)

3580c AM, 4290 JP, 424 BC

1294. At the same time, Aristides and Demodocus also called Symmachus, the captains of the
Athenian Navy were in the Hellespont gathering their tribute. Lamachus, their third captain, was
gone with 10 ships into Pontus. When they heard that the Mitylenians purposed to fortify
Antandrus, they gathered an army of their confederates and set sail for Mitylene. When the
enemy sallied out from there, they defeated them in the field and captured the town. When
Lamachus who was gone into Pontus, came to the mouth of the river Caleces, (Diodorus calls it
Cachetes) in Heracleotis, he left his ships at anchor and spoiled all the country about Heraclea.
These cities favoured Persia and had refused to pay tribute to Athens. After a heavy rain, the
swollen river current drove their ships on the rocky shore. He lost his whole fleet and a large
part of his army besides. He could not return home by sea and dared not return by land with so
small a company through so many fierce and warlike nations. The Heraclea, used this occasion
to befriend these nations rather than to be revenged of them. They used the tribute for Athens to
influence friends and buy provisions for their return trip home. Lamachus, with the company
which he had left went overland through the country of the Thracians, who dwelt on the Asian
side and came safely to Chalcedon. (Thucid. 1. 4. Diodor. 1. 12. Justin 1. 16. c. 3.)

3580d AM, 4290 JP, 424 BC

1295. When Xerxes was roaring drunk on a festival day, he was killed in his chamber when he
was sleeping. His brother Secundianus, born of Aloguna, a Babylonish woman and Pharnacyas
an eunuch, murdered him. (Ctesias.)

1296. Secundianus had for a long time borne a grudge to Bagoras the eunuch. He picked a
quarrel with him for burying his father's body without his advise and ordered that he be stoned
to death. His army took offence at this even though he gave them much money. From that time
on the army hated him for murdering his brother. (Ctesias.)

3581a AM, 4290 JP, 424 BC

1297. Secundianus sent for his brother Ochus whom his father Artaxerxes had made governor of
Hyrcania. He refused to come. He sent word he would come but he did not. This he did often.
Finally he gathered a mighty army and intended to take over the kingdom. Arbarius who was
general of the cavalry to Secundianus, defected to Ochus. Arxanes, the governor of Egypt, also
defected. Artoxares came in person from Armenia and asked if he planned to make himself king.
(Ctesias.)

3581b AM, 4291 JP, 423 BC

1298. Ochus was made king and called himself after that time Darius. By the advice of both
Parysatis, his wife and his sister, he first tried to win over his brother Secundianus.
Menosthanes, who was the greatest man with him among all his eunuchs, urged Secundianus not
to believe his words nor have any treaty with faithless men. However, Secundianus came to a
treaty and was captured there and died when thrown into a heap of ashes. (Ctesias) Concerning

this type of punishment, see note on 3485b AM and /APC 2Ma 13:5,6.

1299. When Secundianus, or Sogdianus, was dead, then Ochus reigned alone and was known by
the name of Darius Nothus. This happened toward the end of the first year of the 89th
Olympiad. (Thucid. 1. 8.) (Diod. Sic. 3rd year 89th Olympiad)

3582 AM, 4292 JP, 422 BC

1300. When the men of Delos were driven out of their country by the Athenians, Pharnaces gave
them Adramyttium in Asia to live in. (Thucid. 1. 5. Diod. Sic. 3rd year 89th Olympiad.)

3583 AM, 4293 JP, 421 BC

1301. The Athenians, by command of the oracle at Delphi, restored those of Delos to their island
again. (Thucid. 1. 5.)

3588 AM, 4298 JP, 416 BC

1302. Those of Byzantium and Chalcedon were joined by the Thracians and passed with a great
army into Bithynia. When they had wasted the country and forced many of the smaller towns,
they used unmeasurable cruelties toward them. When they had gathered an huge multitude of
men, women and children, they butchered everyone of them. (Diod. 1st year of 91st. Olympiad.)

3589a AM, 4298 JP, 416 BC

1303. Jubilee 21 was the last one seen by the prophets of the Old Testament. For in Ne 12:22 is
not to be understood of Darius but of this Darius Nothus in whose time Ne 12:22 signifies, that
Johananes, called also Johannes and Jonathan, obtained the high priesthood after his father
Joiada, (whom Josephus calls Judas). Jadduas' son, who succeeded his father in the priesthood,
was born then also. These things Nehemiah mentions only in passing. His book ends with the
time of Artaxerxes Longimanus, the father of this Darius, of whom Josephus (1. 1. cont. Aplons)
says:

vv From the death of Moses to Artaxerxes, king of Persia who succeeded Xerxes, the prophets
wrote 13 books. From Artaxerxes to our time, all things indeed have been likewise committed to
writing but not held in the same esteem as the former because the succession of the prophets one
after another has been uncertain."

1304. Euseb. in Chron. in the 32nd year of Artaxerxes, with whom the continued history of
Nehemiah ended, states:

vv Hitherto, the divine Scriptures of the Hebrews contain the annals of the times. Those things
which were done among them after this time, we must derive from the books of the Maccabees
and from the writings of Josephus and Africanus. He wrote a general history of things done
among them down to the Roman times."

1305. Malachi, the last of the prophets, was contemporary with Nehemiah. This we gather from
the following. He nowhere exhorts the people to build the temple as Haggai and Zechariah did.
Since the Temple was now built, he reproved those disorders among the Jews which Nehemiah
at his second return with a new commission did also. These are, the marriage with foreign
women, Mai 2:11 withholding of tithes, Mai 3:8 and abuses in the worship of God. Mai 1:13 2:8
Now they were no longer to expect a continual succession of prophets as before. Therefore
Malachi in the last words of his prophecy exhorts them that they should hold fast to the law of
Moses until Christ that great prophet of the church should appear whose with his forerunner
John the Baptist.

vv in the spirit and power of Elias, to turn the hearts of the fathers to their children and the rebels
to the wisdom of the just,Mal 4:5 Lu 1:17 Mt 11:14 17:12 to which has reference to Jerome (1.
13. of his comment upon Isaiah chapter 49.) After Haggai and Zechariah and Malachi, I see no
other prophet till John the Baptist. See /APC IMa 4:46 9:27 and (August, de Cicit. Dei 1. 17. c.

24.)

1306. We read in the book of Pirke Abbeth, that the men of the Great Synagogue succeeded the
prophets. However, the Jews in later times count even Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, among
them and make Ezra the president of this Great Synagogue.

3590 AM, 4300 JP, 414 BC

1307. Pissuthnes the governor of Lydia, revolted from Darius. Therefore Tissaphernes,
Spitladares and Pharmises were sent against him. Pissuthnes went to meet them. He had with
him Lycon an Athenian with the Greeks under his command. The king's commanders bribed
Lycon and his Greeks to abandon Pissuthnes. Then they drew in Pissuthnes with the promise of
safely an brought him to the king, which they did. The king ordered, 'Away with him to the ash
heap" and gave his government to Tislaphernes. Lycon had cities and countries given to him for
a reward for his treachery. (Ctesias.)

1308. Eusebius in his Chron. notes that Egypt rebelled from the Persians and that Amyrtaius
Saites reigned there for 6 years. This seems to be the same Amirtaeus who Herodotus writes of,
(Herod. 1. I.e. 140. 1. 3. c. 15.) where he shows that he did the Persians much damage.

3591 AM, 4301 JP, 413 BC

1309. In the 19th summer of the Peloponesian war, when Nicias would have withdrawn his
army at night from before the walls of Syracuse in Sicily, there appeared an eclipse of the Moon
about ten o'clock at night in the month Metagiton. This was on the 27th of August, according to
the Julian Calender. At the sight of this, he was so terrified that he did not withdraw at that time.
By delaying he and his whole army perished. (Thucid. 1. 7. Polyb. 1. 9. Diod. Sic. year 4. of 91.
Olympiad, Plin. 1. 2. c. 12. Plutarch in the life of Nicias and in his book, De Superstition.)

1310. The next winter, Tissaphernes of Lydia and Pharnabazus of Hellespont, two governors of
Darius whose countries bordered the sea coast in the lesser Asia, sought to recover the old
tribute from the Greek cities lying within their control. Recently the Athenians had forbidden
them to pay tribute to the king. They dealt with them underhandedly to make them defect from
the Athenians. They solicited the Peloponesians in general to make a new war on Athens and

had the Lacedemonians in particular become allies of the Persian king. When the Athenians
power was thus weakened in Asia on whom Pissuthnes had founded all his hopes, Tissaphernes
sought by all means how to capture Amorges a bastard son of Pissuthnes who had taken up arms
in Casia. He was commanded to send him alive or dead to the king. When he found that the
citizens of Chios and Erythrae were ready to revolt from the Athenians, he sent his messenger
with theirs to Lacedemon to negotiate the matter by the common agreement. (Thucid. 1. 9.)

131 1. At the same time Calligetus of Megara and Timagoras of Cyzicum who were both
banished from their country, came to Lacedemon. They were sent by Pharnabazus who had
entertained them during the time of their exile. They went in the name of the inhabitants of
Cyzicum, to got ships to carry them into the Hellespont. When the messengers of Pharnabazus
and Tislaphernes each made their request separately, the Lacedemonians were divided as to
what to do. Some advised that Ionia and Chios should be helped first, others the Hellespont.
Alcibiades helped decide the matter. He was a condemned man at Athens who lived in Sparta, in
a house with Endius, one of the Ephore who was a friend of his father. Therefore they made an
agreement with the Chii and Erythraeans and ordered 40 ships to be sent to help them.
Calligetus and Timagoras, who were there on the behalf of Pharnabazus and the men of
Cyzicum, contributed nothing toward this fleet for Chios. They withheld the 25 talents which
they had brought with them to hire ships for themselves because they planned to prepare a fleet
of their own. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

3592 AM, 4302 JP, 412 BC

1312. In the 20th summer of the Peloponesian war, Alcibiades an Athenian, and Chalcideus a
Lacedemonian were sent by Endius and the rest of the Ephori with 5 ships into Ionia. They
planned to try to make the Greek cities defect from the Athenian side. The Clazomenae went to
the mainland and built a strong fort there so they would have a safe place to go if their island
was attacked. Similarly, did the other islands that revolted from the Athenians. They built forts
and prepared for war. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1313. Strombichides, the commander of the Athenians came with 8 ships to Samos. Another
ship joined him here and they sailed to Teus. They persuaded them not to defect from the
Athenians. Chalcideus came there also with 23 ships and some foot soldiers from the
Clazomenians and Erythreans. The Teians at first refused to receive the soldiers but when they
saw the Athenians had fled, they took them in. These waited for the return of the Chalcideus
from pursuing the Athenians. When they did not return, they threw down the wall which the
Athenians had made on the land side with the help of those who were under the command of
Tages Tissaphernes. When Chalcideus and Alcibiades had pursued Strombichides as far as
Samos, more ships from Chios joined them and they sailed to Miletus. By the means of
Alcibiades, who had an important acquaintance with the noble men there, they persuaded them
also to defect from the Athenians. When the Athenians followed them there, they were kept out
by the Milesians. They retreated to an island called Lada opposite Miletus. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1314. Therefore, the Chii sailed with 10 ships to the city, Anaea in Caria to learn the status of
Miletus and to induce other cities to defect from the Athenians. They were called back by
Chalcideus because Amorges the son of Pissuthnes was approaching with his army. They came
to a small town Diosbierou in Ionia. When they saw a fleet of 16 Athenian ships that were sent
from there under the command of Diomedon to join with Thrasicles, they dispersed themselves.
One ship went to Ephesus, the rest to Teus. Four were captured by the Athenians but all the men

on them had escaped to shore. The rest of the ships came safely to Teus. After this when the
Athenians were gone to Samos, the Chii pursued their purpose with the remainder of their fleet
and forces and drew over to their side cities of Lebedus and Eras in Ionia. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1315. After the foot soldiers of the Chii departed from Teus, Tissaphernes came there with his
army and pulled down what was left of the walls of Teus and went away. No sooner was he
gone then Diomedon, with 10 Athenian ships came there and was received by the Teians also.
He went to Eras and when he was unable to capture it, he went his way. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1316. When the Athenians had taken the fort which the Clazomenians had built on the continent,
they forced them to return to their island. The leaders of the revolt were sent to Daphnus. The
Clazomenians again submitted to the Athenians. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

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1317. That same summer, the Athenians with 20 ships, which were at Lada opposite Miletus,
landed at Panormus. They attacked Chalcideus, the Lacedemonian and killed him and all that
were with him. They returned from there 3 days later and erected a monument in memory of
what they had done. Because this was done by those who did not control the country, the
Milesians demolished it. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1318. In the end of the summer, the Athenians with 1500 soldiers and 1000 men from Argos and
many of their other confederates sailed to Samos with 48 ships commanded by Phrynichus and
Onomacles and Saronidas. From there they sailed for Miletus and positioned their army before
the city. 800 Milesian soldiers attacked them, Alcibiades, with those whom Chalcideus had
brought from Peloponesus and certain soldiers. These came from a foreign nation which
followed Tissaphernes and were commanded by Tissaphernes. The Argivi which led the van in
the wing where they were, trusting too much in their valour and were routed by the Milesians.
The Ionians were held in contempt by the Argivi. They lost 300 men but eventually the
Athenians won the battle. They set up a monument in the field and besieged the city on that
peninsula. When news came that a fleet from Sicily and Peloponesus was heading that way, they
followed the advice of Phrynicus and withdrew to Samos. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1319. When the fleet came with the ships of Chios which had formerly been beaten by
Chalcideus, they were asked by Tissaphernes to attack Jasos. Here lived Amorges the bastard
son of Pisluthnes, (who had revolted form the king). The Peloponesians under the command of
Astyochus the admiral to whom Theramenes a Lacedemonian had brought that fleet and the
Syracusans (who were very courageous under their general Hermocrates) suddenly attacked the
Jasians and took the city. The Jasians incorrectly thought that these were friends. The
Peloponesians took Amorges alive and gave him to Tissaphernes to be sent to Darius, if he
pleased. They sacked the city of Jasos, which through a long peace was quite prosperous and
took much spoil. The mercenaries hired by Amorges were spared because most of them were
Peloponesians. They enlisted them for their own service. The town was handed over to
Tissaphernes with all its people. Everyone was redeemed by paying half a crown. They returned
to Miletus and they accompanied overland Paedaritus, who was sent by the Lacedemonians as
governor for Chios and the mercenaries of Amorges. They went as far as Erythrae and left
Philippus, governor of Miletus. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

3592d AM, 4302 JP, 412 BC

1320. The next winter after Tissaphernes had put a garrison in Jasos, he came to Miletus and
there according to a promise made at Lacedemon paid them and their mercenaries their wages.
This was an Athenian drachma for each one. He bargained with them for the same wage for
future service.

1321. Astyochus the admiral of the Lacedemonian fleet with 10 ships of Lacedemon and as
many of Chios sailed to Clazomenae when the seige of the city Pteleum failed. There he ordered
all who favoured the Athenians to leave and live at Daphnus. Tamos the governor of Ionia gave
similar orders. When they refused, he attacked the unwalled town. He was unsuccessful and left.
He encountered a violent storm at sea. He came safely to Phocaea and Cuma but the rest of his
ships were driven ashore on the isles lying opposite Clazomenae, Marathusa, Pela and
Drymissa. They stayed here for 8 days because of the storm. They spoiled the goods which the
Clazomenians had transported there for fear of the war. The rest of the goods they put on board
their ships and carried them to Astyochus at Phocaea and Cuma. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1322. The same winter Hippocrates of Lacedemon set sail for Cnidus from Peloponesus with 10
Thurian ships under the command of Dorieus and two others commissioned with him, one of
Laconica and another of Syracuse. Cnidus had revolted from Tissaphernes. When the Milesians
heard this, they sent to Hippocrates and asked him to leave one half of his ships at a garrison at
Cnidus and to go with the rest and raid ships laden with cargo from Egypt. These ships lay at
Priopium which is a cape of Cnidea. When the Athenians heard of this, they went from Samos
and surprised the six ships which lay at Trippium to guard those places. However, the sailors
escaped, and the Athenians found only empty ships. They came to Cnidus and almost took it by
surprise when they attacked it. It was an unwalled town. They decided to wait and attack again
the next day. The Cnidians cast up some earth works about the town that night. Also they were
joined by those who were forced ashore at Triopium. When they saw it would be harder than
ever to take the town, they plundered the country and returned to Samos. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

3593a AM, 4302 JP, 412 BC

1323. When the Spartans evaluated the league between Chalcideus and Tissaphernes, they
thought it a bit unfair to them. They drew up another one between the Lacedemonians and their
confederates on the one side and Darius, his sons and Tissaphernes on the other. This was in
clearer terms than the former one and was subscribed in the presence of Theramenes of
Lacedemon. When Theramenes gave the command of the navy to Astyoctus, be boarded a little
boat and left. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1324. Pharnabasus, the governor for the king in Hellespont, had previously sent Calligetus of
Megara and Timagoras of Cyzicum to Sparta asking for ships. This was granted. 27 ships were
sent under the command of Antisthenes, a Lacedemonian, in the middle of winter from
Peloponesus into Ionia. The Lacedemonians also sent 1 1 commissioners of theirs (one was
Lycas, the son of Arcesilaus) to advise Astyochus in the management of this war. After they
came to Miletus, they were ordered to send some or all of these 27 ships to Pharnabazus in the
Hellespont. Clearchus would be made commander of this fleet. If they saw cause, they could put
Antishenes in charge of the navy instead of Astyochus. He was under suspicion by Pedaritus
who had letters against him. These commissioners sailed from Malea, a port in Peloponesus and

first came to the island of Melus. They sailed widely around it to avoid the enemy and landed at
Caunus in Asia. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1325. When Astyochus came to Cnidus, he quickly left it to meet the Athenian fleet which
waited for the Peloponesian ships coming from Caunius. The Athenians won the first battle here
but when they lost the second one they retired and came to Halicarnassus. The victorious
Peloponesians returned to Cnidus. After this the Athenians sailed to an island called Sima where
they were soundly defeated. They dared not attack the Lacedemonian navy which lay at Cnidus
but took only some tackle and baggage from Sima. When they attacked Lorymae on the
continent, they returned again to Samos. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1326. When all the Peloponesian navy of 94 ships met at Cnidus, the 1 1 commissioners
discussed with Tissaphernes matters already transacted. They looked for any fault in it and
planned how the war for the future might be carried on for the best advantage on both sides.
Lichas said that in view of what had happened, that neither of the two leagues which were made
with Theramenes were as they should be. They could not tolerate that the king should hold onto
all those countries which he or his ancestors had held previously. He said for this reason that all
the islands, all Thessaly, Locri and all Baeothia must again be under the king's authority. The
Lacedemonians, instead of freeing the Greek cities would enslave them to the power of the
Persians more than ever. Therefore, they should form of a new league between them or abandon
this one and never ask nor receive stipend more of the king of Persia according to the previous
leagues. Tissaphernes grew angry, tore up the treaty and went his way. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1327. Letters came from the Peloponesians to Astiochus that he should remove Alcibiades as
admiral. He was under suspicion and he was a professed enemy of Agis the king of Lacedemon.
When Alcibiades heard about this, he fled secretly to Tissaphernes, he persuaded him not to pay
so much for the Peloponesian navy but rather hold matters in a balance. This way neither the
Athenians or the Spartans would win the war. When each side had been exhausted by warfare,
they would more easily be brought under the king's control. Pisander with ten ambassadors from
Athens entreated Tissaphernes and Alcibiades for terms that would benefit both states.
However, Alcibiades in the name of Tissaphernes made such demands, they thought to abandon
all discussion and do nothing even though they yielded to many of them. He demanded that they
should surrender into the king's hands all Ionia and its adjacent islands. When they agreed, he
then demanded that the king could make as many ships as he pleased and sail them where he
pleased whenever he wanted to. When the Athenians knew that these demands were intolerable
and they were being abused by Alcibiades, they broke off the talks in a rage and returned to
Samos. (Thucid. 1. 8)

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1328. Toward the end of this winter, Tissaphernes went to Caunus and planned to recall the
Lacedemonian commissioners back to Miletus and pay them lest the Spartans become his
enemies too. When they came he paid them all their arrears and made a third league with them.
It stated:

vv In the 13th year of the reign of Darius, when Alexipidas was Ephorus, i.e. agreements were
made, in the field of Maander, between the Lacedemonians and their confederates on the one
side and Tissaphernes and Hieramenes and the sons of Pharnacus on the other, concerning the

affairs of the king and of the Lacedemonians and their confederates. It stated that whatever
country in Asia is the king's that let him hold it still and of his own countries let him dispose as
he will, &c."

1329. But concerning the payment of their yearly stipend it was thus agreed:

vv That Tissaphernes should pay the fleet that was there, till the king's ships came. After they
were come then the Lacedemonians and their confederates would maintain their navy if they
wished. If they would rather have a stipend for it, then Tissaphernes should furnish it, but on the
condition that at the end of the war they should refund all the money which they had
received," (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1330. From this we may gather the full meaning of what Justin, (1. 5. 1.) more concisely stated:

vv Darius the king of Persians, making a league with the Lacedemonians by Tissaphernes, his
governor of Lydia, promised to bear all the charge of the war."

1331. In the very beginning of the next summer which began the 21st year of the Poloponesian
war, Decylidas, a Lacedemonian was sent from Miletus overland with a small company into
Hellespont. He was to stir up the city of Abydus which was a colony of the Milesians to rebel
against the Athenians. First this city, then two days later Lampsacus defected from Athens to
Decylides and Pharnabazus.

1332. When Strombychides heard this news, he sailed from Chios to Lesbos with 24 Athenian
ships. When the Lesbians attacked him, he routed them and took the unwalled town on the first
assault. When he settled matters there, he went to Abydus. When they repulsed his attack, he
sailed to Sestos and placed a strong garrison there to defend all of the Hellespont. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1333. The whole navy of the Athenians came together at Samos, they entered a covenant with
the Samians to join in restoring the democratic state in Athens and to abolish the newly
appointed junta of 400. They bound themselves with a solemn oath to do this and appointed
Thrasibulus and Thraiyllus as captains for this purpose. They consulted about calling home
Alcibiades hoping by his means to make Tissaphernes stop supporting the Lacedemonian party
and to gain the king's favour for their side. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1334. Among the seamen of the Peloponesians who were at Miletus, there was a general dislike
for Tissaphernes and Astyachus. When the Spartans were a strong naval force and the Athenians
weak, he would never fight with the Athenians nor to this day would. Although he knew of the
divisions among the Athenians, he would not help the Lacedemonian navy. Tissaphernes was
disliked for he did not send for the navy of the Phoenicians as he promised. Nor did he pay them
their wages except when he pleased and then only a portion and not the full amount. Therefore
they wanted the matter decided in battle. Astyochus and his confederates commanded the
Milesians to march overland to the cape of Micale while they went by sea with the whole fleet
of 1 12 ships to the same place. When the Athenians whose 82 ships were anchored at Glauca
near Micale saw the fleet coming, they weighed anchor and sailed as fast as they could to
Samos. When Strombichides with his fleet heard of this, he hastened to come from Hellespont to
help the Athenians. The Peloponesians withdrew and returned to Miletus. The Athenians now
had 108 ships, all strong and well equipped. They followed them home to Miletus. They landed

and arranged their army in the open field. When the Peloponesians would not come, they sailed
back to Samos without attacking anything. After this the Peloponesians saw they were no match
for the Athenian navy. Neither could they pay so many seamen, especially when Tissaphernes,
was so churlish in sending in their payment according to agreement. They sent Clearchus away
with 40 of their ships into Hellespont to Pharnabasus who earnestly desired their coming and
promised to pay them very liberally (Thucid. 1. 8.)

3593c AM, 4303 JP, 411 BC

1335. When Thrasybulus left Tissaphernes, he brought back Alcibiades with him to Samos. The
army made him one of their chief commanders and committed everything under his direction.
When he was made commander of the Athenian army, he sailed back to Tissaphernes so that he
might tell him everything. He handled matters so cunningly to his own advantage so that he
could make the Athenians afraid of Tissaphernes and Tissaphernes of them at his pleasure.
(Thucid. 1. 8.)

1336. This had a disastrous effect on the morale of the Peloponesians who were anchored at
Miletus. They hated Tissaphernes more than ever so that they began to mutiny again against him
and Astyochus. They now charged him with collusion with Tissaphernes for his own personal
advantage. The sailors from Syracuse and Thurii demanded in a very saucy and mutinous
manner that Astyochus pay them. When he replied roughly and threatened to imprison Doricus
the commander of the Thurian squadron for supporting his sailors, they rioted and rushed upon
him. (The Greek scholiast of Thucidides, understand that Hermocrates, commander of the
Syracuse squadron is meant, not Doricus.) He would have been killed had he not fled to a
nearby altar. The Milesians got secretly into the fort which Tissaphernes had built and expelled
the garrison of soldiers and took over the fort. This action was well received by the rest except
for Lychas the Lacedemonian. He said that the Milesians and the rest under the king's authority
ought to obey Tissaphernes so long as he governed so moderately as he did and until the war
would be over. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1337. While they were busy in this altercation, Pindarus arrived who was sent from Lacedemon
to succeed Astyochus in the command of the navy. After Astyochus had given him command,
he sailed home to Lacedemon. Tissaphernes sent Gauletes, his messenger along with him.
Although he was born in Caria he spoke both the Greek and Persian language. He was to charge
the Milesians for the surprise attack on his citadel and to clear him from those false accusations
which the Milesians and Hermocrates of Syracuse had made. Tissaphernes knew that the
Milesians would accuse him for conspiring with Alcibiades against the Lacedemonians.

1338. Tissaphernes saw that the Peloponesians were against him. Among other things they did
not like when he allowed Alcibiades to return to his own people again since he now openly
favoured the Athenians. Tissaphernes went to Aspendus where the Phoenician fleet of 147 ships
had come. To clear himself, he took Lichas the Lacedemonian along with him, leaving his agent
Tamos with them to ensure the wages were paid to the Peloponesian navy. Moreover the
Peloponesians at the request of Tissaphernes, sent Philippus a Lacedemonian, with two ships to
Aspendus to see the Phoenician fleet. When Alcibiades learned that Tissaphernes was at
Aspendus, he came with 13 ships to Caunus first and then to Phaselis. Everywhere he promised
his friends many supplies and all kinds of help. When he returned to Samos, he informed them
that he had so arranged matters so that the Phoenician fleet would not assist the Peloponesians
and Tissaphernes had now become more friendly to the Athenians than ever. It was true that

Tissaphernes met with the Phoenicians at Aspendus, but would not let any ship go to the
Peloponesians. He put them off with this weak excuse that not as many ships came to him as the
king had commanded. However his purpose was to hold both parties of the Greeks in suspense.
By siding with neither he hoped to make them destroy each other. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1339. The junta of 400 at Athens was dissolved and replaced by 5000. The new government
ratified the recalling of Alcibiades home into his country. (Thucid. 1. 8.) By the same order he
was joined in his commission by Thrasybulus and Theramenes although they were absent at the
time. Hence by the valour and virtue of the new government, the Athenian state was in a short
time, greatly reformed and brought into a better order than ever before. (Emil. Prob. in the life of
Aleibiades.)

1340. While the Peloponesians waited at Miletum, none of those whom Tissaphernes had left
behind when he went for Aspendus took care to pay the navy. Neither did Tissaphernes himself
pay them nor did the fleet come which he had promised. Both Philippus, who was sent with
Tissaphernes to Aspendus and Hipposcrates from Phaselis wrote to Mindarus, who had the
charge of the navy that he should not expect any ships or anything else of value from
Tissaphernes. On the contrary, Pharnabazus, who served the king in these parts of Hellespont,
showed them all the favour and friendship that they could imagine. For he solicited their coming
and of his own accord incited all the Greek cities within his province, to defect from the
Athenians (which Tissaphernes would have seemed to do too) hoping thereby to increase his
own power. Mindarus was bothered by this news and made ready instantly 72 ships. He gave the
word that they should leave suddenly so that the Athenians at Samos would not find out. He left
Miletus and sailed straight to Hellespont. When Thrasyllus heard of this, he followed him from
Samos with 55 ships. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1341. Mindarus and the Syracuse squadron had a fierce naval battle with Thrasyllus and
Thrasybulus at the cape of Cynos-sema (a place known by old Hecubae's tomb). The Athenians
won losing only 15 ships but captured 21 of the enemies' ships. For more details see: (Thucid. 1.
8., Diod. Sic. 2nd year of 92nd Olympiad.)

1342. The Athenians repaired their fleet as best they could. On the 4th day after this fight they
sailed from Sestos to Cyzicum which had revolted from them. When they saw 8 ships at
Harpagium and Priapus which came from Byzantium, they attacked them. When they had
beaten those who defended the ships from the shore, they captured the ships for their own use.
They sailed to the unwalled town of Cyzicum and captured it and extorted a large sum of money
from them. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

3593d AM, 4303 JP, 411 BC

1343. Alcibiades sailed from Samos with 22 ships and exacted large sums of money from those
of Halycarnasius. He destroyed the country of Cos and fortified the town of Cos with a wall.
Since winter was now approaching, he returned with much spoil to Samos. (Thucid. 1. 8., Diod.
2nd year of 92nd Olympiad)

1344. Astacus a Persian and lieutenant to Tissaphernes conceived a secret deadly hatred against
the men of Delos. These were driven out of their old habitation and dwelt at Atramytrium. When
he came that way, he sent for all the chief men among them as friends and confederates to come

and serve the king in his wars. At the time when they were altogether eating dinner, he
surrounded them with his soldiers and they killed everyone with their darts. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1345. Those of Antandrus in Eolia feared lest Astacus would do the same to them. They also
disliked the heavy taxes which he imposed on them. Therefore, they sent for some Peloponesian
soldiers from Abydus. They brought them secretly over Mount Ida into their city and expelled
the garrison of Astacus from the citadel. (Thucid. 1. 8.)

1346. Tissaphernes returned from Aspendus into Ionia and was greatly disturbed by this last
attempt of Antandrus and with others of Miletus and Cnidus. There the inhabitants expelled his
garrisons also. He thought himself wronged by the Poloponesians. Therefore, he feared worse
things from them and was troubled lest Pharnabazus in a shorter time and with far less cost
should seem to have done more against the Athenians than he had done. Therefore he planned to
go in person to the Poloponesians in Hellespont to reason with them concerning their expelling
his garrison from Antandrus and to clear himself from the charges against him concerning the
Phoenician fleet and other matters. As soon as he was come to Ephesus, he sacrificed to Diana.
(Thucid. 1. 8. in fi.) Here ends the History of Thucidides which Theopompus continues for 17
more years and Xenophon for 48 years after that. (Diod. 2nd year of 92nd Olympiad.) The
writings of Theopompus are lost but the latter we do have partially preserved for us. Besides the
poem of his history, we lack the first two years of it. That is from the end of the summer of the
21st year of the Peloponesian war where Thucidides left off, to the end of the 23rd summer of
the same war.

3594 AM, 4304 JP, 410 BC

1347. Concerning the 300 ships sent back to Phoenicia, Tissaphernes cleared himself with the
Lacedemonians by saying that he had received news that the coast of Phoenicia was in danger of
attack by the Arabians and the king of Egypt (meaning king Amyrteus) (as Diod. Sic. has it, 3rd
year of the 93rd Olympiad.) However, Thucidides states that there only came 147 ships to
Aspendus from Phoenicia and that they were all sent back again by Tissaphernes contrary to his
promise.

3595c AM, 4305 JP, 409 BC

1348. There was another naval battle between the Lacedemonians and Athenians at Cynos-
sema. This was described by Theopompus, as a certain nameless Greek writer says, in the life of
Thucidides.

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1349. Thymochares came to Athens with a small fleet of ships. There was another naval battle
between the Lacedemonians and Athenians. The Lacedemonians under the command of
Hegesandridus won. (Xen. in the beginning of his History of the Greeks. 1. 1.)

1350. Not long after this in the beginning of winter, Dorieus, the admiral of the Thurian fleet
from Italy sailed with 14 ships from Rhodes to the Hellespont to meet Mindarus. He was at
Abydus for a meeting of all the friends and confederates of the Peloponesian nation. When

Dorieus had sailed as far as Sigeum, a port in Troas, the Athenian navy at Sestos found out
about his trip and destination. They sailed toward him with 20 ships. When Dorieus heard of
their coming, he fled from there and beached his ships on the Rhaetaean shore. When he landed
his men, with the help of the men of Dardania, they warded off an Athenian attack. When the
Athenians saw that they could not prevail, they sailed back to Madytus to join the rest of their
army. Mindarus who at that time happened to be at old Troy sacrificing to Minerva, saw this
battle. He raced with 84 ships to the cape of Dardania to meet Dorieus and to save his ships. He
also found the army of Pharnabazus ready to help the Lacedemonian navy against their enemies.
The Athenian fleet of 74 ships came close to the shore of Abydus and there started a naval
battle. Mindarus commanded 97 ships besides those of Dorieus. He placed the Syracusians in
the left wing and he took the right wing. On the other side, Thrasybulus had the right wing and
Thrasyllus the left. The fight lasted from morning to evening, neither side winning. Suddenly
Alcibiades came sailing in with 18 fresh ships from Samos headed towards the Hellespont.
When the Lacedemonians saw this, they fled towards Abydus. The Athenians chased them and
captured 10 of their ships. A violent storm arose which prevented the Athenians from finishing
off their enemies. The Peloponesians all escaped safely to shore and fled to the army of
Pharnabazus that was there. During the battle, Pharnabazus rode his horse into the sea up to its
saddle-skirts and fought. He commanded his army to do likewise. The Peloponesians locked
their ships close together into one mass and fought against their enemies from the decks close to
the shore. When the night was drawing on, the Athenians returned to Samos with 30 empty
ships which they had captured and there own fleet including the damaged ships. The next
morning as soon as it was light, they gathered what spoils they could from the wrecked ships of
their enemies. They erected a monument to the event and then left 40 ships to guard the
Hellespont. The rest of the fleet was assigned to various destinations. Some gathered their
tribute money. One of their chief captains, Thrasyllus, sailed back to Athens to let them know
what a victory they had. He desired a supply of men and shipping for the carrying on of the war
in those parts. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. Diod. Sic. 1. 13. Plutarch in the Life of Alcibiades.)

1351. About the first watch of the night, Mindarus went back to the seaside, and gave orders for
repairing his ships which were damaged in the battle. He sent in all haste to Lacedemon for
fresh supplies both by land and sea. While this was happening he planned to join his army with
Pharnabazus to capture the tributary cities of the Athenians, that were in Asia. (Diod. Sic. 1. 13.)

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1352. In the mean time, Tissaphernes came into the Hellespont. Alcibiades planned to magnify
himself after so glorious a victory over the Lacedemonians. He came to Tissapernes with rich
presents and a princely train. Tissaphernes was in ill repute with the Lacedemonians and feared
lest some accusation would be made against him to Darius. He laid hold on Alcibiades and put
him in irons at Sardis. He pretended that this was the king's command and to show that he
counted the Athenians as enemies. Within a month, he escaped with a fellow prisoner,
Manitheus of Caria. He got horses and they escaped by night to Clazomenae. They let on that it
was with the consent of Tissaphernes. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. Plutarch in Alcibia.)

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1353. Toward the end of winter, Mindarus with 60 ships went to Cyzicum and joined with the
army of Pharnabus. They captured Cyzicum by force. 86 ships under the command of
Alcibiades, Thrasybulus and Theramenes attacked him. Mindarus was first routed at sea and

then in a second fight on land in which Mindarus fought bravely and was killed. When the
troops from Syracuse saw no means of escape, they set their own ships on fire. The rest of the
fleet was captured by the Athenians who sailed them all to Proecannesus. This fight is more
fully described (by Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. by Diod. Sic. 1. 13. by Plutarch in the Life of
Alcibiades and by Polyanin, Stratag. 1.1.)

1354. The next day, the Athenians sailed from Proeconnesus to Cyzicum and they were received
into the city which was abandoned by Pharnabazus and the Peloponesians. (Xenoph.) There they
erected two monuments, the one for their victory at sea at the isle of Polydorus and the other for
that on land where they first put the enemies to flight. (Diod. Sic.)

1355. Alcibiades stayed at Cyzicum 20 days. When he had extracted a vast sum of money from
them, he departed without doing them any harm and returned to Proeconnesus. (Xenoph.)

1356. The commanders of the Athenians which remained behind at Cyzicum, came at length to
Chalcedon, There they walled Chrysopolis and made it a place to gather tolls from every ship
that passed by from Pontus. (Xenphon Hellen. 1. 1. Polyb. 1. 4. p. 312. Diod. Sic. 4th year of
92nd Olympiad) They left a garrison and a fleet of 30 ships there under the command of
Theramenes and Eubulus. This was to keep the town, to watch what ships came in and out at the
mouth of Pontus and to do what mischief they could to the enemy. (Xenoph.)

1357. The Athenians intercepted letters written concisely from Hippocrates, the lieutenant of
Mindarus to Lacedemon to the Ephori concerning the loss they had sustained at Cyzicum. It
said:

VV A11 is lost. Mindarus is dead. Our men starve. We know not what to do." (Xenoph. and
Plutarch.)

1358. The Lacedemonians sued for peace which was opposed by those who made a living from
the war. (Justin. 1. 5. c. 4.) For though the moderates of the Athenians were inclined to peace yet
those who made their living by it chose to continue the war. Cleophon was one of the principal
leaders of this latter group. He had spoken many proper things. Diod. Sic. elegantly expresses it:

vv He made the people proud by recounting to them the greatness of their good successes, as if
fortune did not bestow her favours in the war by turns."

1359. Cleophon with his fiery speeches stirred up the people to a carry on the war, though to his
own shame later. He made lyres and it was common knowledge that he had been a slave and
kept in irons. Later by various devices came to live in Athens. At this time, he won the people
over to him by his munificence and grew so bold as to openly profess:

vv that he would with his own hand cut off that man's head whomever he were, that would offer
to speak any more of a peace"

1360. This is according to Eschines in his Oration, De false legation, i.e. of a false embassy.

1361. The Peloponesians and their confederates from Syracuse and as many as had escaped

alive from the fight, went to Pharnabazus. He courteously entertained and comforted them.
(Diod. Sic. 1. 13) He said they should not be discouraged by the loss of a few wooden ships
since the king had more than enough wood in his kingdom to build more ships. The main thing
was that the men were safe. He gave every man a new suit of clothes and two months pay in
advance. He armed the sailors and placed garrisons all along the sea coast of his government. He
assembled all the commanders of cities, and captains of every ship and ordered them to build as
many new ships at Antandrus, as they had lost. He paid for this and allowed them to use timber
from the mount Ida. When this was done, he sent to relieve Chalcedon. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.)

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1362. While this navy was being built, the men of Syracuse joined with the inhabitants of
Antandrus and built a wall around the town. They greatly fortified the place. In return the
Antandrians gave the Syracusians free use of their city. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.)

1363. The captains of these troops from Syracuse were exiled by their country men at home.
Their general Hermocrates, accused Tissaphernes at Lacedemon and they believed him and also
the testimony of Astyochus. Hermocrates returned to Pharnabazus and without even asking he
received from him a large sum of money. When he procured men and ships, he returned into his
own country. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. with Diod. Sic. 4th year of 92nd Olympiad.)

1364. Parasippidas was condemned to be exiled to Sparta, because it was thought that by his
plotting with Tissaphernes, he had procured all that favoured the Lacedemonian party. In a riot
at the isle of Thasus he was expelled. Cratesippidas was sent to replace him and take charge of
the navy at Chios. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.)

1365. With 25 ships he wasted his time about the coast of Ionia and did nothing worth the
speaking of for a long time. Later when he was paid by the exiles from Chios, he brought them
home again. He routed out the 600 of the opposing faction. These lived at Atarneum, the most
fortified place on the continent opposite Chios and made daily attacks on them from there.
(Diod. Sic. 4th year of the 92nd Olymiad)

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1366. In the 93rd Olympiad, Eubotas the Cyrenian won the prize in running. Archippus was the
Ephorus at Lacedemon. Euctemon was the Archon at Athens. There was a new game introduced
in the Olympics. It was a race by a team of mules pulling a coach, called EugwqizA or sugwqiz,
(Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.) (Diod. Sic. 1. 13.) (Pausan. 1. 1.) (Eliac. Julius Africanus in Catalog.
Stadionicarum) Africanus adds that in the same Olymnpiad, Polydamantes the Seotussian won
the prize at wrestling. He was the same man whom Darius Nothus sent for by messengers with
large gifts for him to come to him at Susa. When he came he slew three of the king's guard, who
were called the Immortal Guard. (Herod. 1. 7. c. 83.) These rushed in on him all at once
according to Pausan in his later book Eliator. In the same book, he mentions Eubotas, surnamed
Stadionicus, who when the Oracle of Ammon had foretold that he should win the prize at
running, had his own statue made before hand. When he did win the prize, he dedicated his
statue in testimony of this all in one day.

1367. In this year, the Medes who had defected from Darius the king of the Persians, submitted

to him again. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.) Herodotus in the beginning of his History, (c. 130.) relates
how the Medes revolted from Darius. They were defeated and again brought under his control.
Because he makes mention of the war at Decelaea, (Herod. 1. 9. c. 71.) which was waged 5 years
earlier and of Amyraeus' son reigning after him, (Herod. 1. 3. c. 15.) (of whom I shall speak
more in the year following), I gather that he either wrote or at least revised his History in the
very later end of the Peloponesian war.

1368. In the beginning of the summer, Thrasyllus at Athens, took command of the ships
committed to his charge with 5000 sailors. These were all armed as targeteers and he was to join
with those other targeteers at Samos. When he had stayed there 3 days, he sailed to the coast of
Pygega in Ionia. He first wasted the country in that area. He came at last with his army before
the wall of the town. When some reinforcements came from Miletus, they attacked the lightly
armed Athenians who were busy gathering the spoil from the country. The rest of the Athenians
came to relieve their troops, and killed most of the Milesians. They gathered 200 of their
bucklers from the slain and erected a monument with them. The next day they sailed to Notium
and there took on supplies. They sailed to Colophas which presently yielded to them. The next
night they entered into Lydia when their grain was almost ripe. They set many villages on fire.
While they were scattered here and there and minded nothing but their plundering, Stages, a
Persian, (the same Tages, as it should seem, which I mentioned before in the year of the world,
3592 from Thucidides) attacked them with his horse and took one prisoner, and slew seven of
them. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.)

1369. When Tissaphernes understood that Thrasyllus was ready to set sail for Ephesus to attack
it by surprise, he gathered all the troops he could find. He sent about messengers into all parts, to
order men to come in and defend Diana of the Ephesians. When Thrasyllus had spent 17 days in
Lydia, he set sail for Ephesus. He landed his foot soldiers at Coressus, but the cavalry, targeteers
and all the other soldiers, he landed on shore near a bog on the other side of the town. As soon
as it was light, they approached the town in two companies. The troops in the town with the
reinforcements Tissaphernes had sent them first attacked the foot solders who were at Coressus.
They had routed them and pursued them to the seaside killing 100 men. After this they returned
quickly and attacked those who were located near the bog. When they routed the Athenians and
killed 300 of them, they erected one monument there and another at Coressus. Concerning their
reinforcements, they highly rewarded the companies from Syracuse and Selinuntia because they
behaved most valiantly. They promised freedom from taxes for ever to those that were expelled
from their home city. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.) Plutarch also in the Life of Alcibiades mentions a
brass monument set up to mock the Athenian nation.

1370. After a truce was made, the Athenians received the bodies of their slain and buried them
at Notium. They sailed away to Lesbos and Hellespont. When they anchored at Methymna, a
city of Lesbos, they spied 25 ships of the Syracusians with whom they fought at Ephesus. They
attacked them and took 4 ships with all the men in them and routed the rest. They pursued them
as far as Ephesus. Thrasyllus sent all the prisoners which he had taken to Athens, except for
Alcibiades an Athenian, first cousin to Alcibiades and a banished man. These two were
executed. They sailed for Sestus where the army was. From Sestus the whole army went to
Lampsacus for the winter which they reckon from the beginning of autumn. When Alcibiades at
Lampsacus wanted to create one large army, his soldiers refused to be mixed with those who
had served under Thrasyllus. They said:

"We who have ever been conquerors, to be counted with those that were beaten and routed but

the other day." (Xen. Hellen. 1.)
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1371. When Alcibiades and Thrasyllus troops had wintered together at Lampsacus, (Diodorus
writes, "Labdacus") had fortified the area. They went to besiege Abydus. Pharnabazus came
with a very great army to relieve it. He fought with the Athenians and was routed. Alcibiades
chased Pharnabazus with his cavalry and 120 foot soldiers following him. He did not stop the
chase until late in the night. After this victory, the whole army became friends and mixed with
each other. They returned triumphantly into their camp from where they set out.

1372. The next day Alcibiades set up a monument and went and wasted Pharnabazus' province
with fire and sword without any opposition. All the priests which he took, he let go free without
a ransom. (Plutarch in Life of Alcibiades)

1373. When the Lacedemonians were upset with Tissaphernes, they sent Boeotius and other
ambassadors with him to Darius. Boeotius easily obtained from Darius all that they ever wanted.
(Xen. Hellen. 1. 1.7.)

1374. In the same winter Alcibiades and Thrasyllus armies attacked various countries that
belonged to Darius on the continent and reeked havock there. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 1. 7.)

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1375. Darius put his 16 year old son Cyrus the younger in charge of all the sea coast. He was
born after his father became king. (Ctesias affirms this and Plutarch also in the Life of
Artaxerxes.) He had the title of satrap or governor of all those countries. He headed the army
that was in the plain of Castolus in Lydia. He was ordered to join with the Lacedemonians in
fighting the Athenians. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 1. 7.) (Expedit. Cyri. 1. 1. in instio.) Justin (Justin, 1. 5. c.
5.) from Trogus, says,

vv Darius king of Persia made his younger son Cyrus governor of all Ionia and Lydia. It was he
who restored the Lacedemonians to former strength."

1376. Diodorus expressly states that Darius sent his son Cyrus to this very end, that in pursuing
the war against the Athenians, he should relieve and help the Lacedemonians. (1st year of the
93rd Olympiad.) He also correctly states that Cyrus was made commander of all the governors
by the sea coast (2nd year of the 94th Olympiad.) and (in the 2nd year of the same Olympiad)
that he was made commander-in-chief, over all the provinces lying on the sea coast. It is
obvious that both Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus though both satraps and governors of their
provinces were both under his command.

1377. We read in Euseb. Chron. that after Amyrtaeus of Sois, Nepherites the king of a new
dynasty succeeded him in the kingdom of Egypt. However we find, (Diod. Sic. 1st year
Olympiad 95) that next before Nephereus or Nepherites, Psammitichus reigned in Egypt. He
was descended of the family of that old Psammetichus whom Manetho places in the 26th
Dynasty who was also of the Sais. {*Manetho, 1:169} So that a man may well doubt, whether

this was not Pausiris the son of Amyrtaeus, who by the help of the Persians recovered his
father's kingdom, as Herodotus states. (Herod. 1. 3. c. 5.) Concerning the number of this and
other Egyptian kings' reigns, we have already discussed in our Egyptian Chronology.

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1378. In the beginning of the spring when Pantacles was Ephorus in Sparta and Antigenes
Archon in Athens had held office for a year, the Athenians with all the forces they could gather,
sailed into Proeconnesus. They left there and camped before Chalcedon. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.)
Diodor. says that they went to Theramenes, who at that time lay before Chalcedon with 70 ships
and 5000 men. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 92.)

1379. When the inhabitants of Chalcedon heard of the approach of the Athenian army, they sent
away all their goods to the Thracians of Bithynia who were their neighbours. When Alcibiades
heard of this, he went with all his cavalry and a part of his foot soldiers and demanded all those
goods from them. He threatened force if they refused to deliver them. When he received these
goods, he made peace with the Bithynians and returned to his camp before Chalcedon. He built
a wooden wall before the city across the neck of land from sea to sea. When Hippocrates the
Lacedemonian commander saw this, he gathered all his forces and fought with Thrasyllus. The
battle was drawn for a great while until Alcibiades came in with his forces, both of cavalry and
footmen. Hippocrates was killed and his men fled back into the city. While the fight continued,
Pharnabazus and all his army came another way outside the wooden wall. He fought
unsuccessfully to break through to rescue Hippocrates. He retired to Heracleum or the Temple
of Hercules, which was in the territory of Chalcedon where his own camp was well entrenched.
(Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. and Plutarch in the Life of Alcibiadis.)

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1380. After this Alcibiades and Chersonesus went into the Hellespont to gather tribute. The rest
of the commanders, (though Diodorus says, only Theramenes) came to an agreement with
Pharnabazus concerning Chalcedon. He would give them 20 talents and would convoy the
Athenian ambassadors safely to the king. By solemn oath they covenanted with each other that
the men of Chalcedon would pay the Athenians the same tribute as they did before with all
arrears. In the mean time, the Athenians would not bother Chalcedon, until the return of their
ambassadors from the king and the return Alcibiades. They sent two commissioners from
Chalcedon and Pharnabazus sent two more from Crysopolis. They swore to keep this covenant
and pledged their support to each other. (Xenoph.)

1381. When these things were done, Pharnabazus returned and wanted the ambassadors who
were to go to the king, to meet him at Cyzicum. The names of the ambassadors were Dorothius,
Philodices, Theogenes, Euryptolemus, Mautitheus and Cleostratus and Pyrolochus both from the
Argivans. Passipedas and other ambassadors from the Lacedemonians also went. These all
journeyed to the king. Hermocrates, who was banished from Syracuse and his brother Proxenus
went with the group. (Xenoph.)

1382. While Pharnabazus was escorting the ambassadors to the king, Clearchus, a
Lacedemonian commander, came to him from across the sea. He wanted money to pay their
army and to assemble the ships into a fleet that were scattered, some at Antandrus, some in

Hellespont and some in other places. He hoped to cause trouble for the confederate states of the
Athenians. He hoped to draw off their forces from Byzantium. In his absence, Byzantium was
betrayed and surrendered to the Athenians. (Xenop.)

1383. As these Athenian ambassadors were on their way to the king, they met Boeotius and the
rest of the Lacedemonian ambassadors returning from the king. Cyrus was with them on his way
to become governor of all the sea coasts of those parts. When they saw him they asked if they
might safely continue their journey to the king and if not that they be allowed to return home
safely. However, Cyrus ordered Pharnabazus either to turn over the ambassadors to him or to
send them home again. Since Pharnabazus did not want the Athenians to know what was
planned against them, he stalled for time. Sometimes he told them that he would take them to
the king and sometimes that he would send them home again. So he delayed for three years (or
rather, indeed of three months) and in the end by Cyrus' consent, he sent them home. (Xenop.)

1384. Alcibiades took 20 ships from Samos and sailed into the Bay of Ceramus in Caria. He
gathered 100 talents and pillaged no less than 200 ships which he had either searched or sunk.
He returned to Athens where he was declared general of all their armies with full and absolute
power of command and received 200 talents from of the treasury of the city, (according to
Lysias, in his oration, against his son Alcibiades.) He raised an army of 1500 foot soldiers and
150 cavalry with 100 ships. (Xephon, Hellen. 1. Diod. Sic. 1. 13. Justin. 1. 5. c. 4,5. Plutarch and
Emil. Probus, in the Life of Alcibiades.)

1385. Satyrus the son of Spartacus, ruled the kingdom of Bosphorus Cimmerius for 14 years.
(Diod. Sic. year 4 Olympiad 96.)

1386. The Lacedemonians replaced Cratesipidas their admiral when his term expired, by
Lysander. When he came to Rhodes, he gathered the fleet there and sailed to the Isle of Cos and
Miletus. From there he went to Ephesus with 70 ships and stayed there until Cyrus came to
Sardis. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.) Ephesus welcomed him and the Lacedemonians. They were
grieved by the loss of trade caused by the Persians. The Persian governors stayed most often at
Miletus and attracted all the trade from them to that city. Therefore Lysander made Ephesus his
residence and ordered all merchant ships to unload there. He made docks and had all ships for
the navy built there. In a short time he filled their port with ships and their city with commerce
and wealth. (Plutarch, in the Life of Lysander.)

1387. When Lysander knew that Cyrus came to Sardis, he and the rest of the commissioners
from Sparta went there to him. He charged Tissaphernes very heavily. When the king ordered
him to support the Lacedemonians to rid the sea of the Athenians, he on the contrary by
Alcibiades' subordinate grew remiss. He kept back their pay from the mariners and utterly
destroyed the Lacedemonian navy. Cyrus was more than willing to receive any information
against Tissaphernes who was not a good fellow. Lysander befriended Cyrus. The more
Lysander pressed Cyrus to do things, the bolder Cyrus was to promise that all would be done.
Cyrus added that it was his father's command that it should be so and assured him that there
would be no want either of effort or money on his part. For that purpose, he raised the pay of the
mariners and sea soldiers from 3 soles by the day to 4. He paid the whole army all that was in
arrears and advanced a whole month's pay. He paid to Lysander 10000 darics for that purpose.
By this, he put heart and courage into his seamen more than ever and left the Athenian fleet
almost without sailors for the most of their ships. Because of greed for better pay, they left the
Athenians and went to Lysander. Those who stayed grew idle and careless in the service and

mutinous and troublesome daily to their commanders. (Xenoph, Hellen. 1. 1. Diodor. 1. 13. and
Plut. in the Life Lysander.)

1388. When the Athenians heard this they were discouraged and through Tissaphernes, they sent
ambassadors to Cyrus. Cyrus refused to see them even though Tissaphernes himself spoke for
them. He told Cyrus that what he did, he did upon the advice of Alcibiades. His counsel was to
hold the Greeks in balance and let neither side beat the other. Allow them to continue the war
and by this to consume one another to nothing. (Id. ibid.) Although the Poloponesians were
supported by the Persian purse, yet the Athenians held out for 3 whole years against them.
(Thucid. 1. 2.) Who can wonder that the Athenian state was defeated and came to nought since
the power of all the east helped in their destruction. (Justin. 1. 5. c. 1.)

1389. Lysander returned to Ephesus and he rested for a while. In that time, 90 of his damaged
ships were refurbished. (Xephon. Hellen. 1. ) He sent for the leaders from every nearby city and
made an alliance with them. He assured them that if everything in this war went as he hoped, he
would make everyone of them a prince with his own city. They were so enthused that every man
was ready to do more than Lysander could reasonably require from them. He had more
provisions for the war effort than he could have imagined. (Diod. 1. 13.)

1390. When Alcibiades had heard that Thrasybulus was gone out of Hellespont to fortify
Phocaea, he sailed to him. He left the fleet in the meantime, under the charge of Antiochus with
a strict command that he should in no wise stir or fight with Lysander in his absence. However,
Antiochus planned to sail to Ephesus with his own vessel and one other from Notium, as
Xenophon and Plutarch state. (Diodorus says, that he selected 10 of his best ships.) He skirted
along under the very noses of Lysander's ships. First, Lysander set out with a small company of
ships and pursued him. When more and more ships came to help Antiochus, Lysander drew out
his whole fleet and the Athenians did the same from Notium and other places. They arrived
there in a disorderly way. They quickly lost 15 ships and the rest fled to saftey. Antiochus was
killed in the fight. Lysander erected a monument at Notium and returned with the ships which he
had taken to Ephesus. The remaining ships of the Athenians went to Samos. When Alcibiades
heard what had happened, he went with his whole fleet before the port of Ephesus and there
ranged it in battle array. Lysander did not stir for he had far fewer ships than the Athenians.
Alcibiades returned to Samos again. (Xenoph. Helllen. 1. 1. Diodor. 1. 13. Plut. in the Lives of
Alcibiades and Lysander.)

1391. Alcibiades sailed from Samos to Cuma. He made many false charges against them and
after he took many of them prisoners, he brought them aboard his ships. The Cumeans rallied
and attacked their enemies. Alcibiades was able to hold them off until the rest of those in that
area came to their aid. Alcibiades returned the prisoners and was forced to flee to his ships for
safety. This bothered him so he sent for more troops to Mitylene. He drew his men forth in a
battalion before the walls of Cuma and dared them to come out to battle. When no man stirred,
he led his men back to Mitylene after he first ravaged the surrounding country.

1392. The Cumeans sent to Athens and made their case against Alcibiades for plundering a
confederate city and the surrounding area which had not offended the Athenians. When this case
was made, others also complained about his conduct and misdeeds. A garrison in Samos, which
did not like him, stole over to Athens and informed against him. They publicly charged him
before the whole assembly of the people that he was dishonest and had secret communications
with the Lacedemonians. They said he had private correspondence with Pharnabazus who

assured him that if the Lacedemonians won, he would be made ruler of Athens. (Diod. 1. 13.)
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1393. The Cumeans on the one side and Thrasybulus on behalf of the armies on the other,
accused Alcibiades of many wrong doings in his administration. Colon with 9 assistant
commissioners were sent to replace Alcibiades as general of the army. When he heard of this, he
sailed secretly to his own lands and citadels in the Chersonesus of Thrace, (Diodor. 1. 13
Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. Plutarch in the Life of Alcibiades)

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1394. Lysander sent for men having leadership qualities from the nearby cities and asked them
to make as many friends as he could and help him. He assured them as before that as soon as the
Athenians were defeated, he would replace the democratic governments in all those cities and
make each one of them a ruler in his own city. (Plut. in the Life of Lysander.)

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1395. The moon was eclipsed 3 hours after sunset (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1.) on the 15th of April,
according to the Julian Calendar. This is verified by the astronomical calculations.

1396. When Pityas was Ephorus at Sparta and Callias, Archon at Athens, Lysander's year of
command expired. Callicratidas was sent to be admiral of the navy. Although Lysander hated
him, he surrendered the command of the ships but he returned the money he had received from
Cyrus for the navy, to Cyrus at Sardis. He told Callicratidas to go ask Cyrus if he could have it
and see how he could get money to pay the navy. This forced Callicratidas to go to Lydia to
Cyrus and get money for the navy. Since he was not well known, he quickly grew impatient
waiting to see Cyrus. He was put off from day to day. He said the Greeks had come to a low
estate if they must now stand begging for pay from a company of barbarians. He delivered his
request and left. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. and Plut. in the Life of Lysander.)

1397. Callicratidas sailed to Miletus and got the money from them for the navy. He sailed to
Chios and took the citadel of Delphinium which was held by 500 Athenians and destroyed it.
After he got more money there for the sailors, he went to Teos. He slipped into the town by
night and sacked it. He came to Lesbos, where he took Methymna the chief city of the island.
Conon, the Athenian, hurried to their rescue but arrived too late. When he came and found the
situation hopeless, he began to sail away. Callicratidas chased him with his fleet of 170 ships.
He attacked and defeated him. Conon lost 30 ships and fled with the 40 that were left to
Mitylene. Callicratidas followed him there and blockaded him by sea and land. While he
besieged Mitylene, Cyrus sent the money to him, he asked for. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 1. Diod. Sic.
1. 13.)

1398. The Athenian navy of 150 ships sailed to Mitylene to break the blockade. Callicratidas,
left Eteonicus with 50 ships to continue the siege and he sailed with 120 ships to the Arginuse
Islands which were between Malea, the bay of Lesbos and Cape Catanis in Asia. He attacked the
Athenians and was killed. The Athenians won the battle but lost 25 ships and most of the crew.

A few were saved by swimming to shore. The Peloponesians lost 77 ships and fled to Chios.
Most of the remaining fleet retired into the countries of Curna and Phocea. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1.
1. Diod. Sic. 1. 13.) This battle at the Arginuse Islands happened when Callias was Archon at
Athens, the 3rd year of the 93rd Olympiad. This is confirmed by Xenophon and Diodorus.
Atheneus affirms this in his 5th book, Delphosoph.

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1399. Cyrus killed his two first cousins, Autobezaces and Mitreus, the sons of his father Darius'
sister. When they met him, they had not pulled in their hands within their sleeves. This honour
was reserved for the king only. Hieramenes and his wife, the parents, as it seems, of those who
were killed heard about this. They told Darius that it was a shame for him to ignore so foul a
deed by his son. Therefore, Darius sent for his son to come to him pretending that he was sick.
Darius was in his camp at Thamneria in the country of the Medes where he went with his army
against the Cadusians, a bordering nation which had recently revolted from him. (Xenophon
Hellen. 1. 2.)

1400. The Lacedemonians who were scattered in the countries of Eolia and Ionia, met together
at Ephesus. They sent messengers to Lacedemon to let them know how things went with them in
Asia and to request that they might again have Lysander for their general. He had proved his
worth in the previous year. Cyrus also joined with them in this request. Their law stated that the
same man could not be twice admiral of their fleet. Therefore they gave the title of admiral to
Aracus but committed the whole management of the war to Lysander as a lieutenant to Aracus.
Lysander came to Ephesus and sent to Eteonicus to come to him with his ships from Chios. He
was to gather from Peloponesus and other lands all the ships that he could. Lysander repaired
those which he had and built new ones in the port at Antandrus. (Xenophon. Hellen. 1. 2.
Diodorus in the 3rd and 4th years of the 93rd Olympiad. Plutarch in the Life of Lysander.)

1401. Lysander journeyed to Cyrus and desired money from him as before. He got it after much
difficulty. Cyrus made it appear to him that because he was so generous to him in the past, he
was short of funds. Lysander immediately appointed sea captains over every ship and paid every
ship and sailor his due. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 2.)

1402. When the Carthaginians captured Gela in Sicily, they took the huge brass statue of
Apollo, which was in his temple in the suburbs of the city, back to Tyre. (Diod. year 4.
Olympiad 93.)

1403. When Cyrus received his father's message, he sent for Lysander to come unto him at
Sardis. He did not want him to fight the Athenians at sea until he had a far larger fleet than he
had now. He promised that when he returned he would bring with him a very great navy from
Phoenicia Cilicia and other surrounding areas. He committed the care of all the cities of his
government to Lysander. All tributes that belonged to him, he assigned to Lysander. What was
left over he said Lysander could keep for himself. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 2. Diod. Sic. year 4.
Olympiad 93. Plutarch in the Life of Lysander.)

1404. Cyrus journeyed to his father and took Tissaphernes as a friend along with him and 300
Greek foot soldiers under the command of Xenophon of Arcadia. (Xenophon de Expedit. Cyri, 1.
l.p. 243, 254.)

1405. When Cyras was gone, Lysander paid his army and went with his fleet to Ceramium a bay
in Caria. He attacked the town Cedreas which was a confederate of the Athenians and captured
it the next day. He sacked it and enslaved its inhabitants who were no better than a kind of half
barbarous people. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 2.) However Diodorus (year 4. Olympiad 93.) states:

vv Lysander, with a great number of ships attacked Thasus, a city of Caria and confederate of the
Athenians. He took it by force, and cut the throats of the 800 men there. He sold the women and
children as slaves and levelled the city to the ground."

1406. He writes "Thasians" instead of "Cedrenians." These were the inhabitants of the isle of
Thasus. These lived far off from there. After the defeat of the Athenians at Egos Potamos and
the final ruin of Athens, the Thasians were not taken by force by Lysander but surprised by a
rase of his. This we may easily learn from a broken passage of (Emil. Probus, in the Life of
Lysander,) and the complete account of the matter by (Polyenus, 1. 1. Stratagem.)

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1407. At Miletus, a man overturned the democratic government there with the help of Lysander.
In the Feast of Bacchus, they cut the throats of 40 of those those who opposed them in their own
homes. Afterward in a crowded market, they seized 300 more of the richest people and cut off
their heads. About 1000 of the important people who feared for their lives, fled to Pharnabazus,
the Persian governor in those parts. He entertained them very kindly and gave every one of them
a statue of gold. He gave them a citadel in Claudia called Clauda to live in. (I think this may be
the island of Clauda mentioned in Ac 27:16.) (Dior, year 4. Olympiad 93.)

1408. The Athenians set sail from Samos and came to Chios and Ephesus. When they had
wasted the king's countries in these areas, they prepared for a sea battle. Meanwhile Lysander
sailed with his fleet from Rhodes and left Ionia on the right hand and went to Hellespont. He
planned to blockade that strait and destroy all cities in those parts that had revolted from him.
(Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 2.)

1409. Lysander sailed from Abydus with his fleet to Lampsacus, a confederate city of the
Athenians. He was met by the men from Abydus who came by land and others under the
command of Thorax, a Lacedemonian captain. They attacked the city, captured and sacked it. It
was rich, full of grain, wine and other provisions. He sent away the Athenian garrison.
According to his word, he allowed all freemen there to enjoy their liberty. When he had given its
spoil to his soldiers, he left the place to its inhabitants. (Plutarch, in the life of Lysander.)

1410. The Athenian navy of 180 ships, was wholly surprised and taken by Lysander at Egos
Potamos, in the strait of Hellespont. Barely 10 ships escaped with 3000 soldiers and their
commanders. (Plutarch, in the life of Lysander.)

1411. Conon their admiral, saw the Athenian cause was now hopeless. He did not want to return
to Athens for fear of the cruelty of his country men. He escaped with 9 ships only to Cape
Abarinders in Lampsacus. He took from there some main masts of Lysander's ships and sailed
away to to his good acquaintence, Euagoras, king of Cyprus. He sent a small ship to Athens to
tell them what had happened to him at Egos Potomos. (Plutarch, in the life of Lysander, with

Isocrat. in his Euagoras, Aristot. 1. 2., Rhetor. Justin 1. 5. c. 6. and Aristid. in Oratio. Rhodiaca.)

1412. Lysander had rifled their camp and carried away the ships, prisoners and spoils and
everything else. He found the Triumphant Songs to Lampsacus for pipe and flute. The same day
he sent Theopompus who had been a Milesian pirate, to Lacedon with the news of this victory.
He went in the best ship with pennants and streamers flying and all other magnificent attire.
Philocles the captain took 3 days to complete the journey. They had 3000 Athenian prisoners
with them who had their throats cut except for Adimantus. (Xenoph. Diodor. Plutarch.)

1413. When Lysander had set all things in order at Lampsacus, he sailed to Byzantium and
Chalcedon. Both cities opened their gates to him and sent away the Athenian garrisons in both
places giving his word for safe conduct. When they who had formerly betrayed Byzantium to
Alcibiades got away, they first went into Pontus and from there to Athens where they were all
made free citizens. Lysander placed Sthenelaus, a Lacedemonian as governor of both Byzantium
and Chalcedon. He returned to Lampsacus to repair his navy. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 2.)

1414. Lysander expelled from every city any who favoured the Athenians and destroyed the
democraties and all other forms of government he found. He left them only, Harmostae as they
were called in Sparta or Moderators to govern them. Each city was divided into ten wards. He
appointed ten men to rule the city. He only chose those who were formally loyal to him or
would sware allegence to him. Thus he created a Decemvirate or a government of ten men in
every city. These were all loyal to him and did his bidding. (Plut. and Emil. Prob. in the life of
Lysander.)

1415. After Lysander had spent a little time in this, he sent word to Sparta that he was ready to
sail with 200 ships. Together with Agis and Pausanias, the Spartan kings, he immediately came
to besiege Athens, hoping to take it in a short time. When he found that they defended
themselves beyond his expectation, he returned into Asia. There he abolished all deomocraties
and established everywhere his Decemvirates or government by ten men. He killed many and
forced the rest to flee for their lives. At Miletus he helped his friends destroy the democratic
there. They had joined an opposing party. He most cunningly managed the matter so that he
delivered no less than 800 of the democratic party to be murdered by those which stood for an
aristocracy in that city. (Plutarch, in the life of Lysander.)

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1416. The Athenians were besieged by sea and land by the Lacedemonians. They surrendered
under certain conditions. However, on the 16th day of Munichion the Attic month (the 24th of
April, according to the Julian Calender) as Plutarch in his life reports, they were told that they
had broken the articles because they had not demolished their walls within the 10 day time limit.
Hence, it is gathered, that that peace tready was made upon the 6th of their month Munichion,
that is on April 14. Thus ended the Peloponesian war after 27 years of fighting. (Thucidides in
his 5th book)

1417. Shortly after this peace, Darius king of all Asia died after he had reigned for 19 years. His
oldest son, Artaxerxes reigned for 43 years after him. (Diodor. Sic. year 4 Olympiad 93.)
However, Ctesias who was physician to Artaxerxes, says, that Darius Ochus died at Babylon.
He was succeeded by Arsacus or Arsaces who was born to him by Parysatis before he became

king. When he became king, he changed his name to Artaxerxes. From respect the greatness of
that king, he was surnamed Mnemon. To which also, as I conceive refers that account of
(Athenaus, 1. 12. Deipnosoph.) where he says that when Ochus was dying, he was asked by his
oldest son by what wisdom and policy he had guided the state for so many years. He wanted to
learn from the king the correct way to rule the kingdom. The old king replied that he had done it
by always doing right to both God and man. Darius Ochus was often urged by his wife Parylatis,
who loved her younger son Cyrus more than the older to follow the example of Darius
Hystaspes. He left his first son that was born after he became king, the kingdom not the first
born son who was born before this. However he would not listen to her. By his last will, he gave
the kingdom to his oldest son Artaxerxes and to his younger son Cyrus all those cities and
territories which he had at that time under his government in Asia. (Plutarch in the life of
Artaxerxes. Justin. 1. 5. c. 11.)

1418. As soon as Artaxerxes came to the throne, his wife Statyra persuaded him to take
Vadiastes, who had murdered Terituchmes, her brother and husband to Amistris, who was
Artaxerxes' own sister. He had his tongue to be drawn backward out of his mouth and be cut off
and he was killed. He made Mitredates or Mithridates' son, (who had preserved the city Zaris for
the son of Terituchmes), satrap or governor in his place. (Ctesias)

1419. Artaxerxes went to Pasargada, where according to the custom, he was to take off his robe
and to put on the robe which old Cyrus had worn before he became king. He was inaugurated
according to the ancient regal ceremonies by the priests of Persia. Tissaphernes brought him the
priest, who had instructed his brother Cyrus in his childhood, according to the custom of his
country and taught him the principles of the art of magic. He was trusted by Artaxerxes when he
accused Cyrus of plotting against the king. When Artaxerxes was taking off his own robes, he
attacked his brother and planned to murder him in the very temple. (Plutarch, in the life of
Artax.)

1420. Artaxerxes had his brother held for he planned to have him executed. He put him in gold
chains out of the respect of his royal blood. When he was to be killed, his mother caught him
about the middle and then threw her hair around his neck and tied him with her hair. After many
tears and lamentations she secured his pardon and position back. He was sent again to his
command in Lydia and the other sea towns in Asia. (Plutarch, in the life of Artax., Xenoph. in
Expediso. Cyri. 1. 1. Justin. 1. 4. c. Ult., Ctesias.)

1421. Alcibiades feared the power of the Lacedemonians who commanded all the sea and land.
He left that part of Bithynia which belonged to the Thracians and carried with him a great
quantity of silver and gold. However, he left much more behind in the citadel where he had
been. As soon as the Thracians knew about his wealth, they planned to catch him and take his
money. They missed him for he stole secretly away to Pharnabazus in Phrygia. He was so taken
and enamoured with Alcibiades' gentle behaviour that no man was so close to him as Alcibiades
was. Hence he gave him the citadel of Grynium in Phrygia. He made 50 talents a year in tribute
from the place. (Plut. and Emil. Prob. in the life of Alcibiades.)

1422. The Lysandrian feast and games were instituted in honour of Lysander. When Antimachus
and Niceratus contested in Poetry, Lysander gave the garland to Niceratus. Antimachus was so
disappointed that he burnt his own poem. The youth, Plato, cheered him and told him that
ignorance harmed only the ignorant themselves, as blindness did the blind. (Plut. in the life of
Lysander, with Diod. Sic. 4th. year 93rd Olympiad, from Apollodorus.)

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1423. In the next Olympiad after the capture of Athens by Lysander, Crocinas a Thessalian won
the prize in running. This was the 94th Olympiad. Xenephon (Xeneph. Hellen. 2.) states that
there was an eclipse of the sun which the astronomical calculations show happened on the
morning of September 3.

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1424. When Cyrus returned safely into Lydia, he remembered how his brother had shackled him
and began to plan how he might avoid future problems with his brother and how he might make
himself king. Therefore he gathered as many Greek soldiers as possible and made various
excuses to gather a great army from many nations. He planned a surprise attack on his brother.
(Xenoph. Exped. Cyr. 1. 1. Plutarch in the Life of Artaxerxes.) He sent Lysander a gift of a ship
made all of gold and ivory, 2 cubits (a yard) high. He congratulated him with this gift for the
great sea victory he had. Lysander put the present in the treasury of Brasidas and Acanthians.
(Plutarch in his Lysander) Lysander came to him at Sardis to deliver a present from all the
confederate cities. Among these things was perhaps that jewel or necklace, which Elian. (Var.
Histor. 1. 12. c. 1.) says, was sent to him from Scopas the younger from Thessaly. Cyrus
welcomed him and showed him his orchard which he had laid out and planted himself. He
entertained Lysander with a discourse on husbandry as recorded by Xenophon in his
Oesonimies, in the person of Socrates.

1425. Among the Persians, Satabarzanes accused Orontes for keeping company with Parysatis,
the king's mother. His other wife had always been faithful to him. Therefore Orontes was
executed. Parysatis grew unhappy with her son and had Mithridatis that son of Terituchnes' son
to be poisoned. (Ctesias.)

1426. When Alcibiades learned that Cyrus intended to make a war against his brother with the
Lacedemonian's support, he planned to go quickly to Artaxerxes. He wanted to be the first to
expose this treason and hoped to get some reward for himself as Themistocles had done before
him. He also wanted the king's help to free his country of Athens from their Lacedemonian
bondage. Meanwhile, Critias, one of those 30 tyrants, whom Lysander had set over the
Athenians to rule them, told Lysander to have Alcibiades killed or all that he did at Athens
would be undone. Lysander did nothing until a cipher was brought him from Lacedemon
ordering him to kill Alcibiades. Lysander sent to Pharnabazus to let him know that unless he
immediately gave him Alcibides either dead or alive, the league between the king and the
Lacedemonians would be broken and war would break out again. Pharnabazus sent Susamithres'
uncle and Magaeus, (whom Emil. Probus calls Bagoas) to murder Alcibiades while he was in a
certain place in Phrygia called Melissa near the mountain of Elophois. He was preparing for his
journey toward the king.

1427. The people of the country whom they had hired to kill him, dared not attempt it directly.
In the dead of the night they put a great pile of wood around the house where he was sleeping
and set it on fire. When Alcibiades escaped they shot arrows at him which killed him. They
carried his head to Pharnabazus. His sweet heart wrapped the rest of his body in her own gown.
(A little before he had dreamed that he was wrapped in it.) She buried the body in the same fire

which the house was burned with and gave him as honourable a funeral as she could afford.
(Ephorus 1. 17. cited by Diod. year 1. Olym. 94. Aristot. Histor. Animal. 1. 6. c. 29. Cic. 1. 1. de
Divina. Valer. Max. 1. I.e. 7. Justin. 1. 5. c. 8. Athen. Deipnosaph. 1. 13. Plutarch and Emil.
Prob. in their lives of Alcibiades.)

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1428. Clearchus a Lacedemonian was a tyrant of Byzantium. He was overthrown by his own
people under the leadership of Panthoedas. He stole away by night and came into Ionia. He
learned that Cyrus planned to attack his brother. He befriended Cyrus and was made general of
all his forces. Cyrus found that he was a proud, courageous and daring man. He gave him 10000
dracmas. He raised forces and marching from Chersonsus and attacked the Thracians that
bordered northward upon Hellespont. Because it seemed to the advantage of the Greeks,
therefore the cities of Hellespont contributed willingly to the support of the army. So that these
forces were maintained secretly for the service of Cyrus. (Xenophon de Expedit. Cyri. 1. 1.
Diodor. year 2. Olympiad 94.)

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1429. Lysander brutally wasted the province of Phrygia and other places under the government
of Pharnabazus. Therefore he complained about this at Lacedemon where he was held in great
esteem and much beloved because he had much wealth and always supported their state against
its enemies. Therefore the Ephori were greatly displeased with Lysander. They killed Thorax,
his good friend because they found that he had a store of money in his house. They sent their
cypher to Lysander and recalled him from Asia. Hereupon Lysander entreated Pharnabazus to
write letters to justify him. This he publicly did. These were so well done that Lysander could
not have wished for better. Since he had other letters already written, he inserted them into the
bundle when they were sealed. He sent them away by Lysander to Lacedemon for the Ephori.
Thereby, he was made to be the accuser against himself. (Plut. and Emil. Prob. in their lives, of
Lysander and Polyanus, 1. 7. Stratagem.)

1430. Not long after this, he was permitted by the Ephori to travel to visit the temple of Jupiter
Ammon. He pretended that it was to pay the vows which he had made before he entered into
certain battles which he had fought in their service. However the real purpose was to bribe the
priests there for his own ends. To that end, he carried with him a large sum of money. There he
had an old friend of his father, King Lybis. In memorial of that friendship his father named his
younger brother, Lybis. The chief priest of that oracle would not be bribed and informed against
him at Sparta. When he returned to Sparta, he was called into question for it but was acquitted
by the court. (Diodor. year 2 of the 94th Olympiad, Plutarch and Emil. Probus in their lives of
Lysander.)

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1431. At this time all the cities of Ionia, except Miletus which was under the government of
Tissaphernes, defected to Cyrus. When Tissaphernes was residing at Miletus, he learned that the
Milesians were also inclined toward Cyrus. He thwarted their purpose by killing some of them
and expelling others. When these came to Cyrus, he graciously received them. He immediately
gathered an army by land and sea to restore to them their city. (Xen. De Expedit. Cy. 1. 1. p.

244.) Among his army was Socrates of Achaia with 500 foot soldiers and Pasio of Megara with
almost 700 more. (Xen. De Expedit. Cy. 1. 1. p. 245) Cyrus' admiral, Tamos an Egyptian,
blockaded Miletus with 25 ships. (Xen. De Expedit. Cy. 1. 1. p. 252.)

1432. Cyrus sent to Artaxerxes requesting that he would entrust those cities to him rather than
with Tissaphernes. His mother supported him in this. When the king learned that there was no
treason in this action, but Cyrus had kept an army only to oppose Tissaphernes, he was content
that they should forget past differences. For Cyrus duly sent to Artaxerxes the tribute from those
cities, which Tissaphernes had formerly held. (Xen. De Expedit. Cy. 1. 1. p. 241.)

1433. This Cyrus was never king either of Persia or Babylon. He is the man, whom Geor.
Harvartus fancies was the king who after the end of the Babylonian captivity, allowed the Jews
to return home with their governor Zerubbabel and Joshua, or Jeshua, the son of Jozadak the
high priest. However, it was Artaxerxes Mneonon who was then king of Persia, and Johannes,
who in Ne 12: 1 1,22,23 is called Johanan and Jonathan, was the high priest of the Jews. The
governor of the Jewish nation was a certain Persian Lord, whom Josephus Antiquit. (1. 11. c. 7.)
says was called Bagoses a captain of another Artaxerxes as Rasinus translates him. That is
another descendent from Artaxerxes Longimanus of whom Josephus had spoken in the next
precedent chapter. But the relationship which he makes between these men is this:

1434. Jesus was brother to Johannes the high priest whom Bogoses was a close friend and
promised to bestow the next high priesthood on him. Confident of Bogoses' support, Jesus
became very bold. First he had an argument with John and then a public brawl with his brother
in the very temple. He provoked John so much that his brother slew him in the place. When this
happened, Bagoses came and profaned the temple by entering it. He said that the high priest had
already polluted it with his own brother's blood. For the next 7 years he vexed the Jews for that
murder and lay a heavy fine upon them. Before they offered their daily sacrifice, they should
pay (not for every year, as the common translations of Josepheus and from them Salianus have
it) but for every lamb, 50 drachmas. This punishment continued only as long as that Johannes
was the high priest. We determine this happened in the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, not
Artaxerxes Ochus. With the beginning of Artaxerxes Mnemon's reign we therefore reckon this
because we find mentioned Johannes or Johanan (though not then the high priest) in Ezr 10:6 Ne
12:23. For between the 7th year of Artaxerxes Longimanus to which that history of Ezra refers
and the end of the 7th year of Artaxerxes Mnemon's reign (before which we suppose and take
for granted, that this Johannes did not die) there was at least 70 years according to our account.
So he died after living over 90 years and his son Jaddus succeeded him in the priesthood and
held it to the reign of Alexander the Great. He died about the age of 83, if we suppose that he
was born the end of Darius Nothus' reign. This is an aside. We now return to the history of
Cyrus the younger, who died before he was 22 years old.

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1435. Cyrus sent messengers to Lacedemon and asked them that as he from time to time had
supported them with men and money against the Athenians, so now they would send him men.
He bragged that if they sent them footmen, he would give them horses, if horsemen, chariots, if
they had lands, he would give them towns, if towns, cities for their reward. For their wages, they
would have it not by number but by weight paid to them. Hereupon, the Lacedemonians
determined what he asked for was right and that this war be to their advantage. Ignoring the fact
that this war was against Artaxerxes, they planned to send him aid hoping to ingratiate

themselves to Cyrus. If things did not go as planned they had a good excuse to Artaxerxes that
they had decreed nothing against him in person. The Ephori sent letters to their admiral at
Samos to do whatever Cyrus required. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. Diod. Sic. year 4 Olympiad 94.
Justin 1. 5. c. ult. Plutarch in the Life of Artaxerxes.)

1436. Therefore the Lacedemonian admiral with his ships sailed to Ephesus to meet with Tamos
the Egyptian, admiral to Cyrus and offered Tamos his services to the best of his ability. He
joined his fleet with Tamos' fleet. They sailed around the coast of Ionia to Caria so that Syenesis
the governor of those lands, would not move to hinder Cyrus in his march by land against his
brother. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3., Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 94., Xenophon, Cy. 1. 1. p. 248,
252.) Diodorus says, that Samos, the Lacedemonian admiral at Samos, had 25 ships and Tamos
had 50. Upon the more accurate testimony of Xenophon, in his book of this journey, undertaken
by Cyrus, Tamos had only 25 ships and Pythagoras the Lacedmonian, 35, (for he makes him to
be the other admiral and not Samos)

1437. Cyrus with his army of foot soldiers resolved to march into upper Asia under the pretence
that he went against the Pisidians who often attacked areas under his control. Thereupon he sent
for Clearchus the Lacedemonian, Aristippus of Thessaly, Xenes of Arcadia, the banished of
Miletus, the army which besieged Miletus. He sent Proxenus a Boeotian with all the speed he
could make to the Greeks and others to come quickly to Sardis. (Xenoph. de Exped. Cy. 1. 1.)

3603b AM, 4313 JP, 401 BC

1438. When Tissaphernes determined that a much greater force was being assembled then an
attack on the Pisidians would require, he hurried away with 600 cavalry as fast as he could to
Artaxerxes. When he knew what was happening, he prepared for war. (Xenoph. de Exped. Cy. 1.
1.)

1439. Cyrus left some of his trusted Persian friends to manage affairs at Lydia. He entrusted his
good friend Tamos, the Egyptian admiral to take care of the cities of Ionia and Eolia in his
absence. He marched with his army towards Caria and Pisidia under the pretence that certain
persons in those parts were unruly. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 94.)

vv But how Cyrus gathered his army, marched against his brother, how the battle was fought and
how Cyrus perished in it and how those Greeks who went with him, came back again safely to
the sea, i.e. into Asia Minor, Themistogenes of Syracuse has recorded. Xenophon states this in
the beginning of the third book of his Greek History. If we compare this part of the history with
Plutarch's book, (de Gloria Athenicusium), he says that Xenophon wrote a history of himself.
He recorded how he was a captain and what exploits he did. Then he said that Themisogenes of
Syracuse had written it, thus giving away the glory of this his writing to another man so that the
things therein written of himself, might find the more credit in the world."

1440. And another place in Suidas, he shows:

vv That the Expedition of Cyrus, which commonly goes with Xenophon's History of the Greeks
and some other pieces concerning his own country, were all of Xenophon's own writings."

1441. For indeed, these books of the Expedition of Cyrus went before with the rest of his Greek
Histories. In the end of it, he plainly says, that the writer of it was present at all those events.
Therefore the work itself, which is everywhere full of Xenophon's noble acts, is attributed to
him not only by Plutarch but long before him by Cicero, Dionysins, Halicarnassaeus,
Hermogenes, Laertius, Athenaeus and (not to speak of our Divines, Eusebius, and Jerome) by
Arianus of Nicomedia. Themistogenes also had the nick name of New Xenophon as we read in
Photius and Suidas because he compiled the discourses of his teacher Epictetus in 4 books, as
Xenophon had done for those of his teacher Socrates. Also, as Xenophon had written that
Expedition of Cyrus in 7 books, so he had written the Expedition of Alexander in 7 books.
Although Xenephon in his Expedition of Cyrus which has a brief preface to every book but not
to the set in general as Laertius has noted. Where as in every book except the 6th,
Themistogenes made a preface using a summary of the previous books which Xenophon did not
do in his books. Themistogenes has details in those books which do not flatter Xenophon.
Therefore, I am rather inclined to think that these books were written by Themistogenes and not
by Xenophon. However, I followed the authority of those ancient writers. I have all along cited
him by the name of Xenophon, as they have done before me.

1442. Now of those five points mentioned by Xenophon (Xenop. Hellen. 1. 3.) and said to have
been written by Themistogenes the first four are entirely in the first book of this Expedition of
Cyrus.

1. The gathering of his army.

2. Their marching into upper Asia and coming to the place where they fought.

3. The details of the battle.

4. The fall of Cyrus in that battle.

1443. Cyrus left Sardis, where Xenophon had met him after being sent for from Athens by
Proxenus the Boeotian. There he volunteered for the action, as we find in the 3rd book and came
to Celaenae in Phrygia. He stayed there 30 days. During that time Clearchus and other Greek
commanders came from various parts to him. They assembled a force of 1 1,000 foot soldiers
and about 2000 targeteers.

3603c AM, 4313 JP, 401 BC

1444. From Celaenae, Cyrus came with his army to the bank of Cayster. He received money
from Epiaxa the wife of Syenesis the king of Cilicia. (Cyrus was formerly thought to have been
too familiar with her.) He paid his army the 3 back months he owed them plus the next month in
advance. Epiaxa arrived at Tartius in Cilicia 5 days before Cyrus. She persuaded her husband
Syenesis to come there also and to give Cyrus a vast sum of money toward the support of his
army. Both Ctesias and Diodorus add, that Syenesis, like a wise man, supplied both Cyrus and
Artaxerxes with the necessities for the war. For having two sons, he sent one of them to Cyrus
with a competent number of men for his service. However he had sent away the other privately
before to Artaxerxes to let him know that with such an army as Cyrus had, he dared not oppose
Cyrus but publicly joined with him. Nevertheless he was loyal to Artaxerxes and would defect
to him as soon as he could find an opportunity. Cyrus stayed 20 days at Tarsus where the Greek
companies told him plainly that they would march no farther. Clearchus by his tact, changed
their mind so they marched to Issus. This was the remotest city of Cilicia where Cyrus' fleet met
him bringing him 700 foot soldiers, but Diodorus says 800. The Lacedemonians had sent these
men to Cyrus under the command of Chirosophus. Also 400 foot soldiers who had formerly

served Artaxerxes under their captain Abrocomus came into his camp. However, Abrocomus
left Phaenicia with 300,000 men and marched to Artaxerxes and arrived 5 days before the battle.
By leaving the place where he was, Cyrus passed the straits of Syria and without halting came to
the place of the pending battle. He travelled from Ephesus to that place in 93 days and marched
535 parasanges or about 2000 miles or over 21 miles a day.

1445. According to Plutarch, the battle was fought at Cynaxa which is about 63 miles from
Babylon. According to the 2nd book of the Expedition of Cyrus, that the fight was about 383
miles from Babylon. Jacobus Capellus, thinks it should be read, "from Susa". In the army of
Cyrus there were about 13,000 Greek soldiers although Justin. (1. 5. c. ult.) says, there were not
more than 10,000. Of these, there were 10,400 foot soldiers and 2500 targeteers. From the other
nations, 100,000 men and about 20 hooked chariots. Artaxerxes had 900,000 men and 1500
hooked chariots. However, Ctesias Cnidius, who was in the battle is quoted by Plutarch and
Ephorus who is cited by Diodorus state there were only 400,000. In the battle 15,000 soldiers of
Artaxerxes died according to Diodorus and 3000 on the side of Cyrus. However, Ctesias in
Plutarch states that Artaxerxes lost not more than 9000 soldiers and not more than 20,000 died
that day. This battle was fought the 4th year Olympiad 94. when Xenaenetus was archon in
Athens and one year before Socrates was put to death there. (Diogenes Laertius, in the life of
Socrates)

1446. In this battle the two brothers met and Artaxerxes was first wounded through his coat of
armour. Ctesias helped him recover from this wound. Cyrus carried on with good success
against his brother, fearing no danger and was slain by an unknown hand in the battle.
Artaxerxes spent his rage upon the dead body of his brother. He severed his head from the body
of him and cut off the hand from the arm that had wounded him. He carried it about in a
triumphant manner. When his sorrowful mother came to Babylon she tearfully gathered up his
remains and buried them there. The battle between the two brothers is more fully described by
Plutarch, from Ctesias and Dinon.

1447. When the king came to rifle his camp, he found and took the concubine of Cyrus. She was
a woman much renowned for her wit and beauty. (Xenoph. 1. 1. p. 270. Exped. Cy.) She was a
Phoecaean who was born in Ionia the daughter of Hermotimus. Her name was Mitto but was
changed by Cyrus to Aspasia because she seemed equal to Aspasia the Miletian, who was the
mistress of Pericles. See note on 3564 AM. Artaxerxes was anxious to get her. When she was
brought to him all bound, he grew exceedingly angry with those who had brought her and laid
them in irons. She was most highly esteemed of all the 360 concubines he had and he doted on
her the most. (Plut. in the lives of Pericles and Artaxerxes. Ilian. Var. Hist. 1. 12. c. 1. Justin. 1.
10. c. 2.)

1448. The Greeks on the other side did not know that Cyrus was dead so they kept on fighting.
In their quarter they beat back Tissaphernes and all his forces with a squadron of about 6000
Greeks according to Isocrates. In his Panegyric, he adds:

vv that they were not of the best Greeks but the mere refuse of them and such as could no longer
live in their own homes. These now in a strange country, forsaken of their companions, betrayed
by their companies and bereft of their captain whom they followed to this war."

1449. The king came with most of his army to rescue Tissaphernes. He entered their camp and

rifled it. However, when the Greeks returned from the pursuit of Tissaphernes, they recovered
their camp and drove the king from it. They spent the night there with no food and went hungry
the next day too. This is the end of Xenophon's first book of Cyrus' Journey.

1450. The second book describes how these Greeks under the command of Clearchus planned to
return home again. Tissaphernes promised to escort them back with his own forces and to guide
them. He broke this promise. He rounded up Clearchus, with Proxenus, Agias and Socrates with
20 more captains and 200 soldiers to be murdered. Ctesias also in his Persian History, (which
the author of this book of the voyage of Cyrus had undoubtedly read) had formerly told us how
cunningly Tissaphernes worked. Using Menon, a Thessalian and by his promises he captured
Clearchus and the rest mentioned in the group. They were put in irons and sent to the king at
Babylon. Ctesias tells how he was the physician to Parysatis, the king's mother. Through her he
was able to help Clearchus while he was in prison. Through her request to the king, the king had
promised that Clearchus would not be harmed. However, by the instigation of Statyra his queen,
the king had Clearchus and all the rest of the commanders except Menon to be butchered. All
the bodies were thrown out and devoured by wild beasts and birds. Only the body of Clearchus
was covered and preserved by a huge sandhill caused by a strong wind. (Ctesias in the
collections of Photius and Plut. in the life of Artaxerxes.)

3603d AM, 4313 JP, 401 BC

145 1 . In Xenophon's 3rd and 4th book, he narrates the journey back to Greece of the rest of the
Greeks whom Tissaphernes did not capture. Xenophon had the soldiers choose new captains to
replace the ones they lost. Xenophon was chosen to replace Proxenus. He describes their
journey through many enemy countries and how they endured the very cold winter and many
hardships and dangers. Finally they returned home safely. This account is found in Diodorus
Siculus, (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 94.) and in Isocrates' Panegyric.

1452. For his good service in this war, Artaxerxes gave Tissaphernes all the governments which
his brother Cyrus held in addition to what he had before. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. Diod. Sic. year
4. Olympiad, 94.) He lavished many other expensive gifts and favours on him. Lastly, he gave
him his own daughter for a wife. Tissaphernes was his most confident friend and servant. (Diod.
Sic. year 4. Olympiad 94.)

1453. For 10 days, Parysatis, the king's mother tortured the Carian who mortally wounded Cyrus
in the thigh. She had his eyes pulled out and boiling lead poured in at his ear holes until he died.
Mithridates, who first wounded Cyrus and bragged that he had killed him, was put between two
boats. He lay there for 17 days until he was eaten out with worms. Parysates won Bagabaeus,
the king's eunuch from the king at a dice game. It was he who ordered Cyrus' head and right
hand to be cut off. She had him flayed alive and then his body was laid across three crosses and
his flayed skin hung near it. After this by the humble suit of the king, Parysatis stopped
mourning for her son Cyrus. (Ctesias and Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes.)

1454. Parysatis had the queen Statyra, her daughter-in-law poisoned. Statyra had a trusted maid
servant called Gingis or Gigis. Dinon says she willing helped in the death of Statyra. Ctesias
said she did it against her will. The one who gave the poison was called Bellitara by Ctesias and
Melantas by Dinon. There is a little bird in Persia called Rhintaces or Rhindaces which has no
excrements at all but all its guts are full of fat. One of these birds, Parysatis cut in two with a

knife and gave the poisoned half to Statyra as they sat at dinner. This is what Ctesias thinks
happened. However, Dinon says that it was Melanta not Parysatis, who served her the poisoned
bird. When the Queen died in extreme torments after this, the king suspected his mother for it.
She was well known for her cruelty and implacable disposition of nature. He had the servants
and carvers to be questioned and used the rack on them. Parysatis kept Gingis a long time in her
own chamber and though the king required her yet would she not give her up to justice. At last
Ginges desired to steal secretly to her own home by night. Artaxerxes captured her and punished
her as a poisoner. He did not harm his mother but when she asked permission to go to Babylon,
he gave it to her. However, he told her that while she lived, he would not come there. (Plutarch,
in the life of Artaxerxes.)

1455. Aristo, with some others, surprised the city of Cyrene. In the battle they slew 500 of the
principal men of the inhabitants. The rest escaped. These joined with some 3000 of the
Missenians, whom the Lacedemonians at this time had expelled from their country. They fought
in an open field with those who had taken their city. In the fight, many of the Cyrenians on both
sides were killed. Almost all the Missenians were killed. When the fight was over, the Cyrenians
agreed with an oath to forget the past and live together peacefully. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp.
94.)

3604a AM, 4313 JP, 401 BC

1456. Tissaphernes (Diodorus incorrectly writes Pharnabazus) was sent by Artaxerxes to take
charge of all the governments in Asia Minor. He also wanted all the cities of Ionia. (Xenoph,
Hellen. 1. 3. Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 95.)

1457. When Tissaphernes came, all the governors and cities who had followed Cyrus were
afraid and sued for peace. Tamos the Egyptian who was the most important of these, was
governor of Ionia. (See notes on 3593 & 3603b AM.) He loaded his fleet with all his treasure
and his sons except Gaus, (who later became the king's general) and sailed to Egypt. He visited
Psammyticus the king and was confident of good treatment because of how he had treated
Psammyticus in the past. However, Psammyticus disregarded past favours done to him and
butchered him and his children to get the ships and treasure which he had brought. (Diod. Sic.
year 1. Olymp. 95.)

1458. The Greeks (of whom I spoke before) departed from Trapezus which was the first Greek
city they came to. It is situated on the coast of the Euxine Sea in the country of Colchos. After a
3 day march, they came to another Greek city in the same country of Colchos. It was also a sea
town as was the former town and was called Cerasunta. They stayed there 10 days and
numbered their men. Only 8600 remained of the 10000 they started with. The rest were lost.
Either they were killed by the enemy in the battle or they died in the snow or of other sicknesses
on their return journey. From there, they went through the countries of the Mosynaecori, the
Chalybes and Tybarenians and came to a Greek town called Catyora, a colony of the Synopians.
8 months or rather, as the order of the history implies, 5 months after the battle in the country of
Babylon. They journeyed from there to this place in 122 days and marched 620 parasanges or
4650 miles (about 38 miles per day). They stayed here 45 days. (Exped. Cy. 1. 5.)

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3604b AM, 4314 JP, 400 BC

1459. During their stay here, they got their provisions partly from the market of Colyora and
partly by plundering the countries around Paphlagonia. On the other hand, the Paphlagonians, if
they found any of them straggling from the camp, they attacked them. Finally, Corylas, who was
governor of the Paphlagonians, made peace between them. Afterward these Greeks were
transported by ship by the men of Heraclea and Synope. They came to Harmone, a port of
Synope where they stayed 5 days. From there they went to Heraclea in the country of the
Myrianden. It was a colony of the city of Megara. They came to a peninsula called Acherusia
and divided themselves into three companies.

1460. The 4500 plus foot soldiers of the Arcadians and Achaeans were transported by ship by
the Heracleans. They hurried aboard hoping to surprise the Thracians who inhabited Bithynia so
they might get all the more spoil. They landed at night at Calpe which is in the middle of their
sea coast. They went to the next towns and villages about 6 miles up the country. When these
Thracians were attacked, they fought back and killed many of the Greeks. One regiment of them
with their colonel Smicrates was entirely cut off. Only 8 soldiers and their captain Hegesandrus
escaped in another company. The rest fled to a hill for safety and were besieged by the Thacians.

1461. Chirosophus with 1400 foot soldiers and 700 targeteers, (who were Thracians and had
followed Clearchus on that journey) went from Heraclea all along the country by foot. He
finally came into Bithynia. Not feeling well, he with his men sailed to Calpe.

1462. Xenophon with his brigade of 1700 foot soldiers, 800 targeteers and about 40 cavalry
came by sea into a country which separates the Thracians of Bithynia from the country of the
Heracleans. He marched through the centre of the country and came and rescued those who
were besieged in the hill by the Thracians. Finally they assembled again as one body at the port
of Calpe. (Exped. Cy. 1. 6.)

1463. Chirosophus died here and was replaced by Neo, an Asinian. When he saw his troops
hungry and short of supplies, he gathered 2000 men and went foraging all over the country of
Bithynia. Pharnabazus sent his cavalry to help the Bithynians. He hoped to keep these Greeks
out of his lands. On the first attack, the cavalry killed at least 500 Greeks and the rest fled to a
hill for safety. Xenophon rescued them from the enemy and they all returned safely to the camp
before sunset. When Spithridates and Rhathines came with more troops to help the Bithynians,
the Greeks won a notable victory and erected a monument in memory of it there. They returned
the 7 or 8 miles to their camp by the seaside. After this victory, their enemies provided for their
own safety by driving their cattle and carrying away their families and goods to more remote
parts. When the Greeks passed through Bithynia, they found nothing of use to them. They
returned back a day and a night's journey into Bithynia again. They found and brought from
there some prisoners, sheep and other provisions for their own needs. After 6 days, they came to
Chrysopolis, a city of the Chalcedonians and stayed here 7 days. They sold their plunder here.
(Exped. Cy. 1. 6.)

1464. Pharnabazus feared that these Greeks would make war on his country. He arranged with
Anaxibius, the Lacedemonian admiral to ship them all out of Asia to Byzantium. When
Anaxibius returned from there with Xenophon into Asia, he received word at Cyzicum from

Aristarchus the new governor of Byzantium. Polus was appointed admiral in his place and he
was on his way as far as Hellespont. Therefore he sailed from thence to Patros. He sent to
Pharnabazus and requested the money which he had promised him for shipping the Greeks from
Asia. When he did not get it, he planned with Xenophon to hastily carry the Greeks back again
into Asia. Pharnabazus prevailed upon Aristarchus, the governor of Byzantium so that he
thwarted that plan. Since the winter was not over, Xenophon hired himself to Senthes the king
of Thracia. The cold was so extreme that many Greeks lost their noses and ears from frostbite.
(Exped. Cy. 1. 7.) Diodorus tells us that some Greeks returned into their own country but almost
5000 followed Xenophon into Thracia. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olympiad 95.) Hence, it appears, that
his number is incorrect where he says that only 3800 men came to Chrysopolis. (Diod. Sic. year
4. Olympiad 94.)

3604c AM, 4314 JP, 400 BC

1465. The Ionian and other Greek cities throughout Asia did nor accept Tissaphernes'
government. They wanted their freedom and feared Tissaphernes because they had always
preferred Cyrus over him. They sent messengers to the Lacedemonians asking them for help.
Since they were the protectors of all Greece, they wanted them to take over so that their country
could be free from war and they could have liberty as other Greeks. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. Diod.
Sic. year 1. Olymipiad 95.)

1466. This petition was very welcome to the Lacedemonians. Like most men, the more they had
the more they wanted. They were not content to have doubled their empire by taking over
Athens. Now they wanted to control all of Asia too. (Justin. 1. 6. c. 1.)

1467. Therefore, the Lacedemonians promised them aid in the first message they sent back.
They immediately sent to Tissaphernes to ask him not to make war on the Asian Greek Cities.
Out of contempt for them, he wasted all the region around the city of Cuma and took many
prisoners. Then he came with his army and besieged the city. Because the winter was coming,
he could not take it at that time. So he set a great ransom on the prisoners and abandoned his
siege. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymipiad 95)

1468. After this Thimbron went into Asia with an army of 1000 newly made citizens of Laconia,
4000 of Pelopnoesus and 300 Athenian cavalry. The cavalry had formerly served the 30 tyrants
of Athens. The city desired that this group should be wasted by foreign services rather than be
kept at home to do greater mischief. When Thimbron, came into Asia, he increased his army by
troops from the confederate cities there. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3.) At Ephesus, he added 2000 more
troops from these cities for a total army of about 7000 men. He marched about 15 miles into the
country and took Magnesia on his first assault. It was a city under Tissaphernes' government.
From there he went to Tralles a city of Ionia and began to besiege it. Since its location was very
strongly fortified, he left it and went back to the unwalled town of Magnesia. He feared that as
soon as he was gone, Tissaphernes would take it again. He moved it to a hill nearby called
Thorax which was a more easily defended position. He plundered the enemies' country and
greatly enriched his army. When he heard that Tissaphernes was coming down upon him with
an army of cavalry, he retired to Ephesus. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymipiad 95) He was not a match
for the cavalry and dared not stay in the plain. He thought it enough if he were able to keep the
countries where he was from being plundered by the enemy.

1469. When the Greeks under Xenophon had served Senthes 3 months in Thracia, Charminus
and Polynicus were sent from Thimbron to tell them that he needed their help in Asia against
Tissaphernes. He would pay each soldier a daric a month. Each captain of a company would be
paid 2 darics and every colonel 4. Xenophon told them that he personally planned to return
home. Most of the army came to him and earnestly asked him not to leave them until he had led
them to Thimbron. Therefore, he went aboard with them and sailed to Lampsacus. There he met
and conferred with Euclid, the Phliasian poet. After they passed through the territory of Troas,
they came to Pergamus. Xenophon was entertained by Hellas the wife of Gongylus of Eretria
and her two sons, Gorgius and Gongylus. By her counsel, he went to capture Asidates the
Persian. This he failed to do and exposed himself and his men to great danger. Finally by
chance, his soldiers captured him with his wife and children and cavalry and all that they owned.
They were very rich. Thimbron came and received the army from Xenophon. He added these
troops to the rest of the Greeks in his army and he led them against Tissaphernes and
Pharnabazus. (Exped. Cy. 1. 7.)

1470. Here ends the 7 books of the Expedition of Cyrus. The writer of it, whomever he was, was
present for all these events. He concludes his book, with this epilogue. The king's governors in
the counties which we passed through, were these:

vv Artimas of Lydia, Articamas of Phrygia, Mithridates of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Siennesis
of Cilicia, Dernes of Phenicia and Arabia, Belesis of Syria and Assyria, Rhoparas of Babylonia,
Arbacas of Media, Teribazas of Phasis and Iberia, the Carduchi, the Chalybes, the Azacrones,
the Colchi, the Mosynacci, the Coeti. The Tybareni had no governors but were all free people.
Corylas was governor of Paphlagonia, Pharnabazus of Bithynia, Seuthes was king of the
Thracians, on the European side."

1471. The whole journey, going and coming, lasted 215 days. They travelled 1150 parasanges,
or 4282 miles (4313 miles allowing 3.75 miles per parasange.) The whole expedition lasted 15
months.

3604d AM, 4314 JP, 400 BC

1472. When Thimbron was strengthened with these new troops he dared to pitch his camp in the
fields under Tissaphernes' nose. Pergamus voluntary surrendered to him. Likewise did
Tenthrania and Halisarnia which were commanded at that time by Eurysthenes and Procles, the
descendants of Demaratus of Lacedemon. Gorgins and Gongylus, the two brothers mentioned
previously had already joined him. One held Gambrius and Palegambrius, the other Myrina, and
Grinium and Thimbron captured the other weaker places by force. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3.)

3605 AM, 4315 JP, 399 BC

1473. Thimbron besieged Larissa, a town in Asia called Egyptia when it would not surrender to
him. While he besieged it with little effect, the Ephori at Sparta sent him letters stating that he
should leave Larissa and march to Caria and on to Ephesus. Dercylidas, an excellent engineer
and for his wit he was surnamed Sisyphus, was on his way to take command of the army. When
Thimbron returned to Sparta, he was there accused by various confederate cities, for allowing
his army to plunder them. Therefore he was banished from the city. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. Diod.
Sic. 2nd year of the 95th Olympiad.)

1474. Mania was a woman of Dardania, of manly courage. After the death of her husband Zenis,
she had managed very well the government of Eolia under Pharnabazus and had taken in various
sea towns, as Larissa, Hamaxitus and Colone. She was most treacherously murdered by her son-
in-law Midias when she was about 40 years old. Her 17 year old son was murdered with her.
Midias seized the two strong towns, Scephis and Gergitha where she had stored most of her
treasure. The garrisons in the rest of the towns remained loyal to Pharnabazus. Midias sent
messengers to Pharnabazus with great presents desiring that he might manage the whole
government of those parts upon the same terms that Mania did. This was for nought.
Pharnabazus answered that he should never rest if he did not avenge the murder of Mania.
(Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. Polyae, 1. 8. in Tania, or Phania, for so by a misprint Mania is called.)

1475. Dercylidas saw that he had to deal with both Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, two great
commanders each supported by a large army. When he saw that they were at odds with one
another, he made peace with Tissaphernes (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. with Justin 1. 6. c. 1. where yet
Hercylidas is put for Dercylidas.)

1476. After Dercylidas had first conferred with Tissaphernes, he marched to Eolia without
plundering the country. Eolia was under Pharnabazus' government. He had an old grudge
against Pharnabazus for an insult he received from him while he commanded at Abydus under
Lysander. Larissa, Hamaxitus and Colonae surrendered to him without a fight. (Note that here
Diodorus Siculus has Arista instead of Larissa.) Neandrus, Ilium also surrendered to him. The
Cocylitae did not fight with him. Cebrene, a very strong and fortified city did not wish to be
assaulted and also surrendered. He left a large garrison there and he immediately marched with
the rest of his army to Scephis and Gergithe. Midias feared the very inhabitants of that place and
Pharnabazus. He went out with hostages to parley and to seek to join forces against a common
enemy. Dercylidas laid hold of him and told him plainly that there was no hope of any
friendship between them unless he would set free all the citizens of those places which he held
to live according to their own laws. He marched into Scepsis with him and there offered
sacrifice to Minerva. He expelled Midias' soldiers and persuaded the inhabitants to defend their
newly acquired liberty. He next went to Gergithe with his army. When Midias desired that he
would at least leave him that city, he ignored Midias' request. Midias ordered the gates to be
opened and Dercylidas entered the city. He found the money which Mania had there, sufficient
to maintain an army of 8000 men for almost a whole year. He took the money and sent back
Midias to live as a private citizen at Scepsis. Xenophon tells us, that in 8 days, he took 9 cities.
Diodorus (Diod. Sic. 2nd year of the 95th Olympiad), writes that what by force and tricks he
used to take over all the cities and country of Troas.

1477. There was a quarrel between Artaxerxes and Euagoras the king of Salamis in the isle of
Cyprus. He had expelled from there Abdemon Thyrsius who was governor of the place and one
who was a good friend of Artaxerxes. Theopompus, (Excerpta Photii, num. 176.) calls him,
Abdymon Cityces. This quarrel was settled by the mediation of Conon the Athenian, who had
lived with Euagoras and Ctesias the Cnidian, who had long lived in the court in Persia. The
condition was that Euagoras would pay a certain tribute to Artaxerxes and also a gift was sent to
Satibarzanes. Ctesias also sent letters to Euagoras to make amends with Anaxagoras a king of
the Cyprians. Other similar letters were written by Euagoras and Conon. Ctesias has all these
inserted into his History of the Persian Affairs.

1478. When Dercylidas had gone this far into these parts, sent to Pharnabazus, to know whether

he wanted war or peace. Pharnabazus was afraid what might happen to Phrygia where he lived.
Phrygia bordered Aeolia, which was now controlled by Dercylidas. Therefore, Pharnabazus
wanted a truce. (Xenophon Hellen. 1. 3.)

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1479. When this truce was concluded, Dercylidas marched into that part of Bithynbia which the
Thracians held and there spent the winter. Pharnabazus liked this because the Thracians of that
country often made inroads on Phrygia and Dercylidas plundered that part of Bithynia at will.
He had plenty of provisions for the winter. (Xenophon Hellen. 1. 3.)

1480. About 200 Odrysian cavalry and 300 targeteers were sent from Senthes, the king of
Thracia, to help Dercylidas. When they first arrived, they forraged Bithynia and were almost cut
off there. After this they stayed close with the Lacedemonian army and heavily plundered the
territories of the Bithynians. (Xenophon Hellen. 1. 3.)

1481. When spring was coming, Dercylidas moved from Bithynia and came to Lampsacus.
Three ambassadors from Sparta, told him that his command was extended for another year. The
Ephori of Sparta told the army there, that in the former time the soldiers had been extremely
injurious to their confederates. They were commended for their good behaviour. He replied that
it was the same soldiers who followed Cyrus in his wars but that they were under new
commanders. This was the reason for the change of behaviour. When this was done, Dercylidas
sent the ambassadors from Ephesus to take their journey through the Greek cities and countries
in those parts. He told them how glad he was that they would find them all in so peaceable and
prosperous estate. (Xenophon Hellen. 1. 3.)

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1482. When the ambassadors left, Dercylidas sent again to Pharnabazus, to know whether he
would extend the truce from the previous winter or if he wanted war. Pharnabazus wanted to
continue the truce. Therefore, Dercylidas passed with his army over the Hellespont and came
into the Chersonesus of Thracia. This city contained 37 furlongs which he enclosed with a
strong wall. This work started in the spring and was finished before the beginning of autumn.
(Xenophon Hellen. 1. 3. Diod. Sic. year 2. Olympiad 95.) Contrary to his custom, Diodorus
combines the events of two years in one passage.

1483. Conon the Athenian wrote his letters from Cyprus to Artaxerxes, concerning his own
affairs. He desired these to be presented to him, either by Zenon of Crete, a dancer, or by
Polycritus of Mendes a physician, or in their absence, by Ctesias, who was likewise a physician.
It is said that when this letter came into Ctesias' hands, he added his own letter with it. Conon
asked the king to send Ctesias to him, as an important man for the king's service in those parts
especially in matters pertaining to the sea. Ctesias wrote that the king of his own accord sent and
employed him in that service. Plutarch, (Plutarch in Artaxerxes,) wrote concerning the letters of
Conon to the king and to himself and the speech which he gave to the king to understand the
matter. These he has inserted into his own history. He relates also that at the same time when the
Lacedemonians had sent ambassadors to the king, he committed them to custody and kept them
there.

1484. After Pharnabazus made truce with Dercylidas, he journeyed to the king and charged
Tissaphernes before him. He said that Tissaphernes had not opposed Lacedemonian's army
when it came into Asia. Instead, he supported them there at the king's expense. He told the king
that it was a shame that the king's war should not be pursued to a conclusion. Rather, his
enemies should not be bribed with money and but driven out with armies. He persuaded the king
to supply a fleet and make Conon the Athenian the admiral. He together with the advice of
Euagotas the king of Cyprus persuaded the king to give 500 talents to Pharnabazus for this
purpose. The king commanded him to commit the charge of the Phoenician fleet to Conon and
to make him commander-in-chief, over all his naval matters. (Diod. Sic. year 2 of the 95th
Olympiad, with Isocrates in his Euagoras and in his Oration ad Philip, and Pausanias, in Attices
and Justinus, 1. 6. c. 1.)

1485. When Pausanias returned from the court, he made Conon admiral of the seas. He made
many generous promises on the king's behalf. Conon was not fully furnished with a fleet. He
took the 40 ships he had ready and sailed into Cilicia. There he prepared for war. (Diod. Sic.
year 2 of the 95th Olympiad)

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1486. Ctesias was sent by Artaxerxes to the seaside. He went first into Cnidia his own country
and from there to Sparta. He says toward the end of his History which as Diodorus says ended
with the third year of this 95th Olympiad.

1487. Dercylidas returned from Chersonese into Asia. As he reviewed the cities he found that
the bandits of Chios had taken over Atarne. They were using this as a base to make inrodes upon
Ionia and lived on the spoil they found. Although Atarne was well fortified and contained much
food, he besieged it for 8 months. (Xenophon, Hellenic. 1. 3.)

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1488. When Atarne surrendered, he put Dracon of Pellene in charge of it. He supplied the city
with ample provisions so that he could use it for a good place to retreat to. He went to Ephesus.
(Xenophon, Hellenic. 1. 3.)

1489. When the ambassadors from Ionia came to Sparta, they stated that if Caria where
Tissaphernes resided was invaded, they thought that Tissaphernes would quickly grant them
permission to live according to their own laws. The Ephori wrote to Dercylidas that he should
march to Caria with his army. Pharaces their admiral was to sail the fleet into those parts also.
(Xenophon, Hellenic. 1. 3.)

1490. At this time Pharnabazus went to Tissaphernes because Tissaphernes was the chief
general and to let Tissaphernes know that he was ready to join with him in making war on the
Greeks. Therefore they went to Caria to settle matters there. When they had put garrisons there,
they returned to Ionia. Dercylidas heard that they had crossed the river Meander. He conferred
with Pharaces and showed him that he feared lest Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus would both
attack Ionia which now had no of garrisons. Then, Dercylidas crossed over the Meander also.
(Xenophon, Hellenic. 1. 3.)

1491. In the Persian army there were 20,000 foot soldiers and 10,000 cavalry. Dercylidas' army
had about 7000 men. (Diod. Sic. 2nd year of the 95th Olympiad) The soldiers from Peloponesus
were prepared to fight. The ones from Priene and Achilium, the isles and the other towns of
Ionia were cowards. They abandoned their weapons in the grain which grew abundantly in the
fields lying upon the Meander and fled. However, Tissaphernes remembered how well the
Greeks who were in Cyrus' army had fought against himself and imagined that all Crecians
would likewise be cowards. Therefore he did not attack them as Pharnabazus wanted to. He sent
to Dercylidas and desired to come to talk with him. After an interchange of hostages, they met to
discuss a peace treaty. Dercylidas demanded, that the king should allow all the Greek cities to be
free. Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus demanded that the Lacedemonian forces should withdraw
from the countries of the king's dominions and their commanders from the cities. A truce was to
continue until Dercylidas could receive an answer from Sparta. Likewise Tissaphernes and
Pharnabazus waited for an answer from the king. So both armies withdrew. The Persians
returned to Tralles and the other to Leucophris. (Xenophon, Hellenic. 1. 3.) (Diod. Sic. 2nd year
of the 95th Olympiad)

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1492. Now a certain man called Herodas of Syracuse in Sicily was living at that time with a ship
captain in Phoenicia. He noticed that war ships were arriving daily. Others were being outfitted
and others were being constructed. A navy of 300 ships was being prepared. Herodas boarded
the first ship bound for Greece and went to Sparta. He told them that a large fleet was being
made ready at Phoenicia. The purpose and destination of this fleet, he did not know. The
Lacedemonians were much troubled by this news. Agesilaus one of their two kings was asked
by Lysander to go with an army into Asia against the Persians. He was to take with him 30 men
of Sparta whom they would choose to manage that war. The first man they picked was
Lysander. He hoped to use this occasion to restore the Decemvirates throughout all the cities in
Asia which he had set up before. The Ephori later had abolished these and ordered every city to
live according to their own laws. So Agesilaus took 2000 of the newly made citizens of Sparta
and 6000 from their confederate cities with provisions for six months. They sailed from
Geraeium a port in Eubaea, with all the forces that he could gather and came to Ephesus. He did
this so quickly that he landed there before Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus heard that he had set
out. Thereby it came to pass, that he found them all unprepared for his arrival. Xenophon in
(Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3.) and in his Oration, of Agesilaus with Plutarch and Emil. Probus, in their
several lives of Agesilaus and Pansa in Laconicis. Pansa says that he landed first at Sardis.

1493. Agesilaus raised 4000 more soldiers at Ephesus. He had an army of 10,000 foot soldiers
and 400 or (as the Latin translation has it) 4000 cavalry. To this a rabble of other men who
followed the camp for pillage. These were as numerous as the army. (Diod. Sic. year 4 of the
95th Olympiad.)

1494. Tissaphernes sent to him to know why he came into Asia. He replied that he came to
restore freedom to the Greek cities. Tissaphernes desired him to wait for 3 months so that he
might send to the king. He assured him of a favourable reply from the king. Agesilaus sent
Heripadas, Dercylidas, and Migialius to him to take an oath of him that he meant no guile but
would do what he possibly could to procure the peace which he had promised. On behalf of
Agesilaus, they would swear to Tissaphernes to keep the truce if Tissaphernes would keep his
part of the bargain. Tissaphernes disregarded his oath and sent to the king to increase his army.
Although Agesilaus knew well what he intended to do, yet he kept the truce. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1.

3. and in his book of Agesilaus; with Plutarch and Emil. Probus. in Agesil.)

1495. While Agesilaus stayed at Ephesus, civil disorder broke out in the cities. Neither the
democratic government was obeyed which the Athenians set up nor the Decemviral which
Lysander had set up. All became suitors to Lysander who was well known among them that he
would obtain from Agesilaus for them what they desired. Hereupon it was that Lysander always
had a large court of attendants and suitors about him so that Lysander now seemed to be king
and Agesilaus a private citizen. This was a thorn in Agesilaus' side. Therefore he began to take
the administration of matters from Lysander's hands and to reduce his authority. Then he sent
him on an errand into Hellespont. When Lysander found that Spithridates, a Persian, (Plutarch
calls him Mithridates) was under Pharnabazus, he desired to speak with him. After a conference
Lysander persuaded him with his children and such wealth as he had and 200 calvalry to defect
from Pharnabazus. Spirthrides left what he had safely at Cyzicum and came with his son to
Lysander. He escorted them to Agesilaus who was glad to see him. Spirthides told Agesilaus
exactly how things were with Pharnabazus. (Xenoph. Hellen. 3. and Plut. in the life of Agesilaus
and Lysander.)

1496. When Tissaphernes got more troops from the king, he became insolent and proclaimed
war against Agesilaus unless he would leave Asia. Agesilaus was glad for this and ordered his
men to prepare for war. He sent to the Ionians, Eloians and those of Hellespont to send to him at
Ephesus all the troops they could spare. Tissaphernes thought that he would march into Caria
but Agesilaus went with his army into Phrygia. In a suprise attack on the cities there, he
obtained a vast some of money and other provisions from them and so came safely and without
halting near to Daseylium. His cavalry scoured the country ahead of the army. They met with
the cavalry of Pharnabazus and were routed. In that encounter they lost 12 men and 2 horses.
When Agesilaus with his foot soldiers came to their rescue, the Persians on the other side retired
having only lost one man. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. and in his Agesilaus, with Plutarch and Emil.
Probus in their Agesilaus likewise.)

1497. Agesilaus spent most of that summer plundering Phrygia and the nearby countries. He
enriched his army with plunder. Toward the autumn he returned to Ephesus, (Diod. Sic. year 1
of the 96th Olympiad) and there spent the winter. (Emil. Prob. in his Agesilaus.)

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1498. Nephereus or Nepherites reigned in Egypt for 6 years.

1499. The Lacedemonians sent to Nephereus to join them against the Persians. Instead, he sent
them a gift of tackle and 100 war ships and 30,000 bushels of wheat. (Diod. Sic. year 1 of the
96th Olympiad.) Justin calls him Hercinion and so does Orosius. He relates the matter in this
manner. The Lacedemonians' ambassadors asked for naval help from Hercinion They received
100 war ships and 600,000 bushels of wheat, (Justin 1. 6. c. 2. and Orosius 1. 3. c. 1.)

1500. Pharax the admiral of the Lacedemonian fleet, set sail from Rhodes with 120 ships and
came to Sasanda a citadel in Caria about 19 miles from Caunus. He sailed from there and
attacked the town of Caunus and Conon the Athenian who had 40 ships there. When
Artaphernes and Pharnabazus came with an huge army to relieve Caunus, Pharax lifted his siege
and returned with all his fleet to Rhodes. After this, Conon assembled 80 ships and sailed

toward Chersonesus. At the same time the Rhodians kept out the Poloponesian fleet and revolted
from the Lacedemonian state. They received Conon with all his fleet into their port and city. It
happened that the Egyptian fleet which knew nothing of this change of affairs, boldly anchored
off the island with all their cargo of wheat which was sent to the Lacedemonians. Conon with
the Rhodians attacked them and brought all their men and cargo into the port and stored the
grain there. (Diod. Sic. year 1 Olympiad 96.) The soldiers rebelled against Conon because the
king's officers defrauded them of their pay. They asked for their pay the more boldly, because
they were used in so great a service and served under so great a commander as Conon. (Justin. 1.
6. c. 2.)

1501. Agesilaus knew that he was no match for the enemy in the plains without sufficient
cavalry. He raised more troops. He ordered throughout all the confederate cities that such of
them as were rich and did not want to fight themselves should send to him a horse with a rider in
his place. When the spring was coming, he commanded all his army to assemble at Ephesus. He
carefully trained both cavalry and foot soldiers for war. During this preparation, he made the
city of Ephesus seem more important than before. He made it the centre of the war effort.
(Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. and in his Agesilaus: and Plutarch and Emil. Pro. in the same man's life.)

1502. A whole year had elapsed since Agesilans came from Sparta. The 30 commissioners
assigned to him returned to Sparta. Lysander the head of the commissioners returned with them.
30 others were sent to replace them of whom Heripidas was the leader. From these Agesilaus
chose Xenocles and another one to lead the cavalry and Scythes to command the foot soldiers of
the newly made citizens of Sparta. Heripidas was to lead them who had served under Cyrus.
Migdon was over those who were sent by the cities of Asia. Agesilaus let it be known that he
would march into the strongest part of the enemies' country so that they be mentally prepared for
a fierce battle. Tissaphernes thought that he had done this to amuse him a second time and to
keep him at home. He marched directly into Caria commanding his cavalry to stay behind and
hold the plain of Maeander. However Agesilaus did indeed, exactly what he had said and his
whole army attacked the country of Sardis. When he had marched for 3 days and saw no enemy,
he gathered from there a huge stock of all kinds of provisions for his army. On the 4th day the
enemies' cavalry was spotted. They found the Greeks scattered abroad and busy plundering the
country. They attacked and killed most of them. When Agesilaus came to their rescue, he saw
that the enemies' foot soldiers had not arrived. Since he was fully prepared, he attacked the
enemy near the River Pactolus and won a great victory. He captured their camp. He found riches
amounting to more than 70 talents of money. He transported all their camels into Greece. At this
time, Tissaphernes stayed at Sardis. Therefore, he was charged by the Persians to be a deserter.

1503. That is according to Xenophon. However, Diodorus, states that Tissaphernes was present
in the fight with 10,000 cavalry and 50,000 foot soldiers. Agesilaus came down from the hill
country of Sipalus and overran all the plain around Sardis. He pillaged the land and destroyed a
garden of Tissaphernes. It was enclosed and set with all sorts of trees and other things for
pleasure, infinitely sumptuous and of most exquisite workmanship and beauty. Agesilaus turned
from there and sent Xenocles with 14,000 to lie in ambush midway between Sardis and
Tybarnae to intercept some Persians who were to pass that way. In this second battle with the
Persians, he defeated them and killed over 6000 men. He took a great multitude of prisoners and
captured their camp that was full of wealth. After all this, Tissaphernes fled to Sardis and
Agesilaus returned to the seaside with his army. Pausanias also in his Laconica, writes, that
Agesilaus fought with Tissaphernes in the plain country of Hermus and there defeated the
cavalry and foot soldiers of the Persians. This was the largest Persian army since the time when

Xerxes went into Greece or when Darius went into Scythia. It is best to trust Xenophon's
account who was not only a reader to Agesilaus, (as Cicero 3 de Orators affirms,) and was very
intimate and familiar with him. (as Emil. Pro. Says in the Life of Agesilaus and Diogenes
Laertius, in the Life of Xenophon reports) Moreover, he was with him in all this war in Asia and
the next year returned with him to Greece.

1504. Conon the admiral of the Persian fleet had often sent letters to the king asking for pay for
the navy. When this failed, he went personally to the king. Pharnabazus also encouraged him to
accuse Tissaphernes of treason to the king. Therefore, Colon committed the charge of the navy
to Hieronimus and Nicodemus (both of Athens) in his absence. He sailed into Cilicia and from
there came to Thapsacum in Syria. He went on a barge down the river Euphrates to Babylon.
There he talked with Tithraustes the Chiliarch who held the highest position next the king.
Colon showed him who he was and that he desired to speak with the king. He could not be
admitted to the presence or speak with the king without adoration, that is by prostrating himself
before the king. Therefore he did his business with him by letters and messengers. He was
successful. The king declared Tissaphernes to be a traitor and ordered Conon to take charge of
the war against the Lacedemonians and to pay the navy using whomever he pleased to choose
for that office. He was highly rewarded for his service and sent to the sea with authority to order
what shipping he needed from the Cypriots and Phoenicians. These ships would guard the sea
before the next summer and Pharnabazus was assigned to him for an assistant as Colon
requested. (Diod. Sic. year 1. of the 96th Olympiad, Justin 1. 6. c. 2. Emil. Pro. in the life of
Conon.)

1505. Concerning the Cypriots, it is to be noted that at the very time while there passed
courtesies and presents between Artaxerxes and them, the king intended to make war against
them. It lasted 10 years before it ended, 8 of which he spent in preparations for it. This we shall
show later when we come to the fourth year of the 98th Olympiad, from Diod. Sic. He speaks of
the cause of that war, of which 8 years, it seems that only 6 were spent in preparation. At this
time, Isocrates made his Panegirical oration in which he mentions many vain attempts made
upon Euagoras by Artaxerxes. He says:

vv He made war on Euagoras who was governor of one poor city in Cyprus and one who had
formerly served him and became his vassal and lived on an island. He suffered a great loss at sea
and had no more than 3000 targeteers to defend his state with. Yet, weak as he was, the king has
not been able to have his will of him, though he has now spent six whole years in a war against
him."

1506. Parysatis, the queen mother, urged the king on against Tissaphernes. She hated him
because of what he did to her son Cyrus. The king committed the war to Tithraustes and gave
him letters for the cities and commanders in those parts ordering them all to do whatever
Tithraustes required of them. (Diod. Sic. year 1. of the 98th Olympiad.)

1507. When Tithraustes left, the king gave him two letters. In the one for Tissaphernes, he
requested him to continue the war against the Lacedemonians. In the other, he sent to Ariaeus
the commander of Larissa requiring him to help Tithraustes in the murder of Tissaphernes.
Tithraustes delivered to Ariaeus as soon as he came to Colossae in Phrygia. When Ariaeus had
read them, he sent for Tissaphernes asking him to come to Colossae. He wanted to consult with
him about the king's matters especially concerning the war against the Greeks. Whereupon
Tissaphernes suspected nothing and left his army at Sardis. He came quickly to Colossae with a

troop of 300 Arcadians and Milesians and stayed at the house of Ariaeus. When he went to take
a bath he laid aside his sword. Ariaeus with his servants seized him and put him into a closed
coach and sent him away as a prisoner to Tithraustes. He took him as far as to Celaena and there
cut off his head and sent it to Artaxerxes. Artaxerxes ordered it carried to his mother who was
exceedingly glad to see it. So were all the Greek women, whose husbands had followed Cyrus in
his war and were afterward killed by Tissaphernes' treachery. (Diod. Sic. year 1. of the 98th
Olympiad, Polyanus stratagem. 1. 1. Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. and in his book of Agesilaus. and Plut.
in the lives of Artax. and Agesilaus.)

1508. Tithraustes sent messengers to Agesilaus to let him know that Tissaphernes who had
started this war, had been punished for it. He stated that now the king had a good reason to
withdraw his army from Asia and to leave the cities there to the use of their laws and pay the
king their former tribute. Agesilaus told Tithraustes that he could not do this without the consent
of his country. Finally, they came to this agreement, that he with his army would withdraw into
Pharnabazus' country and would receive 30 talents to support them there until he received
instructions from Sparta. (Xenophon Hellen. 1. 3.) However, Diodorus writes, that after a parley
Thithraustes and Agesilaus made a truce for 6 months. Xenophon in his book written to glorify
Agesilaus, added that when Tithraustes offered him a great sum of money, if he would withdraw
out of the king's territories, Agesilaus replied:

vv Tithraustes, it is more honourable with us that a general to enrich his army rather than himself
and to take spoils from his enemies rather than rewards."

1509. While Agesilaus marched toward Phrygia which was under Pharnabazus' command, he
received a Scytala or a letter from the magistrates of Sparta. They said that he should take
charge of the navy as well as of the army. He should appoint as admiral of the navy whomever
he saw fit. Whereupon in a short time, he raised a navy of 120 ships from the public
contributions of the cities and the generousity of private citizens who desired to reward him
personally. He appointed as admiral, Pisander, his wife's brother. He was a man desirous indeed
of praise, honour and courage but unskilled in naval matters. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 3. Plut. in his
Agesilaus. Pausan. in his Laconica.)

1510. Pisander went away to the navy and Agesilaus continued on his way into Phrygia.
Tithraustes knew that Agesilaus had no intention of leaving Asia but rather hoped to vanquish
the king's forces right there. He sent Timocrates of Rhodes (for so Plutarch also calls him in his
Laconical Apophthegmes, however the name of Hermoerates has crept in, in his life of
Artaxerxes) into Greece with gold of the value of 50 talents of silver. He bribed the chief cities
to conspire together, in a common war on the behalf of the Athenians against the Lacedemonian
party. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 3. Plut. in his Artax. Pansanias in his Laconica and Messenica.)

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1511. About the beginning of autumn, Agesilaus entered into Phrygia which was under
Pharnabazus' government. He pillaged all that country and took over all its cities either by force
or voluntary surrender. He was persuaded by Spithtidates to march into Paphlagonia and to
cause them to revolt from the Persians. Coyts its king, was previously sent for by Artaxerxes but
would not go. He joined with Agesilaus. Spithridates persuaded Coyts to give 1000 cavalry and
2000 foot soldiers to assist him. Agesilaus rewarded Spithridates for this by procuring Cotys'

daughter for his wife. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4. and in his Agesilaus and Plutarch likewise in his.)
Agesilaus was always very desirous to reward his friends as it appears by that Epistle
Laconically written and attributed to him.

vv If Nicias has not done you wrong, forgive him: if he has forgive him for my sake, however
forgive him."

1512. (Plutarch in his Agesilaus and in his Laconical Apophthegmes.)

1513. He marched from Paphlagonia to Dascylium where Pharnabazus' palace was. Around
there were many towns full of provisions. Here he spent the winter and maintained his army.
(Xen. Hellen. 1. 4.)

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1514. When his soldiers were foraging, they were not as wary as they should have been of their
enemy because up until now they had never been bothered by them. By chance, Pharnabazus
attacked them with two hooked chariots and 400 men as they were pillaging the area. The
Greeks saw him and rallied into a troop of 700 men. Pharnabazus put his hooked chariots in the
front, followed them with his cavalry and ordered them to drive into the middle of them. When
the chariots had broken in and disordered them, his cavalry attacked killing 100 of them. The
rest fled back to Agesilaus who was not far off with his foot soldiers. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 4.)

1515. Three or four days later, Spithridates found that Pharnabazus was with his army in a
spacious unwalled town called Caije about 20 miles from there. He told Heripadas, chief of the
council of war, about this. Spithridates asked Agesilaus to give him 2000 foot soldiers, 2000
targeteers and as many cavalry that would voluntarily go with him. Less than half of each type
of soldiers went with him. However, he set out with those which he had as soon as it grew dark.
He came upon Pharnabazus at the very dawning of the day and slew the Mysians who happened
that time to be on guard. The whole army was terrified and fled. Spithridates entered their camp
and there took much booty including Pharnabazus' pavilion with all his luxurious furniture and
wealth. Pharnabazus feared the Greeks and like the Scythian nomads, moved his camp here and
there, never staying long in any one place. His main concern was that the enemy would not
know where to find him. Heripedas made a rigourous search for the spoil. His soldiers stripped
Spithradates and his Paphlagonians of all there plunder. After this, they spent all the next night
taking what they could and went to Sardis to Araeus. He had formerly revolted from the king
and served against him. In this Asian expedition, Agesilaus was more troubled by this departure
of Spithridates, Megabates his son whom Agesilaus exceedingly loved and of these
Paphlagonian troops. (???) (Diod. year 1, 98th Olympiad and Plutarch in his Agesilaus.)

1516. After this, Agesilaus and Pharnabazus came to a parley by the mediation of Apollophanes
from Cyzicum who was a friend of both of them. They tried to come to an agreement.
Pharnabazus (as Xenophon has it in his oration concerning Agesilaus) openly stated that unless
the king would make him absolute and sole commander of the army, he would revolt from him.
If he could command all the forces then he would fight the war against Agesilaus as long as he
could. Agesilaus told him that he would quickly depart out of his territory and not trouble him as
long as he could find business elsewhere. As soon as Pharnabazus left, the son of his wife
Pharapyta came running to Agesilaus and entered into a league of friendship with him. They

gave each other gifts as tokens of their love. (???) (Diod. year 1, 98th Olympiad, and Plutarch in
his Agesilaus.)

1517. When spring came, Agesilaus came into the plains of Thebes and pitched near the temple
of Diana Astyrina. There he gathered an exceedingly great store of wealth. He outfitted his
troops to march into the upper countries. He did not doubt that the countries which he left
behind him would defect from the Persians. (Xenophon. 1. 4. Hellen.) His fame was very great in
Persia after spending two years in that war. (Plutarch, in his Agesilaus.)

3610c AM, 4320 JP, 394 BC

1518. The Lacedemonians learned that the Persians were bribing the principal cities in Greece to
unite and revolt against them. They sent Epicidas to Agesilaus, to recall him to defend his own
country. Although, Agesilaus was bothered by being taken from this great war, he wrote that he
would obey their command. (Plutarch, in his Agesilaus.) He sent this letter to the Ephori which
Plutarch inserted among his Apophthegmes.

vv Agesilaus to the Ephori, greetings: we have subdued a great part of Asia, routed the barbarians
and provided a great store of arms in Ionia. However because you have set a certain day to
return by, I will obey your command and peradventure be back before that day. For I am king
not for myself, but for you and our confederates. For a king is truly a king, when he is
commanded by the laws, Ephori and the other magistrates of the city."

1519. It is said also that he told his friends in jest that the king had driven him from Asia with
30,000 archers. He meant that Timocrates' agent had distributed 30,000 golden darics, which
were stamped with archers among the leaders of every city to create a common war against the
Spartans, (Plutarch in his Laconical Apophthegmes and in his Artaxerxes., c. 15. 5:43)

1520. When Agesilaus returned, he left Euxemus behind him to be commander-in-chief with
4000 soldiers to assist the Ionians if needed. So that he might return with a good army, he
promised great rewards and honours to those cities and commanders who would send him the
best cavalry and foot soldiers. Hence he made them all jealous of one another to see who could
supply the best troops for him. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4.)

1521. When Xenophon returned with Agesilaus into Boeotia to fight against the Thebans, he
deposited half the gold which he had obtained on his expedition with Cyrus, at Ephesus with
Megabyzus, the treasurer of the temple of Diana. He knew that by going with Agesilaus to battle
he might be killed. He was killed later at Coronaea. Therefore, Xenophon ordered the treasurer
that if he survived the battle he wanted the gold back. Otherwise all of it was to be consecrated
to the goddess Diana. The rest of his gold he sent as offerings to Apollo at Delphi. (Expedit. Cy.
1. 5. and Diog. Lacrtius in Xenophonte.) Agesilaus consecrated a tenth of all that he had
obtained in his two years of war in Asia to Apollo at Delphi. This amounted to about 100
talents. (Xenoph. and Plutarch, in their several lives of Agesilaus.)

1522. When Agesilaus had crossed the sea at Hellespont, he received news of the victory which
the Lacedemonians had near Corinth. Thereupon, he sent back Dercylidas into Asia to inform
the Ionians. This was to encourage them and strengthen their loyalty to the Lacedemonian party.
(Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4. and Plut. in his Agesilaus.)

3610dAM,4320JP, 394BC

1523. About this time the famous naval battle happened at Cnidus near the hill called Dorius.
(Pausan, in the 2nd book of his Eliaca) Eubulus or Eubulis was governor at Athens. He took
office at the very beginning of the 3rd year of 96th Olympiad according to Lysias, a very good
author in his Oration concerning the acts of Aristophanes.

1524. The commanders of the Persian fleet lay near to Doryma in Chersonesus with more than
90 ships. Pharnabazus commanded the Phoenicians and Conon the Athenian commanded the
Greek squadron. Pisander, (for whom Periarchus is incorrectly written by Diodorus) the
Lacedemonian admiral sailed from Cnidus with 80 ships and came to a place called Physeus in
Chersonesus. After he left there, he came upon a part of the king's fleet. He won the first battle
with them. When the rest of the king's fleet came to their rescue, the friends of the
Lacedemonians cowardly fled to land. Pisander with his ship attacked the thickest part of the
enemy and slew many of them but died heroically in the fight. Conon with his men pursued the
Lacedemonians hotly to land and took no less than 50 of their ships. The rest fled and returned
safe to Cnidus. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4. Diodorus year 2 of the 96th Olympiad. Justin 1. 6. c. 3.
Emil. Probus in the life of Conon.)

1525. When Agesilaus was now ready to invade Boeotia, he received news of the defeat of the
Lacedemonian fleet and of the death of Pisander, his wife's brother. At that very instant, the sun
was eclipsed and looked like a half moon. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4. and Plut. in his Agesilaus) This
happened on August 14th 394 BC, as appears by the astronomical accounts.

1526. After this great victory at Cnidus, Pharnabazus and Conon expelled all the Lacedemonian
governors and garrisons from all the islands and sea towns. They were told that they would
never put any citadels in their towns but that they should hence forth live according to their own
laws. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4. Hellen.) First the Coi, then the Nisaeans, then the Teians, and those
of Chios defected from the Lacedemoians. Then they of Mitylene, of Ephesus and Erythrae, did
so also. Almost immediately, all the rest of the cities defected from the Lacedemonians. Some
expelled the Lacedemonian garrisons, set up and maintained their own government. Others put
themselves into Conon's hands. From that time on, the Lacedemonians lost the sovereignty of
the seas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olympiad 96.)

1527. Dercylidas, an old enemy of Pharnabazus, at this time was at Agidus. He did not yield to
Pharnabazus' commands as the others did but having made a grave and pithy speech to the
inhabitants. He urged them to remain loyal to the Lacedemonians. When other commanders
were expelled from there cities, they came to Dercylidas and were warmly received. Those that
did not come voluntarily, were invited to come. When a multitude of them were come,
Dercylidas went over to Sesus on the other side and there wooed all who were expelled from
their commands on the European side. He encouraged them as he had done to the rest on the
Asian side. He told them that in Asia itself which from the beginning belonged to the king,
various places, as the small town of Temneus, Egae in Eolia and other places remained loyal and
did not yield to the king. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4.)

361 la AM, 4320 JP, 394 BC

1528. When Pharnabazus planned to attack Ephesus, he turned over 40 ships to Conon. He
ordered him to meet him at Sestus. He himself sent threatening letters to both places telling them
that unless they expelled the Lacedemonians he would count them as his enemies. When they
refused, he commanded Conon to blockade them by sea. Pharnabazus went and wasted all the
country about Abydus. When they still refused to yield to him, he left and went home. He
ordered Conon to deal with the cities bordering on the Hellespont. He was to assemble the
greatest fleet that they could possibly make by next spring. So the winter was spent making this
fleet.

3611b AM, 4321 JP, 393 BC

1529. At the beginning of spring, Pharnabazus assembled a mighty fleet and hired any ship he
could. Pharnabazus took Conon with him and went through the middle of the islands of the
Aegean Sea and came to Melus one of the Sporades. From there he could easily land in Laconia
the country of the Spartans.

3611c AM, 4321 JP, 393 BC

1530. When Pharnabazus had wasted the country, he planned to return into Asia. Before he
went, Conon prevailed with him to leave the navy with him. With it he would go to Athens and
would repair the long walls and fortify the port of Poyroeum. He said that this would greatly
trouble the Lacedemonians. Pharnabazus approved of this plan and gave him money to do that
work. Conon came to Athens with 80 ships and started to repair the walls both of the city and
port. He gave 50 talents that he received from Pharnabazus, to his fellow citizens. (Xenoph.
Hellen. 1. 4., Diod. Sic. year 2. and 3. of the 96th Olympiad. Plut. in his Agesilaus and Laconical
Apophthegmes. Justin 1. 6. c. 5. Emil. Prob. in the life of Conon.)

3611dAM,4321 JP, 393BC

1531. When the Lacedemonians heard that the Athenians were rebuilding their walls, they sent
Antalcidas to Tiribazus, another chief commander of the king who lived at Sardis. He wanted to
make Tiribazus their friend and to mediate a peace between him and them. The Athenians also
sent Conon and various others to him as did the Boeotians, Corinthians and those of Argos. Now
when they all came before Tiribazus, Antalcidas told him that he was come to sue for a peace
between the king and his country men as the king desired. To that end, the Lacedemonians
would not fight with him for the Greek cities in Asia but would be content if all the islands and
other countries outside Asia might be free and live according to their own laws. When all the
rest of the messengers disavowed that motion, the meeting broke up and every man returned
home again. Although Tiribazus saw that it was not safe for him to make a league with the
Lacedemonians without the king's consent, yet secretly he furnished Antalcidas with money to
build up their navy again. He did this so that the Athenians and their confederates might be the
more agreeable to a peace with the king. He imprisoned Conon at Sardis charging him guilty of
everything the Lacedemonians said of him. They said Colon had used the king's soldiers and
money only to get towns and cities for the Athenians and to restore Ionia and Eloia to them.
After that, Tiribazus made a journey to the king to inform him of the Lacedemonians' purposed
treaty and to tell the king what he had done to Conon and why he had done it. He then wanted
direction from the king as to what to do. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 4. with Plut. in his Laconical
Apophthegmes: an in his Agesilaus. Diod. Sic. 3rd year of the 96th Olympiad: Emil. Prob. in the

life of Conon.)

1532. After Saryrus, King of Bosphorus died, his son Leuco reigned for 40 years. (Diod. Sic. 4th
year of 96th Olympiad.)

1533. Parysatis the king's mother, had her trusted servant, hide slips of palm trees in the heap of
sand and dust that buried the body of Clearchus as I mentioned earlier. Now after 8 years, a
beautiful grove of palm trees grew which shaded all the place, as Ctesias reports in his Persica.
He adds that when the king knew of this he greatly repented for killing Clearchus, a man whom
the gods themselves respected. (Ctesias, in the Excerptions of Photius, and Plut. in the life of
Artaxerxes.)

1534. Some write that Conon was carried away prisoner to the king and executed. (Isocrates in
his Panegyric.) However, Dinon, an historian and of great authority in Persian matters says that
he escaped from prison. Dinon did not know if this happened with or without Tiribazus'
knowledge and consent. (Emil. Prob. in his Conon.)

3612 AM, 4322 JP, 392 BC

1535. While Tiribazus was with the king, the king sent Struthas into lower Asia to take charge
of the naval affairs. The Lacedemonians knew that Struthas hated them for the many injuries
which Alcibiades had inflicted on the Persians in those parts and that Struthas favoured the
Athenian party and their confederates. Therefore, they sent Thimbron to attack him. Thimbron
sailed to Ephesus. From there and other places, on the Meander and from Priene, Leucophrye
and Achillium, he plundered the king's neighbouring countries. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4.) He took
over Ioadae and Coressus, a mountain 5 miles from Ephesus. He had 8000 men whom he had
brought with him in addition to those which he raised in Asia. He often made incursions from
there and wasted all provinces and nearby places that were under the kings control. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olymp. 97.)

3612 AM, 4322 JP, 392 BC

1536. After a while, Struthas, with a large company of cavalry, 5000 foot soldiers and almost
12,000 targeteers camped near the Lacedemonian army. When Struthas knew that Thimbron did
not keep military order in sending his men out for service, he sent some cavalry into the plain
country. He intended that they would attack whomever they found. When he saw Thimbron
send out forces in small numbers and not in military order to relieve them that were attacked,
then Struthas and his main body of his cavalry, all in good battle array, attacked them. Thimbron
and his dear friend Thersander were killed in the first attack. Thersander was an excellent
minstrel and a very good soldier. Hereupon, the rest of the Greeks fled. The Persians chased
them. Some they killed, others were captured and only few Greeks escaped to Cnidus and other
Greek cities. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 97)

3613 AM, 4323 JP, 391 BC

1537. Ecdicus was sent by the Lacedemonians with 8 ships to help the bandits of Rhodes. He
came to Cnidus and found that the Rhodians were very strong on land and sea and had a fleet

twice as big as his. Therefore he stayed at Cnidus without attacking them. (Xenoph. Hellen. 4.
Diod. year 2. Olympiad 97.)

1538. In the same fleet, the Lacedemonians sent Diphridas with orders to land in Asia and to
man all those cities which had adhered to Thimbron. He was to assemble the remaining troops
from Thimbron's defeat and any other soldiers he could get. He started the war anew against
Struthas. It was his good fortune to capture Tigranes, Strathus' son-in-law as he was going with
his wife to Sardis. He let him go after extracting a large sum of money from him which he used
to pay his army. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4.)

1539. Euagoras the king of Salamis in Cyprus, ruled almost the entire island through the exploits
of his son Protagoras. (Isocrates in his Euagoras.) The rest of the island, he took over partly by
force and partly by persuasive words. The inhabitants of Amathusa, Solos and Citium sent to ask
for help from Artaxerxes. They charged Euagoras with the killing of Argyris who was, while he
lived, a confederate of the Persians and undertook to help the king get the whole island under his
control. Artaxerxes wanted to check Euagoras and desired to control Cyprus so he could use it
as a base to defend Asia. He ordered an attack against Euagoras and sent away the ambassadors.
He ordered that all his sea towns in Asia to start building and outfitting all the ships they could.
Artaxerxes went through the cities of upper Asia and raised a large army. (Diod. Sic. year 2.
Olympiad 97.) He made Antophradates, the governor of Lydia the general of the army, and
Hercatonnus the commander of Caria, the admiral of the naval forces. (Theopomp. in Biblioth.
Photis, p. 176) Instead of making war against Euagoras, Hercatonnus secretly gave him money
to hire mercenaries. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olympiad 97. and year 3. Olympiad 98.)

3614c AM, 4324 JP, 390 BC

1540. When the Lacedemonians saw that Ecdicus did not have enough forces to help their
friends, they recalled Telentias from the bay of Corinth and sent him with 12 ships to replace
Ecdicus. Telentias was to support as best he could the Rhodians who favoured the
Lacedemonian party and to repress their enemies. When Telentias came to Samos he added
more ships to his fleet. From there he sailed to Cnidus and dismissed Ecdicus. He set sail for
Rhodes with a fleet of 27 well furnished ships. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 4. with Diod. Sic. year 2. 97th
Olympiad.)

1541. As he was on his way to Rhodes he came upon Philocrates who was sailing from Athens
to Cyprus with 10 ships to help king Euagoras. Telentias took these and carried their spoil to
Cnidus where he sold it. So it happened that they who were enemies to the king of Persia,
plundered them who were going to make war against the king. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 4.)

3614dAM,4324JP, 390BC

1542. The Athenians saw that the Lacedemonians were recovering their naval power. They sent
Thrasybulus with a fleet of 40 ships against them. He sailed first into Ionia and gathered money
from their confederates. He found that all the cities in Asia welcomed him because of that
correspondence which was between the king and them. Therefore he set sail for Byzantium and
farmed out the collection of the 10% duty on all ships that passed through that strait. When he
made a league of friendship with the Chalcedonians, he returned from the Hellespont. (Xen.
Hellen. 1. 4. with Diodor. year 1. Olympiad 97.)

1543. After this he returned into Asia with his fleet and he sent for the required tribute from
those of Aspendus which they paid. He anchored his fleet at the mouth of the river Eurymedon.
However, some of his company went up into the country and plundered their goods. The men of
Aspendus were furious and waited for a chance to strike back. When it came, they attacked and
killed many of them including Thrasybulus while he was sleeping in his tent. This act terrified
the Athenian captains and they quickly boarded their ships and sailed to Rhodes. The Athenians
immediately sent Argyrius to replace Thrasybulus. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4. Diodor. year 3.
Olympiad 97.)

3615 AM, 4325 JP, 389 BC

1544. Although the Lacedemonians had little reason to find fault with Dercylidas' actions, yet
they sent Anaxibius to replace him in the government of Abydus. Anaxibius was in favour with
the Ephori and promised to do wonders if he might be furnished with men and money. Therefore
they gave him 3 ships and money to hire and pay 1000 sailors. When he came to Abydus, he
raised the land forces with the money which he brought. He caused various cities of Eolia to
defect from Pharnabazus. He wasted the enemies' country. When he got 3 more ships, he
troubled the Athenians which sailed along that coast. If he happened to find any of their ships
straggling from the rest, he captured and brought them to Abydus. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 4.)

1545. When the Athenians heard of this, they sent Iphicrates who recently returned from
Corinth, with 8 ships and 1200 targeteers, to maintain what Thrasybulus had gotten. He sailed
into those parts against Anaxibius. When he came into Chersonesus both he and Anaxibius
established a company of pirates and land robbers, to carry on the war for them. (Xenoph.
Hellen. 1. 4.)

3616 AM, 4326 JP, 388 BC

1546. Anaxibius went to Antandrus with his mercenaries and his own country men and 200 foot
soldiers from Abydus. There he was very kindly welcomed and entertained. Meanwhile
Iphicrates placed ambushes for him in the mountain passages before Anaxibius could return
from there to Abydus. The vessels which had carried Iphicrates over at night, Iphicrates ordered
to row up the Hellespont that men might think that he was on-board and that he was going as his
custom was to collect money. The men of Abydus who led the troops came into the plain which
lies near a place called Cremastes, (where there are gold mines) and the rest were coming down
the steep hill and Anaxibius with his Laconian troops followed them. Iphicrates with all his men,
rose out of their ambush and attacked them. Anaxibius was thus entrapped, fought courageously
and died along with 12 other Lacedemonians' governors of various cities. The rest fled and
Iphicrates pursued them to the very gates of Abydus. Of these, 200 died in addition to 50 foot
soldiers from Abydus. Iphicrates returned into Chersonesus. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 4. in. fi.)

1547. The Lacedemonians sent Hierax to replace Teleutias as admiral of the fleet. Teleutias
returned home. He was dearly loved and admired by his troops. (Xenophon Hellen. 1. 5.)

3617 AM, 4327 JP, 387 BC

1548. Shortly after, the Lacedemonians sent Antalcidas to replace Hierax hoping that they

would please Tiribazus. When Antalcidas came to Ephesus, he left Nicholochus' lieutenant
there. Antalcidas and Tiribazus went together to the king to conclude the peace which was then
being disturbed. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 5. Diod. Sic. year 2. Olympiad 98.)

1549. To secure Abydus, Nicolochus sailed from Ephesus and on the way he landed at Tenedos.
He wasted their country and extracted a sum of money from them and then went on his journey
to Abydus. Meanwhile the Athenian captains, who were at Samothrace Thasus and other places
nearby hurried to come to the relief of Tenedos. When they found that Nicolochus had safely
arrived at Agidus, they left Chersonesus with 32 ships and besieged him as he stayed at Abidus
with 25 ships. (Xenoph. Hellen 1. 5.)

1550. Chabrias with 800 targeteers and 10 ships was publicly sent by the Athenians to help
Euagoras. He did not leave the place till he had subdued the whole island for him. By this the
Athenians became famous in the world, (Xenoph. Hellen 1. 5. and Emil. Prob. in the Life of
Chabrias.) Lysias the orator, in his oration upon Aristophanes, mentions the embassy sent from
the Cypriots to the Athenians asking for aid.

1551. Artaxerxes detested the Lacedemonians and always said (as Dinon reports) that they were
the most impudent of all men living. However, when he saw Antalcidas, the Leonidas and the
Calicratidas dance before him, he fell infinitely in love with him. When Antalcidas was eating
supper, Artaxerxes sent him a garland made of roses and saffron from his own head. It was
dipped in a most costly ointment. He was to wear it for the king's sake. Antalcidas replied:

vv Sir, I take and thank you for this noble gift and favour but the perfume of its ointment mars the
natural scent and fragrance of the flowers."

1552. (Plut. in his Artax. and in his Polopidas and in his Sympos. 1. 7. ques. 8. Athenaeus
Deiphos. 1. 2. Elia. Varia, Histor. 1. 14. c. 39.)

1553. Tiribazus returned from the king with Antalcidas when he had made a firm league and
alliance in case the Atheninas and their confederates would not partake in that peace which he
had negotiated. When Pharnabazus went to the king who was in upper Asia, he married the
king's daughter. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 5.)

1554. When Antalcidas returned, he heard that Iphicrates and Diotimus besieged Nicolochus in
Abydus with all their fleet. Antalcidas went there by land and sailed at night. He let on that he
was summoned to Chalcedon. However, he besieged the port of Percope. When 4 captains on
the Athenian side heard that Antalcidas sailed for Chalcedon, they planned to follow him upon
the trade route to Proeconesus. As soon as they sailed by, Antalcidas sailed back to Abydus. By
this stratagem, he placed 12 swift ships in an ambush and intercepted 8 ships which Thrasybulus
the Athenian brought from Thrace to join the main Attic fleet. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 5.) Polyanus,
1. 2. Stratag. in Antalcida.)

1555. Antalcides received 20 ships from Syracusae and other parts of Italy which were brought
him by Polyxenus and others. From Ionia, Pharnabazus sent ships. He also received ships from
Atiobarzanes, his old friend. With his fleet of 80 ships he was absolute master of the sea.
Thereby he forced those ships which came from Pontus and were bound for Athens to discharge
their cargo in a port friendly to the Lacedemonian party. (Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 5.)

1556. When Tiribazus had summoned all to come that would subscribe to the peace treaty of
Artaxerxes, all the Greek cities sent their ambassadors. He showed them the document with the
king's seals attached. He had it read to them:

vv The King Artaxerxes thinks it reasonable that the cities which are in Asia as also the islands of
Clazomena and Cyprus should be under his government. All other Greek cities, regardless of
size, should be free and live according to their own laws. This excludes Leminus, Imbrus and
Scirus, which are under the control of the Athenians. Those who shall not receive this peace, I
will with those who agree to his peace, wage war by land and by sea with ships and with
money."

1557. The ambassadors returned to their respective cities with the terms of the peace. Although
they were grieved to see the Greek cities in Asia under subjection, they accepted the peace.
(Xen. Hellen. 1. 5. Isocrates in Panathen, Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 98. Plutarch in Agesil. and
Artaxers. and in his Laconical Apophtheg. Aristides in his Leutric. 1 and 2.) This peace was
proclaimed 19 years after the sea battle at Egospotamos and 16 years before the battle at Leuctra
in Boeotia. (Polyb. 1. 1.)

1558. When this peace was made, Agesilaus, (according to Xenophon) was very earnest to see
that the terms were observed. The Lacedemonians appointed themselves defenders of the peace
in Greece. Artaxerxes wrote a letter to Alcibiades which he sent by a Persian with Callias a
Lacedemonian. He offered Alcibiades both hospitality and friendship. Alcibiades declined the
offer and told the king's messenger to tell his master that:

vv He need not trouble himself to write letters to him. For if he continued a good friend to the
Lacedemonians, they would be good friends. But if he did any ill to them, he should not think
that any of his letters should win him his friendship." (Plutarch in his Laconical Apophthegmes.)

1559. In those articles of Antalcidas' peace, formerly related from Xenophon, who could not be
ignorant of its terms, we find that not all the islands bordering on Asia but only two were given
to the king. However Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes, seems to think otherwise. These islands
were Clazomenae (which as I showed before, 3504 AM and 3509 AM was then an island) and
Cyprus. The nature of this peace now drew Chabrias from Cyprus, when he had already subdued
it for Euagoras. Euagoras armed almost every man in the island and mustered a huge army
against Artaxerxes. When Artaxerxes had made peace with the Greeks, he ordered all his forces
to prepare for the conquest of Cyprus. (??) (Diod. Sic. 2 year, Olympiad 98.)

3618 AM, 4328 JP, 386 BC

1560. Artaxerxes mustered 300,000 foot soldiers and prepared 300 ships to attack Euagoras, the
king of Cyprus. Orontes, the son-in-law to the king was the general of the army. The admiral of
his fleet was Tiribazus. These two assumed their positions at Phocia and Cuma. They first sailed
to Cilicia and from there landed in Cyprus. They waged a fierce war against Euagoras. He
procured supplies from the Egyptians, Tyrians, Arabians and others who were enemies of the
Persians. He had a fleet of 90 ships of which 20 were from Tyre and the rest were his. He had
6000 foot soldiers and a huge number of auxiliaries from other parts. Since he had plenty of
money, his army grew exceedingly large. (Diod. 1. 15. year 3. Olympiad 98.)

1561. Euagoras encouraged a number of pirates he had at his command, to attack the enemy
cargo ships. Some they captured, others were sunk and the rest dared not sail for fear of them.
When the food ran out for the Persian army, some of the mercenaries killed their commanders
and the whole army was in rebellion. Hence the officers of the army and Gaus the chief officer
at sea were barely able to quiet them. Whereupon, the whole navy sailed for Cilicia and brought
food from there for the camp. Acoris king of Egypt supplied Euagoras all the grain, money or
other provisions that he could wish for. (Diod. 1. 15. year 3. Olympiad 98.)

1562. Euagoras knew that his fleet was far too weak for the enemies. Therefore he furnished 60
more of his own ships and had 50 more sent to him from king Acoris. His fleet now totalled 200
ships. In the first encounter by land, he defeated the Persians and routed them again at sea. He
suddenly attacked their fleet as they were sailing to Citium and sunk some of them and captured
others which were separated from the main body of the navy. When the admiral of the Persian
navy and the rest of the commanders had time to recover, they counter attacked and the battle
was fierce. At first Euagoras had the upper hand. When Gaus attacked with all his forces and
personally fought very courageously, Euagoras' men fled with the loss of many of his ships.
After the Persians won, they assembled their land and naval forces at Citium. When they
outfitted, they went to besiege Salamis, the chief city, by land and sea. (Diod. 1. 15. year 3.
Olympiad 98.)

1563. Immediately after the fight Teribazus went into Cilicia to carry the news of the victory to
Artaxerxes. Euagoras left Salamis to be defended by his son Pythagoras. (Protagoras perhaps, of
whom I formerly made mention from Isocrates in 3613 AM.) He committed the charge of the
whole isle to him. Euagoras escaped by night with only 10 ships and sailed to Egypt. He
persuaded Acoris to make a war upon the Persians with all the power he could. (Diod. 1. 15. year

3. Olympiad 98.)

3619 AM, 4329 JP, 385 BC

1564. Euagoras returned to Cyprus but with far less money than he expected. When he found
Salamis strongly besieged and himself abandoned by his confederates, he sent to Tiribazus to
ask for peace. Tiribazus who was commander-in-chief, replied that he would grant peace
provided that he would surrender all Cyprus except Salamis into the king's hand and pay the
king's tribute. He would submit to the authority of the king. As hard as these conditions were,
Euagoras agreed to them only he would be subject to the king as one king is to another not as a
slave to his master. Tiribazus rejected this. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 98.)

1565. Orantes the other commander-in-chief who envied the position of Tiribazus, secretly sent
letters to the king, his father-in-law. Among other matters, he accused Tiribazus of planning a
rebellion. Also that he had secretly made an alliance with the Lacedemonians and used all
means to win over to himself all the main captains and commanders of the army. The king
believed these lies and ordered Orontes to seize Tiribazus and send him to him. (Diod. Sic. year

4. Olympiad 98.)

1566. Orontes feared Tiribazus but devised this plan. There was a house which had a great vault
in it. Over this vault he placed a bed and removed its bottom. He covered it over with tapestry
and many costly covers. Then he asked Tiribazus to come to him, pretending that he wanted a

conference about some urgent matters. When Tiribazus came in, he sat down on the bed and fell
through into the vault. He was caught and sent bound in chains to the king. (Polyan. Stratag. 1.

7.)

1567. Now Orontes commanded all the forces in Cyprus. He saw that Euagoras had taken fresh
courage and endured the siege more stoutly than before. His soldiers were discontented by
Tiribazus' misfortune. When Orontes received no commands he abandoned the siege. He
granted Euagoras a peace on the terms Euagoras had purposed to Tiribazus. These were that he
would pay a yearly tribute to the king, he would continue to be king of Salamis and as a king he
would be obedient in all things to the king. Hence this war in Cyprus ended, which had lasted 10
years of which 8 years were spent in preparations and only 2 years in the war. The king had
spent 50,000 talents on it. When all was done, Euagoras was in the same state as he was when
the war began. (Isocrates in his Euagoras, Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 98.)

1568. Gaus, vice-admiral of the navy and son-in-law to Tiribazus, feared lest he be thought to
know of Tiribazus' plans that he might meet the same fate as Tiribazus. He thought of defecting
from the king. With wealth and soldiers enough and having the loyalty of the chief captains of
the navy, he confederated with Acoris king of Egypt and the Lacedemonians to make war on
Artaxerxes. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 98.)

1569. Artaxerxes followed the example of Cambyses, (Herod. 1. 5. c. 25. Valer. Max. 1. 6. c. 3.)
and had certain of his judges to be flayed alive and their skins hung over the judgment seats. He
did this so that they who judged would know what hung over their heads and might be the more
careful to do justice to his people. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 98.)

3620 AM, 4330 JP, 384 BC

1570. Artaxerxes lead an army of 300,000 men against the Cadusii, a people lying between the
Euxine and the Caspian Sea, (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 98. Plut. in Artaxerxes.) In this war,
many important men died on each side. One on the king's side was Camislates, a Carian who
was a brave and valiant man. The king had made him governor of the part of Cilicia, which lies
next to Cappadocia and is inhabited by the Leucosytians. In honour of him, the king made his
son Datames, governor in his place. He also did great exploits for the king in this war, (Emil.
Prob. in the Life of Datames.)

1571. Artaxerxes' army in this war was very short of supplies. So much so that a man could
hardly buy the head of an ass for 60 drachmas. Teribazus, who lived then as a poor neglected
and contemptible soldier in the army, relieved them in this manner. There were at that time two
kings of the Cadusians and they kept their camps separated. Therefore Teribazus told his plan to
Artaxerxes. He went to one of the kings and sent his son secretly to the other. Each deceived the
king and persuading him that the other king had secretly sent to Artaxerxes to make a peace with
him for himself and to leave the other out. Hereupon, each king sent ambassadors, the one with
Teribazus, the other with his son to the king and he made peace with them both. So the war was
ended. (Plut. in Artaxerxes.)

1572. Upon this, the king referred the case of Teribazus to three honourable persons. He made
his innocence so obvious and showed that his services to the king were so great, that they
declared his innocence. After this, the king held him in very high esteem and heaped great

honours on him. Orontes was condemned as a false accuser and thrust from the king's favour.
He was counted as an ignominious person after that. (Diod. Sic. year. 4. Olympiad 98.)

1573. While Gaus was in Cyprus, the Greeks who served under him there, wrote letters against
him and sent them to Ionia. To find out who they were, and what they wrote he did the
following. He prepared a ship with sailors. He had the captain say that he was sailing for Ionia.
The ship stayed for a while to get as many letters aboard as possible and at last set out. Shortly it
turned back into a creek not far from the place where it set out from. Orontes went there on foot.
All the letters aboard were given to him. After Gaus had read them and found out who had sent
them, he had them all executed by torture. (Polyan. Stratag. 1. 7. for "Gaus" is incorrectly written
"Alos" and "Glos.")

3621 AM, 4331 JP, 383 BC

1574. After Gaus had provoked the Egyptians and Lacedemonians to war against the Persians,
he was killed. I do not know how nor by whom and his plans came to naught. After his death,
Tachos got an army and built the town Leuca on a high hill that bordered on the sea. He also
built a temple for Apollo. Shortly after this he died. The Clazomenians and the men of Cuma
disagreed over who owned this town. The Clazomonians were quicker and took control of it. So
all rebellions in Asia ceased. After the death of Gaus and Tachos, the Lacedemonians
abandoned Asia and had nothing more to do with it. (Diod. Sic. year. 2. Olympiad 94.)

3622b AM, 4332 JP, 382 BC

1575. When Pharnostratus was governor of Athens, in the month Possideon in the 366th year of
Nabonassar's account on the 26th day of the Egyptian month, Thoth, at 5:30 am December 23rd
383 BC, there was a small eclipse of the moon observed at Babylon. (Hipparch. in Ptol. in his
great Syntax. 1. 4. c. ult.)

3622c AM, 4332 JP, 382 BC

1576. In the same man's time, in the month Scirrophorion and in the same year of Nabonassar,
on the 24th day of the month Phammenoth at 6:30 pm June 18th 382 BC another lunar eclipse
was observed at Babylon. (Hipparch. in Ptol. in his great Syntax. 1. 4. c. ult.)

3623a AM, 4332 JP, 382 BC

1577. When Evander was governor of Athens, in the month of Possideon, in the 367th year of
Nabonassar's account, the 16th day of the month Thoth, at 9:30 pm December 12th 382 BC
there was a third lunar eclipse observed at Babylon. This was a total eclipse. (Hipparch. in Ptol.
in his great Syntax. 1. 4. c. ult.)

3627 AM, 4337 JP, 377 BC

1578. Acoris king of Egypt bore an old grudge against the king of Persia. He gathered a huge
army of aliens, especially from Greece. He made Chabrias the Athenian the general of the army.
He, without any orders from or consent from Athens, assumed this charge in Egypt and prepared

all he could for this war against the Persians. Artaxerxes made Pharnabazus general of his army
for this war. When he had made many preparations for it, he sent messengers to Athens and
there charged Chabrias for offering his service to the Egyptians. Thereby they would lose
Artaxerxes favour. He desired that they would send to him Iphicrates their general. The
Athenians who were mainly desirous to endear the king to them and to keep Pharnabazus as
their good friend, sent for Chabrias from Egypt and gave Iphicrates orders to go and help
Pharnabazus. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 100.)

1579. Iphicrates had the charge of 12,000 mercenaries committed to him by Artaxerxes. By
continual training and exercise, he made them expert in the art of military affairs. Later among
the Romans a skilful soldier was commonly called a Fabian soldier after Fabius and likewise in
Greece a good soldier was called an Iphicratian soldier after Iphicrates. (Emil. Prob. in
Iphicrates,) Pharnabazus spent many years in preparing for this war. One time when Iphicrates
found Pharnabazus a man so voluble in his speech and so slow in his actions, he asked him the
reason why. Pharnabazus said the reason was because I am master of my words, but the king of
my actions. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad. 101.)

1580. Hecatonus Mausolus was made a governor of Caria and so ruled for 24 years. (Diod. Sic.
year 4 of Olymp. 106.) He married Artemisia, the older of his two sisters. (Strabo. 1. 14.)

3628 AM, 4338 JP, 376 BC

1581. After Acoris died, Psammuthis reigned 1 year in Egypt.

3629 AM, 4339 JP, 375 BC

1582. After him, came Nepherites, the last of the dynasty of the Mendesians, and reigned 4
months. Then arose the first of the dynasty of the Sabennitae, called Nectanabis who reigned 12
years.

1583. Artaxerxes was now ready to make war on Egypt. To get more aid from Greece, he sent
his ambassadors there to encourage them to make a general peace among themselves. The terms
were that every city should from that time on live according to their own laws and they should
have no garrisons among them. All the cities of Greece accepted this, except the Thebians.
(Diod. Sic. year. 2. Olymp. 101.)

3630 AM, 4340 JP, 374 BC

1584. When Artaxerxes' army was assembled at Aeon in Syria, he had 200,000 troops under
Pharnabazus and 20,000 Greeks under Iphicrates. In the navy, excluding cargo ships, he had 300
ships with 3 banks of oars and 200 of 30 oars a piece. The first type are called trireis in Greek,
the other teiacitioui. In the beginning of the summer, i.e. in the first of the spring, the Persian
navy sailed for Egypt and came to the frontier town near Syria called Pelusium. They found it
exceedingly well fortified by Nectanabis. Hence they put out to sea again and when they were
out of sight, they steered for Mendesium, a city on one of the mouths of the Nile. There the
shore runs a great way out from the land. They landed 3000 men and Pharnabazus and Iphicrates
went to surprise a fort that stood on the very mouth of the river. When they came there, 3000

Egyptian cavalry and foot soldiers came to defend the place. There was a fierce skirmish
between them. At last, the Egyptians were overwhelmed with the number of Persians which
came thronging from the ships to help their troops. They were totally surrounded and were
slaughtered. Many of them were taken and the rest fled to a little town nearby. Iphicrates' men
pursued them and entered pell mel with them into the gate and captured it. They rased it to the
ground and carried away its inhabitants as prisoners. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad 101.)

1585. Iphicrates advised them to go presently by water to assault Memphis, the main city of all
Egypt. It had no garrison and he thought they should attack it before the Egyptian forces came in
to defend it. Pharnabazus did not agree. He would stay until his army came and so they could
attack them with less danger. By this delay, the Egyptians had enough time to get supplies into
Memphis and from there they made various attacks on the small town which the Persians had
seized as I had said before. They skirmished frequently with them and slaughtered many of
them. When the time of the year came, the Nile flooded all the country around there and helped
fortify Memphis. Therefore the Persian commanders thought it foolish to fight against nature
and withdrew from there for the present. So all those huge preparations came to naught. (Diod.
Sic. year 3. Olympiad 101.)

1586. As soon as they returned to Asia, Iphicrates lost favour with Pharnabazus. Iphicrates
feared that he might be thrown into prison as happened to Conon. Therefore, he sailed secretly
to Athens by night. Pharnabazus sent for him and charged that he was the reason why Egypt was
not conquered. The Athenians replied that they would punish him if they saw fit. Shortly after
this, the Athenians made him the admiral of all their fleet. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 101)

1587. Nicocles an eunuch in Cyprus, murdered Euagoras and made himself king of Salamis
according to Diodorus in this year's account. Euagoras was murdered by an eunuch, (Aristotle 5.
of his Politic, c. 10.) but states that his name was Thrasydaeus. We learn from Theopompus
(Biblioth. Photii. n. 176.) that Euagoras, by this eunuch's help got to lie with the daughter of
Nicocreon. He was that tyrant of Cyprus, who (Plutarch in his life) invited Isocrates to supper
and that was the cause of his death. Nicocles was Euagaoras' own son according to Isocrates. He
had 20 talents from Nicocles for his written oration that he sent to him. (Plutarch in the life of
Isocrates) We still have his oration addressed to Nicocles concerning the functions of a king.
Another oration entitled Nicocles concerns Nicocles' duties as a prince. A third oration called
Euagoras, is a funeral oration made for him. Nicocles in this very year solemnified his father's
funeral in a costly and magnificently pompous manner. He held all types of games of music,
dancing, wrestling, ship fights and cavalry battles for the funeral. Therefore Isocrates wrote this
oration to him in praise and commendation of his father. He hoped that this would serve both
Nicocles and his sons and children after them as an example and exhortation of well doing.

vv Supposing, that this will serve both you and your children, and the other descendants of
Euagoras for utmost encouragement to your well doing," (Isocrates in his Euagoras.)

1588. Hence we may amend that error in Diod. Sic. and say truly that Euagoras was murdered
by Thrasidaeus an eunuch and that his own son Nicocles succeeded him in the kingdom of
Salamis.

3633 AM, 4343 JP, 371 BC

1589. When Alcisthenes was governor at Athens, the Greek cities resumed their infighting.
Artaxerxes sent ambassadors to urge them to obey the peace treaty and live peacefully with each
other. All the Greek cities except Thebes swore an oath to keep the peace. When the peace was
made and agreed to by the Athenians, Lacedemonians and Artaxerxes, Iphicrates was recalled
with his fleet. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 102. with Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 6. and Diony, Halicarnas.
in the life of Lysias.)

1590. Plutarch (in the life of Agesilaus), shows that this peace was concluded and made among
the Greeks at Lacedemon on the 14th day of the month Scirrophorion with the Athenians and in
the last month of Arcisthenes' governorship at Athens on Thursday, July 16, 371 BC.

3634 AM, 4344 JP, 370 BC

1591. The Lacedemonians were badly defeated at Leuctra by Epaminondas. They immediately
sent Agesilaus to Egypt and Antalcidas to Artaxerxes to get money. Artaxerxes rejected
Antalcidas' request with much scorn and indignation. When he returned he starved himself to
death because he had been so spitefully used by Artaxerxes and he feared what the Ephori
would do to him. (Plut. in Artax.)

3635 AM, 4345 JP, 369 BC

1592. Artabarzanes sent Philiscus of Abidus, who was one of Artaxerxes' lords to Greece to
resolve matters between Thebes and their confederates and the Lacedemonians. Philiscus
summoned them all to Delphi. Thebes was adament that Messene should not be under the
Lacedemonian jurisdiction. Philiscus was so offended by this that he left 2000 of his best
soldiers to assist the Lacedemonians against Thebes. Philiscus returned to Asia. (Xenoph.
Hellen. 7. Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 102.)

3636 AM, 4346 JP, 368 BC

1593. When Thebes controlled Greece, they thought it good to send their ambassadors to the
king of Persia. For this purpose they called their confederates together and pretended that
Euthycles of Lacedemon was already with the king. They sent to the king, Pelopidas from
Thebes, Antiochus the athlete from Arcadia, Archidamus of Eleus, a town in Thrace and one
other from Argos. When the Athenians heard this, they sent their ambassadors, Timagoras and
Leontes, to the king. Among them all Pelopidas was the most gracious in the king's eyes and
next to him was Timagoras. All of the others were most honourably treated by the king. (Xen.
Hellen. 1. 7.)

1594. Ismenias from Thebes was joint commissioner with Pelopidas in this embassy. When he
was brought by Tithraustes the chiliarch into the presence of the king, he was asked to prostrate
himself before the king. He dropped his ring before him and presently fell all down and
recovered his ring. The king thought he did this to honour him and gave him whatever he asked.
(Plut. in Artax. Elia. Var. Hist. 1. 1. c. 21.)

1595. At the same time, Timagoras the Athenian sent a confidential letter by Bubaris' secretary
to the king. For his trouble he received 1000 darics. Timagorous had a rich supper sent him at

his lodging. Whereupon the king's brother Ostanes, said to him: (??)
""Remember Timagoras this supper. For it is not sent you for any lowly purpose."

1596. This sounded like he was upbraiding Timagoras for some treasonous purpose in him
rather than congratulating him for the gift sent to him. (Plut. in Artax.) It is also said that the
king gave Timagorous 80 cows because he was so sickly and the cattle would give him milk on
his journey home. The king also gave him a costly bed and furniture along with some servants to
make it because the Greeks were not skilled in such matters. Moreover the king had him carried
all along to the seaside in a litter because of his weakness. The king gave those who carried him
4 talents for their work. (Plut. in Artax. and in his Pelopidas) In (Athena. 1. 2.) we are told that
Timagoras, after his prostration to the king was treated with great honour by the king. He adds
only:(??)

vv that the king sent him some dishes from his own table."

1597. Concerning the costly bed and furniture and the men to make it, (as if the Greeks knew
not how to make a bed,) that were sent by Artaxerxes, he says it was to Timagoras of Crete or
Eutimus of Gortyna in Crete, as Phanias in the Peripatetic calls him.

1598. Pelopidas by his gracious behaviour with the king, got letters from the king stating that
the king ordered that Messene should be exempt from Lacedemonian jurisdiction and the
Athenians were required to withdraw their ships. If they did not obey, the king proclaimed open
war against both of them. If any city refused to follow him in this war then that city would be
the first of all other cities to be made an example of. When Leontes spoke publicly that it was
time for the Athenians to look for new friends instead of the king, Artaxerxes asked that if the
Athenians did not like it, they should come and state the reasons why not. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 7.)

1599. When the ambassadors came home, the Athenians took Timagoras and decapitated him
for his prostration to the king. They were insulted that the grovelling flattery of one of their
citizens should subject the whole honour of the Athenian state to the domineering power of the
Persians. (Valer. Max. 1. 5. c. 3.) (In the text, "Darius" is written by mistake for "Artaxerxes.")
Others say that it was for his base acceptance of the king's gifts. For more of this see (Plutarch in
his Artax. and Pelopidas.) Xenophon says that he was accused by his companion Leontes of not
lodging with him and communicated all his counsels with Pelopidas. This no doubt was the
main cause for his execution.

1600. Thebes summoned all the cities of Greece to hear the king's letters read. They were
publicly read by the Persian that brought them. He first showed them the king's seal on the
letters. The letters stated that all who would be friends to the king and Thebes were required to
take an oath for the observance of the contents of those letters. The delegates and later the cities
refused to take that oath. Hence that mission to Artaxerxes and the sovereignty of Greece
engineered by Pelopidas and Thebes came to naught. (Xen. Hellen. 1. 7.)

3638a AM, 4347 JP, 367 BC

1601. Jubilee 22.

3638d AM, 4348 JP, 366 BC

1602. Artaxerxes sent other ambassadors into Greece to require them to stop these wars and to
make a peace among themselves. In the end, he prevailed with them. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp.
103.)

1603. Eudoxus the Cnidian, surnamed "Endoxos", that is "the famous", was in his prime at this
time. He went to Egypt with Chrysippus a physician, and carried with him letters of
commendation from Agesilaus to Nectunabis who commended him to the priests there. After
spending time with Iconupni of Heliopolis, (whom Clemens Alexan. in the first book of his
Stromat. calls Conuphis) Apis the bull came to lick his cloak. Whereupon the priests said, that
he would become very famous but it would not be long lived. (Phavorinus in his commentaries)
When Eudoxus had stayed in Egypt for 16 months, he shaved himself all over to his very eye
brows and wrote the Octocris, as some say. This we have in our discourse on the Macednian and
Asiatic year. (c. ult.) From there he is said to have travelled to Cyzicum and Propontis and to
have spread his philosophy in those parts. He finally came to Mausolus. (Diog. Laertius in his
Eudoxus,) Others say that Eudoxus went with Plato to Egypt and they both studied 13 years with
the priests there. (Strabo, 1. 17.)

3639 AM, 4349 JP, 365 BC

1604. At Heraclea in Pontus, the common people wanted all debts to be cancelled and all lands
equally shared among them. The nobility sent to Timotheus, Prince of Athens and also to
Epaminondas of Thebes for help against them. When they refused, they recalled Clearchus
home whom they had formerly exiled and begged his help to repress the common people. (Justin
1. 16. c. 4.)

3640 AM, 4350 JP, 364 BC

1605. Clearchus used the dissention among the people as an occasion to become ruler of the
city. He dealt secretly with Mithridates king of Pontus. He was an enemy in Greece. Clearchus
agreed with Mithridates that when he was called home, he would betray the city into
Mithridates' hands and control it after this as governor under Mithridates. When Clearchus set a
time to deliver the city into Mithridates his hand, Clearchus captured Mithridates and those that
accompanied him when they came to take over the city. Clearchus threw them into prison and
let them go when he had extorted a huge sum of money from them. So instead of maintaining
the rich men's cause against the people, he made himself a patron of the common people against
them. He stirred up the common people against them and behaved cruelly toward the nobility.
When the people had made him ruler Clearchus cast 60 of the chief of them (for the rest were
fled) into prison. After first taking away their goods, he had them executed. (Justin 1. 16. c. 4.)
He followed the example of Dionysius the tyrant of Syracuse and he ruled the city for 12 years.
(Diod. Sic. year 1. Olympiad 104. with the Collections of Photius in his Biblioth. from Memnon
the Historiographer of Heraclea, n. 224.)

3641 AM, 4351 JP, 363 BC

1606. Tachos, whom Polyanius (1. 7. Stratgem.) calls "Thamos", Aristotle (1. 2. of his

Oeconomics) "Taos" and Julius Africanus, "Teos", reigned in Egypt for 2 years.

1607. With this year Xenophon concludes his 7 books of his Greek history. Anaximes
Lampsacenus concludes the first part of his history. He starts from the birth of the gods and
creation of mankind and ends with the battle of Manthinea in which Epaminondas was killed.
The history is in 12 volumes and records almost all things that happened among either the
Greeks or the barbarians. (Diod. year 2. Olympiad 104.) In the second part he sets down all the
deeds of Philip of Macedonia and his son, Alexander the Great. (Pausa. 2. of his Eliaca.)

1608. After Mithradates king of Pontus died, Ariobarzanes, the governor of Phrygia under
Artaxerxes, seized the kingdom of Pontus and ruled it for 26 years. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad
104. and year 4. of Olympiad 1 10.)

1609. When Clearchus the tyrant of Heraclea found that the chief men of Heraclea who had fled
from there stirred up all the neighbouring cities and states against him, he freed all their slaves.
He gave them their masters' wives and daughters in marriage and threatened death to those that
would not. By this he made those slaves more loyal to him and made them more hostile to their
masters. Many women reckoned these forced marriages to be worse than death itself. Therefore
before their wedding, many murdered their husbands to be and then killed themselves. At last
the nobles had a battle with Clearchus. He won and took the nobles as prisoners and led them in
a triumph through the city in the sight of all the people. Then he put some of them in irons,
others on the rack and others he put to death. He left no part of the city free from the sight and
sense of his cruelty. (Justin 1. 16. c. 5.)

3642 AM, 4352 JP, 362 BC

1610. The Lacedemonians became the enemies of Artaxerxes when he claimed to be their friend
and yet ordered them to withdraw from Messene and to make it a distinct member in the league
of Greece. (Xenoph. in his Agesulaus, and Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 104.) Ariobarzanes, the
Governor of Phrygia joined with the Lacedemonians. He, as I said before, after the death of
Mithridates had taken over the kingdom of Pontus. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad 104.)

1611. Autophrades, the governor of Lydia besieged Ariobarzanes in Assos, a city of Troas.
However, he lifted his seige and fled in fear when Agesilaus, who was now old, came into Asia
only to raise money for his country. Cotys, who besieged Sestus and was under Ariobarzanes'
command, lifted his seige also. Mausolus who besieged Assus and Sestus with 100 ships was
persuaded to withdraw and he returned home with his fleet. Ariobarzanes, (??) a friend of the
Lacedemonians, furnished Agesilaus with money for his country and sent him on his away.
(Xenoph. in his Agesilaus,) Polyanus (1. 7.) mentions the siege of Ariobarzanes by Autophrates
in Adramytium.

1612. Mausolus, called his friends together and told them that unless Artaxerxes was given an
excessive sum of money, he would take away his country which he held by inheritance from his
father. His friends thought the country brought him, in an instant, an infinite sum of money.
(Polyenus 1. 7. Stratag.) compared with (Aristot. in his Oeconomics:) However they saw that he
was not going to yield to Artaxerxes. Mausolus allied himself with those governors and captains
who were rebelling against Artaxerxes. At this time all of Ionia, Lycia, Pisidia, Pamphilia and
Cilicia were in rebellion against him. In addition, the Syrians, Phoenicians and almost all that

bordered on the Asiatic sea rebelled. Also, Tachos king of Egypt, proclaimed open war against
Artaxerxes and was busy everywhere building ships and raising forces for the war. Many of
these came from all of Greece and Tachos formed an alliance with the Lacedemonians. (Diod.
Sic. year 3. Olympiad 104.)

1613. When all these rebellions happened at once against Artaxerxes, he lost half of his
revenues. The remainder was not enough for the war considering that he was to support a war
against the king of Egypt, all the Greek cities and countries in Asia. Also he had to war against
the Lacedemonians and their confederates, namely the governors which held the sea towns and
regions in all Asia under their command. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad 104.)

1614. The king of Egypt sent for Agesilaus, promising to make him general of his army.
(Xenoph. in his Agesilaus.) He was sent there by his country and used the money from Tachos
to hire mercenaries. He loaded his ships with 1000 foot soldiers and took with him 30 Spartan
commissioners for his War Council. (Plut. in his Agesilaus: and Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad
104.) When the news of his landing came to the courtiers in Egypt, they strived to be the first to
send him presents. When they came to him, they scorned him. They saw no attendants about
him but only a decrepit and wearisome old man, lying along on the beach sloven-like and of a
small stature. They loathed his sordid and insulant behaviour all the more when they saw that he
selected only some grain and veal from all the rich foods they sent him and threw away the
dainties, sweet meats and precious ointments to his soldiers. (Plut. and Emil. Prob. in his
Agesilaus.) The king of Egypt did not keep his promise and did not make him the general of his
army. (Xen. in his Agesilaus.) He derided him for the smallness of his stature and said that
whoever spoke the old proverb was correct:

vv The hills were great with young and delivered a mouse."

1615. which when Agesilaus heard, he said in a rage,

vv I will one day seem a lion to him." (Athenae. 1. 14. with Plutarch)

1616. Chabrias the Athenian, was not sent by public authority as Alcibiades was. Tachos
persuaded him to serve him as a private citizen. (Diod. Sic. and Plutarch.) When Chabrias saw
the king was short of money, he advised him to take what money he could from the rich and
promise them to be paid from his yearly taxes. By this means, Tachos gathered an enormous
sum of money without injuring anyone. (Polya. Strat. 1. 3.) Aristotle (1. 2. of his Oeconomics.)
numbers this as but one of the many schemes he had for raising money at this time.

1617. They who rebelled in Asia, made Orontes the governor of Mysia, their commander-in-
chief. When he received enough money to pay for 20,000 mercenaries for one year, he captured
those who had contributed the money and sent them as prisoners to Artaxerxes. He than
betrayed various other cities, forts and mercenaries to the king's officers that the king had sent
into those parts. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 104.) Polyanus mentions this war by Orontes and
Autophradates and other officers of the kings. (Polyanus 1. 7. Stratag.) Diodorus assures us that
in the last year of Artaxerxes Mnemon both Autophradates and Orontes and other commanders
defected from him. Therefore, we must conclude, that Autophradates stood for his son
Artaxerxes Ochus and that it was Orontes which made the war against him.

1618. Artabazus, who commanded Artaxerxes Mnemon's army, attacked Cappadocia. Datames
the governor of that province attacked Artabazus with a strong body of cavalry and 20,000
mercenaries on foot. Then Mithrabarzanes his father-in-law and general of his cavalry stole
away from him at night with all his cavalry and fled to Artabazus. Mithrabarzanes and his troops
were well paid for this treachery. For it happened that they were attacked and hewed in pieces
by both the armies from each side. Diodorus adds, that when Artaxerxes was told that Datames
had brought Artaxerxes this noose as a joke. Artaxerxes quickly tried to rid his hands of him and
shortly after this, Artaxerxes had him secretly killed. However, it appears from Emil. Prob. that
Datames lived long after this. He acknowledges that Datames' affairs were carried out in an
obscure way. Hence he says, that he was most careful determining what happened. This he does
in such a way as to easily discern that what he did was all in the reign of Artaxerxes Ochus.

1619. Rheomithres was sent by the alliance of Persian governors to Egypt. He received 500
talents and 50 ships and returned with them to Leucas in Asia. When he sent for many of the
governors and leaders to come to him there, he siezed them and sent them all away as prisoners
to Artaxerxes. By this act, he re-ingratiated himself with the king who was previously displeased
with him. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olympiad 104.)

3643a AM, 4352 JP, 362 BC

1620. When Tachos was fully prepared for war, he put Agesilaus in command of the 10,000
Greek mercenaries. His fleet of 200 ships was under Chabrias who was very skilful in naval
affairs. (Polya 1. 7. Stratag.) His 80,000 Egyptian foot soldiers where under Nectanabus, his
brother or sister's son. (The Greek word is ambiguous.) Tachos was commander over all these
forces. Although Agesilaus tried to persuade him to prosecute the war by his officers and to stay
in Egypt, yet he refused. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad 104.) Nevertheless, Agesilaus, against his
better judgment went with him by sea to Phoenicia. (Plutarch in his Agesilaus.)

1621. While the Egyptian fleet lay in Phoenicia, Nectanabus was sent to capture some principal
cities of Syria. Nectanabus made an agreement with the one whom Tachos had left for governor
of Egypt and Nectanabus proclaimed himself king of Egypt. He bribed the army commanders
with expensive gifts and promised the soldiers many things so they would side with him against
his father. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad 104.)

1622. Tachos was now utterly deserted by his own subjects and also by Agesilaus whom he had
formerly offended by that base jest he made of him. Fearing the worst, Tachos fled from there to
Sidon in Phoenicia and from there to the king of Persia. (Xenophon and Plutarch affirm and
Theopompus and Lysias of Naucratis, in his affairs of Egypt, both cited by Athensus in 1. 14 c.
4.) Diodorus and Elian say further that he was very graciously entertained by Artaxerxes.
Although I cannot believe Diodorus that Artaxerxes presently made him general of all the forces
which he had then raised to make a war upon Egypt and that he returned with them to Egypt and
was there reinstated as king by Agesilaus. Neither can we believe (Elian, 1. 5. Var. Histor. c. 1.)
where he tells us that Tachos had formerly lived frugally at home and now he died by gorging
himself with food after the Persian manner. Lynceus or Lyceas, whom I mentioned before,
teaches us, that his Egyptian diet was far more sumptuous than that of the Persian one. (cited by
Athenaus, 1. 4. c. 10 Deip.)

1623. After this another man made himself king in Mendes with an army of 100,000. (Plut. in

his Agesilaus.) Now there were 2 kings in Egypt. Agesilaus followed Nectanabus whom he
thought most favoured the Lacedemonians. (Xen. in Agesilaus.) He was with him in a long siege
in a citadel. Nectanebus grew impatient of being confined and wanted to risk a battle. Agesilaus
left him and stayed behind in the citadel until the whole citadel was quite surrounded with siege
works and the enemy all around them except for a little place where there was yet a passage
through. Then Agesilaus sallied out into that narrow passage and made his way through with a
great slaughter of the enemy. He had their siege works at his back so that they could not
surround him. (Plut. in Agesil. Polya. Stratag. 1. 2. with Diod. year 3. Olymp. 104.) Diodorus
writes "Tachos", instead of the king of "Mendes."

3643b AM, 4353 JP, 361 BC

1624. Agesilaus defeated the other king who hated the Greeks and took him prisoner. He
restored Nectanabus to his kingdom and made him a loyal friend of the Lacedemonians.
(Xenophon in Agesilaus.) However, Emil. Prob. attributes this restitution of the king to
Chabrias. The reason for this was that it was done jointly by the Lacedemonians and Athenians.
Now from this time until Nectanabus was put out of the kingdom was 12 years according to
Diodorus. Hence the length of his reign was 12 years not 18, as Africanus and Eusebius have it.

1625. Nectanabus entreated Agesilaus very earnestly to spend that winter with him. However he
hasten home for Sparta was engaged in a war and he knew they needed money and maintained a
foreign army. Therefore Nectanabus dismissed Agesilaus very honourably and gave him besides
all the other gifts, 230,000 or, as Emil Probus has it, 220,000 talents. (Plut. in Ages.)

1626. When Agesilaus got this money, he hurried home in the dead of winter. He feared lest the
Lacedemonians would spend the next summer idle and do nothing against their enemies. (Xen.
in Agesil.) A storm cast him on a deserted shore called "Menelai Portus", that is "Port of
Menelaus" lying between Cyrene and Egypt. There he fell sick and died. His friends lacked wax
and preserved him with honey and carried him to Sparta. (Plutarch and Emilius Probus, in
Agesilaus,) Diodorus says that his body was buried there in a most royal manner. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olymp. 104.)

3643c AM, 4353 JP, 361 BC

1627. Ochus, the lawful son of Artaxerxes, had his brother Arsames murdered who was born
from a concubine and dearly loved by his father. He had Harpates the son of Titibazus murder
him. When Artaxerxes heard what had happened to his much beloved son, took it to heart and
died from grief. (Plut. in Artaxerxes.)

1628. Ochus knew that his father was highly respected by his people when he was alive. If the
news of his death got out, Ochus would not be respected at all. Therefore, he had all the princes
and nobles and others that were around him keep the death of his father secret for 10 months. In
the meantime he sent letters into all the provinces in the king's name with his seal on them,
requiring that every man accept Ochus for their king. (Polya. 1. 7. Stratag.)

1629. Heraclea the wife of Clearchus the tyrant of Pontus bore him a son whom he called
Dionysus. The son lived 55 years. (Athenaus, 1. 12 and Mnemonin in the collections of Photius,
c. 5.)

3644 AM, 4354 JP, 360 BC

1630. When all men had acknowledged Ochus for king, he announced the death of his father
and commanded a public mourning to be made for him according to the Persian manner. (Polia.
1. 7.) He assumed the name of his father, "Artaxerxes." (Diodor. Valerius Max.) Then he filled
his court with the blood of his kindred and nobles without respect to kin, sex or age. (Justin. 1.
10. c. 3.) He caused his own sister, whose daughter he had married, to be buried alive with her
heels upward. An uncle of his with more than 100 children and grandchildren was brought into a
court and there shot to death with arrows. (Valer. Max. 1. 9. c. 2.) If seems this uncle was the
father of Sisygambis who was the mother of Darius the last king of the Persians. She was the
queen that Curtius states (Curtius, 1. 10. c. 8.) had her father and 80 brothers executed by Ochus
in one day.

3646 AM, 4356 JP, 358 BC

1631. The states of Chios, Rhodes, Byzantium and Chos, revolted from Athens at the same time.
This was called "Bellum Sociale", i.e. the confederates war. When the Athenians besieged
Chios, the Athenians received help from their own confederates and Mausolus the petty king of
Caria. (Demosthenes in his Oration of Peace and of the Rhodians liberty, Diod. Sic. year 3.
Olympiad, 105.)

3648 AM, 4358 JP, 356 BC

1632. In the first year of the 106th Olympiad, (as it is rightly read in Eusebius' Chron. from
Fuxius' copy, corrected by Arnaldus Pontacus) Alexander was born to King Philip at Pella in
Macedonia. Alexander was called "the Great" because he conquered all Asia. He lived 32 years
and 8 months according to Arianus' report from Aristobulus and died in the end of year 1
Olympiad 1 14. in the month before the month of Thargelion according to the Attic calendar as
we shall see when we come to that year. It follows that he must have been born in this year and
that in the third month called Boedromion in the Attic calendar. Hence those who (as in Elian
Variar Histor. 1. 2. c. 25.) have said that he was born and died in the sixth day of the month
Thargelion are incorrect. Plutarch (in the life of Alexander) says, that he was born on the 6th day
of the month Hecatombeon, called Lous by the Macedonians. There was a good reason why they
who lived at that time recorded that he was born on the 6th day of the month Lous. At that time
the month Lous with the Macedonians was the same time as Meton's Boedromian. This appears
in King Philip's Epistle to the Peloponesians, as we have already showed in our discourse in the
first chapter of the Macedonian and Asiatic years. The historians and other writers of later times
did not note this and found the Syro-Macedonian month Lous in Calippus to coincide with the
month Boedromion among the Athenians. Hence they thought that Alexander had been born
upon the 6th day of the month Boedromion.

1633. This is the source of the error of Plutarch, which he corrects later by making a more
grievous mistake. He says:

vv The same day that Philip took Pitidaea, there came to him three reports: one from Pharmenion
that he defeated the Illyrians, the second, that he had won the race with his horses at Olympius
and the third that his son Alexander was born."

1634. For we learn from Demosthenes, in his oration against Leptines, and Diodorus, year of 3rd
Olympiad 105. that Polydaea was not taken this year, but two years earlier. If it had been so that
Alexander had been born in the 105th Olymp. and upon the 6th day of Hecatombaeon, it is
incredible that he should not have heard of the birth of his son a great deal sooner than he could
possibly have done of winning the race of Olympus. For that race was to be run on the day of
the full moon and the decision made on the race on the 16th day of the same month. This we are
taught by the old Scoliast of Pindarus, upon his 5th Ode or Hymn of his Olympics. Justin from
Trogus tells us more clearly: (1. 12. c. 16.)

vv The same day on which Alexander was born, news came to him of two victories he had, the
one about the battle in Illyrium and the other in a race at Olympus where he sent his chariot with
four horses to run."

1635. These reports appear to agree with each other. Although I grant that it may be not
improbable that Alexander's birth was in the summer season of that year wherein the Olympic
games were held at Olympus in Elis. However the testimony of Aristobulus, to whom Alexander
was so well known in person, is so firm and strong an argument to me of the day on which he
was born. Hence I have no doubt that Philip his father was informed of the race won by him at
Olympus before his son was born.

1636. The same day that Alexander was born, the temple of Diana at Ephesus burned. Hence
came the joke either from Timaeus, as Cicero has it, or from Hegesias the Magnesian according
to Plutarh says that:

vv Diana being away from home that night to do work at Olympius could not save her own
temple, (Cit. 1. 1. de Natura deorum and 1. 1. de Divina and Plut. in his Alexander.)"

1637. When the one who started the fire was put on the rack, he confessed that he did it on
purpose. He wanted to be world famous for destroying so famous and excellent a work. Hence
by the common council of all Asia, it was decreed that no man should ever after mention him.
(Valer. Max. 1. 8. c. 14. Aul. Gell, 1. 2. c. 6.) However, Theopompus in his History mentions
him. It was either Erostratus, as we read (in Strabo. 1. 14. and Solinus c. 4.) or Lygdamis, as
Hesychius, "In the word Lygdam."

1638. The priests in Ephesus at that time thought that the burning of this temple was but the
harbinger of some greater evil to follow. They ran up and down as if they had been mad and cut
their faces, saying, that some great calamity was that day born against all Asia. (Plut. in Alexan.)

3648 AM, 4358 JP, 356 BC

1639. Artabazus rebelled against Ochus. He joined his forces with those of Chares the Athenian
and defeated an army of 70,000 Persians. Chares gathered enough spoil to pay for all his army.
The king took up this matter with the Athenians. They heard a rumour that the king was about to
send 300 ships to help their enemies against whom Chares at that time was fighting. They
quickly agreed to a peace with their enemies so that war between them and their confederates,
called "Bellum sociale", was ended. (Diod. Sic. year 1. and 4. of the 106 Olymp.)

3650 AM, 4360 JP, 354 BC

1640. Leuco, the king of Bosphorus Cimmerius, died. He was succeeded by his son Spartacus
who reigned 5 years. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 106.)

3651 AM, 4361 JP, 353 BC

1641. When Artabazus was abandoned by Chares and the Athenians, he resorted to the
Thebians. They sent him 5000 men under Pammenes. Pammenes with this army went over into
Asia and joined with Artabazus' forces. Together they overthrew the king's army in two great
battles. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 106.)

1642. When Clearchus the tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus was celebrating the feast of their god
Bacchus, he was murdered in the 12th year of his reign. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 106.) The
man behind the murder was Chion of Heraclea, the son of Matris, a scholar of Plato's and a
cousin of Clearchus. Also in on the plot were Leonides and Antitheus both scholars in
philosophy, as was Euxenon. Also in on this were some 50 others of Clearchus' allies and
relatives. They waited for the time when the tyrant was busy and attentive with the sacrifice with
the rest of the people. Then Chion ran him through with his sword. He fell grievously tormented
with pains and haunted with the apparitions and ghosts of those whom he had most barbarously
murdered and died the next day. Most of the conspirators, if not all, were either shortly cut in
pieces by his guard although they stoutly defended themselves. Those that escaped were
captured shortly after and died after horrible torture which they endured with incredible
constancy and patience. (Memnon in Excerpt, c. 2. Justin. 1. 6. c. ult. and Suidas in Clearchus.)
See also the Epistles attributed to this Chion, as written by him to his mother Matis.

1643. Satyrus, brother to Clearchus, succeeded him in that government and reigned 7 years. He
was not content with the death of the conspirators but executed all their children although they
were innocent of their father's deeds. He was left as guardian and protector of Timotheus and
Dionysius' brother's children. He was very respectful of them. Although he had a wife whom he
loved very dearly yet would he have no children by her, least they might in time prove
dangerous to his brother's children. (Memnon in Excerpt, c. 3.)

3652 AM, 4362 JP, 352 BC

1644. In the 4th year of 106 Olymp. not in the 2nd year of the 100th Olympiad, as is incorrectly
reported by (Pliny lib. 36. c. 5. and 6.) Mausolus the Dynasta or petty king of Caria, died.
Artemisia, his sister and wife, succeeded him and reigned for 2 years since her husband had no
children. (Diod. and Strabol. 14.) From the fervent love she had of the memory of him, she took
his bones after they were burnt and beat them to a powder. This was mingled with a most
precious perfume and put into her drinking water. She was zealous to be the living and breathing
tomb of her deceased husband. (A. Gill. 1. 10. c. 18. Valer. Max. 1. 4. c. 6.)

1645. In the 107th Olympiad (not in the 103, as Suidas in Thoidectes has it) Artemisia
proclaimed a contest for all to come and show their wit and art in praise and honour to her dead
husband. Various illustrious men came to this contest: Theopompus from Chios, the best man of
all the scholars of Isocrates, (Diony. Halicarnasseus in his Epistle to Pompeius) Theodectes a
poet of tragedies from the city of Phaselis in Lycia and also a scholar of Isocrates and Naucrates

Erythtaeus from Naucratis in Cyrenia. These were all mentioned by Photius (in Biblioth. c. 176,
260.) Plutarch (in his life of Isocrates) and other writers say that Isocrates entered the contest
too. However this was not the Isocrates from Athens, but another by the same name. He was his
scholar and successor in his office according to Suidas, from Callisthenes the Orator. In that
contest of wits, Theopompus, as some say, and as others, Theodectes the Tragedian, who left a
tragedy entitled "Mausolus", won the prize. (A. Gell. 1. 10. c. 18. Suidas, in Theodecters and
Isocrates.) Although it seems that everything did not happen as Theopompus expected because
when he was later writing a history, he states in it that:

""Mausolus never spared for any villany if he might get money by it."

1646. In all likelihood, he would never have written this if things had happened there according
to his expectation. (Snidas in Mausolus.)

1647. Theopompus (of whom I have spoken before) who was an historian and Theodoctes a
Tragedian, I must mention what is reported by Demetrius Phalereus in Aristeas (and from him
by Josephus, (1. 12. anti. c. 2. and by Euseb. de Prapar. Evengel. 1. 8. c. 3. and 5. and in his
discourse of the Septuagint Interpretation.)). Theopompus wanted to insert some things from the
books of Moses into his history but lost his mind for 30 days. During this time when his sanity
returned, he earnestly sought God to reveal to him the reason why this great judgment was upon
him. In a dream it was told him that it was because he was about to mix those divine oracles
with his human studies and publish them to the world. When he abandoned that idea, he was
restored to his right mind again. When Theodectes planned to use some things from the Holy
Writ into his tragedy he was writing, he suddenly lost his sight. When he realised the reason for
this, he asked God's mercy and he was restored to his perfect sight again.

3653 AM, 4363 JP, 351 BC

1648. Artimisia wanted to perpetuate the memory of her husband. She had built a stupendous
tomb for him at Halicarnassus that was considered one of the seven wonders of the world.
However she pined away at last and died of grief. (Cicero. Tuseul. Quest. 1. 3. Strabo. 1. 14. A.
Gell. 1. 10. c. 18.) To make this tomb most grand, she had the most famous and skilful workmen
in the world order the construction: Scopas, from the east, Bryaxis, from the north, Timotheus
from the south and Leochares from the west. Although she died before the work was finished,
yet they did not stop the work until it was completed. They knew that by so doing they would
also immortalise their own names and glory in it. (Pliny 1. 36. c. 5. with Vitruvins in the Proeme
of his 7th book;) Therefore ever after this even in Rome, every sumptuous and magnificent
building was called a "mausoleum". (Pausan, in his Arcadica.)

1649. After her death her brother Idrieus or Hidrieus headed the government of Caria for 7
years. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 107.) He was the second son of Hecatomnus and married
Hecatomnus' second daughter Ada, his own sister, according to the law of Caria, (Strabo. 1. 14.
Ariannus, of the Gests of Alexander, 1. 1.)

1650. When Thebes was running out of money to carry on their war against the Phoenicians,
they sent ambassadors to Ochus and received 300 talents from him. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp.
107.)

1651. The Phoenicians and especially the inhabitants of Sidon had been badly abused by Ochus
and revolted from him. They sent to Nectabenus king of Egypt and formed an alliance with him
in a war against the Persians. They prepared a large fleet of ships and had many foot soldiers.
They cut down the king's garden and orchard and burnt the hay that was provided for the king's
stable. They killed those Persians that had wronged them. Therefore the governors of Syria and
Cilicia made war on them. Tennes the king of Sidon, received from the king of Egypt, 4000
Greek soldiers under the command of Mentor of Rhodes. These combined with his forces and
routed the Persians and drove them from all Phoenicia. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 107.)

1652. The petty kings of the 9 cities of Cyprus who were subject to the king of Persia followed
the example of the Phoenicians and agreed with each other to defect from the king. Each of
these kings prepared for war and made himself absolute sovereign each in his own city.
Artaxerxes Ochus ordered these kings to be subdued by Idricus. He recently became king of
Caria and by long tradition of his ancestors was loyal to the kings of Persia and helped in their
wars. He sent into Cyprus 40 ships containing 8000 mercenaries under the command of Phocyon
the Athenian and of Euagoras who formerly had been a king there. These began by attacking the
strongest city first and besieged Salamis. Many came to the battle from Syria and Cilicia which
lay opposite Cyprus. They hoped to get much spoil from the battle. The army of Phocyon and
Euagoras was twice as big as before. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 107.)

1653. Artaxerxes Ochus mustered an army of 300,000 foot soldiers and 30,000 cavalry with 300
ships and 500 cargo ships to carry provisions. He left Babylon and went toward Phoenicia and
the seaside. Mentor, whom the Sidonians had made commander over the Greek mercenaries,
was frightened by his coming. He sent a man called Thessalion to Artaxerxes, offering first to
betray all the Sidonians into his hands and later to help him conquer Egypt. When Thessalion
had delivered his message and received the king's promise, he kissed his hand to seal the
agreement. He returned to Mentor and told him of the king's promise. The Sidonians knew
nothing of this. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 107.)

1654. Meanwhile, Ochus sent his ambassadors into Greece their help against the Egyptians. The
Athenians and Lacedemonians answered him, that they would keep the peace made with him,
but were unable to help him at this time. However, Thebes sent him 1000 foot soldiers under the
command of Lachetes. Argos also sent him 3000 men with no Greek appointed to be over them
because the king wanted to have Nicostratus to command them. He was a high spirited man and
he imitated Hercules by fighting with a lion's skin wrapped about him and carried a club in his
hand. The Greeks who dwelt on the seacoast of Asia, sent him 6000 men. The total Greek forces
were 10,000 men. Before they arrived, the king had advanced past Syria to Phoenicia and had
pitched his camp not far from Sidon. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 107.)

1655. Tennes the king of Sidon, joined with Mentor in his treason and assigned him to the guard
of a certain quarter in the town and left him to manage the betrayal on that side. Tennes with
500 men went out of the city and pretended that he would go to the common meeting of
Phoenicia. He had in his company 100 of the principal councillors of the city. He gave these to
be butchered by Artaxerxes who were the authors of that defection from him. Shortly after 500
more of the chief of the Sidonians came to Artaxerxes to beg for mercy with olive branches in
their hands. Artaxerxes had them all shot with arrows as he had done to the former group. He
understood that according to Tennes the king that the city would be unconditionally surrendered
to him. The Greeks which he bribed, opened the gates to let the king into the city and so
betrayed the city to Artaxerxes. Once he was in, he saw that Tennes was of no further service to

him and had his throat cut. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 107.)

1656. The Sidonians had burned all their ships before the king came so that no one could escape
by ship. When the city was taken, each man shut himself up in his own house with his wife and
children and then set his house on fire. Over 40,000 perished in the fire. Mixed with cinders of
the place was molten silver and gold. The king sold this for many talents. The rest of the cities in
the area were terrified and surrendered to the king. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 107.)

1657. From there the king went and captured Jericho. (Solinus c. 35.) He took many along with
him from Judah to serve him in his war against Egypt. This we gather from Aristeas' book of the
Septuagint Interpreters and also in the Epistle of Ptolemy Philadelphus to Eleasarus, it is said:

vv that many of the Jews were carried away into Egypt by the Persians, while they bare the sway
there."

1658. This saying of his is to be referred to this time of Artaxerxes Ochus. Also that place in
Justin, where he says, (1. 36. c. 3.) if there is any truth in either of them:

vv that Xerxes was the first of the Persians that subdued the Jews"

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3654 AM, 4364 JP, 350 BC

1659. While Salamis was besieged by Phocyon and Euagoras, all the rest of the cities submitted
to the Persians. Only Protagoras king of Salamis held out against them. Euagoras wanted to be
restored to his father's kingdom in Salamis. Some men treated him poorly and made accusations
against him to the king. Euagoras saw that the king favoured Protagoras over him and gave up in
his request to be restored to the kingdom. He went and cleared himself of all charges before the
king. He did this so well that the king gave him a far better dynasty in Asia. At last Protagoras
voluntarily submitted to the king and held the kingdom of Salamis peacefully after that. (Diodor.
year 3 Olympiad 107.) This Euagoras of whom we now speak, it seems was the grandchild of
another Euagoras who died 24 years before by his son Nicocles. For that Euagoras the elder, had
a son Nicocles who succeeded him in the kingdom of Salamis. Another called Protagoras,
appears from Isocrates. This younger Euagoras who succeeded Nicocles, seems to have been put
from his kingdom by Protagoras who was his uncle. He received a better territory than Salamis
from Ochus. But by his misdeeds there, he was forced to flee again into Cyprus. He was
captured and executed as a malefactor according to Diodorus.

1660. Eusebus in Chron. shows that in this 3rd year of the 107th Olympiad, Ochus forced
Nectanebus to flee into Ethiopia and took over all Egypt. He put an end to the kingdom of
Egypt. This time was the period of Manetho's Commentaries concerning the history of Egypt
and how Egypt was captured by Ochus. Diodorus in this year gives a long account of this.

1661. After Orchus destroyed Sidon, the auxiliary forces came to him from Argos, Thebes and
the Greek cities in Asia. He united all his forces and he marched to the lake of Sirbonis. Most of
his army perished in the bogs of Barathra because they had no guides. From there he marched to
Pelusium at the first mouth of the Nile River. It was held by a garrison of 5000 men under
Philophron. Here the Greeks encamped close to the city and the Persians camped 8 miles off.
Ochus divided the Greeks into three brigades each of which was to have two commanders, one a
Persian and the other a Greek. The first brigade, the Boeotians, were commanded by Lachertes a
Theban and Rosaces a Persian, governor of Ionia and Lydia. The second one, the men of Argos,
were commanded by Nicostratus a Greek and Aristazanes a Persian. The third brigade was
under Mentor, who betrayed Sidon and Bagoas an eunuch of Persia. To each of these Greek
brigades were added various companies and troops and sea captains with their squadrons of
ships. On the other side, Nectanebus had in his army 20,000 auxiliary Greeks and as many to
help him from Libya and 60,000 from his own country of Egypt who were called "Warriors". He
had an exceeding large number of river boats, outfitted to fight in the river Nile if required.
When he had supplied every place with reasonably sufficient garrisons, he with 30,000
Egyptians, 5000 Greeks and one half of his Libyans, defended the passages which lay most open
and easiest for invasion.

1662. When things were thus ordered on both sides, Nicostratus who commanded the Argivians,
obtained some Egyptian guides whose wives and children were kept as hostages by the Persians.
With his pprtion of the ships, he crossed over one of the channels of the Nile that would be most
out of sight from the Egyptians, When the closest garrisons of the Egyptians knew this, they sent
to cut them off, over 7000 under Clinius who was from the Isle of Cos. In that encounter, the
Greeks on the Persian side slew almost 5000 men on the other side along with their commander
Clinius. When Nectanebus heard of this slaughter, he with his army he had about him retired to
Memphis to secure that place. Meanwhile Lacrates, who commanded the first brigade of the

Greeks, hurried to attack Pelusium. He drained away the water that ran around Pelusium by a
ditch that he cut. He raised a mount on the very channel of the old river and there planted his
batteries. The Greeks within courageously defended the place. However when they heard that
Nectanebus had left the field and retired to Memphis, they sued for peace. Lacrates told them
and bound it with an oath that when the town was surrendered, they with their belongings would
be all sent to Greece. When they heard this they surrendered the town.

1663. Mentor who commanded the third brigade, saw that all the cities were manned with two
nationalities, the Greeks and Egyptians. He spread a rumour that Artaxerxes planned to deal
most graciously with those who willingly submitted to him. The rest would be treated like those
in Sidon. Everywhere the Greeks and Egyptians strived to be the first to surrender their cities to
the Persians. Bubastus was the first city to surrender to the Persians, followed by all the rest of
the cities. They settled for the best terms they could.

1664. Meanwhile when Nectanebus was at Memphis, he heard how all the cities defected to the
Persians. Despondent, he gathered all the treasure he could and fled to Ethiopia. (Diod. Sic. year
3. Olympiad. 107.) Others report, that he shaved his head and disguised his appearance. He went
to Pelusium and from there sailed to Philip king of Macedonia at Pella. (see the Excerpta,
Barbaro-Latina, published by Scaliger, p. 58. the Chronicle of Alexandria, or Fasti Siculi,
published by Raderus, p. 393. Cedrenus in the Basile Edition, p. 124. and Glycas, p. 195. from
Psendo-Callisthenes' fabulous history of the Deeds of Alexander.)

1665. When Artaxerxes Ochus had possessed all of Egypt, he dismantled all the fortifications of
the main cities and destroyed their temples. He got an infinite amount of treasure. Moreover, he
took away all their records from their most ancient temples. The priests bought these again by
paying a great some of money to Bagoas the Eunuch. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olympiad. 107.) Ochus
also is said to have derided their ceremonies and their god, Apis. (Severus Suppicitsus in his
sacred History, 1. 2.) The Egyptians called him an ass for his poor behaviour and spirit.
Therefore, he violently took their god Apis the bull and sacrificed him to an ass. (Elian. Varia.
Histor. 1. 4. c. 8.) Then he ordered his cooks to prepare the bull for dinner. (Suidas in Ochus.)

1666. After this Ochus rewarded his Greeks who helped him win this victory with wealth and
honour, each man according to his deeds. He sent them all away to their own country. He left
Pherendates as his viceroy in Egypt. After so great a conquest, he was covered with glory and
loaded with spoils. He returned to Babylon with his army, (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olympiad 107.)
where he also took many Jews as prisoners. He settled most of them in Hircania which bordered
on the Caspian Sea. Georgius Syncellus, from Julius Africanus reports in this:

vv Ochus the son of Artaxerxes, made a journey into Egypt. He led away some Jews as captives.
He settled some of them in Hircania near the Caspian Sea and the rest in Babylon. There they
continue to this day as many Greek writers report."

1667. Hecataeus Abderia also, in his first book, De Judais, cited by Josephus, in his 1st book
Contra Apionem, mentions many tens of thousands of Jews who were carried to Babylon. Later
they were settled in Hircania. Paulus Orosins also writes: (1. 31. c. 7.)

vv Ochus, who is also called Artaxerxes, after his great and long war in Egypt was ended, carried
away many of the Jews. He commanded them to settle in Hircania near the Caspian Sea. Here

they continue to this day and prosper and increase in population. It is thought that they will one
day break out from there into some other quarter of the world."

1668. This opinion seems to have no basis except of the passage in /APC 2Es 13:40-46
concerning the ten tribes who were carried away by Shalmaneser, of the Jews, of certain
Hebrews shut up I know not where and of a river Sabbation. Petrus Treccensis in his scholastical
history, (Esth. c. 5.) and from Vincentius Bellovacensis in his Specul. Histor. (1. 30. c. 89.)
mentions these ten tribes. They were later closely confined in the Caspian Mountains. But these
things do not agree with Josephus, whom he alleges for his author. Rather they agree with the
writings of that false Gorion and Methodius and even with those fictitious accounts from the
Mahometan's Koran, concerning Alexander.

3655 AM, 4365 JP, 349 BC

1669. Ochus rewarded Mentor of Rhodes with 100 talents in money and very rich furnishings
for his house. He made Mentor governor over all the Asiatic shores with full and absolute power
to suppress all rebellions which happened in those parts. This great grace and favour he used
well. Previously Artabazus and Memnon made war against Ochus (See notes on 3648 AM and
3651 AM) and were driven from Asia. They fled to Philip king of Macedonia and lived with
him. Philip secured pardons for Artabazus and Memnon from the king who sent for them both to
come to him with all their families. Artabazus had by Mentor and Memnon's sister, 1 1 sons and
10 daughters. With so numerous a progeny, Mentor was exceedingly delighted and as each son
grew up Mentor made them officers in the Army. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 107.)

1670. Hermias, the archon of Atarne, was in rebellion against Ochus and had many strong cities
and citadels under him. Mentor invited him to a peace conference and promised him that he
would get him a pardon from the king. When Hermias came. Mentor captured him and took his
signet ring. He sent letters in the name of Hermias that required the captains and garrisons
everywhere in his dominion to surrender to the ones carrying these letters. This they did
immediately. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 107. and Polyanus Stratag. 1. 6.) In like manner he
did the same with all the other rebels of the king. Some he took by force and others by tricks. He
brought them all under the king's subjection again. He periodically sent the king Greek
mercenaries. He managed the government with great wisdom, valour and loyalty to the king.
(Diod. Sic. year 3. and 4. Olymp. 107. and Demosthenes in his Oration, contra Aristocratem.)

1671. When Spartacus the king of Bosphorus Cimmerius was dead, his brother Parysades
succeeded him in the kingdom and held it for 38 years. (Diod. Sic. year 4. of 107. Olympiad.)

3656 AM, 4366 JP, 348 BC

1672. In the 1st year of the 108th Olympiad, when Theophilus was archon in Athens, Plato died
who was the philosopher and founder of the old academia. (Hermippus in Laertius, Dionysius
Halicarnasseus, in his Epistle to Ammeus concerning Demosthenes and Atheneus 1. 5. c. 13.)
The saying of Numenius the Pythagorean as reported by Hesychius the Milesian, (in Numenius):

vv Whatever Plato said concerning God and the world, he stole it all from the books of Moses."

1673. Hence came that famous saying of his, reported by Hesychius and his follower Suidas.
Even before them Clememens Alexandrinus (Stromat. 1.) said of him:

vv for what is Plato, but Moses put into good Greek?"

1674. He says that Plato translated many things from the books of Moses and put them into his
own writings. Aristobulus the Jew (See note on 3479 AM) said the same so that I shall not try to
defend the authority of Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, Ambrose, Theodoret, Johannes
Philoponus, writing on the Hexameron and other Christians.

1675. After Plato died, Aristotle, who founded the sect of the Peripatetic Philosophers, travelled
to Hermias the eunuch and ruler of Atarve, of whom I spoke in the previous year. He lived with
him for 3 years, according to Laertius from Apollodorus' Chronicle and Dionysius in his
previously cited Epistle to Ammeus. Strabo (1. 13.) tells us, that he lived at Assos, which was
under the dominion of Hermias and Assos is mentioned in Ac 20:13. Aristotle was closely
related to Hermias because he married Pythiades the adopted daughter of Hermias. She was
either the natural daughter of Hermias' sister or brother. I know not if Aristotle the Peripatetic
(as we find in Euseb. de Preparat. Evangel, lib. 15.) from the affection he had for Hermias
married her after the death of Hermias. While he remained in Asia, he met a Jew who was a man
of great learning and temperance. He came from upper Asia to the seaside. There he talked in
Greek with Aristotle and any others who wanted to hear him. (Clearchus of Solos a principal
scholar of Aristotle, as cited by Josephus, 1. 1. contra Apionem., in his 1st book "de Somno." i.e.
"of sleep.") So that perhaps to this Jew it is that the Peripatetic sect of philosophers owe so many
of their good sayings. They follow closely the words of Moses and the prophets as our Clement
of Alexandria affirms from Aristobulus. (1. 5. Strom.)

3658 AM, 4368 JP, 346 BC

1676. Satyrus, the ruler of Heraclea in Pontus turned over the government to Timotheus, the
oldest son of his brother Clearchus. Shortly after this, Satyrus was striken with a most grievous
and incurable disease. A cancer grew in his groin which never stopped growing inward until he
died at the age of 65 years. He ruled Heraclea for 7 years. (Meknon in Excerpt, c. 3. ) Timotheus
took his younger brother Dionysius into the government and appointed him to be his successor
in case he should die. (Meknon in Excerpt, c. 4.)

3659 AM, 4369 JP, 345 BC

1677. Memnon of Rhodes, a Persian commander mentioned earlier, sent for Hermias the eunuch
and ruler of Atarne. He came suspecting nothing for he was invited as a friend. Memnon seized
him and sent him as a prisoner to the king who hanged him. The philosophers, Aristotle and
Xenocrates, a Chalcedonian who was born in Bithynia were with Hermias. They got away and
escaped from the Persian territories. (Strabo. 1. 13.) When Aristotle had lived with Hermias 3
years he went to Mytilene when Eubulus was archon at Athens, in year 4. of the Olymp. 108.
(According to Laertius from Apollodorus' Chronicles and also Dionys. Halicarnas. in his Epistle
to Ammaeus mentioned previously.) There is also extant in Laertius an Epigram of Aristotles,
on a statue of Hermias at Delphi:

vv Him did the king of Persia stay Contrary to Jove's law or reason, Not by force or bloody fray,

But by a friend's detested treason."

1678. Therefore I thought it fit to insert this here that no man might think that Aristotle was in
anyway party to his death. This they might incorrectly think based on those words of Tertullian
where he says that Aristotle made his friend Hermias to leave his place in shame.

3660 AM, 4370 JP, 344 BC

1679. Idrieus, Prince of Caria died. His enormous wealth is noted by Isocrates (Oration to Philip
of Macedonia). His wife Ada who was his sister, succeeded him and ruled for 4 years. (Strabo, 1.
14. Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp.) In Asia it was common after the time of Semiramis, for wives to
succeed their husband's in their kingdoms. (Aria in Exped. Ales. 1. 1. p. 24.)

3664 AM, 4374 JP, 340 BC

1680. Pexodarus the youngest son of Hecaromnus, expelled his sister Ada and ruled for 5 years.
(Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 109.) He left her the revenues from only the town of Alinda to live
on.

1681. Pexodarus sent for Orontobates a Persian lord, to make him his consort in the government
of Caria. He gave him his daughter Ada for a wife. (Aria. 1. 1. Strabo 1. 14.)

1682. Philip king of Macedonia and his army of 30,000 men besieged Perinthus, a town in
Thracia that was on the Propontus. They were well equipped with battering rams and other
devices and they constantly tried to destroy the walls so the inhabitants had no time for rest or
respite. The king of Persia was becoming alarmed by Philip's success. He ordered his
commanders and governors in Asia to send to relieve Perinthus. They were to send all they
could which they did. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 109.) This was the main reason Alexander
gave in a letter to Darius why he invaded Asia. (Aria. 1. 1. p. 41.)

3666c AM, 4376 JP, 338 BC

1683. When Artaxerxes Ochus had reigned for 23 years, he became sick. Bagoas was the
eunuch and chief man under him as chiliarch of the kingdom. Bagoas gave him poison to kill
him. Artaxerxes' physician helped Bagoas do this. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 104. and year 2.
Olymp. 111., Severin Sulpitiscs. Histor. Sacra 1. 2.) Bagoas was an Egyptian and so hated Ochus
for killing their god Apis that he revenged that sacrilege (as Sulpitius speaks) done to his nation
by killing the king. He cut his flesh into gibbets and threw it to the cats to eat. I do no know
what he put into the coffin in place of his flesh. From his thigh bones he made belts and handles
for swords and by this represented his propensity to blood and slaughter. (Elian. Varia. Histor. 1.
6. c. 8.) When Artaxerxes was dead, Bagoas was the most powerful man in the kingdom. He
made Artaxerxes' youngest son Arsen the king and executed all his brothers. The young king
would have no one left to help him and would be forced to depend on Bagoas all the more.
(Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 107. and year 2. Olymp. 111.)

1684. Timotheus the tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus, died 15 years after his father Clearchus.
(Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 1 10.) For his great kindness, he was not called any more a tyrant, but

a gracious lord and saviour. His body was honourably interred by his brother and successor
Dionysius. All sorts of justs, tiltings and wrestlings were done. Some were performed then as
time permitted and some later which were done with greater pomp and magnificence than the
former ones. (Memnon in Excerpt, c. 4.)

3667 AM, 4377 JP, 337 BC

1685. At the general assembly of all Greece at Corinth, Philip king of Macedonia, was made
general of all the Greek forces. He had absolute power over them to make war against the king
of Persia. Presently, he started to make many preparations for the war. He assessed the number
of soldiers to be levied from every city and then returned into Macedonia. (Diod. Sic. year 4.
Olymp. 110.)

3668c AM, 4378 JP, 336 BC

1686. The next spring, Philip sent three of his captains into Asia, Parmenio, Amyntas and
Attalus, with part of his army. They were to plunder the king's countries and to liberate the
Greek cities. (Justin. 1. 9. c. 5. Diod. year 1. Olymp. 111.)

1687. When Bagoas the eunuch knew that Arsen plotted revenge against him, he killed Arsen
and all his children in the 3rd year of his reign. When the king's family was utterly destroyed, he
set up Darius, a his friend and the son of Arsamis who was a brother to Artaxerxes. Darius
claimed the crown as next of kin. (Diod. Sic. 1. 17. year 2. Olympiad 111.) However Justin (1.
10. c. 3.) speaks of him in this manner:

vv Codomannus, in regard for his outstanding virtue, was made king by the people and the name
of Darius was given him for majesty's sake."

1688. Alexander the Great, in Q. Curtius, (1. 6. c. 4.) uses these words:

vv For Darius did not come to the crown by succession but by the mere procurement and favour
of Bagoas the Eunuch.",

1689. Again in a letter Alexander sent to Darius, (Arianus (1. 2. p. 41.) he charges him:

vv As a murderer Bagoas had Darius made king. Darius got that kingdom wrongfully and not
according to the laws of the Persians but by great injustice.":

1690. Strabo says: (1. 15.)

vv When Bagoas had murdered Arsen, he set up Darius who was not of the king's blood in his
place."

1691. Lastly, Plutarch in his first book, "of the fortune of Alexander", introduces him as
speaking to Fortune in this manner: (for so it should be, in his printed copies)

vv Darius who was a slave and a courier of the kings, thou (Bagoas) madest king of the Persians:"

1692. Also Hesychius tells us in his Lexicon: "Astandes", means "carrier" Suidas states:

vv "Astandae" and "Angati", in the Persian language, are those who carry letters from post-house
to post-house until they come to the place of their destination."

1693. So Darius was one of them who in Es 8: 14 are called -ykrtfta and as ajatdud. In Elian it is
written for augaidud so for dulhd. We are there to read dild, from the same place in Plutarch.

1694. Bagoas planned to poison Darius also. When the plot was discovered, Darius sent for him.
When he came, he was ordered to drink of it. When he refused, Darius had it poured down his
throat. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olympiad 1 1 1.) He told the people that he had killed him in self-
defence. (Q. Curtius 1. 6. c. 6.)

3668d AM, 4378 JP, 336 BC

1695. When Philip was yet living, Darius planned to attack him in Macedonia. (Diod. Sic. 1. 17.)

1696. Sanballat, a Cuthaean, from whom the Samaritans had their beginning, was made
governor of Samaria by Darius. He gave his daughter in marriage to Nicasus the son of
Manasses brother to Jaddus the high priest at Jerusalem. He hoped by this marriage to be held in
better esteem with the Jews. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 11. c. 7.)

1697. Philip, king of Macedonia was celebrating the marriage of his daughter Cleopatra with
Alexander the king of Epeirus at Egaeas. He was murdered by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, of
Orestis, a place in Macedonia. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 111. Justin 1. 9. c. 6. Joseph. 1. 11. c.
8.) Alexander in his letter to Darius stated that his father was murdered by assassins hired by
Darius and paid with a huge sum of money. (Q. Curtius 1. 4. c. 1., in Arria. 1. 2. p. 41.)

1698. A little before Philip was killed, Neoptolemus a tragedian is reported by Diod. (1. 6.) to
have sung an ominous song before him. This very song was later sung before Caligula the
emperor on the very day when he was murdered, according to Suetonins in his life reports.

vv Muester, the actor sung and acted that very song which before Neoptolemus the actor did in a
play when Philip, the king of Macedonia, was killed:"

1699. Josephus did not understand this part of the Roman history too well. (1. 19. Antiq. c. 1.)
Later he had spoken of Muester and the song which he sang. Rusinus translates it thus in Latin
and I to this effect in English saying:

vv The actor danced the fable of Cynuras in which both Cinyras and his daughter Marrha were
killed."

1700. Josephus draws from this that they were both killed on the same day.

vv It is known that the murder of Caligula happened on the same day as Philip, the son of
Amyuntas king of Macedonia was slain by one of his friends called Pausanias as he was going
into the theatre."

1701. So some men place both these murders on January 24th. However the time of Philip's
death is best known by the time when Alexander succeeded him in his kingdom.

1702. After the death of Philip, Pythodemus, as Arrian or Pythodorus, (Diod. Sic. year 1.
Olympiad 111,) calls him, was archon in Athens. Alexander succeeded his father at age 20.
(Plutarch and from Trogus, Justin) Although Arianus, in the beginning of his History of
Alexander says that he was about 20 years old when, after his father's death, he journeyed into
Peloponesus. This may lend some doubt to him being 20 years old. Nothing is said of how long
the interval was between his father's death and his journey there. The exact age is determined
from the time of his death as mentioned at the end of the same history. It is said that he lived 32
years, 8 months. Of that time, he reigned 12 years and 8 months. Subtracting 12 years and 8
months from of the total age gives a result of exactly 20 years to the month. It appears that
Philip died at the end of the Macedonian month Daesis. (I shall in due time publish these.) I
therefore gather that Alexander began his reign about the 8th month before the 1st of the month
Dii. Hence Philip was murdered about the 24th of September in which month of ours the month
Dii begins. This I have documented in my discourse on the solar year of the Macedonians and
Afiaticks. It was not the 24th of December.

3669 AM, 4379 JP, 335 BC

1703. Alexander came to Peloponese and followed his father's example. He summoned all the
cities of Greece to Corinth. He was by the general vote of all the Greeks there except the
Lacedemonians, made general in his father's place to go against the Persians. (Justin 1. 11. c. 2.
Diodorus 1. 17. Arrian 1. 1. p. 1.)

1704. He returned from there into Macedonia, in the very beginning of the next spring. He went
through Thrace and attacked the Illyrians and the Thribulli. (Arrian. 1. 1.) In a battle on the bank
of the Danow, he defeated Syrmus, the king of the Triballi. (Plut. in Alex.) Meanwhile, he had
news that the Athenians, Lacedemonians and Thebans, were defecting to the king of Persia. The
instigator of this was Demosthenes the orator who had been bribed with a vast sum of money
from the Persians. He made a speech and assured them that Alexander with all his forces were
defeated by the king of the Triballi. (Justin. 1. 1 1. c. 2. with Eschines in his Oration cont.
Ctesiphontem.) Further, the Athenians by certain of their officials sent Demosthenes' letter to
the Athenian captains in Alexander's army. They asked Attalus, one of the 3 captains sent by
Philip into Asia to revolt from Alexander. Like the other Greeks, they revoked their order
making Alexander the general of the Greek forces. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 111. with
Demosth. his Oration for Ctesiphon.)

3669d AM, 4379 JP, 335 BC

1705. Memnon the commander from Rhodes, was sent into Phrygia with 5000 soldiers. After
passing by the hill Ida, he suddenly attacked the city of Cyzycum. He was unable to defeat it but
wasted their territories and returned loaded with a vast amount of spoil from there. (Diod. Sic.
year 2. Olymp. 111.)

1706. When Pexodarus was dead, his son-in-law, Orontobates succeeded him in the kingdom of
Caria by the authority of the Persian king. (Strabo. 1. 14 Arrian. 1. 1. p. 24.)

1707. When Alexander had conquered those barbarous people he returned to Greece. The
country was all in a turmoil. On his way, he befriended the Thessalonians and journeyed through
the pass of Thermopylae. He won the Ambracia to him by his kindness. He and his army went
into Boeotia and camped before Cadmaea, which was held by a garrison of Macedonians. The
Atheninas sent their officials to ask his pardon which he gave them. However, Thebes refused
his pardon when he offered it. Therefore he besieged the city. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 111.,
Plut. in Alexan.)

1708. He sent Hecateus with an army into Asia to capture Attalus. Attalus sent the letter which
he had received from Demosthenes to Alexander, with a very detailed excuse and justification
for his actions. Nevertheless Hecataeus followed his commission and captured him. He sent him
packing into another world. So the Asian Macedonian army had peace and the rebellions ceased.
(Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 111.)

1709. Parmenio, who was always loyal to Alexander, took Grinium by force and sold all its
townsmen for slaves. From there he went and besieged Pitane. When Memnon approached, he
so frightened the Macedonians that they lifted their siege. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 111.)

1710. Callas, with a Macedonian army and other mercenaries, fought with the Persians in the
country of Troas. His small forces defeated the Persians and forced them to retire to Rheteum.
(Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 111.)

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171 1. Alexander laid Thebes in Boeotia level with the ground, (Diod. year 2. Olymp. 111.) in
October which was the time when the "Mysteries" were kept in Athens. They did not observe
that holy solemnity that year because of what happened. (Plut. in Alexan. and Arrian. 1. 1.)
90,000 men in Thebes were killed and 30,000 were sold for slaves. All went to ruin except only
the houses of the priests, his father Philip's friends and Pindarus the poet. (Elian. Varia. Histor. 1.
13. c. 7.)

1712. Alexander at a common council of Greece was chosen general a second time to go against
the Persians. Alexander went to visit Diogenes the philosopher. (Plut. in Alexan.)

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1713. When he returned to Dios a town in Macedonia, (Arrian. 1. 1. p. 11.) all his thoughts were
upon the conquest of Asia. In his sleep the likeness of the High Priest of Jerusalem appeared to
him, who bade him be courageous and bold. He was to quickly enter Asia with his army and that
he would conduct his armies in the conquest of the Persian Empire. (Josephus, Antiquit. 1. 11. c.

8. s. 5.)

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1714. Therefore in the very beginning of the spring, Alexander left his own home and after a 20
day march, he came to Sestus. From there his army crossed over into Asia. (Arrian. 1. 1.)
(Euaenetus was then the archon at Athens.) This was 1 1 years before he died according to
Clement of Alexandria as he notes from the most ancient chronologies. (1.1. Strom.) That is, this
was the 3rd month before Ctesicles came to be archon in Athens. In which time, Diod. Sic.
places his trip into Asia in the 3rd year of his reign. Zosimus follows Diod. Sic. without noting
his error. (1. 1. Histor.) It was in the second year of his reign, year 2, Olymp. 111.

1715. He left Antipater behind in Europe with 12,000 foot soldiers and 1 1,500 cavalry to tend to
matters there. Alexander with 60 ships sailed to Troas, (Diod. year 2. Olymp. 111.) but ordered
Patmenion to transport the largest part of his foot soldiers and cavalry from Sestus to Abidus.
This he did with the help of 160 ships and a number of cargo ships. (Arrian. 1. 1.)

1716. Even those who were present do not agree on how many men Alexander took into Asia. In
(Polybius 1. 12. c. 663. in fi.) Calisthenes states he had 4500 cavalry and 30,000 foot soldiers. In
Plutarch, in his discourse of Alexander's fortune, Aristobulus is alleged to say that he had 30,000
foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. Ptolemy the son of Lagus and later king of Egypt says there were
30,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry. Anaximenos of Lampsacus says there were 40,000 foot
soldiers and 5500 cavalry. Livi (1. 9.) agrees with Aristobulus and says there were 4000 cavalry.
Diodorus, (1. 17.) Justin (1. lie. 6.) and Orosius, (1. 3. c. 16.) agree with Calisthenes that there
were 4500 cavalry. Although (Arrian. 1. 1.) says, that he had more than 5000 cavalry. Diodorus
has a total of 5100 when you sum his numbers. In the number of foot soldiers he says there were
30,000 and agrees with Calisthenes, Aristobulus and Ptolemy. Livi says there were more than
30,000 foot soldiers. Arrian says that there were not many more than 30,000 soldiers. Justinus
and Oronus make it to be 32,000. Concerning the number of 40,000 foot soldiers which
Calisthenes and Anaximenes mention, Julius Frontinus assigns to his whole army in this way.

vv Alexander of Macedonia, with 40,000 men, all veteran soldiers, trained under his father Philip
attacked the whole world and slew an infinite number of his enemies." (Frontin. Stratag. 1. 4. c.

2.)

1717. To pay his army, Aristobulus says Alexander took only 70 talents of money. Duris says he
had only 30 days' of provisions. Sicritus adds, that he went in debt 200 talents to pay for his
army. (Plutarch in his life and in his book of the fortune of Alexander.)

1718. As soon as he landed on the Continent, Alexander was the first of all of them to throw a
spear on shore. This signified his taking possession of all Asia. He leaped on shore and danced
about in his armour. He offered sacrifice and besought the gods:

vv that those lands might willingly receive him for their king:"

1719. Then he went and sacrificed to the ghost of Achilles, from whom he was descended on his
mother's side and to Ajax and other Greek heros who died in the war of Troy. (Diodor. Justin,
Arrian) He commended the very good fortune of Achilles in two points. First he had so true a
friend about him as Patroclus. Secondly, he had a man like Homer to sing his praises. (Plut. in
Alex. Cic. pro. Archia Poeta. and Arrian. 1. 1.)

1720. When he came into Ilium, he sacrificed to Pallas of Troy. He hung his own arms in her
temple and took from there in place of them, some other arms from the chancel. They were there
from the time of the of the Trojan war. (Diodor. Arrian.) Among the other relics they showed
the lute of Paris. Alexander said, he would have thanked them if they could have showed him
the lute of Achilles by which he had sung the praises of famous men. (Plut. in Alex. Elia. Variar.
Hist. 1. 9. c. 38.)

1721. From Ilium he went to Arisbe to join his whole army that had crossed over by sea. The
next day he passed by Percota and Lampsacus. He camped at the Prosactium River. (Arrian. 1.
1.) He planned to utterly destroy Lampsacus and its inhabitants for he thought they had or were
planning to defect to the Persians. He saw Anaximines the historian, a man very well known to
him and to his father, coming to meet him. He guessed his errand and swore first saying:

vv whatever he desired of him, that he would not do."

1722. Then Anaximines replied:

vv Sir, I beseech you to destroy Lampsacus."

1723. Alexander was caught in his own net by the wit of the man. Though much against his will,
he went his way and spared the place. (Valer. Max. 1. 7. c. 3. Pausan. in his Eliaca. 1. 2. Snidas,
in the word, Anaximenes.)

1724. After much difficulty and danger, Alexander crossed the Granion River in Phrygia and
planned a battle with the Persians in the plain of Adrastia. Justinus and Orosius say the Persians
had 600,000 foot soldiers and 20,000 cavalry. Arrian some what improbably adds that besides
the mercenaries there were less than 20,000 foot soldiers. Diodorus is more cautious and says,
that the Persian cavalry was more than 10,000 and the army was under 100,000 men. 20,000
Persian foot soldiers and 2500 cavalry died in the battle according to Plutarch. Diodorus reports
that they lost 10,000 foot soldiers and no less than 2000 cavalry and had more than 20,000 taken
prisoner. Arrian' account states that the Persian cavalry lost 1000 men and their foreign
mercenaries were almost all killed. 2000 were taken prisoner. Orosius' account is quite fantastic
when he says there were 400,000 slain. (1. 4. c. 1.)

1725. In this fight Alexander who wore that armour which he had taken from the temple of
Palas at Ilium, had his head piece cut in pieces to his very hair. Plutarch from Aristobulus states
he lost 25 cavalry and 9 foot soldiers. However, Justin and Orosius say that 120 cavalry and 9
foot soldiers died. According to Arrian, Alexander lost about 25 men in total who were all
Macedonians. Lysippus made brass statues of them. Others say that he lost 60 cavalry and 30
foot soldiers. The next day, Alexander had these men buried with all funeral rights. This great
and memorable victory opened the way to the empire of all Asia. It happened in the month
Daesius with the Macedonians and on the 6th of Thargehon with the Athenians or Sunday, May
20th 334 BC in year 2 of the Olympiad 111. This we have discussed in detail in our discourse on
the Macedonian and Asiatic Solar year. (c. 1. pg. 4, 5, 11.)

1726. When Alexander had rested his army, he marched forward through Lydia and came to
Sardis. The city with all it provisions and treasures, was voluntarily surrendered to him by
Mithrinnes, or Mithrenes, its governor. (Diodorus, Arrian.)

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1727. He went to Ephesus and replaced the oligarchy with a democratic government. He
assigned all the tributes which were formerly paid to Darius, to Diana. The Ephesians cried out
for justice against those who had robbed the temple of Diana. They demolished the statue of
Philip which was set up there. They took Syrphaces, his son, Pelagon his son and the children of
the brother of Syrphaces and stoned them to death. (Arrian. 1. 1.) Moreover they enlarged and
beautified the temple itself which was burned down by Erostratus on the night when Alexander
was born. They appointed Dimocrates the architect to oversee the work. Alexander later used
him to build Alexandria in Egypt. (Julius Solinus, c. 40) Artemidorus mentions (Strabo 1. 14.)
that Alexander promised to pay for the construction of the temple if the Ephesians would allow
him to take the credit as the builder of the work, but they refused.

1728. While Alexander stayed at Ephesus, ambassadors came to him from Magnesia and Tralles
and surrendered their cities to him. He sent to meet them, Parmenion with 2500 foreign foot
solders and 2500 of his Macedonian troops, with 200 cavalry from his auxiliaries. He sent also
Alcimalus the son of Agathocles, to the cities of Eolia and Ionia, which were held before by the
Persians with about the same number of troops as he had sent with Parmenion. Everywhere, he
abolished the oligarchies in their cities and set up democratic governments. He gave them
permission to live according to their own laws and abolished the tribute they paid to the
Persians. (Arrian. 1. 1.)

1729. He stayed at Ephesus and sacrificed to Diana. With his whole army in battle array, he
went in a procession to her. The next day he went to Miletus with the rest of his foot soldiers,
archers, agrians, the cavalry from Thrace and aides of his confederates and his own troops.
(Arrian. 1. 1.) There the Persians who escaped from the fight at Granicum had fled with their
general Memnon. (Diodor.) 3 days before they arrived, Alexander had sent Nicanor with 160
ships to capture of the isle of Lada, opposite Miletus. He held it with 4000 men from Thrace and
other nations so that when the Persian fleet of 400 ships came there, they could not get to the
mount of Micale. (Arrian. 1. 1.)

1730. Alexander besieged Miletus by land and sea and battered their walls. They finally
surrendered to him. The 300 Greek mercenaries had fled from there to a nearby little island.
Alexander took and enlisted them among his own troops. He gave the Milesians their freedom
and all the non-Greeks there he either killed or sold for slaves. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 111.
Arrian. 1. 1.)

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1731. Alexander dismissed his fleet of 160 ships (182 ships according to Justin. 1. 11. c. 6. s). He
retained 20 Athenian ships to carry his battering rams with. (Justin. 1. 11. c. 6. s)

1732. Memnon of Rhodes, sent his wife and children to Darius, as a pledge of his loyalty and
was made general of all his army. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 111.)

1733. Alexander marched with his army into Caria. Everywhere he went, he proclaimed liberty
to all the Greek cities. He said they could live by their own laws and be free from Persian

tribute. He made it clear that this war was to liberate of the Greeks from Persian rule. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olymp. 111.)

1734. While he was on his way, Ada met him. She had been expelled by her brother Pexodarus
from the kingdom of Caria. She surrendered her city Abinda which was the strongest place in all
Caria. She desired to be restored to her grandfather's kingdom and promised further to help him
take the rest of the forts and cities of that country. These she said were in the power of her close
friends. She adopted Alexander for her son. In return he gave her the town of Abinda and he
proclaimed her queen of Caria. He bid her claim Caria and did not refuse to be called her son.
Whereupon all the cities of Caria sent their officials to him. They gave him crowns of gold and
offered him their service in whatever he would ask them to do. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 111.
Strabo, 1. 14. Arrian. 1. 1. Plut. in Alexander.)

1735. Orontobates a Persian, held Halicarnassus a city of Caria, ever since the days of his father-
in-law, Pexodarus. Memnon of Rhodes the Persian general, had joined him with all his forces.
Alexander encamped before its walls and began to assault and batter it very intensely. Ephialtes
an Athenian, behaved valiantly in the defence of the city. When he and others were slain at the
breaches in the wall, then Memnon and the Persian princes and captains placed a strong garrison
of their best soldiers in the citadel. They then sailed with the rest of the people and all their
belongings to the Isle of Cos near to Rhodes. When they were gone, Alexander cast a trench and
built a strong wall on it around the citadel. He razed the city to the ground. He left garrisons
there and in other parts of Caria. He placed Ptolemy over 3000 foreign soldiers and 200 cavalry.
He left the government of that whole country of Caria to his adopted mother, Ada. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olympiad 111. Arrian. 1.1.)

1736. Alexander gave his Macedonians who had married wives shortly before they started on
this journey, leave to go and spend their winter months with them. They could leave Caria to
rejoin their wives. He appointed Ptolemy the son of Seleucus who was one of his captains, to be
their commander. He sent with him Caenus the son of Polemocrates and Meleager the son of
Neoptolemus who were recently married. He ordered them that when they returned they should
bring all the newly married troops to him and with them as many cavalry and foot soldiers as
possible from the country where they wintered. (Arrian. 1. 1. and Q. Curtius in the beginning of
his 3rd book.)

1737. Alexander sent Parmenion to Sardis and made him commander over all the cavalry of his
confederates. He ordered him to take with him all the Thessalian cavalry and auxiliaries and all
carts that he could make. They were to go ahead of him as far as Sardis, while he went to Lycia
and Pamphylia. He took all the sea towns so that the navy of the enemy would be useless to
them. On his way, he captured a very strong town called Hyparna on his first attack. He allowed
the mercenary soldiers to depart in safety. From there he marched into Lycia. The city
Telmessus conditionally surrendered to him. When he crossed the Xanthus River, the cities of
Pinara, Xanthus, Patara and 30 smaller towns surrendered to him. (Arrian. 1. 1.)

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1731. Alexander dismissed his fleet of 160 ships (182 ships according to Justin. 1. 11. c. 6. s). He
retained 20 Athenian ships to carry his battering rams with. (Justin. 1. 11. c. 6. s)

1732. Memnon of Rhodes, sent his wife and children to Darius, as a pledge of his loyalty and
was made general of all his army. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 111.)

1733. Alexander marched with his army into Caria. Everywhere he went, he proclaimed liberty
to all the Greek cities. He said they could live by their own laws and be free from Persian
tribute. He made it clear that this war was to liberate of the Greeks from Persian rule. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olymp. 111.)

1734. While he was on his way, Ada met him. She had been expelled by her brother Pexodarus
from the kingdom of Caria. She surrendered her city Abinda which was the strongest place in all
Caria. She desired to be restored to her grandfather's kingdom and promised further to help him
take the rest of the forts and cities of that country. These she said were in the power of her close
friends. She adopted Alexander for her son. In return he gave her the town of Abinda and he
proclaimed her queen of Caria. He bid her claim Caria and did not refuse to be called her son.
Whereupon all the cities of Caria sent their officials to him. They gave him crowns of gold and
offered him their service in whatever he would ask them to do. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 111.
Strabo, 1. 14. Arrian. 1. 1. Plut. in Alexander.)

1735. Orontobates a Persian, held Halicarnassus a city of Caria, ever since the days of his father-
in-law, Pexodarus. Memnon of Rhodes the Persian general, had joined him with all his forces.
Alexander encamped before its walls and began to assault and batter it very intensely. Ephialtes
an Athenian, behaved valiantly in the defence of the city. When he and others were slain at the
breaches in the wall, then Memnon and the Persian princes and captains placed a strong garrison
of their best soldiers in the citadel. They then sailed with the rest of the people and all their
belongings to the Isle of Cos near to Rhodes. When they were gone, Alexander cast a trench and
built a strong wall on it around the citadel. He razed the city to the ground. He left garrisons
there and in other parts of Caria. He placed Ptolemy over 3000 foreign soldiers and 200 cavalry.
He left the government of that whole country of Caria to his adopted mother, Ada. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olympiad 111. Arrian. 1. 1.)

1736. Alexander gave his Macedonians who had married wives shortly before they started on
this journey, leave to go and spend their winter months with them. They could leave Caria to
rejoin their wives. He appointed Ptolemy the son of Seleucus who was one of his captains, to be
their commander. He sent with him Caenus the son of Polemocrates and Meleager the son of
Neoptolemus who were recently married. He ordered them that when they returned they should
bring all the newly married troops to him and with them as many cavalry and foot soldiers as
possible from the country where they wintered. (Arrian. 1. 1. and Q. Curtius in the beginning of
his 3rd book.)

1737. Alexander sent Parmenion to Sardis and made him commander over all the cavalry of his
confederates. He ordered him to take with him all the Thessalian cavalry and auxiliaries and all
carts that he could make. They were to go ahead of him as far as Sardis, while he went to Lycia
and Pamphylia. He took all the sea towns so that the navy of the enemy would be useless to
them. On his way, he captured a very strong town called Hyparna on his first attack. He allowed
the mercenary soldiers to depart in safety. From there he marched into Lycia. The city
Telmessus conditionally surrendered to him. When he crossed the Xanthus River, the cities of
Pinara, Xanthus, Patara and 30 smaller towns surrendered to him. (Arrian. 1. 1.)

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1738. In the middle of winter, Alexander went to Myliada in Greater Phrygia and made a league
with the ambassador who came to him from Phaselis and the lower Lycia. They surrendered all
their cities into his hands. A short time later, Alexander went to Phaselis and razed a strong fort
which the Pisidians had built to harass the inhabitants of Phaselis with. (Arran. 1. 1.)

1739. While Alexander was near Phaselis, he received a rumour that Alexander Aeropus whom
he had made commander of the Thessalian cavalry intended to kill him. However he and his two
brothers Heromenes and Arrobaeus were suspected to be involved in Alexander's father, Philip's
death. For Darius received letters from Alexander Aeropus by Amyntas who fled to him. Darius
sent Asisines, a Persian, to the sea side under the pretence of having a message for Atysies the
governor of Phrygia. The real purpose was to assure Alexander Aeropus that if he killed
Alexander, the kingdom of Macedon would be his and Darius would give him 1000 talents of
money besides. However Asisnes was intercepted by Pharmenion and put to the rack. He
confessed all and he was sent away heavily guarded to Alexander. Alexander looked carefully
into the matter and sent Amphoterus to Pharmenion with secret instructions to seize Aeropus
and put him in prison. (Arran. 1. 1.) It was to this matter that Alexander wrote in his letter to
Darius. According to Q. Curtis, (1. 4. c. 1.) he said:

vv When you have forces of your own, yet you go to sell your enemies' heads since you who were
recently the king of so great an army would hire a man to take away my life with 1000
talents," (Just. 1. 11. c. 7.)

1740. Alexander left Phaselis with his army and travelled along the coast to Pergae. From there
he came to Aspendus and besieged it. Although the city was situated on a high and rugged
mountain, it surrendered to him. He next went into Pindia and tried unsuccessfully to take the
city of Telmislus. Instead he made a league with the Selgians who were enemies to the
Telmissians. He took Salagassa by force and killed about 500 Pisidians. He lost his captain
Cleander with about 20 of his own men. From there he went to capture the other cities of
Pisidia. Some of their stronger places he took in by force and others surrendered conditionally.
After this he came into Phrygia to the marsh lands of Ascania. After his 5th camp, he arrived at
Celenae. (Arrian. 1. 1.)

1741. The citadel of Celenae was held by the Persian commander with a garrison of 1000
Carians and 100 Greek mercenaries. After a 60 day's truce, (in which the commander expected
relief from Darius), he surrendered to Alexander. (Arrian. 1. 1. and Curtius, 1. 3. c. 1.)

1742. Alexander left a garrison of 1500 in Celenae. After he had stayed there 10 days, he made
Antigonus the son of Philippus, governor of Phrygia. He made Balacrus the son of Amyntas the
commander of the auxiliaries in his place. Alexander marched to Gordium. He sent a letter to
Parmenion that he should not sail to meet him at Gordium. (Arrian., 1. 1.)

1743. Parmenion with his army and the Macedonians which had leave to be with their new
wives, came to Gordium. The army he had recently raised was under the command of Ptolemy,
Caenus and Meleager. That army consisted of 1000 Macedonians foot soldiers and 300 cavalry.
200 Thessalian cavalry and 150 cavalry from Elis led by Alcias who was from the same country.
(Arrian. 1. 1.)

1744. Darius made Memnon admiral of his fleet and chief commander of all the seacoast.
Memnon planned to carry the war from Asia into Macedonia and Greece. He outfitted a navy of
300 ships and captured the isle of Chios and the rest of the cities and places in Lesbos except
Mitylene. (Diod. year 4. Olymp. 111. with Arrian. 1. 2. in prim.)

1745. The elders of Jerusalem were offended that Manasseh the brother of Jaddua, the high
priest, had married a foreign wife contrary to the law. They demanded that he either divorce her
or give up his priestly office. Hereupon Jaddua was forced to forbid him to serve at the altar.
Manasseh went to tell Sanballat his father-in-law that he loved his daughter very much but did
not want to loose his priesthood for her sake. This was an honour belonging to him by his
birthright and it was very highly esteemed by the Jews. Sanballat replied that if Manasseh would
not divorce his wife, he would help him stay in the priesthood and make him a high priest and
prince of all his own province and build a temple on the hill overlooking Samaria for him. The
temple would be at least as good as the one in Jerusalem. Sanballat would do all this by the
authority of Darius the king. Manasseh was encouraged by these promises and stayed with his
father-in-law. He hoped to get the priesthood as a gift and by the authority of Darius. Hereupon
all the priests and other Israelites who had married foreign wives resorted to him. Sanballat
furnished them with money and lands to farm. He promoted the ambition of his son-in-law as
much as possible. (Josephus 1. 11. Antiq. c. 8. s. 2.)

1746. Alexander undid the Gordian knot. He either pulled out the peg or pin in the beam
according to Arrian or he cut it in pieces with his sword, as others state. (Plutarch in Alexander.
Arrian, 1. 2. Curtius, 1. 3. Justin, 1. 11. c. 7.)

1747. Alexander departed from Gordium in Phrygia and went to Ancyra, a city in Galatia.
Ambassadors from Paphlagonia came to him and made a league with him and surrendered their
country to him. He appointed Calas, a prince of Phrygia to be their new governor. When he had
received the new troops from Macedonia, he marched into Cappadocia. He subdued all the
country on this side the river Halys and some part of the other side. (Arrian. 1. 1. with Curtius 1.
3. c. 3.)

1748. Memnon died at the siege of Mitylene. Before he died, he appointed Autophradates and
Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus to take over the forces until Darius would direct otherwise.
They took command subject to certain conditions. Autophradates took over the main body of the
ships. Pharnabazus with some ships sailed into Lycia and took with him some mercenaries.
(Arrian. 1. 2.)

1749. After the death of Memnon, Darius conscripted soldiers and ordered them from all
countries to come to him at Babylon. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 111.) When he had set up his
standard there, he pitched camp and mustered his army. He put a huge trench around the camp
that was capable of containing 1,000,000 armed men. Like Xerxes had done with his troops, he
went and counted all his forces. The sum came to 100,000 Persians of which 30,000 were
cavalry. The Medians sent 10,000 cavalry and 50,000 foot soldiers. From the Barcans, (who
were a people bordering upon Hircania, according to Stephanus) there were 2000 cavalry and
10,000 foot soldiers. From Armenia there came 40,000 foot soldiers and 7000 cavalry. Hircania
sent 6000 cavalry and the Derbices sent him 40,000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. From the
Caspian Sea came 8000 foot soldiers and 200 cavalry. Those that were from smaller nations
amounted to 2000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. He also had 30,000 Greek mercenaries.

Curtius says this army (1. 3. c. 4.) had only 311200 men. However, Diodorus says they were
400,000 foot soldiers and 100,000 cavalry. This number is in the newer editions of Justin, as
amended from the manuscripts. Although the older editions, together with Orosius, who follows
him in every point, have only 300,000 foot soldiers and 100,000 cavalry. Both historians
(Arrian. 1. 2. and Plutarch in Alexan.) say the total number of men was 600,000.

1750. Charidemus from Athens was a man well skilled in military matters. After Alexander had
expelled him from Athens, he defected to Darius. He advised Darius not to manage the army
personally but leave it to some general who had proven himself in previous battles. He further
stated that an army of 100,000 men of which one third would be Greeks would be enough for
this battle. By his sage and good counsel, he so incensed the princes with envy and angered the
king that he was executed for it. (Diod. year 4. Olymp. 111. Curtius, 1. 3. c. 5.)

1751. Darius sent Thymondas or Thymodes, Mentor's son, a bold young man, to Pharnabazus to
get from him all the mercenaries whom Memnon had under his command. He was to bring them
to Darius and Pharnabazus was to replace Memnon as head of the forces there. (Curtius, 1. 3. c.
6. Arrian., 1. 2. in prin.)

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1752. Alexander committed the charge of Cappadocia to Abistenes (according to Curtius) or, to
Sabictas (as Arrian has it). He marched with his whole army to the passes in Cilicia and came to
a place called Cyrus' Camp. (It was either named after the older Cyrus, as Curtius states or from
the younger Cyrus as Arrian thinks) About 7 1/4 miles from there, he found that those passes
were controlled by a strong garrison of the enemy that Parmenion had left there. In the first
watch of the night, Alexander with his company of foot soldiers troops with shields, archers and
his band of Agrians secretly went to attack that garrison. When the garrison heard a rumour
about his coming, they threw away their weapons and fled. Arsames the governor of Cilicia had
wasted all the country with fire and sword so that Alexander could not get provisions from the
place. Then he left Tarsus and went to Darius. (Arrian., 1. 2. Curtius, 1. 3. c. 8.)

1753. Alexander went very quickly to Tarsus. Since he was so hot from the journey he took off
his armour and leaped into the cold water of the Cydnus River which ran through the city. This
so shocked his system that he lost his voice and despaired of recovery and waited to die. (Justin.
1. 1 1. c. 8.) Curtius adds that this was in the summer season and that the heat of the day was
increased by the intensity of the sun in the climate of Cilicia. (1. 3. c. 10.) Aristobulus says, that
he fell sick by over exerting himself (Arrian. 1. 2.) Philip a physician gave him a portion which
he took and it cured him immediately. Parmenion had warned him that Philip was set to poison
him. (Justin. Czardas. Arrow. Pleiad, and Valer. Max. 1. 3. c. 8.)

1754. Orontobates the Persian, held out in the citadel at Halicarnassus, with Myundus, and
Caunus and Thera and Callipolis against Alexander. They were defeated in a battle by Ptolemy
and Asander. The enemy lost about 700 foot soldiers and 50 cavalry and had at least 1000 men
taken prisoner. After this the Myndians, Caunians and most of the places in the region
surrendered to Alexander. (Arrian. 1. 2. Curtius 1. 3. c. 11.)

1755. Darius had a bridge built over the Euphrates and crossed over with his army in five days.
(Curt. 1.3. c. 11.)

1756. Alexander sent Parmenion to possess the pass which divides Cilicia from Assyria or
Syria. This pass is much like the former pass in Cilicia. Alexander followed after him from
Tarsus and came to Anchislos on the first day. (Arria. 1. 2.) From there he marched to Soli and
placed his own garrison in the fort there. He levied 200,000 talents of silver from the inhabitants
for they seemed to favour Darius more than him. (Arrian. 1. 2. Curt. 1. 3. c. 11.) From there he
went with 3000 Macedonians, all his archers and Agrians and went into the hill country of
Cilicia. Within 7 days time, by diplomacy he won them over to him and he returned to Soli. He
had sacrificed to Eseulapius and his whole army had gone in procession with burning tapers in
their hands. They passed the time with wrestling matches, music and other games. He allowed
the city to become a democracy. (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1757. The Greek soldiers whom Thymodes received by the arrangement with Pharnabazus, were
almost Darius' only hope of victory. When they came to him, they were very earnest with him to
retire and stay in the plain country of Mesopotamia. Failing that, he should break this vast army
of his into parts and not hazard everything on the chance of one battle. Darius did not like their
advice for he wanted to finish things quickly. The winter (beginning with autumn) was now
drawing on and he sent away all his money, jewels and precious belongings with a reasonable
guard to Damascus in Syria. The guard was under the command of Cophenes, the son of
Artabazus. (Arrian. 1. 2.) Darius with the rest of his army marched on to Cilicia. His wife and
mother and daughter and little son, according to the custom of Persia, followed after the camp.
(Curt. 1. 3. c. 13.) He left his baggage and such people as were unfit for the war at Damascus.
(Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 111.)

1758. When Sanballat heard that Darius was coming into those parts, he told Manasseh that he
would quickly do what he had promised him concerning the high priesthood. This he would do
when Darius returned in victory over his enemies. All those inhabitants of Asia were absolutely
certain Darius would win. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 11. c. 8. s. 3.)

3672a AM, 4381 JP, 333 BC

1759. Alexander wanted Philotas to bring the cavalry through the Aleian plains in Lycia to the
Pyramus River. Philotas came with the foot soldiers and Alexander's troops to Magarsus.
Alexander sacrificed to Minerva at a place called Minerva Magoris. (??) (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1760. After he built a bridge over the Pyramus River, he came to the city Mallos in Cilicia.
(Curt. 1. 3. c. 11.) He offered to the ghost of Amphilochus the founder of that place, as to a demi-
god. When he found the inhabitants in turmoil and unrest, he befriended them and freed them
from paying tribute to Darius. (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1761. While he stayed at Mallos, he received news that Darius with all his army were encamped
at a place called Sochos. This was two day's journey from those passes which I mentioned
earlier that parted Cilicia from Assyria or Syria (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1762. From Mallos Alexaxander came to Castabala which was another town in Cilicia. There
Parmenion met him. Alexander had sent him to find the way through a forest which he had to go
through to come to the town of Issos. Parmenion had seized the way in that forest and left a
small company to hold it. He went forward and took the town of Issos also. It was abandoned by

the inhabitants when they heard he was coming. He went further and he cleared out all those
who were set to guard the inner parts of those mountains and put garrisons everywhere of his
own in those places. When he had cleared all those parts of the enemy, he returned to Alexander
and told him what he had done. (Curt., 1. 3. c. 11.)

1763. Alexander came with his army to Issos. He held a council of war to determine whether he
should march on or stay there and expect the supplies which he knew were coming to him from
Macedon. Parmenion advised that he could not find a better place to fight than that place. No
more could come to fight on the one side than on the other because of the narrowness of the
pass. (Curt., 1. 3. c. 11.) Callisthenes, as he is said in Polybius, says, that when Alexander first
came into Cilicia, he received from Macedon, 5000 foot soldiers and 800 cavalry. (Polyb. 1. 12.
p. 664.)

1764. When Darius had gone through the pass of the hill Amanus, he marched toward Issus. He
did not know that he had left Alexander behind him. When Darius had taken the town, he
cruelly tortured and put to death a poor company of Macedonians whom Alexander had left
there. They were not able because of sickness or other infirmity to follow the camp. The next
day Darius marched to the Pinatus River. (Arrian 1. 2.)

1765. When Darius heard that Alexander was approaching in battle array, he immediately
crossed over the Pinarus River with 20,000 cavalry and some 20,000 lightly armed foot soldiers
so that he might have more time to organise his army for the battle. First, he placed those 30,000
heavily armed Greek mercenaries. Opposite the Macedonian squadron on both sides he placed
the 60,000 Cardaeans who were also heavily armed foot soldiers. He could not possibly arrange
them into one squadron and do battle because the place was too narrow. As for the rest of the
troops whether heavily armed foot soldiers or those from other countries, he put them together
in no particular order behind the main battle line of the Greeks and Cardaeans. (Arrian. 1. 2.)
However Curtius (1. 3. c. 17) states:

vv Nabarzanes who was general of Darius' army, was on the right wing with the cavalry. Next to
him were almost 20,000 slingers and archers. Thymodes also was in the same wing,
commanding some 30,000 Greek mercenaries. This was, no doubt, the very cream of the whole
army. They were a match for the Macedonian phalanx. On the left wing, was Aristomedes a
Thessalian with 20,000 foot soldiers from various countries. In the rear, he placed his reserves
from the most warlike nations, that he had in all his army. In that wing was the king protected by
a guard of 3000 choice cavalry and 40,000 foot soldiers. The Hircanian and Median cavalry
followed them. Next to them were arranged the cavalry and foot soldiers of the other nations.
Some were on the right hand and some on the left. Before this battalion were arranged like this
went 6000 slingers and javeliners. All the ground that was there in that pass was filled up
entirely with men. The wings reached from the one mountain and the other to the very sea. The
queen and the king's mother and the rest of the women were placed in the midst of the army."

1766. Callisthenes, who himself was in this battle, says, that there were 30,000 cavalry and as
many auxiliaries all set to encounter the Macedonian phalanx. However, Polibius (1. 12.) says
that Alexander's army consisted wholly of 42,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry. He shows the
many inaccuracies of Callisthenes. He points out that for inexperience in the marshalling of an
army, Callisthenes had written many absurdities and impertinencies in the description of this
battle.

1767. In the morning when Hephaestion came to Alexander to encourage him to start the battle,
he forgot himself and greeted him:

vv God help you sir,"

1768. instead of,
vv God save you sir."

1769. All the troops who were there, were disturbed by what this meant. They thought he had
meant that the king had not been well in his wits. Hephaestion himself grew amazed by his own
mistake. When Alexander knew this, he took it up and said that I thank him for his good omen.
For this tells me, that we shall all by God's help come safely out of this battle today. This is
related by Eumenes Cardianus in his Epistle to Antipater. He was present when the words were
spoken and stumbled himself into a similar error, as it is in Lucian's discourse, "Of Men's
Misunderstandings in their speech."

1770. Arrian says, that this battle was fought, when Nicostratus, (or as Diodorus Siculus has it,
when Micocrates) was archon of Athens, in year 4 of the 1 1 1th Olympiad. This was in the
month Maemacterion, whose new moon fell on the Wednesday, October 28th. In it the Persians
lost 10,000 cavalry and 90,000 foot soldiers. A number of other writers agree with him
concerning the losses in the cavalry. Concerning the foot soldiers, they all vary extremely not
only from him but from each other. Justin says, there were 60,000, Orosius, 80,000, Curtius,
100,000, Diodorus, 120,000. Plutarch says that in all, they lost 110,000 men. Justinus and
Orosius add, that there were 40,000 captured. On Alexander's side, there were 504 wounded
men. They lost 32 foot soldiers and 150 cavalry according to Curtius. Concerning the number of
the cavalry, Plutarch, Justin and Orosius agree with this. Diodorus says he lost 300 foot soldiers,
the other writers say he lost 330.

1771. Ptolemy the son of Lagus, who was a servant of Alexander, states that in the pursuit of
Darius, the squadron marched over the slaughtered bodies of the enemy. (Arrian. lib. 2.)
Although less than 1000 cavalry followed Alexander in the pursuit of Darius yet they slew a
huge multitude of the enemy. (Curt. 1. 3. c. 22.) When Darius was thrown from his coach he
climbed onto a mare. She remembered her foal at home and ran so fast that Alexander could not
catch up to him. (Elianum Historia Animali, 1. 65. c. 48.)

1772. Alexander grew weary of the pursuit of Darius. Since the night was drawing on, he gave
up all hope of catching Darius. When he had travelled 45 miles, he returned to Darius' camp
about midnight. His men had captured it shortly before this. (Diodor. and Curt.) They found
Darius' mother whom Diodorus calls Sisygnambis, but Curtius, calls Sysigambis. His wife was
there also whom Justin says was his sister as well. Darius' son Ochus who was almost 6 year's
old and Darius' two daughters of marriageable age were also found. Also they found a few other
noble men's daughters. Most of them had sent their wives and daughters to Damascus with their
baggage. Even Darius had sent most of his treasure there as we said before. They found
whatever luxurious furniture was the the king's custom to take with him to war. In Darius' camp,
Alexander found about 3000 talents of silver. (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1773. Early the next morning, Alexander took Hephestion with him and went to see the two

queens. When Sisygambis mistakenly fell down at Hephestion's feet, she asked Alexander's
pardon for it. He replied smiling:

vv No harm, for this is Alexander too."

1774. (Diodor. Curtius. Arrian.) In so few words, he gave half of himself away to his friend.
(Valer. Max. 1. 4. c. 7.) As for the two queens and to the women about them, Alexander restored
to them all their attire, dressing and ornaments. He added much more of his own belongings to
this as well. He did not permit any man to be uncivil with the women. (Arran. 1. 2. with Plut. 1.
2. de fort. Alex.)

1775. In his flight, Darius came to a place called Sochos about two day's journey from the
passes of Amanus as we noted before. From Arrian we learn that he collected any Persians and
others who survived the battle. He took 4000 of them with him to Thupsacus so that he might
have the great Euphrates River between him and Alexander. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 1. Arrian. 1. 2.)

1776. Amyntus the son of Antiochus, Thymodes the son of Mentor, Aristomedes Phercus and
Bianor of Acarnania had previously defected to the Persians from the Greeks. They fled with
8000 men in their company to Tripoli in Phoenicia. They found ships which had just arrived
from Lesbos. They captured them and sailed to Cyprus and then to Egypt. They burned the ships
they did not need so they could not be followed. (Arrian. 1. 2. with Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp.
112. and Curt. 1. 4. c. 3.)

1777. Alexander made Balacrus, the son of Nicanor, one of the leaders of his bodyguard,
governor of Cilicia. Alexander replaced Nicanor by Menetes, the son of Dionysius. He put
Olyperchon the son of Simeus, in charge of the brigade to replace Ptolemy, the son of Seleucus,
who was slain in the recent battle. He gave 50 talents to the men of Solos in Cilicia. These were
not paid their wages that he had enlisted them for. He restored to them their hostages that he had
taken from them. (Arrian. 1. 2.) He built 3 altars, one to Jupiter, another to Hercules and a third
to Minerva on the banks of the Pinarus River. Then he marched into Syria and sent Parmenion
with the Thessalian cavalry to Damascus before him. Darius had all his treasure here. The
cavalry had behaved very courageously in the recent battle. If they captured the city, they would
be rich from the spoil. (Plut. in Alexan.)

1778. As Parmemion was on his way to Damascus, he intercepted a message sent to Alexander
from the governor of Damascus who offerred to betray the city to Alexander. The 4th day he
came to Damascus. The governor pretended that he could not hold the city. The next morning
before sunrise, he took all the king's treasure (which the Persians call his "Gaza") and pretended
that he would flee away and save it for Darius. Instead he gave it to Parmenion. As soon as he
had done that there was a heavy snow storm and the ground was frozen solid.

1779. Among the women that fled from there and were captured, there were 3 virgins, daughters
of Ochus, the last king before Darius. Also in the group were Ochus' queen, the daughter of
Oxatris the brother of Darius, the wife of Artabanus a principal man at court and his son Iloneus.
There was also taken the wife of Pharnabazus whom Darius had made commander of all the
towns and cities lying on the sea with 3 daughters of Mentor. The wife and son of that most
noble Memnon was taken. There was hardly any noble man's house of the court of Persia, which
had not his share in this calamity. (Plut. in Alexan.) Parmenion's report to Alexander indicated

that among the rest he had taken 329 of the king's women who were skilful in music, 46 weavers
or knitters of crowns, 277 cooks and 29 cooks' maids, 13 white meat-makers, 17 makers of
drinking cups, 70 wine cellar men, 40 apothecaries and confectioners.

1780. Also taken were 2600 talents in coins, bars of silver, 500 weight, 30,000 men, 7000
camels which were beasts of burden. (Curt. 1. 3. c. 25.)

1781. The one that betrayed the place (who, as it seems was Cophenes by whom Darius sent his
treasure to Damascus,) one of his countrymen cut off his head and carried it to Darius. (Curt. 1.
3. c. 25.)

1782. Alexander made Parmenion, (according to Curtius) or Memnon, (according to Arrian), the
governor of Coelosyria. He gave him his auxiliary cavalry for the defence of that province. The
Syrians were not totally subdued and did not submit to this new governor. However, they were
quickly suppressed and then they submitted to all the commands. (Arrian. 1. 2. Curt. 1. 4. c. 1.)

1783. Alexander sent Parmenion to seize the Persian fleet. Others that were with him, he sent to
hold the cities of Asia which had surrendered to him. After the battle of Issos, Darius' own
commanders surrendered with all their gold and treasure to Alexander. He marched into Syria
and many kings of the east came and submitted to him. These he treated accordingly. Some he
made a league with, while others he replaced with new kings. (Justin. 1. 11. c. 10.)

1784. Gerostratus was at that time king of the Isle of Aradus with the adjoining sea coast and of
some places also lying further inland. Like the other kings of Cyprus and Phoenicia, they had
consolidated their fleets under Darius' Persian commander, Antophradates. Gerostratus' son
Strata who was viceroy of Aradus in his father's absence, met Alexander as he was on his way
into Phoenicia. He placed a crown of gold on Alexander's head and surrendered the isle of
Aradus with Marathus, a large rich town opposite Aradus on the continent, the city Mariamme
and whatever else belonged to his father. (Arrian. 1. 2. Curt. 1. 4. c. 1.)

1785. After Alexander had graceously received Strabo, Alexander marched to the city
Marathon. From there he received letters from Darius who wanted to ransom his women
captives. Alexander answered in a letter and sent Thersippus to deliver it. (Justin 1. 11. c. 12.
Curt. 1. 4. c. 1. Arrian. 1. 2. Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 111.) He wanted back the Greek
ambassadors that were sent to Darius before the battle at Issos. Alexander understood that they
were taken at Damascus. When Darius sent them, Alexander dismissed the two ambassadors of
the Thebans, Thessalicus and Dionysodorus. Also he sent away Iphsicrates of Athens who was
the son of that famous Iphicrates. Euthycles the Lacedemonian, he committed first to custody
and later released him from irons. Later when everything went well for Alexander, he was sent
away too. (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1786. Alexander left Maratho and captured the city Biblus which conditionally surrendered to
him. The Sidonians who had not long before been so terribly abused by Ochus sent to Alexander
and desired to submit to him. They hated the Persians and king Darius. (Arrian. 1. 2. Curt. 1. 4. c.
2.) At that time Strabo reigned there. Because this surrender came more from the people than
from Strabo, Alexander replaced Strabo by Abdolominus who lived by tending a poor garden
there. Alexander gave him not only the rich furniture of Strabo's house but added various other
rich gifts from what he had taken from the Persians. The new king controlled all the adjoining

territories of Sidon. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 2. Justin. 1. 11. c. 10.) Plutarch in his discourse of the fortune
of Alexander, calls this man Alynomus the king of Paphon. Diodorus calls him Ballinomus and
says that Alexander made him king of Tyre.

1787. All of Syria and Phoenicia except Tyre were under Alexander's control. Alexander and his
camp were on the continent. Between him and Tyre was a narrow channel of the sea. The
Tyrians had sent a very massive crown of gold to him for a present and congratulated him for
his great success. They sent him many provisions from their city. He received their presents as
he would from good friends. He used many gracious and friendly words to them expressing his
great desire to see their city and to sacrifice to Hercules. They told him that there was an alter in
Palaetyrus or Old Tyre in the continent near by and that it would be better to offer sacrifice to
Hercules on that one since it was the older of the two altars. When he heard this he was so
enraged that he vowed to destroy their city. It happened that at the same time there came certain
select men from Carthage to perform a yearly sacrifice to Hercules. The Tyrians were the
founders of Carthage and the Carthaginians had honoured them as the father of their city. These
men exhorted them to hold out and to endure the siege like men. They assured them of speedy
supplies and aid from Carthage for at that time the Carthaginians, were a very strong naval
power. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 5, 6. Justin. 1. 11. c. 10.)

1788. Thus Tyre was resolved for a war and they endured a 7 month siege. (Diod. Sic. year 1.
Olymp. 112. Josephus Antiq. 1. 11. c. 8. Curt. 1. 4. c. 15. Plutarch in Alexander.) Their king
Azelmious was absent at sea. He left Autophradates, his son behind him in the city. (Arrian. 1.
4.) Alexander levelled Palaetyrus or old Tyre to the ground. He sent for all the men in the
surrounding country to come and help his men throw the stones and rubbish of the entire city
into the channel that ran between the two cities. He made a causeway of half a mile long over to
Tyre from the old city according to Diodorus. Curtius, (1. 4. c. 5.) agrees with him. Pliny (1. 5. c.
19) said it was 700 paces long. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 112., Curt. 1. 4. c. 8.)

1789. Amyntas the son of Antiochus had with him 4000 Greeks who had fled from the battle of
Issos (as I mentioned previously). Sabaces a Persian and governor of Egypt was killed in the
battle of Issos. They set sail from Cyprus to Pelusium and seized the city. Amyntas pretended
that he came to take charge of it by the order of Darius to replace Sabaces. From there he went
with his army to Memphis. At the news of his coming, the Egyptians came from the towns and
the country to help him against the Persians. With their help, he routed the Persians when they
attacked him and forced them into the city again. Soon after by the advice of Masases their
captain when he saw the Greeks scattered about the country and busy plundering it, Masases
sallied forth again. In a surprise attack, he cut Amyntas and all his troops in pieces. (Curt. 1. 3. c.
22., 1. 4. c. 3.)

1790. Some of Darius' captains and their troops who escaped from the battle at Issos along with
some Cappadocians and Paphlagonians went to retake Lydia. Antigonus, who was Alexander's
commander, routed them in three battles. At the same time, the Macedonian fleet came from
Greece and attacked Aristomenes, who was sent by Darius to retake the Hellespont. They sunk
or took all the Persian fleet. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 112., Curt. 1. 4. c. 4.)

1791. While Alexander besieged Tyre, he sent to Jaddua the high priest at Jerusalem and
demanded from him supplies and other provisions plus the tribute they formerly paid to Darius.
Jaddua replied that he was bound by a former oath of allegiance to Darius and that he could not
be freed from that oath as long as Darius lived. Alexander was very angry and swore that as

soon as he had taken Tyre, he would march against Jerusalem. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 11. c. 8. s. 3.)

1792. At the start of the siege of Tyre, Sanballat the Cuthite, defected from Darius and came
with 8000 men. (Newer additions of Josephus say 7000 not 8000. Editor) Alexander graciously
received him. Sanballat asked permission to build a temple on his own land and to make his son-
in-law, Manasseh the high priest who was the brother to Jaddua the high priest at Jerusalem.
When he obtained permission and because he was now growing old, he started the work quickly.
He built a temple and made Manasseh the high priest of it. He thought that by this he would
bestow great honour to the posterity of his daughter. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 11. c. 8. s. 4.)

1793. Alexander purposed to make a broader causeway from the continent for an easier
approach to Tyre. After he had built new engines of war, he marched with his targeteers and a
squadron of Agrians, to Sidon. There he gathered as many ships as he possibly could for he
knew it would be impossible to take Tyre as long as the Tyrians were masters at sea. (Arrian. 1.

2.)

1794. Meanwhile, when Gerostratus the king of Aradus and Enulus the king of Byblus found
that all their cities were already taken by Alexander, they abandoned Antophradates and his fleet
and came with their fleets to Alexander. Some ships of the Sidonians also came with them. Now
Alexander had a navy of 80 ships. At the same time Rhodes sent a fleet of 10 ships to
Alexander. One ship, was called Periplus. 3 more came from Soli and Mallus. 10 came from
Lycia. Macedon sent a ship of 50 oars under Captain Proteas, the son of Andronicus. A little
time later certain kings of Cyprus sent 120 ships to the port of Sidon. They heard of his victory
at Issos and the news that all Phoenicia had yielded to him. Alexander forgave them their
previous wrongs they had done to him. For previously they sided with Darius of necessity not by
their free choice. (Arian. 1. 2.) Azelmicus, the king of Tyre, left Antophradates and came to his
own city of Tyre while it was thus besieged. He was in it when it was taken later according to
Arrian.

1795. In Mount Lebanon, Alexander cut timber for his ships. The wild Arabians suddenly
attacked the Macedonians while they were busy at their work. They slew 30 of them and carried
away almost as many prisoners. Alexander left Perdiccas and Craterus, or as Polyaenus seems to
say, Parmenion, to continue the siege of Tyre. He went with a running camp into Arabia. (Curt.
1. 4. c. 8.) Polyaenus confirms that he made an excursion into Arabia. (1. 4. Stratag.) Arrian gives
more details. He says that Alexander with certain cavalry troops, light targeteers and his
squadron of Agrians went into Arabia as far as to Anti-Lebanon. Plutarch tells us that he
marched against the Arabians who dwelt opposite Anti-Lebanon.

1796. When he was come to the mountainous country of those parts, he planned to leave his
cavalry and march on foot as others did. The body of his army had gone a good distance before
him and the night was approaching and the enemy was close. Lysimachus, his childhood
instructor was exhausted from the journey and Alexander did not want to leave him in that
condition. Alexander encouraged him and helped him along. Before he knew it, he and his
group were separated from the rest of his company. He would have to pass that night in the dark
in a bitter cold frost and in a place devoid of all relief. Nevertheless, he saw not far off many
fires made by the enemies. Since he had a nimble and active body, he ran to the next fire and
killed the enemies that sat by it. He brought away a firebrand and kindled a fire for himself and
the small group of Macedonians that were with him. This fire became so large that the enemies
were terrified and did not move against him. So he and his company lay safely all that night.

This story Plutarch tells of him from Charaetes, a Mitylean and one of those who wrote the
Deeds of Alexander.

1797. When he had taken all that country, partly upon amicable terms and partly by force, he
returned to Sidon after only 1 1 days from the time he left. He found Alexander the son of
Polemocrates, had recently arrived with 4000 Greek mercenaries. (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1798. His navy was now outfitted and totalled 190 ships according to Curtius or to 200
according to Diodorus. Alexander sailed from Sidon for Tyre in a very good formation. He was
in the right wing, in a Quinquereme, or ship of five decks high. In that squadron were also the
kings of Cyprus and the rest of the Phoenicians except for Pintagoras or Pythagoras. He and
Craterus commanded the left wing. (Arrian. 1. 2. Curt. 1. 4. c. 10.)

3672c AM, 4382 JP, 332 BC

1799. Thirty commissioners arrived from Carthage and brought Tyre word that the
Carthaginians were so embroiled with war at home that they could not possibly send help to
them at this time. This did not discourage the men of Tyre. However, they sent away their wives
and children to Carthage, as being a safer place for them no matter what happened at Tyre.
(Curt. 1. 4. c. 11. with Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 112. Justin 1. 11. c. 10.)

1800. When Apollo had appeared to various men in dreams and signified that he would leave
the city, the superstitious men of Tyre took good golden chains and bound his image tightly to
the foot of his shrine. His image was sent there from Syracuse according to Curtius or from Gela
in Sicily by the Carthaginians as we have noted from Diodorus. (See note on 3599 AM.) They
fastened the chain to the altar of Hercules the tutelar god of that city as if he should be able to
hold Apollo by his strength from leaving. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 11. Diod Sic. year 1. Olymp. 112.
Plutarch in Alexander.)

1801. While Alexander besieged Tyre, ambassadors from Darius came to him and offered him
10,000 talents (not as Valer. Max. wrote 1,000,000) to ransom his mother, wife and children and
all the territory lying between the Hellespont and the river Halys. Darius would give his
daughter in marriage to Alexander. This offer was discussed in a council of his friends. It is
reported that Parmenion said that if he were Alexander, he would not refuse those conditions.
Whereupon Alexander replied that no more would he if he were Parmenion. Alexander wrote
back to Darius that he offered him nothing but what was already his. Therefore he wished him to
come in person to ask for his wife back and to accept such conditions as Alexander would give
him. (Arrian. 1. 2. Justin 1. 11. c. 12. Curt. 1. 4. c. 16. Plutarch in his Apostchegmes and in his
Alexander Valer. Max. 1. 6. c. 4.)

1802. Tyre was taken, when Anicetes, (or Nicetes according to Dionys. Halicarnas. in
Dinarchus) was archon in Athens in the month of Hecatombaeon. (Arrian. 1. 2. p. 49.) In the
middle of that month, the 112 Olympiad ended. In Plutarch we find that it was on the 30th day
of the month Loi according to the Macedonian calendar and the 5th of Hacatombaeon on the
Athenian calendar. This was July 24th as I have shown, in the end of chapter 5. of my discourse
of the Solar years of the Macedonians and Asians.

1803. Justin, (1. 1. c. 10.) says it was taken by treason, Polyaenus by a stratagem, (1. 1. stratag.)

and Diodorus, Arrian., Curtius say by pure force. When the enemies had got into the city, yet the
townsmen maintained the fight until there were 7000 thousand of them cut in pieces. (Diodorus)

1804. Arrian states that there were 8000 of the inhabitants killed. Curtius says that after the
battle 2000 more were hung up all along the shore. Diodorus states that Alexander hanged 2000
young men all in their prime. Justin says that in remembrance of the old slaughter the
inhabitants had made, he had all that were captured, crucified. He put them to a death befitting a
slave because the Tyrian slaves had made a conspiracy against their own masters and had
murdered all the freemen of that city with their own masters. They set up their own government
and killed everyone except Strata an old man and his son. On him and his posterity, they
established the kingdom.

1805. Concerning Alexander, Justin further adds:

vv that he spared all the descendants of Strata and restored the kingdom to him and his posterity."

1806. (This means perhaps Ballonymus, whom Diodorus confounds with Abdolominus, whom
Alexander made king of the Sidonians a short time earlier.)

""Alexander left the city to be repopulated by its innocent and harmless inhabitants. When he
had abolished that wicked generation of slaves, he hoped to be considered the founder of a new
and better people there."

1807. By this means it was, that Justin from Trogus, made Alexander the restorer and rebuilder
of Tyre. (1. 18. c. 3,4.) All other writers made him not its founder but its destroyer. The prophecy
of Isaiah concurring with this, Isa 23:1 compared with /APC IMa 1:1 For if we believe Curtius,
Alexander spared those who fled to the temples and slew everyone else and set fire to their
houses. According to Diodorus, he made slaves of all that were not able to bear arms, together
with the women and girls. This was over 13,000 even though most had been sent away to
Carthage. However, according to Arrian, Alexander spared all that Azelmicus and the
commissioners who came from Carthage had brought to the sacrifice of Hercules. He sold all
the rest for slaves, to the number of 30,000.

1808. Curtius says that the Sidonians which joined in with the rest of Alexander's soldiers did
not forget their blood ties between them and the Tyrians. For they believed that they were all
brought there by Agenor who was the founder of both cities. The Sidonians got 15,000 on their
ships and saved them. Curius (1. 4. c. 15.) states:

vv Tyre quickly recovered and later grew to be a city again."

1809. Strabo (1. 16. p. 754.) states:

vv After this enormous calamity brought on them by Alexander, they quickly overcame their
misfortunes by their navigational skills and with their purple dye industry."

1810. Justin (1. 18. c. 4.) states:

vv By their parsimony and industry, they quickly recovered strength again."

1811. This happened so quickly that in the 18th year from then, they endured another siege from
Antigonus who was then lord of all Asia. This siege lasted not 7 months as in the case of
Alexander, but a full 15 months. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19. year 2. Olymp. 116.) They were not now
content with their little city which was joined to the continent by Alexander's causeways and
other works. They so enlarged their boundaries that in Pliny's time the wall of their city enclosed
almost 3 miles. When one included Palaetyrus or Old Tyre with it the whole enclosure came to
no less than 19 miles. (Pliny 1. 5. c. 19.)

1812. Admetus, who first got onto the wall with 20 targeteers were all slain at the very first
encounter with the enemy. In the whole time of the siege, no more than 400 Macedonians were
lost. (Arrian. 1. 2.)

1813. Alexander offered sacrifices to Hercules and went in procession with his whole host in
full armour to his temple. He held a show also with his ships and caused wrestling and other
games to be performed by torch light. There was a certain Tyrian ship consecrated to his honour
which he had captured. This he rededicated to himself. (Arrian. 1. 2.) He took the golden chain
from off of Apollos' image and the robes he was attired with. He gave the image a new name,
"Alexander's friend". (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 112.) Timaeus states that Alexander captured
Tyre on the very exactly the same day that the Carthaginians had taken the image of Apollo
from Gela in Sicily. The Greeks offered to Apollo a magnificent and solemn sacrifice as if by
his power and favour they had captured Tyre. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 93.)

1814. As soon as Alexander had taken Tyre, he marched into Judah. (Euseb. Chron. with Pliny,
1. 12. c. 25.) and subdued all that part of Syria which is called Palestina. (Arrian. 1. 2. p. 50.) He
went in person against those places that would not willingly submit to him. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 17.)
When he was on his march to Jerusalem, Jaddua the high priest who was terrified by his former
threats and now feared his rage, resorted to God by prayers and sacrifices for the common safety
of all. God warned him in a dream that he should make a holy day in the city and open wide the
city gates. He and the rest of the priests would go forth in their priestly raiment and all the rest
of the people would be clothed all in white and accompany him to meet Alexander. When
Alexander saw this company coming to him from a distance, he went all alone to the high priest.
After he prostrated himself before that God whose name he saw engraven in the golden plate of
his mitre he greeted him. When Parmenion asked the reason for his behaviour, he replied that
while he was still in Macedon planning the conquest of Asia, there appeared to him a man
clothed like this high priest who invited him into Asia and assured him of all success in the
conquest of it. The priests went before him as he entered into Jerusalem. He went up to the
temple and sacrificed to God in the manner the priests showed him. They had showed him the
book of the prophet Daniel in which it was written that a Greek should come and destroy the
Persians. Da 8:7,20,21 11:13 He did not doubt but he was the one in the prophecy. After this he
dismissed the company. (Joseph. 1. 11. c. 8. s. 5.)

1815. The next day, he assembled the people and asked them what they wanted from him. They
replied they wanted nothing but that they might live according to the laws of their own country
and that every 7th year, (in the sabbatical year when there was no harvest) they might be exempt
from paying any tribute. He granted all they asked. When they asked further that he would allow
the Jews who dwelt in the countries of Babylon and Media to live according to their own rites
and laws he answered, that he would grant that request as soon as he had taken those countries

too. When he told them that if any of them would follow him in his wars they could use their
own rites wherever they came, many enlisted to serve him. When he had settled all matters in
Jerusalem, he left and went to the rest of the cities of that country and was joyfully received
everywhere. (Joseph. 1. 11. c. 8. s. 6.)

1816. One of Alexander's captains, Callas went and recaptured Paphagonia, which defected
from Alexander after the battle at Issos. Alexander's captains Antigonus Lyconia and Balacrus
captured the city of Miletus after they defeated Darius' captain Idarnes. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 17.)

1817. Alexander had given the government of Cilicia to Socrates and wanted Philotas the son of
Parmenion, to take care of the country about Tyre. Coelo-Syria was committed to Andronicus
by Parmenion. He wanted to follow Alexander in the war. Alexander commanded Hephastion
with the fleet, to scour the coast of Phoenicia. He went with his whole army to Gaza (Curt. 1. 4.
c. 17.) and besieged the garrison of Persians for two months. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olympiad. 1 12.
Josephus 1. 1 1. c. 8. s. 6.) (It appears modern editions of Josephus have deleted part of chapter 8.
Editor.)

1818. According to Josephus, the name of the captain of the garrison at Gaza was Babemeses, or
according to Curtius and Arrian, Batis an Eunuch. He was very loyal to his king:. He hired some
Arabian mercenaries and made good provision of food and other things. He defended the walls,
which were very strong with a small company of men.

1819. Alexander received two wounds at this siege. When Batis was taken alive, Alexander had
cords or thongs drawn through his ankles and tied him to a chariot. He was dragged around the
city. In that siege 10,000 Persians and Arabians died. The Macedonians also lost men. (Curt. 1.
4. c. 10.) Alexander sold all the women and children there for slaves. He repopulated the place
with inhabitants from the neighbouring parts and made that the location of his garrison. (Arrian.
1. 2. in fin.) Those words of Strabo are not easily understood unless they refer to the former state
of that city. He states: {*Strabo, 1. 16. 7:277}

vv Gaza which was formerly a glorious city, was destroyed by Alexander and remained desolate."

1820. We will say that this was meant of a later Gaza built in another place which Jerome in his
book, De Locis Hebraicis: i.e. of places in Judea, affirms in this way:

vv The question is, how in one of the prophets it is said, And Gaza shall be turned into an
everlasting heap? which is thus answered. There are scarcely left to be seen any sign of the old
city. The present city of Gaza was built in another place instead of the location of the one which
was destroyed."

1821. When Alexander had done what he wanted to do to Gaza, he sent Amyntas the son of
Andremon, with 3 ships to Macedon to bring him the best of the youth for his army. (Diod. Sic.
year 2, Olymp. 112. Curt. 1. 4. c. 19.)

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1822. From Gaza, Alexander marched into Egypt as he formerly planned. 7 days after he left

Gaza, he came to a place which he named Alexander's Camp. From there he came to the city
Pelusium. (Arrian. 1. 3. in pri. Curt. 1. 4. c. 20.) He did not go back again from Gaza to
Jerusalem, as Josephus incorrectly reports.

1823. A large number of the Egyptians who were expecting Alexander's arrival, assembled at
Pelusium. They were offended by the Persian's pride, avarice, and sacrilege and eagerly
welcomed the arrival of the Macedonians. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 20. Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 112.)

1824. Alexander left a garrison in Pelusium and ordered his ships to go up the river to Memphis.
He marched by land to Heliopolis having the Nile on his right all the way. Wherever he went, all
the cities opened their gates to him. He passed the desert of Egypt and came at last to
Helsopolis. After crossing the river, he marched toward Memphis. (Arrian. 1. 3.) The Persians
who were there did not hinder his coming when they saw the general defection of the Egyptians
from them. When he was not far from Memphis, he was met by Astraces, who commanded the
garrison for Darius. He gave Alexander 800 talents and all his master's wardrobe. (Curt. 1. 4. c.
20.) However Curtius writes the name Astraces instead of Mazaces as he does in chapter 4 of
the same book. Likewise, Arrian in the beginning of his third book, states that Mazaces a
Persian whom Darius had made governor of Egypt received Alexander into that province and its
cities in a very friendly way.

1825. Alexander offered his sacrifices at Memphis and there held games of wrestling and other
activities and music. The most expert and skilful men of all Greece entered these games to try to
win the prizes. He came down the river to the sea. He put his targeteers, archers and Agrians and
the his troops aboard the ships of his confederates and they sailed to Canopus. There he picked a
choice site for the city of Alexandria which was between the Egyptian Sea and Marea or Lake of
Mareotis. He named the future city after himself. (Arrian. 1. 3.) In that part of it which lies next
to the sea and the shipping docks, there was a street called Racotis. (Strabo. 1. 17. p. 792.
Pansanius, in his Eliaca. p. 169. Tacit. Histor. 1. 4. c. 84.)

1826. Alexandria was built not in the 7th, (as Eusebius in Chron and from him, Byril. of
Alexandria, 1. 1. cont. Julianuni and Cedrehus state) but in the 5th year of Alexander's reign and
in the very first year of the 1 12th Olympiad as Solinus has it in chapter 32 not as Diodorus in the
2nd year and much less, as Eusebius in the 3rd year.) For the exact time when Alexandria was
built we can determine precisely from the interval of time between the taking of Tyre and that
great battle at Gaugamela and his deeds in that interim. From this and from the 5th year of
Darius and Thoth in 417th year of Nabonasar's account which falls in with the 14th day of
September according to our Julian calendar or year 1. of the Olymp. 1 12th. Ptolemy of
Alexandria, deduces the years of Alexander, whom in the Preface of his Procgeiroin Kanomoun
(whereof this is one) he, after the fashion of all Alexandrians, calls Ktishn i.e. his founder.

1827. Dinocrates was the man who designed and laid out streets of this city (whom Plutarch
both "in his life" and also in the 2nd book of the fortune of Alexander, calls Stesicrates and other
books, call otherwise.) Dinocrates was that famous architect whose skill and industry the
Ephesians used in the rebuilding of their temple of Diana. For the excellency of his
workmanship showed in the temple deserves the second place after the original builders of the
temple, in the annals of the world. (Strabo, 1. 14. p. 641. Valer. Max. 1. I.e. 4. Vitruvins, in the
Proaeme of his second book. Pliny 1. 5. c. 10., 1. 7. c. 37. Solin. c. 32, 40. Ammia. Marcell. 1 22.)

3673b AM, 4383 JP, 331 BC

1828. Alexander got them started and wanted them to work quickly. He journeyed to the temple
of Jupiter Ammon, (Plutarch in his Alexander, with Arrian. 1. 3.) from an ambition which he had
because he was told that Perseus and Hercules had been there. Callisthenes, in the history which
he wrote of Alexander affirms this and is cited by Strabo. (1. 17. p. 814.)

1829. Therefore he went as far as Paraesonium along by the seaside. He found some fresh water
by the way 200 miles from Alexandria according to Aristobulus. (in Arrian. 1. 3. p. 53.)

1830. He was met about midway by the ambassadors from the Cyrenians. They presented him
with a crown and other costly items. Among these were 300 horses that were trained for war and
5 chariots each drawn by 4 horses. These were the best horses that could be found. He accepted
these gifts and made a league of friendship with them. (Diod. Sic. Olymp. 1 12. year 2.)

1831. He went from Paraetonium to Mesogabas where the temple of Hammon was through dry
countries. He wandered over the plains while the hot wind blew from the south. Callisthenes
says that he was saved from death partly by a shower of rain that fell which settled the sand and
partly by a flock of crows which led him on the way. (Strabo 1. 17. p. 814.) He adds further this
fable to the story. Often when the men wandered out of the way in the dark, the crows with their
cawing would call them back into the right way again. (Strabo. 1. 17. p. 814. Plut. in his Alex.)

1832. Ptolemy the son of Lagus states that there were two dragons which went before the
company making a noise and led them into and from the temple again. However Aristobulus,
with whom most writers agree, states that there were two crows which still kept on flying before
the army and that these were Alexander's guides on the way there. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1833. When he came to a lake of bitter waters, as they called them, he went about 12 miles from
there. He passed by the cities called after Hammon's name. After a day's journey from there they
came to Jupiter Hammon's grove and temple. (Diod. Sic. Olymp. 112. year 2.)

1834. There the priests of the temple were secretly bribed before hand and instructed what to
say. As soon as Alexander came to enter within the temple doors, they all came and greeted him
by the name of Hammon's son. (Justin 1. 1 1. ca. 11.) So we learn by this event that the god
although deaf and dumb had the power through the priests to lie as they wished. One who comes
to consult the oracle could be told exactly what he wanted to hear. (Oros. 1. 3. c. 16.)

1835. Callisthenes states that the priests permitted no one but Alexander to come into the temple
in his ordinary dress. All the rest were required to change their clothes and to hear the oracle
from the outside. The oracle told Alexander various things by signs and vague language.
However, the oracle told Alexander plainly that he was Jupiter's son. (Strabo 1. 17. p. 814.) Yet
Alexander in a letter to his mother Olympias, said that he had received many secret oracles there
which he would tell to her alone when he returned. (Plut. in Alex.)

1836. At the same letter or in some other letter to his mother, (which I am sure was meant by
Tertullian in his book de Pallio) Alexander said that he was told by Leo, a principal priest
among the Egyptians, that they who were now gods were formerly men. In worshipping them,

the nations preserved the memory of their kings and ancestors. (Aug. de Civit. Dei, 1. 8. c. 5, 27.
and de Consen. Evangelist. 1. I.e. 23. Minutius Felix, in Octavio. with Cyprian, in his book de
Idosor. vanitate.) In the beginning of his letter that he had written this to his mother, he opened
with:

vv Alexander the king, the son of Jupiter Hammon, sends greetings to his mother Olympias."

1837. She very wittily in her answer replied:

vv Now my good son I pray thee be content and do not accuse me nor lay anything to my charge
before Juno. For she will do me some shrewd turn, if you in your letters make me a step-queen
to her." (M. Varro, in a book of his, entitled Orestes, vel de Insania: in Aul. Gellius 1. 13. c. 4.)

1838. When Alexander had received such an answer, it pleased him well as he by his own
confession admits. He returned from there to Egypt by the same way as he went according to
Aristobulus. Ptolemy says he went by a shorter way to Memphis. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1839. When he arrived at Memphis, Antipater had sent 400 Greek mercenaries under the
command of Menaetas the son of Hegesandrus. About 500 cavalry from Thracia, were led by
Asclepiodorus. At Memphis, Alexander sacrificed to Jupiter and made oblations to him with his
whole army. They were all in their complete armour. They held games, activities, wrestlings,
other events and music. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1840. He ordered the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns and cities to leave their dwellings.
He moved them into Alexandria and populated that place with a huge number of inhabitants.
(Curt. 1. 4. c. 21. and Justin 1. 11. c. 1 1.) He also moved a colony of the Jews there whose virtue
and good behaviour he much approved of and deemed them worthy of special trust. As a reward
for their service in the war he made them free citizens and gave them equal honours and
privileges with the Greeks. The group that was there went by the name Alexandrians and also by
the name of Macedonians. (Josep. 1. 2. de. Bello Jud. c. 36. p. 815. and 1. 2. cont. Ap. p. 163. in
the Greek and Latin Edition.)

1841. He also gave lands to Sanballat's soldiers, whom he ordered to follow him into Egypt into
the country to Thebais. He entrusted them with the keeping of that territory in his absence.
(Josephus Antiq. 1. 11. c. 8. s. 6.)

1842. Alexander had a burning desire to go and visit the inner and more remote parts of Egypt
and Ethiopia. His present war with Darius forced him to delay such expeditions. He made
Esehilus and Pencestes, the Macedonian governors of Egypt with a 4000 man army. He ordered
Polemon to defend the mouths of the Nile River with 30 ships. (Curtius 1. 4. c 21.) Although,
Arrian tells us that he made Pencestes the son of Macatetus and Balacrus the son of Amyntas,
commanders of the foot soldiers whom he left there. He made Polemon the son of Theramenes,
admiral of the fleet to defend the mouths of the Nile River with all the sea lying next to Egypt.
For the civil government of the whole country, he committed its care to Doloaspes, a native of
Egypt according to Arrian.

1843. Curtius further tells us that he left Apollonius to govern Africa that bordered on Egypt and

Cleomenes to gather the tribute from both Africa and Egypt. To much the same end, Arrian tells
us, that he left Apollonius the son of Charinus to govern Libya which bordered on the west of
Egypt. He appointed Cleomenes to take care of Arabia on the east from the city called Urbs
Heroum which borders on Arabia Petraea. He was ordered to receive all tribute. He committed
the judicial administration to the presidents and justices of the country as it was done before. In
the second book of Aristotle's Occonomicks Cleomenes of Alexandria is mentioned as governor
of Egypt. He is the same person whom Arrian. (1. 3. of the History of Alexander) called
Ecnaucratius. Freinshemius who is very good at finding errors, says that in the one it should be,
"of the Nauacritians or Naucratites" and in the other, "commander of Alexandria in Egypt". The
result of this is that Cleomenes governor of Alexandria was a native of Naucratis which was an
ancient colony made in Egypt by the Milesians. He was in charge of the administration and
populating this city. We may partly gather from Aristotle who says that Alexander ordered him
that he should populate a city near Pharos. (Alexandria is only a mile by sea from there.) He
should redirect all the trade from Canopus to Alexandria. Justin, (1. 13. c. 4.) clearly states that
Alexander committed the building of Alexandria to Cleomenes. It may be added that Alexander
wrote to him 8 years later and ordered him to build two temples to the deceased Hephaestion,
one in Alexandria and the other in Pharos. Also all bills of lading and other contracts of
merchants should have the name of Hephaestion inscribed on them according to Arrian. (1. 4.
Histor.) He adds further that this Cleomenes was a most wicked man and one that did the
Egyptians a thousand injustices.

1844. When Alexander was gone down the Nile, Hector, a son of Parmenions, who was in the
flower of his youth and a great favourite of Alexander desired to catch up to him. He jumped
into a little boat and others jumped in also. So much so that the overloaded boat sank and Hector
drowned. The king was very grieved at the loss of him and when the body was recovered, he
gave it a splendid funeral. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 21.)

1845. Shortly after this, Alexander received news that Andromachus was burned alive by the
inhabitants of Samaria. He immediately marched away as quickly as he could to exact
vengeance of them for it. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 21.)

3673c AM, 4383 JP, 331 BC

1846. Alexander made bridges over the Nile and every point of it around Memphis at the
beginning of spring. He went from there toward Phoenicia. (Arrian. 1. 3. p. 55.) While he was on
his way, those who had murdered Andromachus, were delivered into his hands and executed. He
sent Memnon to replace Andromachus. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 21.) When he captured the city of Samaria,
he gave it to be inhabited by his Macedonians. (Eusebius in his Chron. and from him Cedrenus
derived it.) However, the territory that belonged to it, he gave to the Jews for their loyalty to
him. They did not pay him any tribute for it according to Josephus who gets it from Hecaraeus
of Abdera. (1. 2. cont. Apion. p. 1063.) The temple in the mount Gerisim was spared. If any at
Jerusalem were in trouble for eating forbidden meats, breaching sabbath or such like crime, they
immediately defected to the Sichemites and said that they were falsely accused. (Josephus
Antiq. 1. 11. c. 8.) Similar quarrels between the Jews and Samaritans did not only happen here
but in Egypt at Alexandria because of the different customs and rites used in the two temples.
(Josep. 1. 11. c. 1. andl. 13. c. 6.)

1847. When Alexander came to Tyre, he met his fleet which he had sent there ahead of him. He
sacrificed a second time to Hercules and held games and exercises of wrestling and music and

the like. (Arrian. 1. 3.) The kings of the Cyprus had the duty of providing suitable actors for
them. Nicocreon, king of Salamis, sent Theslalus, a man very much favoured by Alexander.
Pasicrates king of Solos sent Athenodorus, who took the prize from all by the majority decision.
(Plut. in Alex.) These kings of Cyprus had long before defected from Darius to Alexander and
sent him ships when he besieged Tyre. From that time on, he always honoured them as they
deserved. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 21.) Concerning Nicocreon it is said that Anaxarchus of Abdera the
philosopher said to Alexander as he sat at supper (according to Laertius , in his Life.) that there
was also a certain Persian governor had been served there. For this saying of his, Alexander later
had him put to a most miserable death. (??)

1848. Alexander made Caeranus of Berthaea treasurer of Phoenicia to gather his tribute there. In
Asia, he had Philoxenus do the same in the regions beyond the mountain of Taurus. He put
Harpalus into their former job of being in charge of the money which was in his own treasury.
He sent Menander, one of his confederates, into Lydia to be the governor. He put Clearchus into
Menander's former job of overseeing the foreigners. He replaced Arimna by Asclepiodorus, the
son of Eunicus to be governor of Syria. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1849. When these tasks were done, Alexander offered at Hercules' shrine a great vessel of gold
with thirty dishes in it. Now he was anxious to get after Darius, so he marched forward toward
the Euphrates River. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 21.)

1850. When news came to Darius that wherever he went, Alexander would follow him, he
ordered all countries no matter how far they were away, to come to him at Babylon. His army
was now grown to about half the size it was at Issos in Cilicia. Many lacked weapons, which
were provided for them. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 22.) He is said to have 45,000 cavalry and 200,000 foot
soldiers. At Issos, his forces in both kinds far exceeded these in number. It is certain that the
number found in Justin, (1. 11. c. 12. and in Orosius, 1. 3. c. 17.) is short of what it really was,
400,000 or 404,000 foot soldiers and 100,000 cavalry. Plutarch (in Alex.) says they were
10,000,000 and in his Apophthegmes, 100,000,000. (which is incorrectly printed) It should be
1,000,000. With this Diodorus agrees somewhat. He says there were 800,000 foot soldiers and
200,000 calvary. Arrian attributes to the foot soldiers only as much as Plutarch does to the sum
of both of cavalry and the foot soldiers. That is a 1,000,000 and adding 40,000 cavalry to that
number. Though some instead of 40 thousand, put there 400,000 cavalry so that the number of
cavalry might be some what more proportional to the number of the foot soldiers. Also so that
the number of cavalry might not here seem so far less of what it was at Issos. However, Curtius,
(1. 4. c. 22.) says it was far in excess of it. In addition he had 200 iron chariots and 15 elephants
which the Indians brought him. On the other side, Alexander's army had not more than 7000
cavalry and 40,000 foot soldiers in it. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1851. Darius moved with this vast army from Babylon to Nineveh. He had the Tigris River on
his left hand and Euphrates on his right. His army filled all that huge plain of Mesopotamia.
(Diod. Sic. year 2, Olymp. 112. Curt. 1. 4. c. 22.) When they had crossed the Tigris River, he
heard that the enemy was not for off. He sent Satropaces, general of his cavalry with 1000
choice men to hinder the approach of the enemy. He ordered him to burn and lay waste all the
lands through which Alexander was to pass. Darius thought want of supplies might defeat
Alexander since he had nothing else but the spoil of the country for supplies. Darius marched to
Arabela and left his baggage there. He marched forward as far as the Lycus River where he
made a bridge. When he and his army had crossed over it in 5 days, they marched 10 miles to
the Bumelus River. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 22.) Arrian says that he pitched his camp at Gaugamela by the

Bumelus River, for so he calls the place, (1. 6. p. 131.) not as in (1. 3. c. 57.) Bumadus. It was a
level field for if there were any hilly or uneven ground there, Darius ordered it to be made level.
This would allow his cavalry to a freer range to attack. Also the whole area would be more open
to his view. (Arrian. 1. 3. Curt. 1. 4. c. 22.)

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1852. Alexander advanced to Thapsacus, a large city in Syria, in the month Hecatombeon, when
Aristophanes was archon at Athens. That is in year 2 of the 1 12th Olympiad in the very
beginning of that year. Here the Euphrates River had a ford where Alexander found 2 bridges
already made. They were not completely finished nor quite reached to the other bank. Mazaeus
was sent by Darius to secure that crossing. As soon as Mazaeus heard that Alexander was
coming, he fled with all his army. When he was gone, Alexander quickly completed the bridges
to the other side and his army crossed over and then marched toward Babylon. They left the
Euphrates River and the mountains of Armenia on their left hand. They did not take the shortest
route there. The longer route was more suitable for provisions for his army and was cooler and
more comfortable for the march. On the way, he intercepted some scouts from Darius. They
informed him that Darius with all his army was on the bank of the Tigris River to prevent him
from crossing there. His forces were now far more numerous than when he fought with
Alexander in Cilicia. When Alexander went there, he did not find Darius or anyone else.
(Arrian. 1. 3.)

1853. Therefore, Alexander crossed the Tigris River. Although there was no one there to hinder
him, it was difficult and dangerous to cross. The river ran quite swiftly there. However, he
crossed safely and lost nothing except a small quantity of his baggage. (Arian. 1. 3. Diod. Sic.
year 2. Olymp. 112. Curt. 1. 4. c. 23.) From Thaphacus where they crossed over the Euphrates to
the place where he crossed the Tigris, Eratosthenes, calculates to be 1400 stadia or 350 miles.
(Strabo, 1. 2. p. 79. and 1. 16. p. 746.)

1854. Alexander broke camp from the bank of Tigris and led his army through the country of
Assyria. On his left hand were the mountains of Sogdiana and on the right, the Tigris River. The
4th day after crossing the Tigris, Mazaeus attacked him with 1000 cavalry. Alexander sent
Aristo, who commanded the cavalry of Paeonia to counter the attack. Aristo singled out
Satropaces, the commander of that troop and ran a spear through his throat. Although wounded,
he fled away and Aristo chased him through the middle of the enemies' troops. He knocked him
off his horse and decapitated him. Aristo brought his head and threw it down at Alexander's feet.
He said:

vv Sir, in our country, such a present used to be rewarded with a cup of gold."

1855. Alexander smiled and replied:

vv Yea, with an empty one, but I will give thee one full of wine." (Arrian. 1. 3. Curt. 1. 4. c. 23.
Plutarch in Alexander.)

1856. Alexander camped there 2 days and ordered to move the next day. That night there was an
eclipse of the moon in the first watch of the night. At first the moon was dimmed. Soon after the
entire face of it turned a blood like colour. The whole army, considering the upcoming battle,

were first troubled and later terrified at this sight. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 23, 24.) Pliny correctly noted
that:

vv The moon was eclipsed at Arbela, in the 2nd hour of the night, and was then seen rising in
Sicily," (Pliny, 1. 2. c. 70.)

1857. Ptolemy in his Geography, (1. 1. c. 4.) is incorrect where he states that:

vv The moon eclipsed in the 5th hour of the night and was seen at Carthage at the 2nd hour of the
night."

1858. Plutarch (in Alexan.) correctly states that the eclipse happened in the month Boedromion,
about the beginning of the Great Mysteries at Athens. That is in the full moon at the very middle
of that month. At this time of the month the Great Mysteries started and were celebrated for a
few days after this. The astronomical account shows that the eclipse happened on the 20th day
of our September.

1859. To encourage his soldiers who were distressed at this sight, he consulted with the
Egyptian soothsayers he had with him. Their answer was that the sun represented Greece and
the moon, Persia. Therefore as often as the moon was eclipsed, it portended the ruin to those
nations which she represented. (Curt., 1. 4. c. 24.) Alexander presently offered sacrifices to the
sun, moon and the earth because all three must be in correct position for an eclipse of the moon.
Aristander, who was Alexander's soothsayer, declared publicly that the eclipse portended all
good and happy success to Alexander and the Macedonians. Therefore, the battle should be
fought in that very month and that the sacrifices that were offered did predict a victory for
Alexander. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1860. When Alexander knew the soldiers were now very confident of victory, he ordered them
to march on the second watch of the next night. They had the Tigris on the right hand and the
Gordiaean mountains on the left. The next morning, Alexander with a small troop attacked 1000
Persian scouts. Some they slew and the rest he took prisoners. He then sent some of his own
company on to discover what was ahead. He also wanted them to put out the fires in the towns
and villages that the inhabitants had set on fire. When they fled from the enemy, they set fire to
the barns and stacks of grain. Although the tops were burned, the fire had not consumed the pile.
Hence the Macedonians saved a large quantity of food for themselves. Mazeus, who before had
burned what he pleased, now fled before the rapidly approaching enemies leaving much
untouched. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 24.)

1861. Alexander knew that Darius was not more than 38 miles away. Since he had plenty of
provisions for his troops, he stayed there for 4 days. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 24.)

3674a AM, 4383 JP, 331 BC

1862. During this time Alexander intercepted certain letters sent from Darius in which he tried
to incite the Greeks to murder or otherwise to betray Alexander. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 25.)

1863. Statira the wife of Darius was weary of this long trip and vexed in her mind, aborted the

child she was carrying and died. Alexander was deeply grieved by this and prepared a very
elaborate and costly funeral for her. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 25. Justin, 1. 11. c. 12. Plutarch in Alex, and 1.
2. de fortu. Alex.)

1864. While others were busy with the funeral, Tirus or Tyriotes an eunuch, stole away and
carried the news of her death to Darius. At first he was infinitely perplexed and troubled at it.
However, when he understood Alexander's respect he always had for her and his chaste
behaviour towards her, he lifted up his hands to heaven and prayed to the gods. He asked that if
it were decreed and there was no remedy left for him, he wished that none might sit on the
throne of Cyrus but so just an enemy, so merciful a conqueror, as Alexander. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 25.
Plutarch in Alex.)

1865. Darius was so overcome with Alexander's great clemency and chastity toward his wife
that he again tried to make peace with Alexander. He sent 10 of his most principal men to offer
Alexander new conditions. He sent 30,000 talents for the ransom of his mother and two
daughters. He also offered Alexander his other daughter Septina or Statipna or Sartina or Statyra
(various editions of Curtius use all these variations) for a wife. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 16.) Whatever lay
between the Hellespont and the Euphrates he would give as a dowry. Alexander replied that had
always found the money of Darius soliciting sometimes his soldiers to revolt from him or
sometimes his nearest friends to murder him. Therefore he was resolved to pursue him to the
death, not any longer as a noble enemy but as a malefactor and a poisoning murderer. Whatever
Darius had already lost or yet remained in his hands was the reward of war. Further, war would
set the bounds between their two kingdoms and each would have what tomorrow's fortune
would give. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 26. Justin 1. 11. c. 12. Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 112.)

1866. The ambassadors returned and told Darius that he must fight. Therefore, he presently sent
Mazaeus ahead of him with 3000 cavalry to hold the passes where the enemy was to come. With
the rest, he marched in good battle array 1.25 miles and there made a stand. He expected the
enemy to attack him there. Alexander left all his luggage within his camp and set a reasonable
guard to keep it. He advanced to meet the enemy. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 26, 27.)

1867. At that very instant, a sudden panic gripped his army. The sky (for it was the summer
season) seemed to sparkle and shine out like fire. They imagined that they saw flames of fire
issuing from Darius' camp. By sound of trumpet, Alexander signified to them that all was well.
He ordered the Antesignary (i.e. those that stood next to the standard) in every company to put
down their weapons at their feet. They should pass the word to those that followed to do
likewise. When this was done, Alexander showed them there was no cause of fear and that the
enemy was yet far off. Finally they recovered their courage and took up their weapons again.
For more safety, Alexander decided to make his stand and to fortify his camp. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 28.
Polya. Stratag. 1. 4.)

1868. Alexander drew out all his forces by night and marched about the second watch and
planned to fight as soon as it was day. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1869. Mazeus had taken up his stand with a choice company of cavalry on the rise of a hill to
better view the enemy. The next day he left the place and returned to Darius. No sooner was he
gone then the Macedonians captured it. They wanted the advantage of high ground and also a
good vantage point to view the enemy forces in the plain. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 29.)

1870. Alexander commanded his mercenaries from Paeonia to march in front. He drew his
phalanx of Macedonians into two wings, both flanked with cavalry. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 29.) The
camps were about 7.5 miles apart. The army of Alexander came to some hills from where they
might view the enemy. When he consulted his captains whether the main battle should be fought
closer to the enemy or they should make a stand right there until he had better viewed the
ground where they were to fight. Most were favoured the former but Parmenion favoured the
latter which Alexander agreed with. (Arrian. 1. 3.) Therefore they resolved to camp on one of
those hills. He immediately ordered the troops to build a camp there. This was quickly done. He
went into his own pavilion and from there viewed the army of the enemy beneath him in the
plain. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 29.)

1871. Meanwhile the horse boys and other rag tag that followed the camp started fighting
among themselves for fun. They called the captain of the one side Alexander and the captain of
the other, Darius. When Alexander heard this, he had the rest stop fighting and had the two
captains fight between themselves. Alexander helped captain Alexander on with his own armour
and Philotas gave captain Darius' armour. All the army watched while these two fought. They
thought it foreshadowed the outcome of the battle. It happened that he who played Alexander
defeated the one who played Darius. He was given a reward, 10 townships and the honour of
wearing a Persian garment that was given to him. (Eratosthenes, in Plut. in his Alexan.)

1872. Alexander's friends now came to him and complained that the soldiers were planning
among themselves in their tents to take all the spoil for themselves and to put nothing into his
treasury. At this Alexander smiled and said:

vv This is very good news, my friends that you bring me for I see by this they mean to fight and
not to flee."

1873. Many of the common soldiers came to him to encourage him and not be afraid of the
number of his enemies. They would not be able to endure the very first noise or shout of them.
In this place does Ndassf does not signify, "the smell of them", or "of their arm-pits", as
Xylander translates it (Plut. in his Apophthemes.)

1874. The 1 1th night after the eclipse of the moon, the two armies lay within sight of each other.
Darius kept his men in their arms all night and reviewed them all by torch light. So that all the
plain lying between the mountain Niphat and the Goriaeans hills shone with torches. While his
army was sleeping, Alexander was up with his soothsayer Aristander before his pavilion
engaged in certain arcane and secret rites and ceremonies and offered sacrifice to Apollo. (Plut.
in Alexan.) Curtius states:

vv Aristander in a white robe, carrying bunches of vervain in his hand and his head covered,
mumbled certain prayers which the king was to say after him to propitiate Jupiter, Minerva, and
Victoria."

1875. Parmenion and his other friends advised him to attack Darius in the dead of night and
thereby conceal from his soldiers the terror of the fight since he was so heavily out numbered.
He replied that he did not come there to steal a victory. (Plut. Curt. Arrian.) On the contrary,
Darius feared least he be attacked in the night. He knew his camp was no better fortified than it
should be. Therefore he kept his men up all night in arms. Lack of sleep was the main reason his

men lost the battle the next day. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1876. Alexander was troubled in his mind with what might happen the next day and did not
sleep at all that night until toward the morning. Then he fell into so deep a sleep that when it was
fully day they could not wake him. When his friends asked him what made him sleep so
soundly, he answered thus. It was Darius, who by gathering all his forces into one place, had
eased him of thinking how to follow him into various other countries. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp.
112. Justin. 1. 11. c. 13. Curt. 1. 4. c. 30,31. Plut. in Alexan.)

1877. Justin says, (1. 11. c. 14.) this battle was fought by Alexander, in the 5th year of his reign
in the very end of it and in the beginning of the 6th. Although Jerome commenting on Da 1 1
disagrees and states that he overcame and slew Darius in the 7th year of his reign. Arrian says
this battle was fought when Aristophanes was archon at Athens in the month Pyanephion. The
prophecy of Aristander was fulfilled when he said that in that very month when the moon was
eclipsed, Alexander should fight and defeat Darius. (Arrian. 1. 3. p. 63.) Both Arrian and
Diodorus state that the battle was fought in the year when Aristophanes was archon at Athens.
Dionysius Halycarnass places the battle in the following year when Aristophontes was archon at
Athens by simple mistake in the name in his Epistle to Ammaeus). Aristander was correct when
he foretold that Alexander should gain that great victory over Darius in that very month.
However Arrian, mistakes one month for another and says that it was in the month Pyanepsion.
However the astronomical calculations show that eclipse was in the month Boedromion. On the
1 1th day after the eclipse Alexander had that battle, (as Plutarch affirms in Alexander) In his
Camillus Plutarch says, that he got that victory on the 5th day of the last quarter of Boedromion
which is the 25th day of Boedromion. This month had 31 days and corresponds to October 1.

1878. Ptolemy Lagus and Aristobulus who were both in the battle testify that this battle was
fought at Gaugmela near the Beumelus River. Strabo, (1. 16. p. 737.), Plutarch (in Alex, in some
copies, as also in Zonaras, is written as Gausamela), Arrian. (1. 6. p. 161.) and Ammina.
Maycellinus, (1. 23.) agree with this. Gaugamela was only a small country village. The sound of
the name is harsh on the ear. According to Strabo and Plutarch, it means "the house of a camel",
or rather, "the body of a camel' for so that word armgAwn means in the Chaldee and Syriac
language. Therefore, according to Arrian it came to pass that this glorious victory is said to have
been won at Arbela. It was a large and a famous city in those parts. Likewise Strabo says that
because the other was a correct location and Arbela a famous city. (This is mentioned in Ho
10:14. See note on 3276 AM) Therefore the Macedonians in their writings, first wrote this and
then other historians took it from them and said that the battle was fought and victory won at
Arbela. Neither of these places were very near each other. There were about 10 miles between
the Bumelus River where Gaugamela was and the Lycus River where Arbela stood. (Curt. 1. 4.
c. 22.) Between:

1) Lycus and the country of Ardria, or Atyria, (which was the old name by which Assyria was
called as Diodorus in the life of Trajan shows)

2) The borders of the region of Babylon, (in which Nineveh and Gaugamela both were located)

3) The Capros River

1879. in an equal distance from each point, was located Arbela and the hill Nicatorium (called
by Alexander after this victory near it). Strabo in the beginning of his 16th book shows this.
Hence it appears that Arbela, in Ptolemy's 5th table or Map of Asia, should be located where
Gaugamela is. Both places are located in the same place according to him. These cities were not

on this side but on the further side of the Lycus River. This disagrees with Strabo, Eratosthenes'
report, (as written by Strabo, 1. 2. p. 79.), Curtius and Arrian. When all of these are diligently
compared together, we may gather, that Gaugamela and Arbela were not 60 to 75 miles from
each other (as some have reported and as Arrian notes 1. 3. p. 57, 63. & 1. 6. p. 30.) but a little
more than 10 miles apart.

1880. Aristobulus reports that when the fight was over there was found a description of Darius'
battle plans as we find in (Arrian. 1. 3. p. 52.) Curtius, (1. 4. c. 27, 32.) details the battle plans for
both armies.

1881. Darius left his chariots and threw away his weapons and mounted his mare that just had a
new foal. He fled as fast as she could carry him (Plut. in Alex.) just as he did at the battle at
Issos, as I showed before from Elian. He tells us in the same place that for this very purpose
Darius always had mares that had recently foaled with him in the battle field. So with very few
in his company, he came to the Lycus River. When he crossed it some advised him to destroy
the bridge after him to hinder the pursuit of the enemy. When he considered how many there
were behind him who were yet to cross, he replied that he had rather leave a way for a pursuing
enemy than take one from a fleeing friend. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 36, 37. Justin. 1. 11. c. 14.) In Justin's
work we find "Cydnus" instead of "Lycus" printed. In the note on 3671 AM, we showed that the
Cydnus River ran through the middle of the city Tarsus in Cilicia. From there Orosius who
followed Justin very closely made the mistake of saying that this last great battle between
Alexander and Darius was fought at Tarsus. (1. 3. c. 17.)

1882. When Mazeus pressed hard on the squadron of the Macedonians, Parmenion sent to
Alexander who had chased the enemy as far as the Lycus River. He wanted Alexander to come
and help them. However, when Mazeus heard that Darius had left the battle, he fled also. He did
not go the shortest way to Babylon but went around over the Tigris River. This was a longer but
safer route. He brought what was left of his army safely to Babylon. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 37.)

1883. About midnight, Darius came to Arbela. Many of his nobles and other soldiers resorted
there too. He called them together and said that his purpose was to leave all for the present to
Alexander. He would flee to the utmost borders of his kingdom and there begin the war afresh
on Alexander. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 1.) Presently he went on horseback and fled over the mountains of
Armenia into Media. With him were a few of his kindred and his guard. The guard was called
Melophori, i.e. apple bearers because they each bore a golden apple on the point of his spear.
Later, 2000 mercenaries under the command of Paron of Phocaea in Ionia and Glaucus of Aloe
joined him. (Arran. 1. 3.)

1884. When Alexander was returning from the Lycus River, he had his fiercest battle yet with
the Parthian, Indian and some elite Persian cavalry. In the encounter, he lost 60 men plus his
captains Hephaestion, Caenus, and Menidas. Alexander was severely wounded but recovered.
(Arrian. 1. 3.)

1885. In the main battle, Alexander lost at most 100 foot soldiers but 1000 cavalry of which half
were his confederates. On the other side, 300,000 were slain and a much larger number taken
prisoner. He captured all the elephants and as many of the chariots that were not broken in the
battle. (Arrian. 1. 3.) However Diodorus states that 90,000 Persian's cavalry and foot soldiers
died. On the Macedonian side, 500 were missing and a large number were wounded. Curtius, (1.

4. c. ult.) says that 40,000 Persians and less than 300 Macedonians died. The total killed in the
three battles, this, Issos and at Granicum, Orosius (1. 3. c 17.) over the last 3 years plus 3 or four
months is given as follows.

vv In such a multitude of calamities, it is a thing incredible, that in three battles fought within
three years time there should be slain 500,000 cavalry and foot soldiers. These were from a
kingdom and those nations from which a few years earlier had slain 900,000 men In addition to
those 3 battles in those three years, a number of cities in Asia had been destroyed with their
inhabitants. All Syria was laid waste. Tyre was destroyed and all Cilicia depopulated.
Cappadocia was subdued and Egypt and Rhodes sold into slavery. Many provinces bordering on
the mount Taurus were brought into subjection. Mount Taurus was forced to receive the yoke
which it had so long striven to avoid."

1886. When Alexander had rested his cavalry that were with him, he set out at midnight toward
Arbela. He understood that Darius had stored there all his money and royal provisions which
Alexander purposed to capture with a surprise attack. The next day he came to Arbela. He did
not find Darius but all his treasure, his shield and his bow. (Arrian. 1. 3.) Diodorus says that he
found there 3000 talents, Curtius said 4000. All the wealth of the whole army had been stored in
that place. (1. 5. c. 2.)

1887. With this battle the empire of Persia seemed to have been ended. Alexander was
proclaimed king of Asia and thereupon offered magnificent sacrifices to his gods and distributed
among his captains houses, territories and provinces at his pleasure. (Plut. in Alexander.)

1888. Because he knew the air would be infected with the stench of the dead carcases, he
hurried to get away from Arbela. (Diod. Sic. in the beginning of his second part, 1. 17. Curt. 1. 5.
c. 2.) After 4 days he came to a city called Mennis where there is a fountain which issued
sulphur or liquid brimstone. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 2.)

1889. As Alexander came toward Babylon, Mazeus, who had fled there from the battle, humbly
met him with his children that were of age. He surrendered himself and them with the city of
Babylon, into his hands. Alexander received him and his children very graciously. Babophanes,
who had the keeping of the citadel there with the king's treasure did not want to be out done by
Mazaeus. He covered all the way where Alexander was to pass with flowers and garlands. On
each side of the path he had silver altars, burning frankincense and all sorts of sweet odours.
Alexander was guarded with armed men. He commanded all the men of Babylon that came to
meet him follow behind him after the last of his foot soldiers. Alexander in his chariot made his
entrance into the city and went up to the king's palace. The next day he viewed the king's
treasure. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 3. Justin 1. 11. c. 14.) He stayed 34 days and refreshed and rewarded his
soldiers (According to the better copies have it and Orosius agrees with this as does Curtius. (1.

5. c. 5.) His army spent the same number of days there in relaxation. Diod. Sic. (year 2, Olymp.
1 12.) confirms that they stayed there longer than 30 days. They like the spaciousness of the city
and the entertainment which they were given by the residents.

1890. Among those who entertained Alexander in this city were the Chaldeans. They talked
with him concerning the course and motions of the stars and sudden change of events. (Curt. 1.
5. c. 3.) The Chaldeans gave Callisthenes one of Alexander's followers, the observations of the
heavenly bodies for 1903 years of time. He gave them to Aristotle in Greece. This I mentioned

in note on 1771 AM <49>. This information came from Porphyrie.

1891. Alexander consulted with the Chaldeans. He followed their advice and sacrificed to Belus.
He did whatever they asked of him concerning temple repairs. Alexander commanded the
Babylonians to repair the temples which Xerxes had previously demolished and in particular,
the temple of Belus, that was located in the heart of the city. He ordered that all the rubbish be
immediately carried out of the temple. (Arrian. 1. 3. p. 63. & 1. 7. p. 159.) This work was so great
that it took 10,000 men two months to clear the place where the temple stood. (Strabo. 1. 16. p.
738.) When Alexander commanded all his army to help to carry away the rubbish, only the Jews
refused to help in that work. Hecataeus of Abdera, who was then with Alexander, stated that
they endured many a blow and many other grievous inconveniences. When Alexander heard
their reasons for refusing, he exempted them from the task. (Josephus cont. Apion. 1. 1. p. 1049.)

1892. Alexander marvelled most at that hole in the earth in Ecbatana or rather in Batana, as
other copies have it. (Batana, which is a city placed by Stephanus Byzantinus near the Euphrates
and not Ecbatana, the city of Media is meant here.) Flames of fire continually shot forth as from
a fountain and an active spring of Naphta shot out fire not far from that hole. Plutarch, (in his
life) describes these effects in more detail.

1893. Alexander, ordered Bagophanes, who had surrendered the citadel of Babylon, to follow
him. He committed the keeping of the citadel to Agathon, from the town of Pydna along with
700 Macedonians and 300 mercenaries. He made Mazaeus, who surrendered the city to him,
governor of all the province of Babylon. He appointed Apollodorus from Amphipolis and
Menetes from Pella in Macedonia, to be commanders of that militia in Babylon and all the other
countries west as far as Cilicia. For that purpose he left with them, 2000 soldiers with 1000
talents of silver to hire mercenaries. He appointed Asclepiodortus, the son of Philotas, to collect
his tribute in those parts. He sent Mithrines, who surrendered the city Sardis to him, to be
governor in Armenia. (Diodor. Arria. Curtius.)

1894. From the money which he found in Babylon, he gave to every Macedonian cavalry man, 6
pounds, to every foreign cavalry man 5 pounds, to every Macedonian foot soldier, 2 pounds and
to every foreign foot soldier 2 month's pay. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 1 12.) An Attic ounce or
pound contained 100 drachmas. Curtius confounded this with the Roman denarius and said that
he gave to every Macedonian cavalry man 600 denarii and to every foreign cavalry man 500 and
to every foot soldier 200. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 6.)

1895. Alexander was on his way from Babylon when Amyntas the son of Andromenes, came to
him with a number of men sent to him by Antipater the governor of Macedon. From Macedon
came 500 cavalry and 6000 foot soldiers, from Thrace, 600 cavalry and 3500 foot soldiers, from
Peloponesus, 4000 foot soldiers and 380 cavalry. This is according to Curtius but Diodorus has a
little less than 1000 cavalry. With them went the sons of 50 of the principal nobles of Macedon
to be Alexander's body guards. (Diod. & Curt.)

1896. When Alexander had received these troops, he continued on his journey. After marching 6
days, he came into a country called Sitacine, but Curtius calls it Satrapene. This country
abounded with provisions and he stayed there many days. He held contests to test every man's
prowess and dexterity in the feats of chivalry. He gave the 8 best men command of 1000 troops.
He then divided his whole army into so many brigades. Before this, they were organised into

companies of 500 and their captains were not chosen by contests of skills. Before, the cavalry of
every nation served together apart from other nations. Now he made no difference based on
nationality. He appointed as commanders, those who were most skilled in the war no matter
what country they were from. He reformed the martial discipline of his army in many points. As
a result, all the troops liked him better than ever and were more ready to serve him. He
continued his journey. (Diod. & Curt. 1. 5. c. 6.)

1897. As Alexander approached Susa, he was met by the son of the governor of Susa, with
letters from Philoxenus. Alexander had sent him away immediately after the battle at Arbela to
Susa. The letters said that the inhabitants of Susa had surrendered their city and all the treasure
there was kept safely for him. (Arrian. 1. 3.) The son of Abulites, the governor of the city, told
him the same message. He did this either voluntarily or according to some, by the orders of
Darius so Alexander would be detained there longer. This would give Darius more time to raise
a new army against Alexander. (Diod. and Curt. 1. 5. c. 7.)

1898. The king entertained the young man with much grace and favour. He used him for his
guide to the Idaspes or Choaspes River. This river is a narrow and violent stream. Abulites met
Alexander and gave him costly gifts which included some dromedaries which are camels that
run very fast and 12 elephants which Darius had sent for from India. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 7.)

1899. The day after he left Babylon, he came to Susa. After he entered the city, he received
50,000 talents of silver with all of the king's wardrobe and other belongings. (Arrian. 1. 3.)
Curtius states he received much more silver in bars. Diodorus calculates upward to 400,000
talents of silver and gold in bars and ingots and 9000 talents minted into darics. Plutarch
mentions 40,000 talents in coins and 5000 talents worth of Hermionic scarlet. This had been
stored there 190 years earlier and looked as fresh as it did the first day it was put there.

1900. Alexander offered sacrifice according to the Macedonian manner by torch light and held
gymnastic sports and exercises. (Arrian.) He sat down on the royal throne of Persia which was
far higher than for the size of his body to sit on. His feet could not reach to the step by which he
mounted the throne. One of the pages took the table that Darius used to eat his meals from and
put it under him for a footstool. When Philotas saw this, he persuaded Alexander to take it as a
sign of good luck. (Diod. & Curt. 1. 5. c. 7.)

1901. The robes and other purple clothes which were sent to Alexander from Macedon with
those which made them, he sent to Darius' mother Sysigambes, whom he highly respected and
honoured as a son should do to his mother. With the gift he added the message that if she liked
those clothes, she would do well to let her young nieces learn to make them. When he knew that
she was quite troubled, he personally went to her and excused himself for his ignorance of the
Persian manners and comforted her again. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 8.) So he left her and Darius' two young
daughters and his little son Ochus at Susa. He left some to instruct her and them in the
Macedonian language. (Diod.)

1902. He continued on to the farthest borders of Persia and left Archelaus with a garrison of
3000 soldiers to keep the city. He appointed Xenophilus to hold the citadel and Callicrates to
gather his tributes. He committed the civil government of the province of Susa to Abulites, who
had surrendered the city to him. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 8.) He sent back Menetes to the sea coast and
made him governor of Phoenicia, Syria and Cilicia. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1903. After a 4 day march, Alexander came to the Pasitigris River and crossed it with 9000 foot
soldiers and 3 or 4000 cavalry. He went into the country of the Uxians which bordered on the
province of Susa. It extended into the main part of Persia between which there is a narrow pass.
Madates, the governor of this country, had married Sysigambes' niece.

1904. Alexander gave Tauron 1500 mercenaries and 1000 Agrians and ordered him to march as
soon as it was dark. He was to follow his guides in the secret passes that they would show him.
He was to advance as far as to the city which Alexander planned to besiege. Alexander took
with him the captains of his troops, his targeteers and some 8000 other soldiers. They marched
in the third watch of the same night and by day break came to those passes, which opened into
the Uxian's country. When he had gone through them, he came and besieged the city. When the
Uxians saw they were besieged on all sides, they sent from the citadel there 30 men to ask for
his pardon but he would not give it. Finally, when he received letters from Sysiagambes, he did
not only pardon her kinsman, Madates but set at liberty all he had taken prisoner who had
voluntarily submitted to him. He left the city untouched and all their land free from tribute.
(Curt. 1. 5. c. 9.) Arrian reports from Ptolemy Lagus, that through Sysigambes' request, he left
them their lands to till but levied a yearly tribute on them of 100 horses, 500 beasts of burden
and 3000 sheep. This whole account is related differently by Diodorus, Curtius and Arrian.

1905. When Alexander had subdued the country of the Uxians, he added it to the province of
Susa. He divided all his forces between himself and Parmenion. He ordered that the luggage, the
Thessalian cavalry, confederates, foreign mercenaries and the heavily armed soldiers to go with
Parmenion through the plain country. He took the Macedonian foot soldiers and the cavalry of
his confederates. He sent before them the light cavalry with the squadron of Agrians and archers
to reconnoitre. They went by the way of the mountains which run all along in a ridge as far as
Persia. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 10. Arrian. 1. 3.)

1906. On the fifth day after this, (according to Diodorus and Curtius) he came to the passes of
Persia, called the Susian Pyles, or Gates. Diodorus states that Ariobarzanes, the Persian, held
these with 25,000 foot soldiers and 300 cavalry. Arranius states that he had about 4000 foot
soldiers and 700 cavalry. He repulsed Alexander's attack and made him retreat about 4 miles
from that pass. At last he captured a shepherd who was born of a Persian mother but begotten by
a father born in Lycia. He guided Alexander through narrow and craggy bypaths and over
certain snowy mountains. Alexander routed the enemy and took control of the pass.
Ariobarzanes with some 40 cavalry and 5000 foot soldiers broke through the army of the
Macedonians. There was a great slaughter on both sides. Ariobarzanes hurried to get into
Persepolis which was the capital city of that kingdom. He was unable to reach it and the enemy
was at his very heels. Ariobarzanes attacked them and in the second battle his forces were cut to
pieces by Alexander. This is more fully related in (Diodor. Curtius, Arria. Plutarch, and
Polyanus, 1. 4. Stratag.)

1907. As Alexander was marching toward Persepolis, he received letters from Tiridates, Darius'
treasurer in that place. He told Alexander that when the inhabitants of Persepolis heard of his
coming, they were ready to take the king's treasure and share it among themselves. He desired
Alexander to come quickly to prevent this. Alexander left his foot soldiers to come later and
travelled all night with his cavalry. Although they were already tired with so long a journey,
they came by day break to the Araxes River. After they made a bridge, they crossed over it with
his army. (Diodor. and Curt. 1. 5. c. 11.)

1908. When he came within a quarter mile of the city, about some 800 (for so Diodorus,
Justinus and Suidas, in the word Alexander, report, not 4000 as Curtius) poor Greek slaves led
by Euctemon of Cuma in Eolia, came out as humble suppliants to meet him. These were the
ones whom the former kings of Persia had taken in the wars and made slaves. They were cruelly
treated. Some had their feet, hands, ears or noses cut off. They were all branded in the face with
letters or other marks. These besought him that as he had done in Greece so he would now
promise to deliver them from the slavery of the Persian cruelty. Later, when he offered to send
an escort with them into Greece, they desired of him rather to give them lands in that place.
They feared that they would not prove a comfort but an abomination to their friends and
kinsfolks at home. Alexander approved their request and gave each of them 3000 drachmas.
(Curtius writes "denarios" instead of "drachmas") He gave every man and women 5 suits of
clothes, 2 yoke of oxen, 500 sheep and 50 bushels of wheat. They could now go to till and sow
the land which Alexander had given them. Moreover, he exempted their land from paying any
tribute and left some to protect them and to see that no man would harm them. (Diod. & Curtius,
1. 5. c. 12. with Justin, 1. 11. c. 14.)

1909. The next day, he called all the commanders and captains of his army together. He told
them that this city Persepolis, the metropolis of Persia, had always been against the Greeks.
Therefore he was resolved to give all its plunder to the soldiers, except for the king's palace.
After this there was a huge slaughter of the prisoners whom they had taken. This he avowed as
his own act in writing since he thought it to be for his honour that he commanded them as
enemies to be so butchered. Plutarch said that he found as much treasure there as at Susa.
Diodorus writes that when he came into the citadel, he found 120,000 talents, calculating the
value of the gold by the rate of the silver. Curtius agrees. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 13.)

1910. When Alexander first sat down on the royal throne under a golden canopy in Persepolis,
Demaratus the Corinthian and an old friend of his and his father is reported to have fallen like an
old man, weeping. He said that those Greeks missed a great event who died before that day and
had not lived to see Alexander sitting on Darius' throne. (Plut. in Alexan.)

1911. Alexander committed the keeping of the citadel of Persepolis to Nicarthides with a
garrison of 5000 Macedonians. Tiridates, who delivered the treasure to Alexander held the same
position which he had under Darius. He left there a great part of his army and baggage and
committed the keeping of the city to Parmenion and Craterus. Alexander with a 1000 cavalry
and lightly armed foot soldiers went to visit the inner parts of Persia when the constellation
Pleiades arose, (beginning of the fall) Although he was plagued with storms and other
tempestuous weather on the way, he came to a place all covered with snow and frozen over with
ice. When he saw that his soldiers did not want to go any farther, he leaped off his horse and
went by foot over the ice and snow. When the country people, who lived in scattered cretes and
cabins saw the enemy troops, they started killing their children and others who were not able to
go with them. They all fled to the wild woods and mountains covered with snow. However,
some of them were convinced to talk with Alexander. They were not afraid and submitted to
him. Alexander did not allow any of his troops to harm them. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 14.)

3674b AM, 4384 JP, 330 BC

1912. After Alexander had laid waste to all the country of Persia and taken its various towns, he
came into the country of the Mardi. This was a warlike nation and of much different behaviour

from the Persians. After Alexander had subdued them, he returned to Persepolis on the 30th day
after he set out from there. He bestowed rewards on his captains and others, every man
according to his deeds. He gave away almost everything he had gotten there. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 14.)

1913. This journey was taken, as I said before, about the time of the rising of the seven stars.
Only Curtius notes this. Plutarch states that because the winter was now approaching he planned
to give his army some rest. Therefore, he spent 4 months in Persia. Pliny (1. 18. c. 31.) tells us
that the Athenians began their winter upon the Ides of November when the seven stars set.
However the amount of time from the time of the battle at Gaugamela, shows that Alexander
could not come to Persepolis before our December. Others also cast a doubt concerning the
Mardi expedition. Curtius tells us that he did not subdue them until after the death of Darius.
(Curt. 1. 6. c. 9.) This may be true unless we distinguish the Mardi of Persia (Herod. 1. I.e. 125
& Nearchus in Strabo 1. 1 1. p. 524. & Arrian. in his Indica, p. 196.) from the Mardi who
bordered on Hircania. Neither do other writers agree with Curtius where he says:

vv He gave away almost all that he got at Persopolis."

1914. For he speaks expressly of that and not of what he got at Pasargadis. (as we showed
before in the note 3669 AM, from Jacobus Capellus) He well agrees with that which he wrote in
the very end of the next precedent chapter (??), where he says that Alexander commanded
horses and camels to be sent for from Babylon and Susa to carry those 120,000 talents which he
found in this city. This we may compare with Strabo, (1. 15. p. 731.) where he says:

vv He carried all the money of Persia from Susa, which was full of treasure and rich goods. It is
known for certain that whatever he got in Babylon and in Darius' camp never was included in
this total. In Persia and Susa he found 40,000 talents, some say 50,000 talents."

1915. Diodorus Siculus states:

vv When he was forced to lay out much of the money he had found there to pay for the war, he
planned to send part of it to Susa to be stored in a bank there. He had to get a multitude of
draught horses, carriages and 3000 camels with pack saddles from Babylon and from
Mesopotamia to carry his treasure to its destined places."

1916. Plutarch (in Alexan.) states:

vv His money and wealth he took from there needed 10,000 yoke of mules and 5000 camels to
carry it away."

1917. After Darius had stayed a while at Ecbatan in Media, he gathered together those who were
left of after the defeat and replaced the weapons they had lost in the battle. He also sent letters to
the governors in Bactria and other countries to remain loyal to him. (Diod. Sic. 1. 17. 2nd part)
His purpose was that if Alexander stayed about Susa and Babylon, he would stay in Media to
see whether they who were around him might unite in a new battle against Alexander. However,
if he found that Alexander planned to pursue him, then he would retire to Parthia and Hircania,
or even into Bactria. By laying waste all the countries as he went, he would leave Alexander no
possibility of following him for lack of forage. Therefore he sent away before him all the

women and other baggage and carriages to the Caspian Gates, or passes. He stayed at Ecatane
with a small force to see how things would unfold. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

3674c AM, 4384 JP, 330 BC

1918. Alexander made a feast celebrating his previous victories and offered magnificent
sacrifices to his gods. He feasted his nobles with a most sumptuous banquet and with a number
of whores and curtisans, each with her ruffian. Among these there was an Athenian called Thais
who was a sweet heart to Ptolemy the son of Lagus. Alexander was as drunk as she was. He
commanded all Persepolis, both city and citadel, to be burnt to the ground and caroling and
instruments of music should play all the while. This was against the advice of Parmenion, if
Alexander would have listened. It is true that after he slept on it, it grieved him greatly for what
he had done. He said:

vv The Greeks could not have been more revenged by the Persians, if they had been forced to
have seen him sitting in Xerxes' throne. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 15. Diod. Plut. Arrian.)

1919. The next day, he gave 30 talents to that shepherd of Lycia who had guided and showed
him the way into Persia. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 15.)

1920. After this, Alexander took Pasargada. It was a city built by Cyrus and was surrendered to
him by its governor, Gobares. He gave Alexander 6000 talents. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 13.) Alexander
visited the sepulchre of Cyrus according to Strabo's account from Aristobulus who was present
at that time. (Strabo. 1. 15. p. 730.)

1921. Then he took the rest of the cities of Persia, some by force, others voluntarily surrendered.
(Diod.) This seems to have been when the seven stars rose in the morning sky. From this time,
the ancients reckoned the beginning of summer, not at the morning setting of them and
beginning of winter when according to Curtius, Alexander took his journey into the heart of
Persia.

1922. Alexander made Phrasaortes the son of Rheomithris, governor of Persia (Arrian. 1. 3.) and
then went into Media. He got reinforcements from Cilicia. The 5000 foot soldiers and 1000
cavalry where under the command of Plato, an Athenian. After this he advanced to find Darius.
(Curt. 1. 5. c. 16.)

1923. Darius had planned to leave Ecbatane and flee into Bactria. Since he feared lest Alexander
would overtake him on the way, he changed his plans. At that time, Alexander was about 190
miles away. No distance seemed great enough to prevent Alexander from catching up to him.
Therefore Darius resolved that instead of fleeing, to try his fortune in another battle. He had
30,000 men about him, of which 4000 were Greeks under the command of Patran. All these men
were loyal to Darius. In addition he had 4000 archers and slingers. He had 3300 cavalry
consisting for the most part from Bactria under the command of Bessus the governor of Bactria.
(Curt. 1. 5. c. 16.)

1924. Diodorus states that there were 30,000 Persians and Greek mercenaries. Arrian states
there were only 3000 cavalry and 6000 foot soldiers. He also says that Darius carried with him

out of Media no more than 7000 talents. However, Strabo (1. 15. p. 731.) says that when Darius
fled out of Media, he took 8000 talents. Those who murdered Darius rifled and shared the
money among themselves. Diodorus, (year 4. Olymp. 1 12.) says, that when Alexander pursued
Darius he had the same number of talents with him. Atheneus (1. 11. p. 514. of the Greek and
Latin Edition,) states from Chartetes his history of Alexander, that the custom of the Persian
kings was, wherever they went, to have over the king's bedchamber, a garret with five chests in
it. In these were kept 5000 talents of gold and they were called the king's pillows. At the back
stairs in another room, were always kept 3000 talents in three chests and that was called the
king's bench to sit on.

1925. Bessus, the governor of Bactria and Nabarzanes the commander of 1000 cavalry both who
had followed Darius in his flight, commanded their soldiers to seize Darius and to bind him.
They resolved that if Alexander overtook them, they would purchase their freedom by
delivering Darius bound into Alexander's hands. However, if they could escape from Alexander,
they would renew the war against Alexander in their own names. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 18, 22, 23.
Arrian. 1. 3. p. 67, 68, 76.) Justin (1. 11. c. 15.) states that this happened in a town in Parthia
called Thara or rather, Dara. It was so called later by Arsaces, the first king of Parthia, in
remembrance of this villany against Darius. He adds from Trogus that this was done by a kind
of fate that the Persian empire should end in the land of those who were preordained to succeed
the Persians in the empire.

1926. The king's treasure and baggage was rifled, as if it had all been enemies' goods. Bessus
and Nabarzanes with Braza (or Barzaentes) the governor of the Arachoti and Drangian took
Darius. They carried him away prisoner in a cart. To show some respect, they placed golden
chains on him. To escape detection, they covered the cart with a lowly dirty covering made of
skins and had strangers drive it. If any man should ask, they could not tell who was in it. Those
who were his jailors followed from a distance. The Persians were won over by Bessus' generous
promises and since there was no one else left to whom they might unite with, they joined with
the Bactrians. Bessus was made general in the place of Darius by the Bactrian cavalry and the
other nations who had accompanied Darius in his flight. Artabazus and his sons with those
which he commanded and the Greeks under Patron, did not go with Bessus. They left the road
way and went up the mountains and marched away to Parthiene. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 23. Arrian. 1. 4. p.
68.)

1927. Alexander changed his course for Media and attacked the Paritacae, and subdued their
country. He made Oxoathres the son of Abuletus governor over them. (Arrian. p. 66.)

1928. Tabas was a town in the remotest border of Paritocene. Alexander was told by some who
had abandoned Darius and fled to Alexander that Darius had quickly gone into Bactria. (Curt. 1.
5. c. 24.) When he was within 3 days journey of Ecbatane, he was more accurately told by
Baistanes the son of Ochus who reigned in Persia before Darius that Darius had fled from
Ecbatane 5 days earlier. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1929. When Alexander came to Ecbatane, the Thessalian and others of the confederate cavalry
refused to accompany him any further. He dismissed them to return into their own countries.
When they left he gave them over and above their regular pay, 2000 talents to be shared among
them. (Arrian. 1. 3. Plut. in Alexan.) However, Diodorus and Curtius, refer to this event as
happening after the death of Darius and in a general way without any special mention of the
Thessalian troops. They say that he gave to everyone that served in the cavalry a talent, or 6000

deneers, as Curtius (1. 6. c. 3.) expresses it. Everywhere he calls a "drachma", a "deneere".
Diodorus adds that he gave to every foot soldier ten minas i.e. 1000 drachmas and abundant
provisions for every man for his return journey to his home country. To everyone that would
continue in his service, he gave 3 talents in coined money. When he found that the number of
them that stayed was large, he appointed Epocillus to escort the rest to the seaside in Asia. The
Thessalians that returned left their horses with him. He wrote to Menetes, the governor in those
parts that as soon as they arrived there he should furnish them immediately with shipping and
have them transported to the European side. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1930. To pay the vast sums he gave to the soldiers that left, Alexander was forced in spite of all
his haste in the pursuing Darius, to levy a vast quantity of money in the way as he went.
Diodorus states that he received of Darius' treasurers, 8000 talents over and above that which
they had bestowed among his soldiers with cups and other rewards. This amounted to over
13,000. The amount they either stole or took by force was calculated to be a great deal more,
according to Diodorus. (p. 547. in the Greek and Latin Edition) Curtius (1. 6. c. 2.) agrees fully
when he says:

vv In the next plundering that he made, he raised 26,000 talents. From which 12,000 (Justin has
13,000. 1. 12. c. 1.) talents were spent in one largesse which he bestowed among his soldiers. His
treasurers brought (??) him of so much more."

1931. However, we read in Arrian, (p. 67.) that now he ordered Parmenion to take all the money
which was brought to him from Persia and store it in Ecbatane under the keeping of Harpalus.
He was to guard it with 6000 Macedonians and some cavalry of his confederates. Now this
money was brought and stored in Ecbatane. Some reckon it to have amounted to 180,000
talents. (Strabo, 1. 15. p. 731.) Diodorus agrees and says also that Parmenion had the charge of
all that treasure, (p. 552.) Justin (1. 12. c. 1.) says, that the treasure amounted to 190,000 talents
and that Parmenion was in charge of keeping it. Diodorus and Justin are more correct in making
Parmenion the keeper of it than Arrian who names Harpalus to that office. We showed before
that he was left behind in Babylon to gather up the tribute and other duties for Alexander in
those parts.

1932. Here Arrian tells us that Alexander sent away Parmenion with certain brigades of
foreigners, the Thracian cavalry and others except the troops of his own fellow cavaliers. They
were to march through the country of the Cadusians into Hircania. He wrote also to Clitus,
captain of the king's troops that as soon as Clitus came from Susa to Ecbatane, (for he was left
behind sick at Susa) he should take such cavalry as were left there to guard the money and to
march into Parthia and to meet him there.

1933. Alexander took with him the troops of his fellow cavaliers, vant (??) couriers, mercenaries
led by Erigyius, the Macedonian squadron (except those who were left at Ecbatane to guard the
money), the Agrians and the archers and he went after Darius. Since he marched so far so fast,
many of his foot soldiers and cavalry were not able to follow. They fainted in the way and
perished. However Alexander continued and on the 1 1th day he came to Rages. (Arrian. 1. 3.) In
those 1 1 days, he went over 410 miles. On this long journey, the cavalry followed him very
cheerfully although they lacked water in many places. Of that company which set out with him
from Ecbatane, there were only 60 with him at the end of his journey. (Plut. in Alex.)

1934. This city of Rages (/APC Tob 1:14 4:1) is a day's journey from the Caspian Gates or
passes to anyone that would ride at Alexander's pace. Darius had already passed through them.
Many of those who set out with him on his journey slipped away and returned home. Also many
of them returned to Alexander on the way. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1935. Alexander gave up all hope of overtaking Darius. He rested there 5 days. When he had
refreshed his army, he made Oxydates a Persian, governor of Media, whom formerly Darius had
committed to prison in Susa and planned to decapitate him. (Arian. 1. 3. with Curt. 1. 6. c. 2.)

1936. From here Alexander went with his army into Parthia. The first day he camped near the
Caspian Gates or passes. The next day he went through the passes and came into places that
were well populated. He ordered provisions to be brought to him, for he was told that he was to
go through countries lacking such provisions. He sent Coenus with the cavalry and a few foot
soldiers abroad to forage. (Arrian. 1. 3.)

1937. Meanwhile Bagisthenes a great man in Babylon, came from Darius' camp to Alexander.
He told Alexander that Darius was not yet laid hold on but was in great danger either of death or
bonds. (Arian. 1. 3. & Curt. 1. 5. c. 24.)

1938. Therefore, Alexander pursued him harder and did not wait for Coenus to return from
foraging. He took along with him his fellow cavaliers, his vant (??) couriers, the mercenary
cavalry led by Erigyius, the Macedonian battalion (except those that were to guard his treasure)
with the Agrians and Archers. He left Craterus to command the rest and ordered him to come
after him at a more leisurely pace. He travelled all that night and the next day until noon and
rested for a while. He travelled all night again and early next morning he came to the camp of
Darius from where Bagisthenes had come to him. He continued and rode all that night and the
next day until noon. He came to a certain village where they who had the charge of keeping
Darius stayed the day before according to Arrian. Curtius states this was the place where Bessus
first laid hold on Darius.

1939. When he was about 60 miles from the place where Bagisthenes first came to him, he
found Melon who was Darius' interpreter. He was unable through weakness to follow Darius
any further. When he saw Alexander approaching so quickly, he made as if he had fled over to
Alexander from Darius for fear lest he should be taken for an enemy. He told Alexander what
happened and where they went. However his men were quite weary and needed rest. Alexander
took 6000 choice cavalry and selected from them 300 Dimachs (??), (who and what they were,
you may learn from Pollus and Hesychius) These wore heavy armour yet rode on horse back. If
the need arose, they could get off their horses and serve as foot soldiers according to Curtius.
However, Arrian (1. 3. c. 68.) states that when he saw the foot soldiers could not possibly keep
pace with him on horse back, he made about 500 of the cavalry get off their horses and
commanded the captains and best men of the foot soldiers to mount the horses with all their
armour on. He ordered Nicanor, who commanded the targeteers and Attalus, the captain of the
squadron of Agrians, to follow in the way that Bessus had gone with his men with those who
were most lightly armed. He commanded the rest to come later in a phalanx formation.

1940. While Alexander was busy giving orders, Orcillus and Mithracenes came to him. They
abhorred Bessus for his treachery and fled from him to Alexander. They told him that the
Persians were not more than 60 miles away and that they could lead him to them by a shorter

way. He used them as guides and set out early in the evening with a select company of cavalry.
He ordered the Macedonian phalanx to follow him as fast as they could. When he had gone
about 40 miles, he was met by Brocubelus (called by Arrian p. 67. "Antibelus") the son of
Mazeus, sometimes governor of Syria under Darius. He told him that Bessus was not more than
25 miles ahead of him. His army thinking they were out of danger, marched in no particular
order. It seemed they were bound for Hircania. Brocubelus said that if he hurried, he might
attack them when they were all straggling from their colours. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 24.)

1941. When Bessus and his consorts found that Alexander was on their heels, they went to
Darius where he was in his poor tilted cart. They wanted him to get onto a horse and save
himself by fleeing. When he refused to do this, Satibarzenes and Barsaentes each shot an arrow
and wounded him. They also houghed the horses that drew the cart so that they might go no
further and killed his two servants that still attended Darius. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 25. with Arrian. p. 69.

I. 3.) Only his dog stayed with him. (Elia. Histor. animal. 1. 6. c. 25.)

1942. When they had done this, Satibarzanes and Barzaentes with 600 cavalry fled away as fast
as possible. (Arrian. p. 69.) So that they might not be pursued together, Nabarzanes fled into
Hircania and Bessus into Bactria. After the rest had lost their captains, they scattered here and
there. Only 500 cavalry stayed together, undecided as to fight or flee, (Curt. 1. 5. c. 25.)

1943. When Alexander saw what confusion the enemy was in, he sent Nicanor to ask them to
stay. He followed after him. After they had killed about 3000 that would not yield, Alexander
drove the rest before him like so many cattle without harming them and gave the word to stop
the killing. He advanced so quickly that barely 3000 cavalry followed him. The number of
prisoners was greater than of those that captured them. So far had fear bereft them of their
senses that they never considered either their number or how few their enemy troops were.
(Curt. 1. 5. c. 25.)

1944. Meanwhile the horses which drew Darius' cart, wandered from the road since there was
no one to drive them. When they had gone about half a mile, they stopped in a certain valley.
They were exhausted from the hot weather and sore from the injuries they received. There was a
fountain of water close by. Polyustratus a Macedonian learned of this fountain from the people
of that place. He was exhausted from the heat and his wounds and went to quench his thirst
there. As he was taking up water in his helmet, he noticed the arrows in the bodies of the horses
that drew the cart. (Curt. 1. 5. c. 25.) When he came nearer, he saw Darius lying in the cart
seriously wounded but not quite dead. Darius called to him for a little water. When he drank it,
he desired him to thank Alexander for the favour which he had showed to his mother, wife and
children. He begged nothing for himself but a decent burial. He desired no revenge as Alexander
did. For if Alexander neglected revenge, it might prove both dishonourable and dangerous to
him. The first concerned Alexander in a matter of justice, the other concerned his personal
safety. Darius in a token of his sincerity gave Polyustratus his right hand and told him to carry it
to Alexander. So when Darius had given his hand to Polystratus, he gave up the ghost. (Just. 1.

II. c. 15. & Plut. in Alexander.)

1945. So Darius died at age 50 in the year when Aristophontus was archon in Athens in the
month Hecatombaeon. (Arrian. 1. 3. p. 69.) He had reigned for 6 years. 200 years had passed
from the year of the death of Cyrus who set up the Persian Empire until now, which was the
very beginning of the 3rd year of the 1 12th Olympiad. From this time Calippus (a man
renowned by Aristotle who was at that time famous in his school at Athens, 1. 12. of his

Metaphysics,) began his epoch or account of 76 years as we find by various astronomical
observations of Ptolemy in his great book, Syntaxis. Although Strabo, (1. 6.) says that Darius
lost his empire at the battle of Gaugamela fought 9 months (sic. original has 9 years) earlier and
Justin (1. 11.) confirms this that then Alexander took the empire of Asia from Darius. However
since it appears that Darius was murdered by his kinsfolk, he lost his life and kingdom at the
same time (Justin 1. 10 fin.) We can not doubt that Calippus in memorial of the founding of
Alexander's Empire made this the starting point of his Periodus or calculation of years.

The Macedonian Empire

3674c AM, 4384 JP, 330 BC

1946. The empire of Alexander lasted 5 years according to Isidore and Beda from Eusebius'
Chronicle. Jul. Africa, states 6 years and the historian who wrote in the time of Alexander
Severus, 7 years (Tome 2. Antiqu. Lectio. Henr. Canisis, p. 600.) Strabo (1. 15. fin.) allows 10 or
11 years. Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus in his Chronicle, states 12 years. Clemens
Alexandrinus, (1. 1. Stromat.) is wrong when he says it was 18 years. It is most obvious that
from the month Hecatombaeon when Darius died (when Aristophontes was archon at Athens) to
the month Thargelion when Alexander died, as we shall show presently, (when Hegesias was
archon in Athens) only 6 years and 10 months passed. In this short period of time, Alexander did
so many and great feats of arms in the east that he may well be said to have flown rather than to
have marched over all those regions. Hence it is said that in (Da 8:1) Alexander is described
under the figure of a goat who came from the west over the face of the whole earth. He never so
much as touched the ground. In (Da 7:6) Alexander is compared to a winged leopard. Hierome
notes on this passage that of all the beasts, the leopard is the swiftest and most impetuous. He
adds that nothing was done so swiftly as his conquest. He took everything from the gulf of
Venice and the Adriatic Sea to the very Indian Ocean and the Ganges River. He did this not so
much by war but as by his reputation. What he did after the death of Darius, is set down by
Diodorus, (1. 17. 2nd part), by Justin, (1. 12.) by Curtius, (5 last books of his History), by
Plutarch (in his life) and by Arrian (1. 3.). I have inserted these accounts from the various
authors in this work.

1947. Darius was no sooner dead then Alexander rode on his horse to the place where he lay.
When he saw his dead body, Alexander wept to see so unworthy a death happen to so noble a
person. He took his own coat and placed it over him and immediately sent his body to his
mother to be buried in a royal manner with the kings of Persia. He also took Darius' brother
Oxathres into the circle of his friends and nobles. He bestowed upon Oxathres all honour
belonging to his high place and parentage. Alexander planned to pursue Bessus but since he and
his army had escaped to Bactria and Alexander could not reach him at this time, he returned
again.

1948. While he remained at Hecatompulis which was a city in Parthiene built in former times by
the Greeks, he gathered a good store of provisions. All the army grew restless as they lay idle in
their quarters and they all wanted to return to Greece as soon as possible. When Alexander had
allayed this desire, they all asked him to lead them wherever he would and they would follow
him. After 3 day's march through the country of Parthiene, he came into the borders of Hircania
which Nabarzanes had captured. He left Craterus with the troops he commanded, Amyntas'
brigade, 600 cavalry and 600 archers. They were to keep Parthiene safe from the incursions by
the bordering countries. He commanded Erigyius to take care of the carriages and to follow him

through the plain country with a considerable company to guard them. Alexander took his
targeteers and the cream of the Macedonian squadron and some archers. When they had
marched about 12 miles, they camped in a plain near a small river.

1949. After he had refreshed his army 4 days there, letters came to him from Nabarzanes, who,
together with Bessus, had murdered Darius. He surrendered to Alexander. From here Alexander
moved 2.5 miles through an almost impassable way. No enemy opposed him and he got
through. When he had gone almost another 4 miles, Phradapharnes governor of Hercania and
Parthia met him. He surrendered to Alexander along with all those who had fled to him after the
death of Darius. Alexander graciously received them all. He next came to a town called Arvas.
Here Craterus rejoined him. He had taken in all the countries which he had passed through. He
brought with him Phradates or Autophradates, the governor of the country of the Tapurins.
Alexander restored him to his government again and sent him back home.

1950. When Alexander came to the nearest borders of Hircania, Artabazus the Persian, who was
an old friend of Philip met him. At this time he was banished by Ochus and had always
remained most loyal to Darius. He was now 95 years old. He came to Alexander with Cophenes
and 8 other sons of his, all born by the same mother who was the sister of Mentor and Memnon.
Alexander received them all most graciously. Ariobarzanes and Arsames, who were governors
under Darius came and submitted to Alexander.

1951. Alexander now invaded the country of the Mardians which bordered on Hircania. They
held the mountain passes and met Alexander with an army of 8000 men. Alexander attacked the
army, slew many of them and took more of them prisoners. The rest fled into the craggy
mountains. Finally they returned his cavalry man Bucephalus, whom they had captured. They
sent 50 ambassadors to him to ask his pardon. When Alexander had taken hostages, he made
Autophrodates governor over them as well as the Tapurins.

1952. From there he returned in 5 days to the place from where he set out against the Mardians.
From there Andronicus the son of Agerrus and Artabazus brought with them 1500 Greek
mercenaries of Darius to Alexander. 90 ambassadors who had been sent to Darius from various
counties, also came to him. Alexander put 4 Lacedemonian ambassadors and Dropis the
Athenian to prison. Democrates the other Athenian ambassador who always opposed the
Macedonian party comitted suicide because he did not expect a pardon from Alexander. He
freed the ambassadors from Sinope and Hecraclides who were sent from Carthage and the other
ambassadors from Greece. He gave the command of the Greeks who stayed in his service to
Andronicus. When he had doubly honoured Artabazus and gave him greater honours than he
held under Darius, Alexander sent him home.

1953. When these matters were taken care of, he marched against the greatest city of all
Hircania, called Zeudracarta or Zadracarta and there stayed 15 days. Nabarzanes came to him
there and brought with him many presents. Among these was Bagoas, an eunuch of rare beauty
who was later highly respected and could do whatever he wished with Alexander.

1954. At this place, Thalestris or Minithaea came to Alexander with 300 ladies. She was the
queen of the Amazons which is a place between the two rivers, Phasis and Thermodoon. She left
the rest of her army at the borders of Hircania and came hoping to be with child by him. She
stayed 13 days. Curtius in this account contrary to the stream of all geographers, locates these

Amazons on the borders of Hircania. (1. 6. c. 10.) However, Justin says that they bordered on
Albania. (1. 42. c. 3.) Clitarchus says that Thalestris came from the Caspian Gates and the
Thermodoon River to Alexander. It took her a 25 or 35 day journey to reach him through many
counties. (1. 12. c. 3.) The journey was at least 750 miles. (Strabo. 1. 11.) Her visit to Alexander
is recorded by Polycrates, Onesicritus, Antigenes, Hister and various others. However,
Aristobulus Chares the historian, Ptolemy Lagus, Anticlides, Philo Thebanus the historian,
Hecateus Eretriensis, Philippus Chaleidensis and Duris Samius say that it is a mere fable.
Alexander seems to agree. In his Commentaries to Antigonus, in which he recorded the events
exactly, he says that a certain Scythian offered him his daughter for a wife. No mention is made
of an Amazon. It is also reported that Onesisieritus, many years later was reading his 4th book to
Lysimachus who was then reigning. When he mentioned something of an Amazon that came to
Alexander, Lysimachus smiled and said:

VV I pray sir, where was I all the while?" (Plut. in Alex, see Strabo, 1. 11. p. 505. and Arria. 1. 1. p.
155, 156.)

1955. When Alexander returned to Parthiene, he indulged himself there in all kinds of Persian
luxuries. He commanded also his nobles to take and wear the long Persian robe of cloth of gold
and scarlet. If any of the common soldiers wanted to marry a Persian, he allowed it.

1956. Bessus now wore his turban upright and pointed along with other regal attire. He assumed
the title of Artaxerxes and king of Asia. He gathered into a body all those Persians who had fled
into Bactria. With these he had Bactrians, the Scythians and others who lived as far as the bank
of the Tanais River. He planned to make a war on Alexander.

1957. Alexander made Amminapes a Parthian, governor of Patthia and Hircania under him.
Amminapes with Mazeus or Mezaces, had delivered Egypt into his hands. Alexander had
Tlepolemus the son of Pythophanis, one of his friends, (Arrian. 1. 3. p. 69.) in the government
with Amminapes. Although Curtius says, that he made Menapis (for so he calls Amminapes)
governor of Hircania, who before was banished by Ochus and had fled to his father Philip for
refuge. (1. 6. c. 8.) Justin says that when Alexander had subdued Parthia, he made a certain noble
man of Persia, called Andragoras its governor. From him the kings of Parthia descended since
Arsaces notes him as the founder of the Parthian kingdom. He was also called Andragoras.
(Justin. 1.41. c. 4.)

1958. After this, Alexander came to Susia, a city of the Arians. Sanbarzanes, governor of the
Arians, came to him. Alexander restored his government to him. He also had Anaxippus, one of
his nobles to hold the government with him. He gave him 40 javeliners on horse back to attend
him. He could put these in places where he thought best to keep the Arians from being
plundered or injured by the army as it passed by.

1959. Alexander was now ready to march against Bessus. When he saw that his army was so
loaded with the spoil and luxurious goods they were in no condition to march, he first
commanded his own goods than their goods to be burned. He kept only what was necessary for
their immediate needs.

1960. Nicanor, the son of Parmenion, the captain of the Argyraspides, (i.e. of the silver shields,
or targeteers,) died suddenly and everyone mourned his passing. Alexander was especially

grieved and would have stayed to be present at his funeral but lack of provisions in that place
would not permit him to. Therefore he left Nicanor's brother Philotas there with 2600 men to
take care of the funeral. Alexander went on his journey in pursuit of Bessus.

1961. Satibarzanes, to whom Alexander had restored his government over the Arians, as
mentioned earlier, murdered Anaxippus with his 40 javeliners on horse back. He gathered all the
forces he could to the chief city of the Arians, called Chortacana or Artacoana. When he heard
that Alexander was coming, he planned to go and join with Bessus in a common war against the
Macedonians.

1962. When Alexander heard of this, he halted his journey into Bactria. He marched 75 miles in
two days and came to Attacoana. Satibarzanes with 2000 cavalry (for that was all he could
gather at that time) fled into Bactria to Bessus. The rest escaped to the mountains. Alexander
pursued Satibarzanes a long time but was not able to overtake him. He attacked those who were
in the mountains and took the craggy rocks where 13,000 armed Arians had fled. Alexander
returned to Attacoana which was besieged by Craterus during this time. Craterus had prepared
all things for an assault and waited for Alexander to lead it so that the honour of taking the place
would fall to Alexander not him. Joab did the same for David. 2Sa 12:27,28 When the king
came, he found them ready to plead for his mercy. He pardoned them and lifted his siege. He
restored to every man what was his. Within 30 days he had taken all the places of that country
and made Arsaces their governor.

1963. Fresh supplies came to Alexander. Zoilus brought him 500 cavalry from Greece.
Antipater sent him 3000 soldiers from Illyrium. Philip the son of Menelaus brought him
mercenary cavalry from Media along with 130 of the Thessalians that Alexander, at Ecbatane,
had given leave to return home. They refused and continued with Alexander. From Lydia came
2600 foot soldiers with 300 cavalry under the command of Andromachus, according to Arrian.

1964. With these new forces Alexander came to the Drangeans (whom Arrian calls Zarangeans)
whose governor was Barzaentes. He was one of those who with Bessus and Nabarzanes had
turned on Darius. He feared punishment from Alexander and fled away to the Indians on this
side the Indus River.

1965. Alexander spent 5 days in the chief city of the Drangean country. Some of his own people
began to conspire his death. Dimnus, a Macedonian, revealed to Nicomachus, Alexander's bard
that 3 days from then, Alexander would be murdered and that he was in on the plot with various
nobles. Although Nicomachus was sworn to secrecy by Dimnus, he told the matter to his brother
Ceballinus and wished him to tell the king of it. Since Ceballinus could not get to Alexander, he
told it to Philotas first. When he found that Philotas was indifferent and likely in on the plot,
Ceballinus went to Metron, a noble young gentleman and in charge of the artillery. He advised
Metron to tell Alexander about it immediately. When Alexander heard of it, he immediately
ordered all those in the plot to be arrested. When Dimnus was taken, he knew why and killed
himself with his sword. When Ceballinus was questioned, he protested that the very hour he
heard of it that he told the matter to Philotas and requested him to tell the king. When Philotas
was questioned about this, he said it was true. He said he meant no harm but only through his
carelessness he did nothing thinking it was a baseless rumour. When Philotas was put on the
rack, he confessed all and was executed with the rest of the conspirators. Philotas was the son of
Pamenion who was next to Alexander in authority.

1966. Alexander Lyncestes was also called before a council of Macedonians for his previous
conspiracy for which he was in prison for 3 years. (Diodorus & Curtius) This is that Alexander
Aneropus who before the battle at Issos 4 years earlier was put in prison for plotting the king's
death. (Diodorus, Justin and Arrian) See note on 3671 AM. Lyncestes had plotted Alexander's
death several times previously. Alexander spoke the following to his council of Macedonians:
(Curt. 1. 8. c. 16.):

vv Alexander Lyncestes was twice arraigned for two counts of treason against my life. I have
twice taken him out of the hand of justice and when he was convicted a third time, I gave him a
reprieve and kept him in prison these 3 years. (For so it should be according to the true Palatine
Manuscript and not "2 years", as in the ordinary printed books.) Until now you desired that he
be given his just punishment."

1967. When he was questioned concerning that latest attempt on Alexander's life, he could not
answer without faltering. Therefore without any more adieu, he was thrust through with lances
by those which stood about and heard him at the bar.

1968. After the body of Lyncestes was carried from the place, the king still sat at in the
judgment seat. He had Amyntas the son of Andromenes with Attalus and Symmias' brothers, all
very close to Philotas to be brought to the bar. When Polemon who was the youngest of the
group had heard that Philotas was put on the rack, he fled but was captured and brought to
judgment. Finally, Alexander acquitted them all, as a result of the general intercession of those
that were there. Then he immediately sent Polydamas whom Parmenion loved very much, with
two Arabians on dromedary camels into Media. They were to get there before the news of the
death of Philotas reached those lands. They had letters for Cleander, Sitalces and Menidas, the
commanders in the army under Pamenion, to kill him. He was the governor of Media and had
the greatest reputation and authority next to the king in the army. Parmenion was now 70 years
old. After he had read Alexander's letter and was reading the second letter written to him in the
name of his son Philotas, he was stabbed to death. Cleander sent his head to the king and would
hardly allow the rest of his body to be buried. Strabo (1. 15. p. 724.) tells us, that this all
happened in 11 day's time. An ordinary journey normally took 30 to 40 days just to get there.

1969. Alexander feared least the glory all his actions might be blemished with the cruelty by the
previous action. He did as Gaus formerly did. (See note on 3620 AM) He let it be known that he
was to send some of his friends into Macedonia. He advised all men that wanted to write to their
friends in those parts not to miss this opportunity of sending a note back home since they were
going further east. Every man wrote a letter and he ordered to have all the letters brought to him.
By this he found out what everyone thought of him. He put all those whom he found either
weary of the war or unhappy with his actions, into one company. He called this the unruly
company and put Leonidas, formerly an intimate friend of Parmenion's, in charge of it. Then he
divided his fellow cavaliers into two regiments. He assigned the one part to be commanded by
Hephaestion and the other by Clitus.

1970. When Alexander had settled matters among the Drangians, he marched toward them who
were called of old, Agriaspe, or Arimaspi. In later times Cyrus called them the Euergetae, i.e.
Benefactors for a good deed they did to him. Alexander was warmly received and entertained by
them.

1971. After staying 5 days in that country, he had news that Satibarzanes with 2000 cavalry
from Bessus, had attacked the Arians and made them defect from Alexander. Against
Satibarzanes, he sent 6000 Greek foot soldiers and 600 calvary under the command of Erigyius
and Caranus. Diodorus says that Stasanors commanded together with Artbazus, the Persian,
Andronicas and Phrataphernes, the governor of Parthia.

1972. He stayed with the Euergetae and sacrificed to Apollo. He committed Demetrius to prison.
He was one of the captains of his bodyguard (??), whom Alexander suspected of conspiracy
with Philotas. He replaced him with Ptolemy the son of Lagus. He gave to the Euergetae a large
sum of money and such lands as they desired which was not much. When he was welcomed by
the Gedrosians, who bordered on the Euergetae, he also rewarded them according to their deeds.

3675a AM, 4384 JP, 330 BC

1973. After he spent 60 days with the Euergetae, he left Amenides as their new governor. He
had been Darius' secretary for some time, according to Curtius. However, Arrian says he left
them a free state. Diodorus reports that he made Teridates the governor of both the Euergetae
and Gedrosions.

1974. Alexander left them and marched into Bactria against Bessus. He subdued the Drangi, the
Dragagi and Arachosia on his way. Part of his army which was formerly commanded by
Parmenion met him. There were 6000 Macedonians and 200 men of honour among them. These
were the very pith and marrow of all his army. He appointed Menon as governor of Arachosia
and left him 4000 soldiers and 600 cavalry to keep order in the country.

1975. Alexander led his army into the country of the Paropamisadae about the time of the setting
of the seven stars and beginning of winter. (Strabo, 1. 15. p. 724.) All the country was covered
with snow. The days were obscurely dark rather than light so that a man could hardly discern
anything close by. In this vast wilderness, Alexander's army endured the misery of lack of food,
cold, weariness and even despair. Many died from the cold and many men's feet rotted off their
legs from frost bite. At last they came into a warmer country with more provisions. The army
was relieved and the whole country was quickly brought into subjection.

1976. Alexander went to the Caucasus Mountains which some call Paropamysus. He crossed the
mountains in a 16 or 17 day march and built a city near the foot of them at a place where that
mountain pass opens into Media. He called the city after his own name, Alexandria. He also
built various other cities, each a day's journey from Alexandria. He relocated 7000 inhabitants of
the countries in that area into these new cities. He put 3000 which followed the camp and let as
many of those who were grown unserviceable in the wars settle there who wanted to. He made
Proexes, a Persian, governor of all that region and left one of his friends, Niloxenes, to be the
ruler over them.

1977. When the Macedonians and Arians were fighting, Satibarzanes, who commanded the
enemy came between the two armies. He pulled off his helmet, said who he was and challenged
any man that dared to a duel. Erigyius, the general of the Macedonian army took up the
challenge and ran his spear through his body, killing him. When the barbarians, who came there
by compulsion rather than willingly saw that their captain was dead, they trusted Erigyius and
laid down their arms and submitted to him.

3675b AM, 4385 JP, 329 BC

1978. Bessus and those Persians who joined with him in seizing Darius, with about 7000
Bactrians and some of the Dahae who lived east of the Tanais River, foraged the country
bordering on the Caucasus Mounatins. They hoped that by ravaging and destroying all the
countries which lay between them and Alexander that he would not dare come that way for fear
of starving his army. Nevertheless, Alexander went on under extreme difficulty of much snow
and too little food.

1979. When winter was almost over, he had India on his right hand. He passed over the
mountains into Bactria. Not a tree was to be seen all the way except for a few shrubs. (Strabo. 1.
15. p. 724.) His troops found by the way some quantity of Indian wheat. From this the common
soldiers squeezed a kind of juice which they used for oil to ease the pain of their cold joints.
This juice was sold for 240 denarius per pitcher. A pitcher of wine fetched 300 denarius. There
was very little wheat to make bread with. From hunger, the common soldier sustained himself
by catching river fish and eating such herbs as he could get. Finally they came to a place where
there were neither fish nor plants to eat. They were told to kill their draught animals and eat
them. This kept them alive until they came into Bactria. (Curt. 1. 7. c. 7.) Strabo adds, that they
were forced to eat it raw for lack of fire to roast it with. To settle their stomachs, they had a
supply of an herb called benzome which helped their digestion.

1980. Bessus was terrified by Alexander's rapid advance. After he had first sacrificed to his
gods, he feasted his friends and captains. As they ate they discussed the war at hand. He bragged
of a kingdom which he had gotten by treachery. He was hardly in his right mind. He boasted
that the cowardice of Darius had enhanced the fame and glory of the enemy. He resolved to
march with his army into Sogdiana. He would have the Oxus River as a wall between him and
Alexander until help came in from other parts. When all the rest were as drunk as he was,
Cobares, (according to Curtius, or Bagodoras: according to Diodoras), a Median and a
soothsayer by profession, advised him that when he was sober and came to his senses, he should
submit to Alexander. Bessus was so enraged that he drew his sword and those with him could
barely restrain him from killing Cobares. In the meantime, Cobares fled and the next night came
to Alexander.

1981. On the 15th day after he set out from his new city of Alexandria and his winter quarters,
he came to Adrapsa, a city of Bactra. (Strabo 1. 15. p. 725.) or Drapsaca, according to Arrian.
After he had refreshed his army he marched to Aornos and Bactra, the two main cities of
Bactria. He took them on the first assault. He put a garrison into the citadel of Aornos under the
command of his friend, Archelaus.

1982. Bessus had 7000 or 8000 Bactrians in his army. They remained loyal to him and thought
that Alexander would never follow them into that cold climate but rather go into India.
However, when they saw that Alexander marched toward them, every man stole away to his
own home and left Bessus all alone. He was left with a small retinue of his servants and tenants
which remained loyal to him. After they crossed the Oxus River by boat, they burned the boats
so that Alexander might not make use of them. They went to a place called Nautaca, in the
country of Sogdiana to raise new forces from those parts. Spitamenes and Oxyartes followed
him with some Sogdian cavalry and such Dahae as had come to him from the bank of Tanais.

3675c AM, 4385 JP, 329 BC

1983. Alexander made Artabazus governor of Bactria. He left his wagons with a guard to keep
them. With the rest of the army, he set out at night and came into the desert of Sogdiana. When
he had gone about 50 miles and found no water at all, the next day his whole army was dying of
thirst. Later when they found water, more died from drinking too much than he had ever lost in
any battle.

1984. Toward evening, Alexander came to the river Oxus where he spent that night greatly
disturbed as he waited for the rest of his army to come.

1985. Before he crossed the river, he picked from his Macedonians those who either from age or
wounds were not fit to fight and from the Thessalians who followed him as volunteers, he
selected 900. He gave everyone in the cavalry 2 talents and to each foot soldier he gave 3000
denarius or drachmas. He wanted them to go home and join their families and dismissed them.
He thanked the rest for promising to go on with him in the war.

1986. He also sent his friend, Stasanor to the Arians to seize Arsaces their governor, because he
seemed to up to no good. He appointed Stasanor to be governor in his place.

1987. There was no timber there to make boats with. Therefore when he grew impatient by the
delay, he had the hides which covered the soldiers' tents to be taken down and leather bags to be
stuffed with straw and sown or tied together. In 5 days, he ferried his army across the river on
these leather boats.

1988. Spitamenes was Bessus' most respected and honoured friend. As soon as he heard that
Alexander had crossed the Oxus River, he told the news to Dataphernes and Catenes. They were
trusted aides of Bessus. Catenes laid hold on Bessus, removed his regal diadem from his head
and tore the robe in pieces which he wore and had taken from the body of Darius.

1989. After Alexander had crossed the Oxus River, he soon marched to the place where Bessus
was. On the way, he received news from Spitamenes and Dataphernes that if he would be
pleased to send any captain of his with a sufficient guard, they would deliver Bessus into his
hands. Therefore Alexander sent Ptolemy the son of Lagus with 3 companies of cavalry, the
regiment of foot soldiers under Philotas, 1000 of the silver targeteers, all the entire squadron of
the Agrians and one half of the Archers. Ptolemy marched in 4 days with these to the place
where Spitamenes with his army had camped the day before. This is normally a 10 day journey.

1990. Meanwhile, Alexander came to a little town of the Branchids. The inhabitants were
relocated there by Xerxes from Miletum many years earlier. This was the reward he gave them
for their work on his behalf in betraying Miletum and in pulling down the temple of Apollo
Didymaeus. See note on 3526 AM. This town became the home of traitors. It was wholly
plundered and then totally destroyed. All the inhabitants, men, women and children, were killed
with the sword. Had this been executed on the traitors, it would have been an act of justice and
not of cruelty. Now the children suffered for their forefather's fault. These never saw Miletum,
much less betrayed it to Xerxes. (Curt. 1. 7. c. 12. with Strabo 1. 11. p. 117, 118.)

1991. As Alexander was on his march, Bessus was brought to him not only bound but stark
naked, a sight well pleasing to all the men, both Greeks and barbarians. All that brought him
were rewarded for their efforts. The prisoner was committed to the keeping of Oxertas, Darius'
brother whom Alexander had made one of the captains of his bodyguard. Oxertas planned to
have him crucified after his ears and nose were cut off, his body shot through and through with
arrows and that his dead body should be watched so that no bird might land on it. After Bessus
was scourged with whips, he was remanded to Bactria and his death deferred. He was to be
executed in the place where he had murdered Darius.

1992. Alexander had re-enforced his army. He had lost many troops in crossing over the
Caucasus Mountains, the journey to the Oxus River and his march to the Tanais River. This is
not that river which divided Europe from Asia and empties Ameotis Lake into the Euxine Sea. It
is another Tanais, called also Jaxartes, which Pliny (1. 6. c. 16.) is by the Scythians termed
"Sylis", and by the inhabitants in the area "Orxantes", according to Aristobulus.

1993. At this place certain Macedonians went foraging not as carefully as they should have
done. They were attacked by certain natives from the mountains. Many were killed but more
were captured. These natives numbered 30,000 men but Curtius says 20,000 men. Against these
natives, Alexander speedily gathered such companies as he had closest at hand. In this fight, he
was shot with an arrow in the thigh and when the shaft was pulled out the head stayed in. Arrian
tells us that the hill was taken and of 30,000 enemy troops, less than 8000 escaped. However,
Curtius tells us that the next day after he was hurt, those barbarians voluntarily surrendered to
him and sent him the prisoners which they had taken and made their peace with him.

1994. He moved his camp and he was carried in an ordinary stretcher which every man was
happy to take turns carrying. In 4 days he came to Maracanda, the principal city of all Sogdiana
whose wall is almost 9 miles in circumference. He left a garrison to keep the city. He went and
wasted and burned the nearby towns. A few days later, ambassadors came to him from the
Scythians called Abis. These had always lived as a free state ever since the death of Cyrus but
now they surrendered to him.

1995. The barbarians who lived near the river captured the Macedonian soldiers that were left
there in the garrison and slew them. They started to fortify their cities. Many of the Sogdians
joined with them and were encouraged by those who had taken Bessus' side. They caused some
of the Bactrians to defect also. The Susians and Bactrians had 7000 cavalry which helped cause
the rest to defect. Alexander sent Spitamenes and Catenes, who had delivered Bessus into his
hands, to repress them. They reproved the principal ring-leaders of that rebellion. They said that
Alexander had sent for all the Bactrian cavalry so that he could murder them.

1996. When Alexander heard of this, he attacked the city of Gaza and sent Craterus against
Cyropolis. When he had taken Gaza, he slew all that were of age in it. The women and children
were sold into slavery and the city was destroyed. This was to be an example to others. He took
4 other cities in those parts within 2 days and treated them in the same manner. After this he
marched away to Cyropolis. 18,000 men had fled there because the place was well fortified and
a good refuge. In that siege he both lost the bravest and best men of his army and he was in
extreme danger. He took such a blow in the neck with a stone that his eyes were dazzled and he
fell and lost his senses for the present. However he was of an invincible courage against such
casualties that would daunt other men. Although his wound was not yet thoroughly healed, he
assaulted it more fiercely than before. His anger spurred on his natural fighting abilities. When

the city was first taken, 8000 of the enemy were killed. The rest fled into the citadel. When
Alexander had besieged it for only one day, they surrendered for lack of water.

1997. Alexander ordered Cyropolis to be levelled to the ground. Of 7 cities which the natives
had fortified for themselves, there remained now only one to be taken. He took it on the very
first assault. However, Ptolemy says, it surrendered to him. Aristobulus says, that the men taken
in it were distributed in the army and kept bound until Alexander left that country. This would
leave none behind who had a hand in that revolt.

1998. Meanwhile the Scythians of Asia came with a great army to the bank of the Tanais River.
When they heard that the counties on the other side were up in arms against Alexander, they
planned that if the inhabitants of these countries revolted in large numbers, to join with them
against Alexander and to attack the Macedonians.

1999. Spitamenes stayed within the walls of Maracanda and besieged the garrison of
Macedonians who were in the citadel there. Against him, Alexander sent Menedemus,
Andromachus and Caranus along with 60 of his fellow cavaliers, 800 of his mercenaries led by
Caranus, 1500 mercenary foot soldiers. (Curtius says 3000.) Alexander gave them Pharnuches
for an interpreter because he spoke the barbarian's language and could therefore best serve to
negotiate with them.

2000. Alexander came back to the bank of the Tanais River and made a wall around his camp.
He made a city of it with walls of almost 8 miles in circumference and called the city after his
own name, Alexandria. The work was done so quickly that within 17 days after the walls were
up, it was filled with houses also. (Curtius, 1. 7. c. 17.) However, Justin says, that in 17 days, he
built a wall around it 6 miles in circumference. (1. 12. c. 5.) Arrian states that in 20 days the city
was enclosed with a wall. He gave the city to his Greek mercenaries to live in along with any of
the natives in the area who wished to live there. Any of his Macedonians who were grown
unserviceable for the war were allowed to live there too. He also put some of his captive
prisoners to fill this newly built city. He paid their various masters their ransom and so made
them freemen and citizens of the place. He also relocated the inhabitants of three cities which
Cyrus had built, to this city.

2001. The king of the Scythians whose kingdom lay beyond the Tanais River, knew that city
was built on purpose to restrain his ambitions. He sent his brother Carcasis to take and demolish
it and to expel those Macedonians from the river side. These Sycthians rode up and down on the
other side of the river in Alexander's sight and shot arrows and hurled insults at him and his
Macedonians. Alexander was not yet fully recovered from his wound. His voice failed him and
he could not stand alone nor sit on horseback. He could not order for what he wanted done.

2002. Spitamenes had with him besides his own men, some 600 Dahae and wild Scythian
cavalry. These attacked a part of the army that was sent by Alexander to relieve them who were
besieged in the citadel at Maracanda and slew them. Aristobulus says, that when the
Macedonians were fighting, there suddenly arose from the neighbouring gardens such a number
of Scythians that they slew almost all the Macedonians. Barely 40 cavalry and 300 foot soldiers
escaped. Curtius mentions only that 2000 foot soldiers lost in that defeat. However, Alexander,
to hide the greatness of that loss, ordered those who returned to his camp, upon pain of death,
not to speak a word about it.

3675d AM, 4385 JP, 329 BC

2003. Alexander put his heavily armed foot soldiers into as many boats as he could make. The
rest swam on leather bags stuffed with straw. They crossed the Tanais River with incredible
courage and attacked and routed the Scythians. Even though Alexander was quite weak, he
pursued them for 10 miles. In this battle, 60 Macedonian cavalry and almost 100 foot soldiers
died. About 1000 were wounded.

2004. Not long after this, Scythian ambassadors came to him to justify what had happened. They
said that this war was not made on him by the Scythian nation but by only a few among them
who lived by robbery and plundering. The law abiding inhabitants would yield to him.
Alexander accepted this and replied kindly. He released all the prisoners without a ransom so
that these warlike people would see that his battle with them, was for honour, not revenge.

2005. When the Sacae saw this, they sent their ambassadors to him and offered him their
service. He as graciously dealt with them. He had Excipinus, a young gentleman whom he loved
very dearly and was to him like Hephaestion was, to keep them company and to entertain them.

2006. Alexander took half of his fellow cavaliers, all his targeteers, archers, Agrians and the best
of all the Macedonian squadron. He marched to Maracanda where he was told that Spitamenes
had returned again to besiege the Greeks in the citadel. He marched about 90 miles in 3 days and
came early the next day to the city. When Spitamenes heard of his approach, he lifted his siege
and fled. Alexander pursued him as fast as he could. On the way he came to the place, where the
Scythians had slain his Macedonians. He had their bones gathered and buried with a proper
Macedonian funeral. After this he followed the enemy until he came into the desert.

2007. And by this time Craterus who marched at a slower pace as he was told to, came to
Alexander with the largest part of the army. To punish the Sogdians who had revolted from him,
Alexander divided his army into two parts and ordered them to burn every place and kill all
males of age. In this manner he overran all that region. Here the river called Polytimetus runs.
Beyond that the river runs underground and all the country is a desert, totally devoid of cities
and inhabitants.

2008. Diodorus guesses (part 2. 1. 1.) that Alexander killed 120,000 Sogdians. 30 of the most
noble of them, all men of great strength were brought to Alexander. He wondered at their
undaunted courage when they faced death and freed them on the condition they would be loyal
to him after this. They kept their word and when they returned home, they made all their people
submit to Alexander. Alexander took 4 of them to be in his bodyguard. No Macedonians proved
more faithful to him than these were.

2009. He left Pencolaus there with a garrison of 3000 foot soldiers (for no more were needed)
and he came into Bactria. Alexander called together all that were there and ordered that Bessus
be brought to him. Alexander reproached him for his treachery to Darius and had his nose and
crops of his ears cut off. He sent Bessus to Ecbatane so that he might there be executed in the
sight of the Medes and Persians. Plutarch says that Alexander ordered both his arms and legs
tied to two trees that were bend down so that when the trees were released, they would tare him
to pieces. Diodorus writes that the brother of Darius and his other kinsfolks railed and
reproached him in many speeches. Then they cut his whole body into gibbets and then put them

into slings and scattered them abroad.

2010. About the same time Phrataphernes the governor of Parthia and Stasanor who was sent
into Aria to apprehend Arsaces, came to him. Stasanor brought Arsaces bound in chains along
with Barzanes, whom Bessus had made governor under him of Persia and other men involved in
the revolt of Bessus.

201 1. From the Asian sea coast Epocillus and Melanidas came to Alexander. Also Ptolemy the
commander of the Thracians came who had escorted the money sent by Menetes and those old
soldiers whom Alexander had dismissed to go home. Ptolemy and Melanidas brought with them
3000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry mercenaries. A man called Alexander came with the 3000
foot soldiers and 500 cavalry. Bessus the governor of Syria, Asclepidorus the commander at sea
sent him just as many. Antipater sent him 8000 Greek mercenaries and 500 cavalry under the
command of Asander and Nearchus.

2012. With this larger army, he proceeded to set in order what had been disturbed by that
general revolt from him. Many, especially the Sogdians, had gone into walled towns and cities
and set up their own defences and would not submit to the governor whom he had set over them.
Therefore he left Polysperchion, Attalus, Gorgius and Meleager in Bactria to keep order so that
they would not revolt again nor draw others into rebellion. After a 4 day march, Alexander came
to the bank of the Oxus River. This river had a muddy bottom and is very filthy and unhealthy to
drink. Therefore, the soldiers started digging wells for water but found none. At last they saw a
spring rising up in the king's pavilion, which because they had not seen it before they said that it
suddenly arose there. (Curt. 1. 7. c. 25.) Plutarch reports that Proxenus a Macedonian and muster
of the king's wardrobe dug a place near the Oxus River to pitch the king's pavilion. He found a
spring of a fatty and oleaginous or oily liquor that Alexander in his letters to Antipater states
was one of the greatest miracles that God had shown him. Arrian goes further and says that he
found two fountains, one of water and the other of oil. They recently had sprung up near the
place where Alexander's tent stood. When Ptolemy brought Alexander word, he presently (as he
was directed by his soothsayers) offered sacrifices to his gods. Aristander told him that the
fountain of oil foreshadowed the great labour and travail that he was to endure but in the end he
would be crowned with victory.

2013. When he had crossed the Ochus and Oxus River, he came to the Marginia or Magriana
River. Around it he built 6 towns, 2 on the south side and 4 on the east side. They were build
close together so each town could help the other one if needed. (Curt. 1. 7. c. 25.) Strabo tells us
that he built 8 towns in Bactria and Sogdiana. (1. 11. p. 717.) Justin mentions 12 (1. 12. c. 5.) and
notes that he put those in his army who were rebellous and seditious and hence got rid of them.

3676a AM, 4385 JP, 329 BC

2014. Arimazes of Sogdiana with a 30,000 man army climbed to the top of a high rock called
Oxi by Strabo. They made provision for a 3 year seige. This rock was about 3.75 miles high and
19 miles in circumference. Alexander made generous promises to 300 gallant young lads who
volunteered to climb the rock. Using cramp-irons where needed, they were able to slowly climb
the rock. 32 died in the attempt. They either slipped or the rock broke from under them. The
Sogdians were astonished as if by a miracle, to see that men had gotten up there. They thought
there were more coming who were better armed then they were, so they surrendered. Arimazes

their leader was quite afraid. He and the chief men of the country, came down to the king in his
camp. Alexander had them well whipped and later crucified at the base of the hill. He
distributed the rest for slaves among the new cities which he had built with the money he had
taken from them. Arabazus was left to keep the Sogdians and the neighbouring countries under
subjection. (Curt. 1. 7. c. ult. & Polyanus Stratag. 1. 5. in Alexander n. 29.)

2015. After Alexander had taken the Oxi Rock in Sogdiana, he saw the enemies in various parts.
He divided his whole army into 5 brigades. Hephaestion commanded 3 brigades, Caenus and
Artabazus the 4th and Alexander the 5th. Alexander marched the next day toward Maracanda
and the rest ranged here and there as they wished. If they found that any had fled to citadels or
places of strength, they attacked and captured them. If they surrendered, they were treated
mercifully. When all these five brigades had taken in most Sogdiana, they met at Maracanda.
Alexander sent Hephaestion to make colonies in various parts. He sent Coenus and Artabazus to
Scythia for he heard that Spitomenes had gone there. He took the rest of the army into Sogdiana,
and easily retook any places that the rebels had fled to. Those that surrendered without fighting,
he relocated in those towns which he had subdued by force and caused their lands to be divided
among these new inhabitants.

2016. While these things happened, Spitamenes, the rebels of Bactria, a company of Sogdians
who were fled from thence into Scythia and some 600 or 800 Massagetan cavalry who came to
him, went to a certain citadel which was built and manned against the Bactrians. They suddenly
attacked the garrison and slew every man and put the governor in prison. Proud of their deed,
they went soon after to take the city of Zariaspes. This they failed to do but carried away much
spoil from the country around it.

2017. To suppress this rabble, Attinas governor of the country, led out some 300 cavalry not
knowing the enemy had planned to ambush him. With these troops, he took some of the king's
cavalry that had been left sick at Zariaspes and were now recovered. Pithon, the son of Sosicles
and Aristonicas, a musician, commanded them. These two gathered some 80 mercenary cavalry
troops of those who were left in the garrison at Zariaspes along with some of the king's
cavaliers. They planned to go in a company with Attinas into the country of the Massagetae.
However, Spitamenes and his troops rose from the thickets and woods and suddenly attacked
them. They killed 7 of the king's cavaliers and 60 of the mercenaries. Aristonicus the musician,
was also killed in that fight and behaved himself more like a soldier than a fiddler. In this
encounter, Spitamenes killed Attinas with his whole company, Pithon was wounded and
escaped. The news of this ambush came quickly to Craterus. He with all his cavalry troops
attacked the Massagetae and routed them. He pursued them until they came to the wilderness of
that country, where they fought. After a fierce battle, the Macedonians routed them. When the
Massagetae saw that 150 of their cavalry were killed, they fled and easily saved themselves in
that wilderness. The Dahae lost at least 1000 men. This put an end to the rebellion in those parts.

2018. After Alexander had subdued all Sogdiana for the second time, he returned to Maracanda.
An ambassador from the king of the Scythians who lived on the European side north of the
Bosphorus came to Alexander with a present and offered him his daughter in marriage.
Alexander mentions this in his letter to Antipater as I said previously. If Alexander declined the
proposal, the ambassador's alternate plan was to have Alexander allow his Macedonian nobles to
marry into the principal houses of the Scythians. The ambassador offered that if Alexander
wished, he would come in person to receive his commands from Alexander. (??)

2019. At the same time, Phrataphernes or Pharoemenus, who commanded the Chorasmians who
bordered on the countries of the Massagetae and Dahae sent his messengers to let them know
that he was ready to receive Alexander's commands. After he graciously heard both the
ambassador's and the governor's errands, Alexander stayed there waiting for the return of
Hephaestion and Craterus.

2020. As soon as Hephaestion and Craterus came, Alexander with his army attacked the country
of Bazaria or Bazistis. Here was virgin forest in which a huge lion attacked the king by chance.
Lysimachus, who was later the king of Thracia, offered to interpose himself with his hunting
spear but the king would not allow it and asked him to stand aside. When the lion came on,
Alexander held his ground and slew him with only one blow. After his army slew some 4000
wild beasts in that forest, he with all his army had a great feast in the woods.

2021. When Alexander returned to Maracanda, Artabazus resigned as governor of Bactria by
reason of his age. Alexander gave the command of it to an old soldier of his father's, called
Clitus, the son of Dropidas of Macedon, the brother of Hellanica or Lanica, Alexander's nurse.
She was a woman whom he always respected and loved as his own mother. In a dream, he
happened to see himself in mourning and sitting among Parmenion's sons who had died previous
to this.

2022. The 3rd day after this dream was a holiday to Bacchus when Alexander usually offered
the yearly sacrifice to him. Now someone at that time had brought him apples from Greece. He
wondered at the fresh colour and good appearance of them. He sent for Clitus to show him the
apples and to give him some of them. Clitus left the sacrifice which he was about to make. As he
was going quickly to the king, he was followed by 3 sheep which were already prepared to be
offered having meal and salt on their heads. When the king heard of this he asked his two
principal soothsayers, Aristander and Cleomenes the Spartan, what this meant. They told him
that it was an abominable sign and Alexander remembered his dream. He ordered them to go
quickly and offer a sacrifice for him. Clitus came to the feast which the king made. Alexander
had sacrificed to Castor and Pollux. When he was quite drunk, he began to brag greatly about
his acts and devalue the deeds of his father Philip. Most who were at the feast applauded him.
However, Clitus on the other hand upheld the deeds of Philip and spoke honourably of his
achievements and decried the present times. He sometimes said some disgraceful things about
Alexander. Alexander rose in a rage and intended to kill Clitus. He (according to Aristobulus)
escaped out the back door and left the trenches and got into the fort to Ptolemy the son of Lagus.
Both of them returned to the feast and Clitus sat again in the same seat. Ptolemy saw Alexander
as he was calling out for Clitus. He said that here is Clitus and what do you want to do with
him? Thereupon Alexander ran Clitus through with his spear and slew him.

2023. Later when Alexander considered the foulness of this act, he grew as angry with himself
as he formerly had been with Clitus. He resolved to make amends and therefore shut himself up
3 whole days and did not have food or drink nor took any care at all of what became of him.

2024. When he had now continued fasting into the 4th day, the captains of his bodyguard broke
in on him. After a long time, they were able to persuade him to eat again. His soothsayers told
him that this happened because he did not sacrifice to Bacchus. Therefore, he soon went and
sacrificed to him. He was glad to hear that this event came from the anger of the gods rather
than from the malice of his heart. Aristander reminded him of his dream and of the sheep. He
told Alexander that what was done, was done by fate and could not have been avoided.

Calisthenes the philosopher agreed with Aristander in this. Anaxarchus of Abdera, a subtil
teacher, went much further in this shameless flattery. He quoted an old proverb that Justice
always sits at Jupiter's elbow. From that he concluded that whatever kings did, was to be taken
as right and just. To lift Alexander's spirits, all the Macedonians unanimously declared that
Clitus was treated fairly and justly put to death. They would have forbidden his burial, if the
king himself had not ordered it to be done.

2025. When he had spent 10 days in settling his mind over this, he sent Hephaestion with a part
of his army into Bactria. He was to prepare his winter quarters there. Alexander made Amyntas,
the son of Nicolaus the governor of Bactria to which Clitus was intended to be. He left Caenus
there with his own and Meleager's brigade. He left 400 of his fellow cavaliers and spearmen on
horseback, with the Bactrians and Sogdians, who were under the command of Amyntas.
Alexander ordered everyone to obey Caenus and to spend that winter in Sogdiana. He wanted to
keep order in that country and hoped to capture Spitamenes if he happened to come for his
winter provisions into those parts. (Arrian. 1. 4.)

2026. Alexander journeyed to Xenippa which bordered on Scythia where the Bactrians who had
revolted from him had retired to. As soon as it was known that Alexander was coming, the
natives ordered them to get out. Therefore, they gathered into a body of 2200 cavalry and
attacked Amyntas, a commander of Alexander's. There was a fierce and long skirmish between
them. They fled after losing 700 men and having had 300 taken prisoner. They had killed 80
Macedonians and wounded 350 more. However, when they yielded to Alexander again, they
were pardoned.

2027. After this, Alexander went with his army to a place called Naura or Nautaca. Sisimithres,
its governor, had two sons born from his own mother. With those people, it was lawful for
children to have intercourse with their parents. Sisimithres had taken the gates or passes which
open through the mountains into his own country. With a strong force he had well fortified the
pass which was naturally well defended by a most swift and violent river through it (??) and had
a huge rock at the back of it. (Curt. 1. 8. c. 6.) Arrian says that this rock was at Parataca and was
2.5 miles high and about 7.5 miles in circumference. He calls the name of the rock, Chorienes,
after the name of him that kept it. However, Strabo, together with Curtius and Plutarch, calls it
Sisimithres' Rock and locates it in Bactria. They say it was almost 2 miles high and 10 miles in
circumference. It had a large plain on the top of it of good land and well able to support 500
men. They also say that on the rock (not on that other rock in Sogdiana) Oxyartes had his
daughter Roxane whom afterward Alexander made his wife. (Strabo, 1. 11. p. 517.)

2028. Although Alexander saw this pass was naturally well fortified and strongly defended, his
battering rams quickly made a breach in the fortifications. He entered the outer fortifications and
approached the rock. At the base of the rock there was a vast bog caused by the rain which fell
from the rock and was trapped there. He did not know how to fill it up quickly. Meanwhile, he
had the beech trees which grew in abundance there, cut and made into long stakes which his
army drove down into the bog. All the day long he stayed to encourage the work. Perdiccas and
Leonatus, and Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the captains of his personal guard divided the rest of
the army into 3 parts and continued the work at night. They could not advance more than 30 feet
by day and less by night even though all the army incessantly worked at it. The rock was so
craggy and the work was very difficult.

2029. At that time Oxyartes, a great man of that country, a prince and the father of Roxane, was

with Alexander. When Alexander asked him about the spirit and courage of Sisimithres, he
replied that he was the most cowardly man that ever lived. Alexander replied:

vv Surely you have said enough to teach me that this rock is possible to be taken since you tell me
that the one defending it is so weak."

2030. Alexander sent Oxyartes to Sisimithres to immediately demand him to surrender with his
mother, children and all that were dear to him. Sisimithres surrendered immediately. Alexander
with 500 of his silver targeteers, went up into the rock to view its situation and strength. When
he had offered sacrifices to Minerva and Victoria, he left Sisimithres as the governor of that fort
and the surrounding country as he was before. Alexander gave him hope of a greater dominion,
if he performed well and faithfully in this command. At Sisimithres' request, Alexander took
along his two sons to serve Alexander in the wars.

2031. He left his Macedonian squadron to capture the other places which had revolted from him.
He advanced with his cavalry up a steep and a rocky way. He had not gone far, but all his
cavalry horses were exhausted by the journey and could not follow him any further. Each day,
his company became fewer and fewer. Also the young gallants who never wished to be far from
him, stayed behind all except Philip, the brother of Lysimachus. He was wearing his full body
armour and other arms, an incredible thing to do. Although he was on foot, he kept up with the
king for over 60 miles, although the king rode and often changed his horse. They came into a
woods where the enemy attacked the king. Philip stepped between them and rescued Alexander
from that danger. The barbarians were routed and the woods cleared of them. When they were
gone, Philip fainted from over exertion and fell down between the king's own hands and died.
No sooner had this happened then Alexander was told that Erigyius, was one of his greatest
captains, was killed. He had both their funerals to be observed with all the honour that might be
given them.

2032. Spitamenes with a rabble of 3000 wild Scythians who followed him, came to Gabae. It
was a strong town of the Sogdians that was located between the Sogdians and the Massagetae.
He easily persuaded them to join with him and to plunder the country of the Sogdians. When
Coenus heard of his coming, he attacked him with his army and killed 800 of them. He lost only
25 of his cavalry and 12 of his foot soldiers. The Sogdians who escaped along with some
Bactrians, deserted Spitamenes on the way and surrendered to Coenus.

2033. When the Massageraean Scythians saw how poorly things went, they plundered all the
carriages of the Bactrians and Sogdians and accompanied Spitamenes into the deserts of
Scythia. He heard that Alexander came after them and planned to follow them into those very
deserts. They decapitated Spitamenes and sent his head to Alexander and hoped by this to make
him stop chasing them. (Arrian. 1. 4.) However, Curtius, (1. 8. c. 8.) writes, that when Alexander
was not far off, Spitamenes' own wife met him with her husband's head in her hand. When he
saw it he abhorred the sight and had her put out of the camp least the foulness of such an act
might corrupt his Greeks with these barbarian ways.

2034. When the Dahae heard what had become of Spitamenes, they took Dataphernes the
principal author of that revolt and delivered him bound to Alexander. They submitted to
Alexander. Coenus, Craterus with Phrataphernes, governor of the Parthians and Stasanor
governor of the Arians returned to Alexander at Nautaca when they had completed their

missions.

3676b AM, 4386 JP, 328 BC

2035. Alexander rested his army at Nautaca because it was now the middle of winter. Arrian
expresses this, "in the strength of winter". He thought about how to avenge the soldiers wrongs,
which they had suffered through the pride and avarice of their officers. Thereupon he ordered
Phrataphernes to go into to Hircania and the countries of the Mardi and Tapuri. He wanted him
to bring Phradates who was the governor there. Alexander had often sent for him based on
complaints he received, but he would not come. Phrataphernes was to bring him to Alexander
under a sufficient guard.

2036. He removed Arsanes from the government of the Drangi and put Stasanor in his place.
Arsace, (according to Curtius) or Atropates (according to Arrian) was made governor over
Media to replace Oxidates. The king thought that Oxidates was not loyal to him. The province
of Babylon, after the death of Mazaens was committed to Deditamenes, or, to Stamines
(according to Arrian). Sopolis and Epocillus and Menedas, were sent into Macedonia to bring
him a fresh supply of soldiers from there.

2037. Three months after this, he started to march into a country called Gabaza. The third day
into the journey, there was a dreadful storm and it was extremely cold. His whole army was in
danger of perishing in this storm. Curtius, (1. 8. c. 4.) describes this event in great detail. He tells
of the fierceness of the storm and the king's fortitude in enduring it. He showed his wisdom and
humanity in keeping the army together and comforting the poor weather-beaten soldiers in that
distress. However, about 2000 perished of the poorer sort of soldiers, the support personal and
hangers on. Curtius adds further, that which is recorded by Valerius Maximus, (1. 5. c. 1. and by
Julius Frontinus, 1. 4. Stratag. c. 6.). While Alexander was warming himself at a fire, a common
soldier of the Macedonians, half frozen with cold and benumbed in his wits no less than in his
limbs, pushed his way to his fire. Alexander took him and set him down in his own chair and
told him that would be for his good. In Persia, anyone who sat in the king's chair was executed.

2038. The next day, he called his friends and captains together, he made a proclamation that
whatever any man had lost in that storm, he would personally make it good again to him. This
he did to the smallest detail. For example, Sisimithres had brought along with him many beasts
of burden, draught animals, 2000 camels, whole flocks of sheep and herds of beasts. These were
distributed among the army. These compensated them for their losses and saved them from the
famine. Thereupon the king, declaring publicly how much he was beholding to Sisimithres for
that courtesy. He ordered every soldier to take 8 days' of food with him. They went to capture
the Sacae who had revolted from him. When they had gathered all the spoil of that country,
Alexander gave Sisimithres from the spoil 30,000 head of cattle.

3676c AM, 4386 JP, 328 BC

2039. Alexander married Roxane, the daughter of Oxyartes. Strabo reports this to have been
done in the rock or fort of Sisimithres when it was first surrendered to him. (1. 15.) Many of his
Macedonians followed Alexanders' example and married foreign wives from the more
illustrious families of the foreign countries. (Diod. Sic. 1. 17. in several chapters)

2040. Now he thought wholly about the war on India. So that everything would be safe and
quiet behind him, he conscripted from every province, 30,000 men, whom he planned to take
with him into India. They would serve as soldiers and for pledges of their fidelity whom he left
behind. He moved into Bactria and he sent Craterus with 600 of his fellow cavaliers, his own
foot soldiers with the regiments under Polysperchon, Attalus and Alcaetas. They were to pursue
Anstanes and Catanes who only remained of the rebels of Paratacene. There was a great battle
fought between them. Catanes was killed and Austaces was taken prisoner and brought alive to
Alexander. The Greeks lost 150 cavalry and about 1500 foot soldiers. After this Craterus went
into Bactria and Polysperchon subdued the country of Bubacene for the king.

2041. Alexander assumed divinity and affirmed that he was the son of Jupiter. He was no longer
to be addressed in the Macedonian custom but would be adored with prostration after the
fashion of the Persian kings. There were plenty of court flatterers to feed this desire of
Alexander. These are the curse of all kings and by whose tongues more kings have perished than
by the sword of their enemies. (Curt. 1. 8. c. 5.) The main ones around Alexander were Agis of
Argos, the worst flatterer that ever was after Choerilus. There was Cleo of Sicilia and
Anaxarchus, an orator. Calisthenes, an honest philosopher and a scholar of Aristotle opposed
Alexander in this and he paid for it with his life.

2042. Hermolaus was a gallant youth and one of the king's company of pages, and instructed in
the basics of philosophy by Calisthenes. He was once hunting with the king and slew a boar
which the king had aimed at. Upon this, the king commanded him to be taken away and
whipped. The youth took this badly and started a conspiracy to kill Alexander. First he
conspired with Sopater, the son of Amyntas, a youth like himself the same rank. Then he
conspired with Antipater, the son of Asclepiodorus, governor of Syria and others of the same
company of pages. When the conspiracy was exposed by Epimenes one of the conspirators, they
were all executed and Epimenes was rewarded. Alexander in his letters to Craterus, Alcetas and
Attalus, written at that time stated that they had confessed that the conspiracy was among
themselves only without the encouragement of anyone else. However, in another letter written
later to Calisthenes, he charges him as being the author of it and he observes that Aristotle,
whose first cousin was mother to Calisthenes states:

vv The youths indeed were stoned to death by the Macedonians but that orator I myself will
punish and those who sent him and any who received them that conspire against me into their
towns."

2043. When he had seized Calisthenes, he kept him in irons for 7 months to have him judged
and condemned in a court of justice when Aristotle would be present. Chares the Mitilenian tells
us that when Alexander was in the country of the Mallians and Oxydracans in India, he was
recovering from a wound received in a fight. 17 months had passed since the conspiracy.
Calisthenes who was a fat man, became sick of the Pthiriasis, or lowsie disease and died of it.
However, Aristobulus and Ptolemy state that the pages confessed upon the rack that Calisthenes
had put them up to it. Again, the same Ptolemy says that Calisthenes was first racked and later
hanged. However, Aristobulus says that he was carried about with the army in chains and so
died. So we see that these great authors and who were present in the army and waited on
Alexander at the very time when these things happened do not agree with each other. However,
there is no doubt about the time when this happened.

2044. Alexander left Amyntas in Bactria with 3500 cavalry and 10,000 foot soldiers. Toward the

middle of spring (according to Arrian) Alexander moved with his army from there toward India
to make the ocean and utmost border of the east, the boundary of his empire. He prepared his
army in their attire for this great plan of his. He had all their shields covered with silver plate
and their horse bridles made of beaten gold. Their very body armour he had enriched with gold
or silver. He had 120,000 men with him on the Indian expedition.

2045. Alexander crossed the Caucasus Mountains in 10 days and came to his city of Alexandria
which he had built in Paropanisus. He replaced its governor for his bad behaviour and relocated
more people into his new city from the neighbouring countries. Any Macedonians who were
unserviceable for the war were allowed to live here. He made Nicanor, governor of the city and
made Tyriaspes commander of the whole region of Paropamisus and of all that territory as far as
the river Cophene.

2046. From there he went to the city of Nicaea and sacrificed to Minerva. He then marched to
the river of Cophene and sent an herald who ordered Taxiles and the rest of the governors of the
countries lying between Cophene and the Indus River to come to him.

3676d AM, 4386 JP, 328 BC

2047. Taxiles and other petty kings under his government came and met Alexander. They
received his orders and told him that he was now the 3rd son of Jupiter that had come into those
parts. They had only heard of Father Bacchus and Hercules but they were happy to see him now
personally present among them. They therefore brought him rich presents and promised him to
send 25 elephants. Alexander entertained them very graciously and asked them to go with him
to be his guides through the passes of that country.

2048. When he saw that no one else came, he divided his army and sent Hephaestion and
Perdiccas into the country called Pencelaotis toward the river Indus. The armies led by Gorgias,
Clitus and Meleager and half the company of his fellow cavaliers and all the mercenary cavalry
were told to capture any town they found by any means. When they came to the bank of the
Indus River, they should start building boats to cross over it into further countries. Taxiles was
sent with them and other commanders of those parts.

2049. The governor of the country of Peucelaitis revolted and died in the city which he resorted
to. Hephaestion came and besieged it and after a month's time took and sacked it. The governor
was killed and Sangaeus was made governor of it. Before Sangaeus had defected from Astes had
fled to Taxiles. This act helped Alexander trust him all the more.

2050. Alexander, with his troop of silver targeteers, the cavalry of his fellow cavaliers,
Hephaestion with the troop of those who were called Assateri, his archers, Agrians and javelin
man, marched into the country of the Aspians, Thyraeans and Arasocans. He journeyed to the
Choes River. This way was mostly mountainous and rocky. When he crossed that river, he
commanded Craterus to come after him with the foot soldiers. He took the whole body of his
cavalry and 800 Macedonians, targeteers on horseback and marched quickly away. He had heard
that the people of that country had fled, some to the mountains and others to fortified cities.
They all planned to fight with him.

2051. Those who came to oppose him, Alexander easily routed and drove them back into the

town by the way they came out. He easily defeated the townsmen, who stood all in battle array
before their walls and made them take refuge within their walls again. Craterus came with the
foot soldiers. Therefore to strike the greatest terror into the minds of a nation which did not
know what manner of men the Macedonians were, he ordered the army to spare no life. They set
fire to the outer works which they had made. As Alexander rode about the walls, an arrow
wounded him through his armour into the shoulder but it was a minor wound. Ptolemy and
Leonatas were both wounded at the same time. Then Alexander saw a place where the wall was
the weakest. He pitched his camp against it. Early the next day in the morning, he easily took the
outer wall which was of no great strength. At the inner wall, the inhabitants made some
resistance. When the Macedonians had scaled the walls and the townsmen felt the arrows
showering down upon them, the soldiers within broke out of the gates and ran every which way
to the nearby mountains. Many of them escaped and saved themselves there. The Macedonians
followed them and overtook and slew the greater number of them. The townsmen that were left
behind, were all killed and the city levelled to the ground.

2052. After Alexander had subdued another weak country, he advanced to the city Nisa. It was
located at the foot of a hill called Meros and was said to have been built in old times by
Bacchus. By the entreaty of Acuphis, the chief man of the place, who was sent to him with 30
other leaders, he spared the inhabitants of Nisa. They were only commanded to give him 300
horses. When this was done, he restored their freedom and allowed them to live after their own
laws and made Acuphis governor of the city and the province of Nisa. Alexander took Acuphis'
son and grandchild for hostages. He sacrificed there to Bacchus under the name of Dionysius.
He made merry and feasted his friends and all his Macedonians. They wore garlands of ivy on
their heads and sang praises to Dionysius with all his titles and names.

"Calling him Bacchus, Bromius and Lyaus,
Born of the fire, twice born and not like others,
But the only one that ever had two mothers."

2053. Ovid speaks of him in like manner although on a different occasion. (Ovid 1. 4
Metamorph.) See also Philostratus in Vita Apollonii, (1. 2. c. 4.)

2054. From there he went to a country called Dadala. All the inhabitants had fled to the woods
and mountains. Therefore he went through Acadera which was also deserted by the inhabitants.

2055. When the city Ardacena surrendered, he left Craterus there with other commanders of the
foot soldiers. They were to capture places that did not voluntarily surrender and to order matters
there as they saw fit.

2056. Alexander with his silver targeteers and his squadron of Agrians and Caenus and Attalus
their brigades and the body of his own cavalry and at most four companies of his fellow
cavaliers and the one half of his archers on horseback, went to the river of Euaspla. Here the
governor of the Aspians was. After a long journey, the 2nd day he came with his army to a city
called Arigaeum. As soon as the inhabitants heard that he was coming, they set their city on fire
and fled to the mountains. The Macedonians chased them and slew a vast number of them.
Ptolemy killed their captain in hand to hand combat and brought his armour with him.

2057. Alexander came with his foot soldiers which rode on horse back. They got off their horses
and attacked the natives. After a long skirmish, the natives were forced to flee for refuge to the

mountains. Craterus came to Alexander with the main body of the army when he had fully
completed the task he was sent on. Alexander commanded him to rebuild Arigaeum which the
inhabitants had burnt and to repopulate it with the people from the nearby places who wanted to
live there and with those Macedonians who were no longer fit for military service. Alexander
went to the place where he heard that natives had fled to. When he came to the foot of a
mountain, he pitched his camp there.

2058. Meanwhile Ptolemy, who was sent foraging, went further on with a small troop to
discover what was ahead. He sent word back to Alexander that there seemed to be more fires in
the enemy's camp than there were in Alexander's camp. Thereupon Alexander left part of his
army in the camp and went with the rest to view those fires for himself. When he had examined
the situation well, he divided the company which he brought with him into three parts. One part
he gave to Leonatus, one of the captains of his bodyguard with the brigade of Attalus and
Balaerus. The second one he ordered Ptolemy to take charge of. He gave him a third part of his
own Argyraspides or silver targeteers, the brigade of Philip and Philoras with 2000 archers, all
the Agrians and half of the whole cavalry. The third part he led himself to a place where he saw
was the largest number of the enemy. The enemy had confidence in their numbers and supposed
the Macedonians to be but few in number. They left the mountain and came down into the plain.
After a bloody battle was fought, the Macedonians won. Ptolemy, who led one of the three
brigades of Macedonians, reports, that there were taken in the that fight, almost 40,000 prisoners
and more than 230,000 cattle. Alexander selected the best of the cattle and sent them back to
Macedon, to breed there for the tillage of the ground.

3677a AM, 4386 JP, 328 BC

2059. From there Alexander went into the country of the Assacenians who were said to have
mustered 1000 cavalry, 3000 foot soldiers and 30 elephants to fight with him. It was said also,
that Assacenus, (which as it seems, was the common name which all their kings went by)
recently died. His mother Cleophis, commanded all that force.

2060. When Craterus had finished rebuilding the city, Arigaeum, he brought all his heavily
armed foot soldiers to Alexander with battering rams and other equipment for a siege, if it was
required. Alexander advanced with the cavalry of his fellow cavaliers, his javelin soldiers on
horseback, with Coenus' and Polysperchon's companies, with 1000 Agrians and the archers
toward the Assacenoans. He marched through the country of the Guraeans and had great trouble
crossing the Guraeus River. When the natives heard of his coming, they dared not fight him in
one body but divided their army and dispersed themselves. Each went into the their cities and
planned to make a stand there.

2061. First, Alexander went with his army to Massaga. It was the largest city of the Assacenian
country and enclosed with a wall of about 4.5 miles. 30,000 men defended it which included
7000 mercenaries from the inner parts of India. These came to fight at the foot of a hill about a
mile from the Guraeus River and were forced to flee back into their city when they lost about
200 men. Shortly after this, Alexander drew up his main battle line of the Macedonians before
the gates of the city. He was wounded in his thigh by an arrow shot from the wall. In pain he
cried out that they told him he was Jupiter's son but when he was wounded, he felt pain like any
another man. He added (as Plutarch in his book of Alexander's fortune writes) that when he saw
the blood running down his body he cited a saying from Homer in his 5th book of his Iliad, that
this was blood indeed, but not:

vv Such blood as from the blessed gods doth flow."

2062. After 9 days of the siege, the courage of the defenders began to weaken. They saw
Alexander's works, the incessant labour of the besiegers, what vast valleys they filled up, what
towers they built and how they made them run upon wheels. However when their captain was
shot through with an arrow from a battering ram their courage failed completely. They gave up
of holding out any longer and retired into their citadel. From there they sent messengers to beg
for a pardon and to surrender. Cleophis, the queen with a great multitude of noble ladies, all
pouring wine into golden basins, came out to Alexander. The queen lay her young son at his feet
and obtained not only his pardon but she was restored to her father's kingdom. This was owning
more to her good looks than to Alexander's generousity. For men commonly said, that all that
was but the fee of a night's lodging and that she got her kingdom again by her allurements which
she could not do by force. After that among the Indians, she went by the name of the king's
concubine. In that siege Alexander lost not more than 25 men.

2063. The Indians in the seige who were hired from the inner parts of India caused Alexander
more trouble than all the rest. According to the terms of the truce, they were allowed to depart
with their arms. However, they camped about 100 miles from there. When Alexander was told
of this, he was very angry with them and attacked them. He said that he indeed allowed them to
depart with their arms but not that they should ever use them against the Macedonians. The
Indians were not aware of the greatness of their danger. They locked themselves close together
and formed a ring and placed their wives and children into the middle of the circle. When the
enemy attacked, they withstood them very courageously. If any man was slain, the women took
up their arms and took his place in the ring. At last they were overcome by the numbers of the
enemy and they all died in that place. Alexander gave the women and the rest of the rabble who
were left to his cavalry. This massacre of the Indians blemished Alexander's glory and remained
as a spot on all his former noble actions.

2064. Alexander sent Coenus to a strong and rich city called Bazira. Alexander supposed that
the inhabitants would readily submit when they heard what happened at Assacan. However, they
refused to surrender. He sent Alcaetas, Attalus and Demetrius general of the cavalry to besiege
the city Ora until he came. The inhabitants made an attack on Alcaetas but the Macedonians
easily pushed them back and quickly besieged them on that side. Alexander heard that Abissarus
would secretly move more of the natives in to defend it. Alexander sent word to Caenus to build
a strong citadel there and leave a large enough garrison in it to prevent the natives from tilling
their ground. He was to return to Alexander with the rest of the army.

2065. The inhabitants of Bazira saw that Caenus had gone with most of his army and left the rest
in the citadel. They went out into the open field for battle. When 500 were killed and 70 more
taken prisoners, the rest returned into the city. They were more securely besieged than before
and did not venture out of the gates.

2066. Alexander took the city Ora at the first assault and took as many elephants as he found
there. When the inhabitants of Bazira heard this, they were afraid of being taken also. Therefore,
in the dead of the night, they all fled out of the gates and got up into a rock called Aornus. The
rest of the cities in the area did likewise. Every man went there with his weapons. Alexander put
garrisons in Ora and Massaga. He strengthened the walls of Bazira and captured the towns

which the inhabitants had abandoned.
3677b AM, 4387 JP, 327 BC

2067. When Taxiles died, his son Omphis or Mophis who had persuaded his father to submit to
Alexander, sent to him to know his pleasure. He wanted to know if he would be the next king or
live a private man till Alexander came. Although word was returned to him that he should reign,
yet he held off for the present. Meanwhile, when Hephaestion and Perdiccas were sent to make a
bridge over the Indus River, came that way, Omphis received them with all honours and freely
furnished them with provisions. However he did not go out to meet them on the way least he
should seem to depend on any man for favour but Alexander himself.

2068. When Alexander came to Embolyma, a city not far from the rock Aornus, he left Craterus
with some of the army there. He ordered him to make provisions of grain and other necessaries
for a long time in case the siege of Aornus lasted a long time and he was not able to capture it on
the first attack. Alexander took his Agrians, archers, Caenus' brigade, from the Macedonian
squadron such as were of the nimblest sort and best armed, 200 of his cavaliers and 100 archers
on horseback and marched to the rock.

2069. According to legend, when Hercules was in those parts, he tried to take that place but
could not because he was thwarted by an earthquake. Alexander was all the more eager to take
the rock and outdo Hercules. According to Diod. Sic. the rock was about 12.5 miles in
circumference and 2 miles high. Arrian says that the rock was 12.5 miles in circumference and
at its lowest point it was about 1.4 miles high. At the foot of it toward the south, the Indus River
ran not far from its source. (Strabo, 1. 15.) The rest was covered with vast bogs and inaccessible
cliffs. In one of the cliffs a poor old man with his two sons lived in a cave where three beds were
cut out of the rock. Alexander promised him 80 talents if he would show him a way up the rock.
Thereupon he told him there was but one way and showed him where it was. When Alexander
found no way other but that one, he manned that place so strongly that those on the rock could
not possibly receive any relief from others. Then he put his army to work. He cast up a mound
of earth and rubbish so high that now he could come at least to fight with them at closer range.
He launched an assault on them which lasted 9 whole days and nights without cessation.
Alexander lost many of his men in the fighting and in climbing the rocks. Among those who
died, were Chares and a person called Alexander. Although he had no hope of taking it yet he
pretended to carry on the siege but left one passage which led to the rock open for them to flee.
Those on the rock were overcome by his persistency and resolution. They took the advantage of
a dark night and all fled from the rock.

2070. When the king saw no activities on the rock the next day, he sent Balacrus to see what had
happened. He brought word that the enemy was all gone. Then Alexander took some of the
captains of his bodyguard and 700 of his silver targeteers and went up onto the rock first. The
rest of the Macedonians followed lending one another a hand to climb up as well as they could.
Alexander then ordered them to pursue the enemy. This they did and killed many of them in the
chase. Many fell over the rocks and were dashed to pieces. When Alexander had conquered the
place, he offered many sacrifices, and built altars to Minerva and Victoria on the rock. He left a
garrison there and made Sisicoptus or Sisocostus, the governor of that place and country around
it. Sisocostus had come previously from India to Bessus in Bactria. When Alexander had
subdued Bactria, Sisocostus came in with his men to Alexander and served him faithfully after
that.

2071. Alexander left Aornus and went into the country of the Assaceni. He was told that the
brother of Assaecanus, the last king, with a number of elephants and number of the inhabitants
and bordering nations were fled to the mountains in those parts. When Alexander came to the
city of Dirta, he found no one there, nor in the surrounding country side.

2072. The next day he sent out Nearchus with 1000 silver targeteers. He assigned to Nearchus
some lightly armed Agrians. Antiochus was given 3000 silver targeteers. These were sent out as
scouts and to see if they could find any of the natives of whom they might enquire among other
things, about the elephants.

2073. Alexander marched forward to the bank of the Indus River. He sent an army before him to
clear his way. Otherwise it would have been impossible for him to have gone through. When he
found that its narrow passes were controlled by Erix, he left Coenus to bring the main body of
the army later at a less strenuous pace. Alexander advanced with his slingers and archers,
cleared the forest and made a safe way for the army that followed later. Diodorus calls this
Indian, Aphrices and says that he had with him 20,000 men and 15 elephants. Whether from a
hatred to this Erix or Aphrices, or whether to ingratiate themselves with Alexander, the Indians
killed him and brought his head and arms to Alexander. He pardoned them but did not thank
them lest others follow their example.

2074. In 16 days he came to the Indus River. He captured the city Penceliotes not far from there
which surrendered to him. He left Philippus with a garrison of Macedonians there to keep order.
He subdued also a number of smaller towns that were along the river. Cophaeus and Assagetes,
the governors of that country attended him as he went from place to place. Alexander learned
from some natives whom he had taken prisoner that the men of that country were all gone to
Barisades (or perhaps Abisarus) and that the elephants were left grazing on the banks of the
Indus River. Thereupon he ordered them to show him the way to the place where the elephants
were. They caught all but two which fell over the rocks and died. The rest were taken and
trained for service and were added to his army. He found good trees for timber there. He ordered
them cut down to make boats with. When the boats were launched, he went in them to the
bridge of boats which Hephaestion and Perdiaccas had built for him. Since they saw that they
would have more rivers to cross, they made their boats so they could be easily disassembled and
carried on carts. Besides these boats, they built two others of 30 oars a piece and many more
smaller craft.

2075. Alexander stayed there 30 days to rest his army. In that time he offered magnificent
sacrifices to his gods and entertained his cavalry and foot soldiers by the river side. He made
one of his friends, Nicanor, governor of all that region on this side Indus. After this he crossed
the river by the bridge that was made at Pencolaites (Strabo, 1. 15.) with his army. Again he
sacrificed to his gods after the manner of the Greeks. Alexander came into the region which lies
between the Indus and the Hydaspes River in the beginning of the spring. This is noted by
Aristobulus who was with him then and by Strabo (1. 15. p. 691.)

3677c AM, 4387 JP, 327 BC

2076. When Alexander was about 8 miles away, Omphis the son of Taxiles met him with an
army and elephants spaced at equal distances among the companies. At first Alexander did not

know whether he came as a friend or a foe and prepared for a fight. When Omphis saw
Alexander's actions, he halted his army and rode quickly by himself to Alexander and
surrendered both himself and his kingdom (which was not much bigger than Egypt) into his
hands. When Alexander asked him whether he had mostly labourers or soldiers in his kingdom
he replied that he was at war with two kings. Hence he must of necessity keep more soldiers
than labourers in his kingdom. His enemies were Abisarus and Porus who reigned on the other
side of the Hydaspes River. With Alexander's permission, Omphis assumed title and position of
a king. After the custom of his country, he was called by the name of Taxiles, for that name goes
with the kingdom with whoever rules it.

2077. The city Taxila from which the king is named after, is the largest of all the other cities
lying between the Indus and Hydaspes Rivers. All its inhabitants with Omphis entertained
Alexander very joyfully. On the 4th day after his arrival there, Omphis told Alexander what
grain he furnished Hephaestion for his army. He presented both Alexander and all his friends
with crowns of pure gold. In addition he gave them a large number of cattle, 3000 oxen and
almost 10,000 sheep. Arrian adds, that he sent Alexander 700 Indian cavalry and 200 talents of
silver. Curtius mentions only 80 talents of silver ingots.

2078. Alexander was very impressed with this entertainment and sent him back his 200 talents
of silver with 1000 talents more of his own. He also sent many dinner plates of gold and silver
with a great deal of Persian attire and 30 of his own horses with their equipment. Alexander's
liberality pleased and obliged Omphis to loyalty. It greatly offended his friends. One of those,
Meleager was eating at supper and was quite drunk. He told Alexander that he was very glad to
see that he found a man here in India whom he thought worthy of 1000 talents. Alexander
remembering what penance he had done for Clitus, did not seek revenge but only said:

vv Envious men were nothing else but their own worst tormentors."

2079. The next day, Abisarus, king of the Indian mountaineers sent his own brother to him with
other ambassadors to present him with money and elephants. He submitted himself and all that
he had to Alexander's disposition and pleasure. When Alexander had made a firm league with
him, he sent them back again to him. Also ambassadors with presents came to him from
Doxareus, a governor in those parts.

2080. In the country of Taxila, Alexander offered again his usual sacrifices and made shows and
contests with his cavalry and foot soldiers. He left Philippus the son of Machates, to be the
governor in those parts with a garrison in the city. He left behind in the country of Taxila those
of his army that were unfit for military service. He then went on toward the Hydaspes River.

2081. Alexander thought his fame would make Porus readily submit to him. He sent a message
to him by Cleochares to require tribute of him and to order him to meet Alexander at the border
of his kingdom. Porus answered that one of these two things he would not fail to do. He would
meet him at the border of his kingdom with his army.

2082. There was another Porus a king of a neighbouring country in India. He was the nephew of
the other Porus. Because he hated his uncle, he sent ambassadors to Alexander and offered
himself and all his kingdom to his service.

2083. Alexander sent back Caenus to the Indus River with orders to dismantle the boats and
bring them overland in carts to him. The smaller boats came apart in 2 sections, the larger were
in 3 sections. They were all brought to the Hydaspes River.

2084. When they were reassembled and launched, he used them to return to Taxila with his
army. He received 5000 Indians whom Taxiles and others had brought to him. He returned to
the banks of the Hydaspes River. On the way, Barzaentes who was governor of the Drangians at
times and the instigator of the revolt of the Arachosians was taken prisoner and brought to
Alexander along with 30 of his elephants. This was a great prize for the Indians trusted more in
their beasts than in their men. Gamaxus, a petty king in those parts and a confederate of
Barzaentes, was taken and brought bound to him. Both were committed to prison and the
elephants enlisted into Alexander's service and sent to Taxiles or Omphis. Alexander advanced
and came to Hydaspes where he had executed Barzaentes for his old treason against his master
Darius. (Arrian 1. 3. p. 72.)

2085. Porus was camped on the other side of the Hydaspes River. He planned to stop Alexander.
He was a man of large statue and a brilliant mind. He was said to be five cubits high (7.5 feet)
although Plutarch says that he was but four cubits high and a hand breadth (6 feet 4 inches). His
body was so big that his coat of armour was twice as large as any other man's. He rode upon an
elephant taller than all the rest on which he sat like an ordinary man on horseback. Curtius says
that in the forefront of his battle he placed 80 large elephants. Diodorus says he had 13. Arrian
says that he had almost 200. He had 300 chariots and 30,000 foot soldiers in his army. Diodorus
states that he had more than 1000 chariots and 50,000 thousand foot soldiers, although Plutarch
says he had 20,000 soldiers and 200 cavalry. Diodorus says 3000 and Arrian 4000 cavalry. The
Hydaspes River ran between the two armies. Porus with his elephants always appeared at the
head of his army and was ready to hinder the crossing of Alexander. Alexander had noises daily
to be made in his army to make the similar noises from the barbarians more normal and
therefore less terrible to his men. After a while, in a stormy dark night, he crossed over the river
with certain of his foot soldiers and most choice cavalry. He crossed way up the river onto a
small island in the midst of the violent thunderstorm. Although, he saw some of his men hit by
lightning and others seriously hurt, he was determined to cross and hide on the other side. The
river was swollen with the rain and undermined its banks in many places with the swiftness of
its current. Alexander got to land, where he could hardly stand for the unstableness of the
ground and the undermining of the banks. When the Macedonians saw this, they also forced
themselves to land being up to their very arm pits in water.

2086. When he crossed the river, he went ahead of his foot soldiers some 2.5 miles with his
cavalry. He engaged 1000 enemy cavalry and 60 chariots. He captured all the chariots and 400
cavalry. When Porus learned that Alexander had crossed the river, he attacked him with all the
troops he had except the ones he left to take care of the Macedonian army that had not yet
crossed over. Alexander feared the number of the enemy and their elephants. He attacked one
wing of them and commanded the rest to attack the other wing. When the natives were hard
pressed anywhere, they always retired in a group to the elephants as a place of refuge. The fight
grew confused everywhere and Alexander could scarcely route them until about 2 p.m.
Alexander described the battle in detail in his own letters:

2087. Aristobulus says that in the former of these two fights he killed 400 cavalry and captured
60 chariots and Porus' son was killed in the fight. However, Ptolemy states when the forces who
were sent out under Porus' son, he was killed in the fight. Ptolemy says the forces which were

sent out with Porus' son were twice as many as Alexander mentions in his letter. Ptolemy says
they attacked with 2000 cavalry and 120 chariots. Concerning the latter engagement which was
fought with Porus, Alexander does not go into detail. Arrian gives more information concerning
the number killed. The Indians lost almost 20,000 men and 3000 cavalry. All their chariots were
scattered, two of Porus' sons were killed. Spitarches who commanded all that region of India
and all the captains both of the elephants and chariots and of his cavalry and foot soldiers were
killed in the battle. All the elephants which were not killed in the fight were captured. Of
Alexander's foot soldiers, he lost 80 of the 6000 engaged in the first battle. He lost 10 of the
archers on horseback, which led the first assault, 20 of his fellow cavaliers and 200 cavalry.
Diodorus states that about 12,000 died including the two sons of Porus, all the chief
commanders of his army and bravest captains that he had. 9000 prisoners were taken and 80
elephants captured. 280 of the Macedonian cavalry died along with more than 700 foot soldiers.

2088. When Porus was taken, Alexander asked him how he wanted to be treated. He replied:
"Like a king."

2089. Alexander asked him again, whether he wanted anything else and his answer was that
word:

"Like a king."

2090. comprehends all. When Alexander saw his noble and royal disposition, he treated him
accordingly and took him into the number of his friends. He restored him to his kingdom again
which reached from Hydaspes to the bank of the Acesives River. In it were 300 cities. (Strabo, 1.
15. p. 698.)

2091. Arrian shows that these things happened after the summer solstice in the rainy season in
India. The Hydaspes River would swell greatly whereas in the middle of winter a man may
wade across it. (Arrian. 1. 5. p. 107.) Jacobus Capellus compares another place of his, (Arrian. 1.
7. p. 163.) where he writes the same thing of the Euphrates River, saying:

"It is fordable in the winter. When the spring approaches, and much more when the sun returns
from its summer solstice, it grows deep and overflows its banks."

2092. The Greeks call the four seasons of the years by the name of tropics. They may just as
easily divide the year into two parts, summer and winter. Summer would start at the vernal
equinox and winter from the autumnal equinox. However Arrian is speaking after the manner of
the east when he says:

"as the spring approached and after this toward the summer season, the rain began to fall there
and the waters to rise."

2093. Concerning those Indian regions, Aristobulus was an eye-witness of them, and was
present with Alexander at the Hydaspes River. He says that at the beginning of the spring, the
rains begin to fall and so grow stronger from day to day. Strabo says the same. (Strabo, 1. 15. p.
114.)

2094. This battle was fought between the vernal equinox and the summer solstice. Arrian plainly
shows this where he says:

vv This was the end of the battle fought by Alexander against Porus and his Indians on the other
side of the Hydaspes River in the year when Hegemon was archon of Athens in the month
Munichion:"

2095. In that year that month corresponds almost entirely to our month of May according to the
Julian Calendar. The summer solstice did not happen until Alexander came to the Acesines
River, as I show later from Nearchus.

2096. Alexander was glad for this victory which opened the way to the farthest borders of the
east. Thereupon he had all his men that died in the battle to be honourably buried. He sacrificed
to the sun, as the giver of this victory. He held games and contests both on foot and horseback at
the river Hydaspes near the place where he crossed. Since there was of all manner of provisions
in the place, he stayed there for 30 days to rest his wearied companies. To cheer up his soldiers
for the remainder of this war, he called them together and gave them a pep talk commending
their prowess and valor. He told them that all the forces of India were quashed by their one day's
work. All the rest was a rich spoil for them to take. He gave the chief commanders of his army
crowns to wear. Every one of them received 1000 pieces of gold. He rewarded the rest
according to his place and rank in the army. For a description of the monument he made there,
see (Philostratus 1. 2. Life of Apollion. c. ult.)

2097. Alexander planned that as soon as he set foot in India, to go and see the Indian Ocean.
Therefore he had his shipwrights build boats for that purpose. In the Emodian hills nearby, there
was an abundance of tall fir trees with a quantity of cedar and pine trees along with other timber
fit for ship building. When they went to cut them down, they found there very many large
snakes, as long as 24 feet. In those woody mountains, they found rhinoceroses as well as a huge
number of apes, some quite large. The rhinoceros is a rare beast in other countries. When the
Macedonians saw a number of them ranging on the side of a hill in a kind of array like soldiers,
they first thought that they had been an enemy. They cried out, 'Arm, Arm" and arranged
themselves to attack them. It was not until Taxiles, who was then with Alexander, told them
what they were that the fray ended. (Strabo. 1. 15. p. 698, 699.)

2098. Alexander built 2 cities here, one on each side of the Hydaspes River. The one on this side
the river at the place where he crossed and the other on the other side where he fought this
battle. This city he named from the victory over the Indians and gave it the Greek name, Nicea.
The other one he called Bucephalis or Bucephalia after his horse Bucephalus. He had died there
not of any wound received in the battle (As some have it. A. Gellius (1. 5. c. 2.)) but spent with
travel and old age. He was 30 years old according to Arrian and Sicritus as cited by Plutarch.
The king gave him a solemn funeral and build a monument and there built a city round it. (Pliny,
1. 8. c. 42.) Near to these cities he built his navy for the ocean (Strabo. 1. 15. p. 698) on the
Hydaspes River which ran between the two kingdoms of Porus and Taxiles. Both of these
helped him greatly in building this fleet. (Curt 1. 9. c. 7.)

2099. Alexander left Craterus there with a part of his army to finish the buildings of these two
cities and their wall. He went further into India against those who bordered on Porus' kingdom.
Aristobulus called the kingdom Glauconica but Ptolemy called it Glausa. He took one half of his

fellow cavaliers along with him, the best men from every squadron, with all his archers on
horseback, his squadron of Agrians and the other archers. On this expedition, 37 cities
surrendered to him. The smallest city had at least 5000 inhabitants and many had more than
10,000. In addition, many towns and villages surrendered to him some which were as large as
the cities. All this territory he added to Portus' kingdom. He made Taxiles and Portus good
friends and sent Taxiles back into his own kingdom again.

2100. At the same time ambassadors from Abisarus came to Alexander. Arisarus promised to be
at his command, provided that Alexander would not require him to give up his kingdom. For he
would not live without a kingdom nor reign if he were enslaved to another man. Thereupon
Alexander sent back word to him that seeing he would not come to Alexander, Alexander with
his army would take the pains to go to him. This would cost Abisarus dearly. Ambassadors
came to him from those Indians which lived as free states and from another Porus, king of the
Indians also.

2101. Phrataphernes, the governor of Parthia and Hircania came at this time to Alexander with
such Thracians that Alexander had left with him. Messengers came to him from Sicicus,
governor of the Assacenians to tell him, that the Indians had murdered his vice-governor and
had revolted from him. Against these Alexander sent Philippus and Tyriespes with an army
ordering them to suppress the rebellion of the Assacenians and keep that province in order.
About this time, Cleophis, the queen of the Assacenians bore Alexander a son, whom she named
after Alexander and was later king of that country. (Justin. 1. 12. c. 7. with Curtius, 1. 8. c. 20.)

2102. The other Porus who was the nephew to the one whom Alexander had overcome, feared
his uncle Porus more than Alexander. He left his kingdom and fled into the country of the
Gaugaride. He took with him as many as would follow him and that were fit to bear arms.

3677d AM, 4387 JP, 327 BC

2103. Alexander with his army crossed over the violent Acesives River which was almost 2
miles wide. Those who crossed on bags made from skins did much better than those in the boats.
Those who crossed in boats were dashed many times on the rocks in the way. Some boats sunk,
drowning some of the army as Arrian from Ptolemy reports, (1. 5. p. 145.) Alexander left Coenus
with his brigade on the near side to provide for the crossing of those supplying grain and other
things for the army and to protect them from any attackers.

2104. Nearchus, who was in the army at this time, says, (cited by Strabo, 1. 15. p. 692.) that
Alexander first camped by the river side. He was forced to move his camp later to higher ground
to escape the flood waters. This happened about the summer solstice. Arrian confirms this in his
book (Indica, p. 172.) where he says that Alexander's army ran away from the Acesives River
when its water flooded all the country at midsummer.

2105. There were vast forests and shady trees of an enormous size and incredible height. Some
were over 100 feet high and so thick that 4 men could barely get their arms around them. They
cast a shadow of 3 acres or 300 feet from their limbs. For the most part, they were like huge
beams bowing downward to the ground and grew up from there again. The new plant was not
nourished by the same bough but rooted itself were the bough touched the ground. For more
information about the banyan tree see (Pliny. 1. 12. c. 5. & Strabo 1. 15. p. 694.). He states from

Aristobulus that under one of these trees 50 men could sit at dinner.

2106. There were also a large number of deadly snakes. They were small and very colourful.
Their bite was so deadly that it caused sudden death to any one that was bitten. To avoid this
danger, the Macedonians hung their beds from the limbs of the trees and slept above ground.
They got little sleep. At length they learned a remedy for the snake bite from the native people.
They showed them a root to take if any man happened to be bitten.

2107. Alexander sent Porus back to his own kingdom with orders to return with an army of the
choicest and ablest Indians that he could find along with any elephants he had. After the army
crossed the deserts, they came to the Indian river of Hyarotis or Hydraotes. It was as wide as the
Acesines River but not so violent. He left garrisons everywhere he went in convenient places so
that Craterus and Caenus might safely come to him with grain which they were to gather from
all the places they went. He committed part of his army to Hephaestion. He gave him charge of
two squadrons of foot soldiers, both his own and Demetrius' Cornets of cavalry and half his
archers. He sent them into the country of that Porus who fled away and ordered him to transfer
the kingdom to his friend King Porus. If he found any other Indian nation bordering on the
Hyarotis River which lived as free states, he should add them all to Porus' kingdom. Alexander
crossed the Hyarotis River with less trouble than he had with the Acesines River.

2108. Next to this river there was a grove of shady trees not usually seen in other parts and wild
peacocks that flew up and down in the trees. Alexander advanced and took over other countries.
Some surrendered and others he took by force. For some he was forced to chase and overtake
and make them yield to him.

2109. Meanwhile, Alexander was told that there were other Indian states and a people called the
Cathaeans who intended to fight him if he came into their countries. They joined with other free
states of India to form an alliance with them in this action. Also another nation of those parts
called Oxidracans and the Mallians. A little before this, Abisarus and Porus with their joint
armies along with many other confederate Indians, went to subdue them but were unable to. The
Indians awaited Alexander's arrival in Sangalae, a large city of the Cathaeans. It was surrounded
with a wall and with a bog. These Cathaeans are called by Polyannus (1. 4. Stratag.) the Calthaei.
Diodorus call them the Cathari. He states that it was law, agreed to by all these countries that
when the husband died, the wife would be buried with his body. Strabo also notes this of the
Cathaeans. (1. 15. p. 699.)

2110. Alexander went into these parts and came the second night to a city called Pimprama.
That country of the Indians are called Adraista. Diodorus calls them the Andrasta. These came
to him and surrendered conditionally.

2111. Alexander rested his soldiers there the next day. On the third day, he marched to Sagala
where the Cathaeans and their allies awaited his arrival. They stood in battle array on the rise of
a hill before the city. Instead of a trench between them and the enemy, they placed 3 rows of
chariots locked closely together. Alexander quickly scattered the chariots and they all fled back
into the city. Alexander immediately besieged them. He cast up a double trench around the city
except where the bog hindered them. He set Ptolemy there with 3000 of the silver targeteers, all
the squadron of Agrians and one company of archers to guard that quarter. He set all the chariots
which he had taken, in an escape route from the city to hinder them from escaping. The

inhabitants tried to escape in the 4th watch of the night and fell over those chariots. They were
beaten back by Ptolemy who killed 500 of them and forced them to retreat within their gates
again. Meanwhile Porus came to him with the rest of his elephants and 5000 Indians. His
battering rams were assembled and approached the wall. The Macedonians did not have to batter
the inner wall but only undermined the outer earthwork made of brick and raised their ladders
against the inner wall, thus taking the city by assault. 17,000 inhabitants were killed, 70,000
taken prisoner, 300 chariots were captured and 500 horses were taken. Alexander did not lose
more than 100 men in this seige. 1500 more including Lysimachus, one of the captains of his
bodyguard were hurt.

2112. After Alexander buried his dead after the Macedonian customs, he sent Perdiccas with
sufficient forces to ravage and plunder all the country around there. He sent Eumenes the
secretary, (that is that Eumenes who was secretary sometimes to King Philip and whose life,
Plutarch and Probus have both written) with 300 cavalry to two cities which had allied with
those of Sangala. He was to offer them a pardon and he should receive them in mercy. However
when the townsmen heard what was done at Sangala, they all fled from the town before he
came. As many as were not able to escape through infirmity, were all killed by Eumenes to the
number of 500. Alexander gave up the idea of overtaking the rest and returned to Sangala and
utterly destroyed it.

2113. Alexander went to besiege another strong town into which a great number of people from
weaker places had fled. When they asked his mercy and opened him their gates, he pardoned
them and took hostages. He marched away to the next town, which was a very large one and full
of people. There he had the hostages whom he received to be presented before the walls. Those
in the town knew them as their neighbours and they desired to speak with them. The hostages
told them what a merciful man Alexander was and how dreadful he was to his enemies. They
easily persuaded them to yield to him. Now the news went out that before people thought
Alexander was more like a robber was wrong and he behaved more like a conqueror. The rest of
the cities surrendered without a fight. (Curt. 1. 9. c. 2. Polya. Stratag. 1. 4. in Alexan. s. 30.)

2114. From here he went into the kingdom of Sopithes who at more than 6 feet was taller than
all men of those parts. He came from his chief city with his two mature sons. He gave Alexander
his golden rod, all set with beryl stones and surrendered to him, himself, his children and all his
kingdom. Alexander gave him his kingdom back again. A few days later, he feasted Alexander
and all his army in a very sumptuous manner. He gave Alexander personally many large and
costly gifts. He also gave him 150 Indian dogs which were, as was said, a cross breed between
dogs and tigers. They were very strong and courageous. To prove this he had 4 of them attack a
very large lion. (Strabo, 1. 15. p. 700. Elia. Histor. Ammal. 1. 8. c. 1.)

2115. Meanwhile Hephaestion returned to him with the troops he left with. He subdued all the
countries of the Indians far and wide wherever he went. Alexander spared no honour for him
and praised him before the army.

2116. Alexander left Sopithes in his kingdom as he found him. He advanced still to the next
country where Phegeus was king. All the inhabitants welcomed the Macedonians and Phegeus
went out personally to meet Alexander with gifts and presents. He submitted himself wholly to
his pleasure. Alexander re-established him in his kingdom. Alexander was royally entertained
with all his army and stayed there 2 whole days.

21 17. On the 3rd day he departed from there and came to the Hyphasis or Hypanis River. It is
almost a mile wide and 36 feet deep. It was very rocky under water and quite difficult to cross.
Phegeus told him what he wanted to know about the other side of the river. There was a vast
desert of 1 1 or 12 days journey to cross bounded by the Ganges River. It was the largest in all of
India. Beyond the river lived various peoples. The people there were the Gaugaridae or
Gongaridae and Prasians or Praendians, or Praesiaeans, or Pharrasians, or Tabraesians, for they
are all known by these different names. Their King was called Agrammes. (Diod. Sic. calls him
Xagrames,) He had an army of 20,000 cavalry, 200,000 foot soldiers, 2000 chariots and 3000 or
(as Diodorus says) 4000 elephants, all trained and equipped for war.

2118. These things seemed incredible to Alexander. When he had questioned Porus further,
Porus told him that the force and power of that king and kingdom was indeed very great and no
less than what he was told. However the current king was of ignoble birth and no better than a
poor barber's son. He was hated and scorned by his subjects. Androcottus, who was then but a
youth and had not only seen Alexander but also for a certain saucy prank played on Alexander,
was ordered to be executed. He would have died had he not fled. Justin, (1. 15. c. 4.) tells us that
he later said that Alexander almost conquered all of India. The part he missed was of little note
since their the king was too wicked, so base, so hated and so much scorned by his people.

2119. Alexander began to reflect that his soldiers were all tired out and spent with the length of
the war. Every man began to look for an end of these dangers and for the reward and fruit of all
their labours. They had now been 8 whole years (for so long it was since he became king) in a
continual perilous war. It happened that for 70 consecutive days, it poured rain accompanied
with violent thunderstorms according to Diodorus. Diodorus says that to pacify the soldiers, he
gave them permission to plunder a most rich and bountiful country of the enemies and to take all
to themselves. While they were busy at this, he called together their wives and children and
made there a law that the wives would receive their monthly allowance in grain and their
children the same wages that their fathers did.

2120. When the soldiers were returned home laden with wealth and riches, the king called them
all together. He made a prepared speech to request them to accompany him cheerfully to the
conquest of the Gangaridae. Caenus the son of Polemocrates replied in the name of the whole
army and concluded that they all desired an end of the war. The Macedonians would not listen
to Alexander's request. Ptolemy reports that he went on and offered sacrifices for the crossing of
the river. When the entrails portended all direful things if he proceeded, he called together his
friends and such as were the oldest and most intimate with him. He told them first and afterward
declared to all the army that since all things seemed to be against his going any farther, he was
now content and resolved to return home.

2121. Pliny very improbably writes that notwithstanding all this, he crossed the Hypanis River
and erected altars on the other side. (1. 6. c. 17.) For a similar action occurred in the same place,
that is in the king's own letters to confirm as much. I think that those words refer not to his
crossing over the Hypanis or Hyphasis River but to that which went before concerning the order
and distance of his camps and journeys from place to place. These were described and recorded
by Diognetus and Baeton, his two principal harbingers and camp masters. For who can believe
that Alexander alone without his army and without any purpose of going any further would offer
to cross such a dangerous river as that was. If he would, then the enemy who were on the other
side, would have attacked him and hindered his work. Strabo, (1. 15. p. 700.) notes that he went
no further eastward because he was forbidden to cross the Hypanis or Hyphasis River. Plutarch

also tells us that in his time the kings of the Praesiaeans or Prasians crossed the river to his side
and worshipped those altars which Alexander then set up and offered sacrifices on them after the
customs of the Greeks.

2122. It is obvious that Alexander divided his army into various companies. He had 12 altars to
be built, all of square stone on the west side of the Hyphasis River and not on the east side. Each
alter was 75 feet high and similar to so many large towers and of a greater size than towers were
usually constructed. On these altars, he offered sacrifices after the Greek manner to his gods. He
held for his men, games of all sorts, wrestling, dancing and sports on horseback. Then he made
his camp three times larger in every respect than it was ever done before. He made trenches 50
feet wide and 10 feet deep. He had the earth cast up from the ditch. He made a good wall around
the trench. He commanded his foot soldiers that in their tents they should set up two bedsteads,
each of them 7.5 feet high. The cavalry men should do this as well as make mangers for their
horses as large as at other times. They should do the same with their weapons, horse bits and
other equipment, they were leaving behind. They should make them in the same proportion and
to hang them up. This was to give posterity an imaginary belief of his greatness. Concerning the
inscriptions and titles of his altars, we may see more in (Philostratus, his life of Apollonius.)

2123. When these things were done, he returned by the same way he came to the Hydraotes
River. He crossed it and came back to Acesines.

2124. There he found this city already built by Hephaestion whom he left to do it. Into the city
he relocated as many of the neighbouring places as wanted to live there. He left his mercenary
soldiers who were unfit for military service here.

2125. Arsaces, who ruled over all in the province bordering on the kingdom of Abisarus and the
brother of Abisarus and his associates came to Alexander. They brought him presents of the
most valuable items in those parts. Abisarus sent 30 elephants. They said that Abisarus would
have come to him but he was sick. Alexender sent messengers to Abisarus and they confirmed
his story. Thereupon he made Abisarus governor under himself of that province and made
Arsaces subject to him. He appointed what tribute they should pay to him. Alexander offered
sacrifices again at the Acesines River.

2126. He crossed the Acesines River and came to the Hydaspes River. He repaired with the help
of his soldiers, whatever the flooding of that unruly river had destroyed of his two cities, Nicaea
and Bucephalis recently built there. From the time that he went from there until his return, it had
rained continuously with monsoon winds according to Aristobulus as cited by Strabo. (1. 15. p.
691.) The rain lasted 70 days with violent thunderstorms, as I showed before from Diodorus.

3678a AM, 4387 JP, 327 BC

2127. Alexander had built a large number of ships by the side of the Hydaspes River. Two of
these had three banks of oars. He planned to sail down to the Indian Ocean with his cavalry and
foot soldiers. For his venture, he gathered all the Phoenicians, Cypriots, Carians and Egyptians
who followed his camp and put them aboard his ships.

2128. At the same time Coenus died who was one of his best and closest friends. He grieved his
death and had him buried with all honour and sumptuousness which that time and place

afforded. However, he did not forget the speech which he made in the armies behalf promising
them to return home. Had he known how short a time he had to live, he would never have made
so long an oration.

2129. He received fresh troops from Greece. These were auxiliaries and mercenary soldiers
under their various commanders, that is 30,000 foot soldiers and 6000 cavalry. This also brought
rich arms for 25,000 foot soldiers and 100 talents in medicines (Diod. Sic. & Curt. 1. 9. c. 5.)
Memnon also brought him from Thracia, 6000 cavalry besides those which came from Harpalus
and 7000 foot soldiers. He also brought weapons inlaid with silver and gold which Alexander
distributed in the army and had the old ones burnt.

2130. Harpalus, who Curtius says sent the new supplies to him, was the same person whom
Alexander had entrusted with the keeping of his tributes and treasure in the city and province of
Babylon and whom he had left as his overseer of all that country. (Plutarch in Alexand. )
However, he gave the government of it to Mazeus who had delivered it up into his hands and
when he died Ditamenes succeeded him in that charge. Although Diodorus calls Harpalus, the
president of that province in his history of (year 2, 1 13th Olympiad) in which time we are.
Diodorus further tells us that Harpalus hoped that Alexander would never return alive from
India and gave himself over to all kinds of intemperance and luxury, sparing no expense. First
he committed of all manner of whoredom and luxury with the women of that country. Then he
indulged in all sorts of unseemly and unseasonable delights and pleasures. He squandered the
king's money committed to his charge. He ordered various fish to be brought to him from as far
off as the Red Sea (Indian Ocean, ed.) and was so lavish in his feasting and usual diet that every
man was ashamed of him. He sent for a noted strumpet, Pythonice by name from as far as
Athens and when she died, he sent for another one from the same place called Glycera.
Therefore Theopompus complained in his letter to Alexander telling him that Harpalus spent
more than 200 talents in making two tombs for Polynice when she died, one at Athens and
another at Babylon. He dedicated a grove, an alter and a temple to Pythonice by the name of
Venus Pythonica. He set up Glycera's statue in brass at Tarsus in Syria and let her live in the
king's palace. He commanded the people to call her by the title of a queen and reverence her as
such. (Athenaus 1. 13. c. 23.)

2131. Cleander, Shades and Heracon in Media did the like, hoping that Alexander would never
return alive from India. They plundered private men's estates, pulled down temples and ravished
the young virgins of the noblest families. They did many other kinds of villainies to their
citizens and belongings. The very name of a Macedonian was odious to all nations for their
avarice and luxury of all kinds. Worst of all, Cleander, who having first ravished a noble virgin
himself, gave her later to his slave for his whore. (Curt. 1. 10. c. 1. Arrian. 1. 6. p. 142.)

2132. Alexander prepared for his voyage into the ocean. He saw old grudges rekindled between
Porus and Taxiles and made them friends again. He made them pledge friendship to each other
and then sent them away to their own kingdoms. He had made Porus king of all the countries
lying between Hydaspes and Acesines River as before. In addition he gave him all the free states
which he had subdued between the Acesines and Hypanis River, which were various countries
containing over 2000 cities. (Arrian. 1. 6. p. 124.) Others say that within these 15 countries were
more than 5000 large cities besides towns and villages. (Plutarch in Alexand.) In fact the region
lying between the Hydaspes and Hypanis River contained no more than nine countries with
5000 cities. Each city was as large as Coos in Meropis, (Strabo, from Apollodorus, who wrote of
the affairs of Parthia, reports, 1. 15. p. 686.) Strabo thinks that his opinion is a bit outlandish. He

says it seems that this number is put a little hyperbolic ally and therefore Pliny thinks this is the
number of all the cities which he subdued in India. (1. 6. c. 17.) Those who were with Alexander
in his expedition report that in that part of India which he subdued there were 5000 towns and
cities each as large as Coos in these 9 countries. Philippus, who was one of his company of
friends with Alexander, was appointed governor of a country beyond the Indus River by
Alexander.

2133. The cavalry of the city of Nisaea were sent back. Craterus and Hephaestion were
commanded to march before him into the capital city of Sopithes' kingdom and await the arrival
of his fleet. Craterus went on the right hand side of the Hydaspes with a part of the cavalry and
foot soldiers. Hephaestion was on the left hand with the remainder and far greater part of the
whole army and 200 elephants. The whole army at this time consisted of 120,000 men with
those whom he brought from the sea coast. Those returned to him also whom he sent to levy
fresh troops. They brought with them men of various nations and different weapons. (Arrian. 1. 6.
& in his Indica. p. 181.) Plutarch says that at this time he had 20,000 foot soldiers and 15,000
cavalry.

2134. Curtius says that this fleet had 1000 ships. Of these, Diodorus says, 200 were open and the
rest were barges propelled by oars. Arrian, (in his Indica) says he had only 800 boats, some for
transporting the horses and the rest for cargo vessels grain and other provisions. In total this
amounted to little less than 2000 vessels.

2135. The admiral of this fleet was Nearchus from Crete and Euagoras from Corinth was in
charge of all the provisions. In Alexander's ship, the captain was Onisieritus from Astypula.
Arrian (in his Indica), records the name of every capatin for each ship.

2136. When the preparations were complete, Alexander sacrificed to his native gods and to the
other gods as the priests advised him to. These included, Neptune, Amphitrite and the Nereides
or Sea Nymphs. Most importantly he sacrificed to the ocean, to the Hydaspes River, the
Acesines River into which the Hydaspes flows and to the Indus River which receives them both.
He held various sorts of games, of music and wrestling and the like with prizes for those who
would enter the contests. He distributed animals to every company so they could sacrifice by
themselves.

2137. In the morning, the army boarded the ships. This included the silver targeteers archers and
such of the cavalry as were called his friends. This totalled 8000 troops and happened not many
days before the setting of the Pleiades. (Strabo. 1. 15. from Aristobulus). This time is about the
end of our October. Alexander boarded and poured out a golden viol of wine from the prow of
the ship into the river. He called on the Acesines, Hydaspes and Indus Rivers all at once.
Afterward when he offered to his progenitor Hercules, to Ammon and the rest of the gods
according to his accustomed manner the trumpet sounded at his command. This signal was to
draw down the vessels into the water and to start the journey. This was done. The order was
given how far every barge, horse carrier and ship of war should stay away from each other lest
they should collide with each other. They were to keep their rank and position and not to out
row each other as if this were a race.

2138. In this manner Alexander came on the 3rd day to the place where he had appointed
Craterus and Hephaestion to meet him. He stayed there 2 days so that Philip might there catch

up to him with the rest of the army. Alexander had sent him to the Acehnes River with orders to
march down by the bank. He sent away Craterus and Hephaestion again with orders where to
march by land.

2139. Alexander followed the Hydaspes River which was at least 2.5 miles farther than going by
land and landed his soldiers and went to Sibarus, the country of the Sobians. These were said to
be the descendents of those who along with Hercules had besieged the Rock of Aornus. When
they could not take it, they were left here by him when they were not able to march with him
any further. Their clothes were nothing but skins of wild beasts and their weapons nothing but
clubs. Although the Greek manners and customs were long gone, yet a man might easily
perceive some traces and marks of their Greek origin among them. When Alexander pitched his
camp near to the chief city of their country, the principal men of them came to him and were
admitted into his presence. They reminded him of their Greek origin and what reverence they
had for the Greek nation. They offered him their service in whatever his pleasure was as became
men of the same blood with him and his Greeks. They witnessed to this with the extra-ordinary
presents they gave to him. Alexander received them very graciously and made them a free state
to live according to their own laws.

2140. From there he rode further into the country some 30 miles and after he had wasted all the
fields, he came and besieged the chief city of that country.

2141. The Agalassians opposed him with 4000 foot soldiers and 3000 cavalry on the bank of a
river. He crossed the river and quickly routed them after killing most of them. The rest ran into
the towns. When he had captured them, he slew those who were of age and sold the rest for
slaves.

2142. Other inhabitants there took up arms also and about 20,000 gathered together into one
city. He broke into the city by pure force. When they barricaded their streets and fought on them
from the battlements of their houses, he was forced to retire and left many of his Macedonians
dead behind him. Therefore in a rage he set fire to the houses and burnt both the city and most of
the people in it with fire. When 3000 who had fled into the citadel sued for pardon, he gave it to
them.

2143. He then returned aboard ship with his friends. He went with all speed into the countries of
the Mallians and Oxydracans because he was told that they were two very populous and warlike
countries. They had carried their wives and children into fortified places and planned to meet in
the battle. Therefore he made the more haste, so that he might attack them while they were still
making preparations and not fully ready for him.

3678b AM, 4388 JP, 326 BC

2144. On the 5th day of sailing down the river, he came to the confluence of the two rivers, the
Acesines and Hydaspes. They both meet in a very narrow channel. Therefore, the river runs with
a most violent and rapid current making many whirlpools. Many of their ships sprung leaks and
two of the largest of them ran afoul of each other, broke up and sank, drowning their passengers.
Alexander's own ship, was sucked into one of these whirlpools and was in extreme danger of
sinking and drowning Alexander. When they had gone a little farther, the channel became wider
and the stream grew calmer. The ships came to the right hand bank and found a safe harbour to

stay in behind a bank which ran out into the river. This broke the violence of the river and so
they were able to draw their ships to land.

2145. The king set up altars on this side of the bank and sacrificed to his gods for escaping so
great a danger. Then he marched about 4 miles further into the country and attacked the natives
that would not submit to him. He ordered them only not to help the Mallians and returned to his
ships again. He was met by Craterus, Hephaestion and Philippus who brought their armies to
help him.

2146. The countries of the Oxydracans and Mallians lie between the place where the Hydaspes
River joins the Acesines River and they both flow into the Indus River. (Arrian. in his India, p
171.) These were usually at war with each other but now united against their common enemy,
Alexander. To further secure their alliance, they gave 10,000 virgins to each other to intermarry.
They had 80,000 foot soldiers and 10,000 cavalry besides 700 chariots. Curtius says 900. Justin
(1. 12. c. 9.) and Orosius (1. 3. c. 19.) call these people the Mandri or Ambri and Sabracans or
Subagrans or Sugambrians. By all these names, the Malli and Oxydracans (who in Diodorus are
incorrectly written Syracusions) in various editions go. They had 60,000 cavalry.

2147. The Macedonians thought they were past all danger and looked for an end of the fighting
business. When they saw themselves engaged in a new war with more fierce and warlike
countries than they had before in any part of India, they were terrified. They began again to
murmur and rebel against Alexander. Alexander pacified them with a good speech and made all
well again.

2148. Commander-in-chief of all this native army was a man of proven valour and chosen from
the Oxydracans. He pitched his camp at the foot of a hill and made many fires so that he might
make his army seem all the larger. They made loud shouts and noises after the manner of their
country to terrify the Macedonians. The next morning Alexander was full of hope and confident
of victory. He encouraged his soldiers and attacked them. Whereupon, the enemies whether for
fear or some disagreement among themselves, all ran away and fled to the mountains and
woods. When the Macedonians could not overtake them, they started rifling their camp.

2149. When Alexander had rigged his navy he sent Nearchus with it down river into the country
of the Mallians. He ordered him to be there 3 days before the army. Alexander crossed the
Hydaspes and ordered Craterus, who was on the right hand of the Hydaspes to take charge of the
elephants, of Polysperchon's brigade, his archers on horseback and of Philip's regiment. He
ordered Hephaestion to go 5 days march ahead of him. Ptolemy was to come 3 day's journey
behind him. This ensured that whoever escaped from Hephaestion, would be sure to fall into the
hands of one of the two of them. He ordered those that went ahead of him to go to the
confluence of the Acesines and Hydraotes Rivers which was the farthest border of the Mallians,
as the confluence of the Acesines and Hydaspes Rivers was border of the Oxydracans. They
were to stay there and await his arrival and the armies of Craterius and Ptolemy.

2150. Alexander took his regiment of silver targeteers, his squadron of Agrians, Python's
brigade and all his archers on horseback and one half of his fellow cavaliers. He went through a
sandy dry country into the region of the Mallians to attack them before either the Oxydracans
could come to help them or they could go to the Oxydracans.

2151. The first day he camped near a little river about 12 miles from the Acesines. When they
rested for a while, he ordered every man to fill what bottles he had with water. They marched on
the remainder of that day and the next night some 50 miles. On the next morning, they attacked
a great many of the Mallians. They never thought that he would come over that dry wilderness
and were walking abroad idly outside the city. He killed most of them and the rest fled into the
gates of the city and there locked them. Alexander had his cavalry surround the walls, instead of
a trench, until his foot soldiers came.

2152. As soon as the foot soldiers came, he sent away Perdiccas with his own troops, Clitus'
cavalry and the Agrians to besiege another town of the Mallians. He understood that many of the
Indians were gathered together there. He wanted to keep them in but not to make any assault
until he came. This would prevent them from carrying news into other parts that he had come
into the country. He began to make his approaches and to assault the city which he besieged.

2153. He killed many of them in the assault and the rest left the walls and fled to the citadel.
When he took that, he killed 2000 men.

2154. When Perdiccas came to the city which he was commanded to besiege, he found all the
inhabitants had fled. When he found that they had just recently escaped he followed them as fast
as he could. All the ones he overtook, he killed. The rest escaped into the bogs and marshes.

2155. When Alexander had rested and refreshed himself and his army, he marched at the first
watch of the night. At day break, they came to the Hydraotes River where he found that many of
the Mallians had already crossed. He attacked and killed the rest that were crossing the river.
Then he crossed the river with his army and overtook those that had crossed earlier. He killed
many of them and took others prisoner. However, most of them escaped into a well fortified
city.

2156. When his foot soldiers came up, Alexander sent Python against them with his own and
two other regiments of cavalry. On the first attack, he chased them into the town and took it. All
those who were not killed, were made slaves. After this Python returned to the camp.

2157. Alexander led his army against a city of the Brachmanni where he understood more of the
Mallians had fled. As soon as he came, he besieged it all around with his squadrons very
heavily. The soldiers immediately left the walls and fled to the citadels. When this was captured,
some of the inhabitants, set their own houses on fire and threw themselves into it. Others died
fighting. About 5000 perished and few were captured alive.

2158. Alexander stayed there one day to give his soldiers a rest. The next day he marched
against the other towns of the Mallians. He found all the cities deserted and the inhabitants all
fled to the woods and mountains. He stayed there one day.

2159. The next day he sent Python and Demetrius, the captain of a regiment of cavalry back to
the riverside. He sent other troops and companies with them. He wanted them to deal with any
that had escaped to the woods. If they did not surrender they were to be killed. A great many
were killed by them.

2160. Alexander marched against the capital city of the Mallians into which he learned that
many others had fled. When this large city heard of his coming, the inhabitants fled and crossed
over the Hydraotes River. They put themselves into battle array on the high clifts of that river, as
if they would stop him from crossing there. Alexander followed them immediately with his
cavalry and ordered his foot soldiers to come later. When he was in the middle of the river, the
Indians abandoned the place and although they were in good battle array, they fled. There were
at least 50,000 of them. Alexander saw them in a strong compact body. Since his foot soldiers
had not come to him, he offered to charge them from all directions. However, he did not think it
wise to fight with them at that time.

2161. As soon as the Agrians, other well-ordered squadrons and the archers came, the main
battle with the foot soldiers started. The Indians fled and all ran away to the next fortified city.
Alexander pursued them and slew many of them. When they were there, Alexander presently
surrounded the city with his cavalry before the foot soldiers came.

2162. Demophoon a soothsayer, talked with Alexander and told him that by certain signs and
prodigies he observed that Alexander was in some great danger. He wanted Alexander to stop or
at least to defer the siege of the place. The king reviled him with sharp words for disheartening
the soldiers while they were in action. He divided his army into two parts and led one part and
gave the other to Perdiccas. They both went together to scale the wall. The Indians could not
endure the attack and abandoned their stations on the wall and all fled all to the citadel.
Alexander with those about him broke open the first gate himself and got into the city. He began
to set ladders against the citadel wall. When he saw his Macedonians not coming on so quickly
as he wished, he took a ladder himself and set it against the wall and climbed onto the top of it.
Pencestes, carried his shield which he borrowed out of the Temple of Minerva in Troy. In all
encounters he was always ahead of Alexander but this time he was behind him. After him came
Leonatus, one of the captains of his bodyguard on the same ladder. Abreas (one of the
Duplarians, of that order of knights or esquires had double pay or allowance) was on another
ladder. When the silver targeteers heard of the danger the king was in, they fought to set up the
ladders so thickly that the ladders broke and so all came tumbling to the ground. By this they
were of no use and hindered others from getting up that would help. (See Appiannus toward the
end, 1. 2. Bell Civil.)

2163. Alexander was shot at on every side from the adjoining towers. No man dared come and
fight hand to hand with him on the wall. Alexander leapt off the wall down into the citadel yard
and put his back to a wall there and killed those that came to attack him with his own hand. He
killed the captain of the Indians who came boldly to attack him. After that no one dared come
near him but all shot at him from a distance.

2164. Meanwhile Pencestes, Leonatus and Abreas, leaped down from the wall into the yard after
him and came to his rescue. Abreas was shot through his face into the head and died in there.
Alexander (as Ptolemy reports) received so great a wound in the breast that his very breath came
forth at it together with his blood. Pencestes, who interposed with Minerva's buckler in his hand
and Leonatus, who took in his own body the blows which were meant for Alexander were
likewise seriously wounded. No one wanted this but Alexander himself, who had there poured
out his soul together with his blood. All agree that Pencestes defended him with his Palladian
buckler. Hence Pliny calls him, (1. 34. c. 8.) the preserver of Alexander the Great. Concerning
the actions of Leonatus and Abreas, the Duplarian, all do not agree. Ptolemy the son of Lagus,
was at the rescue of him. This is affirmed by Clitarchus and Timogenes and Pausanias in his

Attica. However he denies this and says he was not. All that while he fighting with the enemy
elsewhere. Curtius says that so great was the carelessness of those old historians, it is hard to
know what to believe.

2165. The Macedonians at last broke into the citadel and killed everyone there with the sword.
They did not spare man or woman, old or young. They brought the king out upon their shields,
dead or alive, they knew not which. The cure of his wounds was more grievous than the wounds
themselves. He endured the pain and started to recover. The army could hardly be brought to
believe this. It was widely said he died from his wounds. Therefore as soon as possibly he could,
he had himself carried to the river side. From there he sailed down in a barge to the place where
his army camped which was at the confluence of the Hydraotis with the Acesines River.
Hephaestion was here in charge of the army and Nearchus was over the navy. As soon as he
came to land, he admitted the soldiers to kiss his hand and he refused his stretcher. He mounted
his horse so all could see him. Then he alighted and went on foot to his pavilion.

2166. When the king's wounds had been healing for 7 days, he heard that the Indians were sure
he was dead. He had two barges joined together and upon them he had his royal tent spread. It
was open on every side so all could see he was still alive. This would put an end to the rumour
of his death among the enemies. From there he went down the river and ordered, that none
should come near the barge he was in, for fear of jolting his weak body with the beating of the
oars. So on the 4th day, they came to a country that was deserted by the inhabitants. It had
abundant provisions of grain and cattle. Since the place pleased him well, he stayed there to
refresh both himself and his army.

2167. Nearchus the admiral, reports, that his friends blamed him for acting like a soldier rather
than a king or captain in the army. When he grew angry at this remark, he showed his dislike by
his looks. A certain old Baeotian pleased him again by reciting an old limerick:

vv He who would do any great thing, reason was he should suffer something too."

2168. Curtius (1. 9. c. 12.) mentions a speech made to him by Craterus in the name of his friends
for the same purpose. His answer to it to this end that a man can never lack an occasion to win
glory by.

vv After the 9th year of my reign and 29th of my age, do you think it possible for me to be
lacking to myself in advancing my glory which I have ever addicted and devoted myself to?"

2169. For so Curtius quotes him in saying this. However, the correct time of the chronology,
was the 10th year of his reign (which agrees well enough with this saying) in his 30th year.

2170. The king stayed here many days until he was fully recovered from his wounds. He built
more ships. There were about 3000 Greek soldiers who he had located in certain cities of Bactria
and Sogdiana which he had built there. They grew tired of living among those barbarous people
and were encouraged by the supposed news of Alexander's death. They defected from the
Macedonian government and killed some of the chief of their own country men. They took up
arms and seized the citadel of the city Bactra. It was not so carefully kept as it should have been.
They drew the inhabitants in with them in this revolt. The leader of this conspiracy was
Athenodorus. He assumed the title of a king not so much out of a desire for any kingdom but to

bolster his plan to have the men follow him back to Greece. Biton or Bicon, was a Greek. From
a grudge and envy against Athenodorus, he invited him to a banquet and had Boxus kill him.
The next day Biton called a company together and there persuaded some that Athenodorus
would have killed him. Others thought it was nothing but a mere roguery of Biton. They quickly
persuaded others and they all took up arms to kill him. The leaders among them persuaded the
rest and so all grew quiet again.

2171. When Biton had escaped this action, he started to plot the deaths of those who had saved
his life. When they knew this, they laid hold on him and Boxus. Boxus was killed immediately.
They planned to put Biton on the rack. All of a sudden, the Greeks, like madmen, rose up all in
arms for no apparent reason. They did not rack Biton for fear of a rescue by the multitude.
Although he was naked, he fled to the Greeks. When they saw what a distress he was in and
ready to be racked, they changed their minds and rescued him from the danger he was in.

2172. Meanwhile, the Mallians that were left, sent their messengers to Alexander, to surrender
their nation to his mercy. Likewise the Oxydracans surrendered. They sent the captains and
chief men of every city and with them 150 of the principal men of the whole country to
Alexander. He wanted them to send him 1000 of their principal men or as Curtius says, 2500
cavalry. These he would keep as hostages or as soldiers to serve him until he had ended his war
with the Indians.

2173. Alexander invited all the principal men and petty kings of these countries to a feast where
he had 100 golden beds to be set up at a reasonable distance from each other. Everyone of those
beds was enclosed with curtains made of scarlet and gold. The purpose of the feast was to
display whatever the old luxury the Persians had or the new extravagances of the Macedonians
both mixed together could afford.

2174. Dioxippus the Athenian was at this feast. (Pliny 1. 35. c. 11. Athena. 1. 6. c. 6. Elian. 1. 10.
c. 22. & 1. 12. c. 58. & Plut. in his book of Curiosities.) Dioxippus was a famous champion and
one whom the king made much of for his great strength of body and courage. Choragus was a
Macedonian of mighty strength and who had in many a fight shown his courage. When
Choragus was drunk, he challenged Dioxippus to a fight. The next day Dioxippus came stark
naked and all over anointed with oil with only a truncheon and a cloak for his arms. He
approached the Macedonian, who came in armed with sword, buckler, pike and a javelin and
laid him to the ground at his foot.

2175. The Macedonians and Alexander took this defeat as a disgrace on the Macedonian nation
in the sight of these barbarians and there were embarrassed by it. As short time later at another
feast, a golden cup disappeared. Dioxippus was suspected of taking it. This upset him so much
he wrote a letter to Alexander and then killed himself.

2176. Alexander shipped his cavalry, 1700 of his fellow cavaliers and about 20,000 of his foot
soldiers. He went not far on the Hydraotes River before he came to the confluence of it and the
Acesines River. He sailed down the Acesines, and finally came to the confluence of the
Acesines and Indus River. He stayed there with his navy until Perdiccas came to him with the
main body of the army. On the way he subdued the Abastenians who were a free state among
those Indians.

2177. While he stayed there, there came to him other ships of 30 oars a piece and certain cargo
ships which had been recently built in the country of the Xathri. This was another free state in
those parts. Ambassadors came and submitted to him from the Ossadians, another free state.

2178. Likewise the messengers of the Oxydracans and Mallians returned to him with presents.
Among these were a small quantity of linen cloth, 1000 Indian shields and 100 talents of steel.
As well they brought huge lions and tigers that were tamed, the skins of huge lizards and
tortoise shells. There were also 300 chariots and 1030 horses to draw them, 4 to a chariot. (Curt.
1. 9. c. 15.) Arrian says also that they sent him 3000 men for hostages. These were the bravest
and best men they could find among them. They also sent 500 chariots with men in them to
fight. This was more than what Alexander had asked of them. Arrian adds that Alexander
accepted their chariots and returned their hostages again.

2179. Alexander commanded them to pay him such tribute as they formerly paid to the
Arachosians and set Philip to be their governor. His government was to extend to the confluence
of the 2 rivers, the Indus and Acesines and no further. We can hardly believe Plutarch where he
says that the extent of Philip's government was three times the size of Porus' kingdom especially
if it were so big, as he himself states it to have been. Alexander left him to guard that province
all the Thracian cavalry and such companies of foot soldiers as he thought fit and necessary for
that purpose. Moreover he had a city built at the confluence of those two rivers. He thought it
would quickly grow quite large and be famous. Therefore he constructed a great number of
docks for ship building.

2180. At that time Oxyartes, father of Roxane whom Alexander had married came to him.
Alexander cleared him of all suspicion of having any hand in the revolt of the Greeks that were
in Bactria. 3678c AM, 4388 JP, 326 BC

2181. After this Polysperchon was sent to Babylon with an army. (Justin, 1. 12. c. 10.) Craterus
was ordered to take most of the army that was left with the elephants and to march down on the
left bank of the Indus River. This way was easier for the heavily armed foot soldiers and the
bordering countries were no more loyal to him on either side of the river. (??) Alexander took
some choice companies and sailed down the Indus River to the ocean. It is said that he went at
least 75 miles a day on the river and yet the journey lasted a full five months. (Pliny, 1. 6. c. 17.)

2182. In the voyage down the river, the first country Alexander came to was the Sabracans or
Sambestans. This was a country as great as any in India both for population and the number of
warriors. It was governed by a democratic government throughout all their cities. When they
heard of the coming of the Macedonians, they armed 60,000 foot soldiers and 6000 or (as
Curtius says) 8000 cavalry with 500 chariots. These were under the command of their 3 most
expert captains. When the navy came to them, (For more details see Curt. 1. 9. c. 15. & Pliny, 1.
19. c. 1,) they were frightened by the strangeness of the sight. They recalled the invincible glory
of the Macedonians and took the advice of the old men among them. They said they should
avoid so imminent a danger and should submit to the Macedonians. Thereupon they sent
messengers and surrendered themselves wholly into his hands. Alexander graciously received
them. They gave him many gifts and the honours befitting a demigod.

2183. Four days later he came to a country which lay on both sides the river which was called
the Sodrans (or Sogdans, as in Arrian) and Massanians. Alexander received them as graciously

as he had done to the former. At this place on the bank of the Indus River, he built another
Alexandria and selected 1000 men to populate it. He made places for merchants and docks for
shipping. He repaired any of his ships that were damaged. He made Oxyartes, his father-in-law
and Pithon, governors of all the country from the confluence of the Acesines and Indus Rivers to
the sea. He also included all the sea coast. He sailed down the river and quickly came into the
country of King Musicanus and he was there before Musicanus ever heard of his coming. Not
knowing what else to do, he immediately went out to meet him and presented him with the
choicest gifts that India could afford and in particular with all his elephants. He surrendered
himself and all his whole kingdom into his hands and asked a pardon for not doing it sooner.
Alexander pardoned him and asked about the country and the city there. (For more details see,
Strabo. 1. 15. p. 694, 701. which he gathered from Aristobulus and Onesicratus) Alexander
restored him to his kingdom as he was before.

2184. Here he heard the complaints brought against Tiriolte or Tityeste, whom he had made
governor over the Parapamisadae with his accusers in person. He found him guilty of many acts
of cruelty and avarice and executed him there. He gave that government to his father-in-law,
Oxyartes.

2185. He ordered Craterus to build a citadel at the city of Musicanus. This was done before
Alexander left the place. He saw that location was excellent to keep neighbouring nations in
check and to keep them in order.

2186. From there he sailed with his archers, Agrians and all the cavalry which he had on board,
he came to another country of the Indians, called Praestans. He marched against their king
Porticanus or Oxycanus because the king did not come to meet him neither did he send
ambassadors to him. Alexander captured two of the largest cities in the kingdom. Porticanus was
in one of them which Alexander took on the 3rd day of his siege. Porticanus fled into the citadel
and sent ambassadors to treat for conditions. Before they came to Alexander, two great pieces of
the wall fell flat down to the ground. Through these breaches the Macedonians rushed into the
citadel. Porticanus, with those few who were with him stood on their guard. They were all killed
and the citadel was pulled down. All in the town were sold for slaves. Its spoil was given to the
soldiers. Alexander kept only the elephants for himself.

2187. Diodorus says that Alexander first gave those two cities to be plundered by his soldiers
and then he burned them. After that he went and took in all the rest of the cities and towns and
destroyed them. By this action, he struck terror into all the neighbouring countries. When the
rest of the countries heard only of his coming, they sent ambassadors and surrendered to
Alexander without any resistance, as Arrian notes.

2188. After this, Alexander entered the country of the Brachmanes where Sambus or Sabus or
Samus according to Curtius, or Sabbas according to Plutarch, or Ambigerus according to Justin,
or Ambiras, according to Orosius, was king. When he heard that Alexander was coming, he fled.
When Alexander came near his main city called Sindomana or Sindonalia, he found the gates
open wide for him. and Sambus' servants came to meet him with presents of money and
elephants. They told him that Sambus was fled not from any hostility to him. He feared
Musicanus whom Alexander had let go and pardoned and they were enemies.

2189. Alexander took in this and many other places. He went and by force and took another city

which had revolted from him and put to death many of the Brachmanes who caused the revolt.
For by their instigation, Sambus, who had but recently submitted to him and the cities of his
kingdom had revolted from him. Curtius says that Alexander took the city by undermining the
wall and that the natives stood amazed to see men rise from the ground in the middle of the city.

2190. Clitarchus as by Curtius, says that there were 8000 or rather (as Diodorus with others have
it) 80000 men slain in that country. A large number were sold for slaves. The Brachmanes
brought these disasters on themselves. The rest who simply submitted to him and asked for his
pardon were not harmed. King Sambus saved himself and got away as far as he could with 30
elephants.

2191. Alexander had taken over 10 men of the Gymnosophistae, who had persuaded Sambus to
flee away and had caused much trouble for him and his Macedonians. He asked them some hard
and obscure questions and threatened to hang every man if they did not answer those questions.
Plutarch records these in his "Life of Alexander" . Plutarch says that when Alexander heard their
replies, he sent them away and gave them many honours for their trouble.

3678d AM, 4388 JP, 326 BC

2192. In the meantime, Musicanus revolted and Alexander sent Pithon with an army against
him. He destroyed some of the cities in his kingdom and put garrisons in others. He built
citadels to keep them in line. He captured Musicanus and brought him alive to Alexander who
had him immediately crucified in his own kingdom along with as many of the Brachmanes who
had encouraged him to revolt.

2193. Alexander returned to the Indus River where he had ordered his navy to wait for him.
They sailed down the river again and came to a city called Harmatelia which belonged to
Sambus and the Brachmanes. The inhabitants trusted in their strength and fortifications of their
city and shut the gates to him. Alexander ordered 500 of his Agrians to go close under the walls
with their arms. If the townsmen sallied out against them, they were to retreat. 3000 attacked the
500, who fled as they were ordered to. The enemies pursued them and came unknowingly on
other companies which waited in ambush for them. Alexander waited personally for them. In the
ensuing battle, 600 were killed, 1000 captured and the rest fled back into the city and stayed
there. On the king's side many were grievously wounded almost to the point of death. The
Indians had poisoned the heads of their weapons with a deadly poison. Ptolemy the son of Lagus
was among the wounded and almost dead. It is said that Alexander in his sleep saw an herb
which was a remedy for that kind of poison. The herb was squeezed into a drink and taken to
neutralize the poison. Others of the wounded made use of that medicinal herb and recovered. It
is most likely that someone who knew the medical value of that herb, told Alexander about it.
To flatter and honour him, this fable was made up. So says Strabo, (1. 15. p. 723.) who tells this
story as happening among the Oritae of whom we shall speak later.

2194. When Alexander started to besiege Harmotelia which was a strong and well fortified city,
all the inhabitants came out to him and humbly begged his pardon. They surrendered themselves
and their city to his pleasure. Thereupon he pardoned them.

2195. Moeris king of Patalena, its neighbouring country, came to Alexander and put himself and
his kingdom wholly into his hands. When Alexander had freely restored him to his kingdom

again, he ordered Moeris to provide for his army.

2196. Alexander commanded Craterus to take with him the regiments of Attalus, Meleager and
Antigenes with some of his archers and of his allies and Macedonians which were grown
unserviceable for the war. He was ordered to take them to Macedon by the way of Caramania
through the countries of the Aracotti and Zarangi or Drangi. Some of the rest of the army were
led by Hephaestion on the one side of the Indus River. The javelineers on horseback and the
Agrians were led by Pithon on the other side. He was ordered to get inhabitants for the cities
which Alexander had built. If any new revolts happened in those parts, he should put them
down. When that was done, he was to come and join with the rest of the army at Patala.

2197. When Alexander had now sailed down the river for 3 days, he received news that Moeris
with a large company of the Patalenians had left the city and fled to the mountains and woods.
Thereupon, he hurried as fast as he could to get there.

2198. Strabo, (1. 15. p. 691.) tells us from Aristobulus that Alexander came into Patalene about
the rising of the dog star (Sirius) had spent 10 full months in his trip down the river. For he set
out shortly before the rising of the seven stars (Pleiades). Alexander arrived in Patala about the
end of our July after sailing since the beginning of the 10th month previously. Hence it appears
that he spent 9 full months sailing down the Hydaspes, Acesines and Indus Rivers. This we
determine from rising and setting of these stars. We find Plutarch's account in this matter
inaccurate. He states:

vv that his sailing down the rivers to the sea took him up to 7 month's time."

2199. Alexander came to Patala and found no inhabitants in the city and country side. He found
there great numbers of flocks and herds of cattle and grain in great abundance. He quickly sent
his fastest soldiers to overtake those, who had fled. As they overtook them, they were to send
them away to overtake the rest and to persuade them to return. They were promised peace and
their belongings and home in both the city and country.

2200. Alexander ordered Hephastion to build a citadel at Patala. He sent others into a region of
theirs which was altogether destitute of water to dig wells to make it more habitable. Some of
the natives attacked and killed them. When the natives had lost many of their own in the fight,
the rest fled away to the woods and mountains. When Alexander heard what had happened to his
men, he sent more to help them to complete the work.

2201. Alexander asked Nearchus, his admiral, to select some suitable season of the year to set
out from the mouth of the Indus River and to sail along until he came to the Persian Gulf and to
the mouth of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers. (Arrian in his Indica, reports from Nearchus'
writings, p. 182.) Plutarch says Alexander made Nearchus the admiral of the fleet and
Onesicritus its chief pilot. Onesicrtius in his story says of himself, that he was the navarch or
admiral. Both (Arrian. 1. 6. p. 124. & Pliny 1. 6. c. 22.) call him commander of the fleet. Strabo
(1. 15. p. 721.) more correctly calls him the chief pilot. See (Arrian. 1. 7. p. 162. & in his Indica.
p. 191.)

2202. At Patala the Indus River divides into two large branches both of which retain the name of
Indus until they empty into the sea. Between these they create a triangular shaped island after

which the city Patalene is called. This island is larger than the delta in Egypt. Onesicritus tells us
that each side of this island is 250 miles long. Aristobulus says that the side facing the ocean is
about 125 miles long. The land is marshy where the rivers empty into the sea. Nearchus and
later Arrian say that this side was 225 miles wide. Pliny says that it was 220 miles wide. (Strabo,
1. 15. p. 701. Pliny 1. 6. c. 21. Arrian 1. 5. p. 103. & 1. 6. p. 135, 137.)

2203. Alexander planned to sail down to the sea by the right hand branch. He selected his fastest
ships all of two decks, all his galleys of 30 oars a piece and some fast barques. He picked guides
who knew the river and so set out. He wanted Leonatus with a 1000 cavalry and 8000 foot
soldiers to keep up with him along the river bank.

2204. The morning after he set out, there arose a mighty storm. The wind and tide crossed each
other to create huge waves on the river so that his ships collided with each other. Most of them
were leaking and many of the ships of 30 oars a piece broke apart before they could get to an
island which was in the middle of the channel.

2205. Alexander was forced to stay here a long while to build new vessels to replace those that
were lost. His river guides had fled and he was unable to replace them. So they were forced to
go on without them. When they had gone 100 miles the pilots all agreed and told Alexander that
they could smell the sea and therefore the ocean could not be far away. Therefore he sent some
to go ashore and get some of the natives. He thought they might be able to confirm this. They
searched for people in their cottages for a long time. At last, they found some people in them
whom they asked, how far away was the sea. They replied that they did not know what the sea
was nor had they ever heard of any such thing. However, if they went on for 3 days, they would
come to salt water which mixed with the fresh.

2206. Arrian tells us that when certain Macedonians landed, they found some Indians whom
Alexander used for guides on the river for the rest of the journey. They came to the place where
the river widens to 25 miles, which is its greatest width. The wind blew very strongly from off
the sea and they were forced again to take refuge into a creek which his guides directed him to.
Curtius says that he came on the 3rd day to salt water as he was foretold. He found there another
island in the river where they observed that the boats moved not as fast as they were going
because of the incoming tide.

2207. While they lay there at anchor, some went foraging. A new danger confronted them. For
there came in on them a mighty tide (which to this day is usual in Cambay where the Indus
River empties into the sea) and flooded all the countryside. Only the top of some hills, like so
many little islands, were above water. Those who had gone ashore, resorted to these hills. When
the sea was gone out again and the land left dry as it was before, then their ships were left high
and dry. Either they stuck nose first into the bank or they fell over on their side. When the next
tide came in, those ships which stood upright on their keels in the mud floated again with the
rising of the water and were not damaged. Those that had settled on hard ground when the sea
was gone out were fallen on their sides. When the tide returned, these ships were driven against
one another or beaten and broken on the shore.

2208. Everything was repaired as best as the time and place would permit. Alexander sent two
barques down the river to view the island which the guides had told him that he must land at if
he wanted to sail out into the ocean. The natives called that island Cilluta, Alexander called it,

Scillustin and others Philtucin. They brought back word to him that the island was large and had
in it excellent ports and lots of fresh water. He ordered the whole navy to sail to that island.
Alexander took some better vessels and went further to discover whether at the mouth of the
river there was no barrier but a safe passage out into the open ocean. When he had gone 50
miles, he saw yet another island lying further out in the open ocean.

2209. Alexander returned to the former island lying at the mouth of the river and came ashore at
a certain cape in it. He offered sacrifices to certain gods he said Jupiter Ammon commanded
him to sacrifice to. The next day he sailed to another island lying out in the same ocean and
offered more sacrifices to other gods in the same manner he had done previously. He said that
what he did was by the command of Jupiter Ammon. He sailed far out of the mouth of the Indus
River into the vast ocean. There he sacrificed certain oxen he had on the ship to Neptune and
threw them overboard into the sea. He also made a drink offering and first poured that into the
sea. Then he threw a golden vial and various golden goblets for a thank offering after it into the
ocean. He prayed that since he planned to send Nearchus into the gulf of Persia, that he might
safely arrive there. (Arrian. 1. 6. p. 136.)

2210. Justin (1. 12. c. 10.) states that when Alexander returned to the mouth of the Indus River,
he built a new city called Barce as a memorial and erected some altars there. Curtius (1. 9. c. 16.)
says that at midnight he set out with a small company of ships when the tide started to go out
and went far out from the mouth of the Indus River about 50 miles into the open sea. When he
had done this, he sacrificed to the gods of those seas and neighbouring lands. Then he returned
to the rest of his navy. Diodorus Siculus states that he went with some of his closest friends, out
into the main ocean. He landed at two little inlets and offered there a magnificent sacrifice to the
gods. He threw into the sea a number of very expensive golden cups and made drink offerings to
the sea. When he was finished, he built some altars in honour of Tethys and Oceanus. Now that
he had finished his intended voyage into the east, he returned with his navy up the river. On that
journey he came to a prosperous and famous city called Hyala which government was very
similar to that of Lacedemon.

221 1. Two kings, descended from 2 houses, inherited their office from their fathers. They were
in charge of military matters. Civil affairs were managed by a council of elders.

2212. When Alexander returned to the Patala against the stream, he found the citadel completed
according to his directions. Pithon returned with his army, having completed his assigned task.
Alexander planned to leave a part of his navy at Patala. The Indians of Cambais call it by this
name to this very day). Here the Indus River divides into two branches. He put Hephaestion in
charge of making the ports and docks for the navy.

2213. Meanwhile he made another journey to the ocean by the channel on the left hand side of
the same river to determine which of the two channels was the best and easiest journey to the
ocean and to return again. When he was almost at the mouth of the second channel, he found a
certain lake in the channel. It was made either by this river's meandering or by waters which
flow in there from other parts and made the river more wide there than in other places. The lake
looked like an arm of the sea. He left there Leonatus with most of his army and with all his
smaller ships. Alexander went on with his ships of 30 oars a piece and of two tiers of oars. He
sailed again out into the vast ocean and found that this was the more spacious channel of the two
to sail for taking commerce to Patala. He went ashore with certain cavalry and made a three day
journey along the sea coast. He explored the coast where he had sailed. He had wells dug in

various places for fresh water for his navy if they needed it. (Arrian. 1. 6. p. 137.)

2214. The next day after his return from the ocean, Curtius (1. 9. c 10.) says that he sailed up the
river to a certain salt water lake. Some men went into it not knowing the nature of it. They
developed an infectious scab that spread to others. However, they quickly found an oil which
cured it. If this was the same lake which I mentioned before from Arrian, then in all this history
concerning Alexander's last return from the ocean, no author mentions this except for Arrian.

2215. When Alexander returned to Patala the second time, he sent a part of his army to dig those
wells by the sea side. He ordered them to return to Patala as soon as they were done. He sailed
again into the lake and made there new ports and other docks for his ships. He left a garrison
there and stored a 4 month supply of grain and other supplies for the coastal voyage. (Arrian. 1.
6. p. 137.) Now it seems that at this lake he built the city called Potana so that he might have a
good port for his navy in that part of the ocean. (Diod. Sic. 1. 3. p. 181. in the Greek and Latin
edition, compared with Agatharchides, his Excerptions in Photius, Cod. 250. c. 51) and with this
place in Arrian.)

2216. Curtius (1. 9. c. 16, 17.) writes that Alexander with his army stayed on the island of
Patalena awaiting the arrival of spring. During that time he built many cities there. As winter
was drawing to an end, he burned his ships which were unserviceable and marched away by
land. Strabo (1. 15. p. 721.) states that towards the summer season, (which according to his
account always began with the spring) he left India. I think he would not have said this had he
better considered what Alexander said and was later affirmed by Nearchus, who was admiral
concerning this voyage. He says:

vv When the king was now on his way, he himself began his voyage in the autumn when the
Pleiades or seven stars began to appear in the evening."

2217. Therefore it is obvious that in September, Alexander had sent Leonatus before him to dig
wells in suitable places for the army in their overland march through a dry and desert country.
He burned his ships which were leaky. He marched from Patala and came with all his army to
the bank of the Arbis or Arabis. This river separates the Arbites or the Arabites and India (whom
Dionysius Periegetes calls the Aribes and others call Abrite) from the Orites. For the Arbites
inhabit the sea shore of India which lies between the Indus and Arbis Rivers for a distance of
125 miles according to Nearchus. (in Strabo, 1. 15. p. 720. & Arrianus in his Indica, p. 185. in
fi.) These are the farthest Indian people to the west. (Arrian. in his Indica, p. 184. & Pliny. 1. 7.
c. 2.) They are neighbours to the Oritans (Pliny, 1. 6. c. 23. & Arrian in his Indica, p. 185.) and
speak their own language that is different from the Indians.

2218. These Arbites or Arabites were a free state living under their own laws. They were not
strong enough to withstand Alexander nor willing to submit to him. As soon as they heard of his
coming, they fled away to the woods and wildernesses.

2219. Alexander turned the rest of his army over to Hephaestion. He took one half of his silver
targeteers, some of his archers, some regiments called Asseteri and a troop of his fellow
cavaliers. From every regiment of cavalry he took one troop and all his archers on horseback.
He kept the ocean on his left and journeyed westward. He ordered a number of wells dug along
the seaside to supply his navy with fresh water when they passed by on their way to the Gulf of

Persia.

2220. As soon as Alexander left, the Patalenians were inspired with fresh courage and the desire
for liberty. They attacked Nearchus and the army that was left with him and forced him to flee to
his ships. He had no wind to sail with. (Strabo from Nearchus 1. 15. p. 721.) For before the
beginning of winter, which began with the rising of the Pleiades in the month of our November
in those parts, it was a poor time for sailing. (Arrian. 1. 6. p. 137.)

3679a AM, 4388 JP, 326 BC

2221. Therefore as soon as the etesian or trade winds were ended Nearchus prepared for the
voyage. These winds blew all summer long from the sea to land and made all navigation along
that coast impossible. When Nearchus sacrificed to Jupiter the deliverer and held certain
gymnastic games, he set sail from there in the 1 1th year of Alexander's reign. This was the time
when Cephisodorus was the archon of Athens. He left on the 20th day of the month Boedromion
or October 1st according to the Julian Calendar. (This I have already showed in my discourse of
the solar year among the Macedonians c. 2.) (Arrian. his Indica.) Now we had the name of
Cephisidorus 4 years earlier in year 3 of the 1 13rd Olympiad and also 3 years later in year 2 of
the 1 14th Olympiad. This was the year following Alexander's death according to the tables of
the archons of Athens. If this name was correctly recorded by Arrian in this place, then this
Cephisidorus may be the same person because of the closeness of the times. Then the following
differences will happen in the 4th year of the 1 13th Olympiad for the names of the archons of
Athens between Diodorus Sicilus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Arrian:

Olympiad 113

Year Diodorus Dionysius Arrian

1 Euthycritus Euthycritus Hegemon

2 Chremes Hegemon Chremes

3 Anticles Chremes Cephisodorus

4 Sosicles Anticles Anticles

2222. Pliny tells us that Alexander built a city at the place where Nearchus and Onesicratus
started on their intended voyage. It is the same city we find called, Xulinopolis. (1. 6. c. 23.) It is
amazing that in the same place, he adds that no man can farm there on that river. For where
should it be, but on the island of Patalene, where they were left by Alexander to wait for a
suitable season to begin their voyage. Where else but on the Indus River where the navy sailed
and along which that fleet passed when it sailed down to the ocean. (Arrian from Nearchus, in
his Indica, p. 183.)

2223. The 1st day after they sailed from the port of Xulinopolis to go down the Indus River,
they came to a good deep channel called Stura about 12.5 miles from the port. They anchored
here for 2 days.

2224. The 3rd day they sailed and came to another channel about 3.75 miles downstream. They
found the water a little brackish. The tide had come up that far and mixed with the fresh water.
This left a taste of salt in the place even at low tide. The name of the place was Caumana.

2225. From there they parted and came to a place 2.5 miles farther down on the river called
Coreatis.

2226. They sailed again and had not gone far when they spied a rocky reef just at the place of
the Indus River's mouth. It stretched to the shore which was also very rocky. They put in with
the tide where the ground was softer and better to land ships at. They made a ditch 5/8 of a mile
long as a breakwater between them and the sea.

2227. They sailed on for another 19 miles and came to a sandy island called Crocala and stayed
there another day. Near the island on the mainland lived the Indian tribe called the Arabii from
the Arabius River. This river divides them, as was said before, from the Oritans.

2228. Their journey is described in detail by Arrian from Nearchus' accounts (1. 6. p. 143.) and
later by Jo. Ramusius, in his Navigations. (1. 1. fol. 169.) The high points of the voyage are
described by Pliny (1. 6. c. 23.) as gathered from Onesicritus by King Juba. Those words from
him show this where he says:

""It is fit I should here set down what Onesicritus records of this voyage, wherein he was by the
command of Alexander, sailed from India into the very Mediterranean parts of Persia. From him
again the story is related by King Juba."

2229. From this we may also understand those next words of Pliny:

vv The voyage of Nearchus and Onesicritus, had neither names of places where they landed nor
distances from one place to another."

2230. That is, as it is described by Juba or Onesicritus himself. For that both were told by
Nearchus, as from Arrian noting from his account and has recorded both the one and the other.

2231. When Alexander had crossed the Arbis or Arabius River, the next night he marched
through a great part of the sandy country and came the next morning into places that were well
inhabited and cultured. He left the foot soldiers to follow in good array. He went on horseback
with several troops and squadrons in very good order. They were widely spread out that they
might take in and clear all the country before them. They were attacked by the Oritans. Many of
them were killed or taken prisoner. Then they came to the bank of a small river and camped
there.

2232. Alexander divided his company into three brigades. He gave one to Ptolemy to lead along
by the coast, the second to Leonatus to pass through the middle of the country and its plain.
Alexander took the third brigade and marched into the hill and mountainous country of that
region. He wasted all that he found whereby the soldiers enriched themselves and slew many
10,000'sofmen.

2233. When Hephaestion, who had the greater part of the whole army under his command, came
to Alexander, he marched forward to Rambacia. This was the principal division of all that
country. When he found a place by the seaside, safe from all wind and weather, he presently
ordered Hephaestion to build a city there. When it was finished it was called Alexanderia. He

relocated the Arachosians to live there.

2234. Alexander took half of his silver targeteers, Agrians, a squadron of cavalry and archers on
horseback. He marched away to the borders of the Oritans and Gediosians where he was told
there was a narrow pass which separated the two countries. Both countries were camped there
with their armies to keep the pass. No sooner had they heard of his coming but most of them
abandoned the place and fled. Thereupon the chief of the Oritans went to him and submitted
themselves and their whole country to him. The only charge which he laid upon them was to call
home their country men to their homes. They were to assure them that in so doing all would be
well with them and they would receive no harm.

2235. Alexander made Apollophanes joint governor of the Oritans with Leonatus, a captain of
his bodyguard. He left Leonatus all his Agrians and some of his archers. He ordered the Oritans
to await the coming of the fleet into those parts. In the meantime they were to go and help with
the building of a new city and to order all matters there for the benefit of the people.

2236. He then marched with most of his army (for now Hephaestion had come to him) into the
country of the Gedrosians which was mostly abandoned by the inhabitants. In this desert,
Aristobulus says the Phoenicians which followed the army, bought what was sold there. They
loaded their camels with myrrh and spikenard. Such spices and apothecary ware grew in
abundance there. The whole army used it for coverings and beds to lie on. The spikenard which
they walked over, gave off a most sweet smell that spread afar off. (Arrian. 1. 6. p. 138. &
Strabo, 1. 15. p. 721.)

2237. He sent Craterus before him with a part of the army into the midland countries. He was to
subdue Arimania (all the regions to the west of India even as far as Carmania were called this)
and to go into those places which Alexander planned to go through. Craterus marched through
the countries of the Aracotti and the Drangae. He subdued by force the country of Choarma
which refused to submit. (Strabo, 1. 15. p. 721, 725.) When Ozines (whom Arian calls Ordones)
and Tariaspes who were two Persian nobles, revolted in Persia, Craterus subdued them by force
and laid them in irons. (Curt. 1. 9. c. 18.)

2238. Alexander with another part of the army went through the country of Gedrosia about 60
miles from the sea. Sometimes they camped near the sea. They marched through a barren,
craggy, dry and desolate country. Alexander wanted to go by the sea coast all along so that he
might discover what places there were in those parts fit to make ports in and make provision for
his fleet. It was to come that way by his orders and for that purpose, he had wells dug and made
ports for his navy. (Strabo, 1. 15. p. 721. & Arrian. 16. p. 139.)

2239. For this purpose, he sent before him Thoantes with a competent company of cavalry to
scout the sea coast. He was to see whether there were any good landing places or fresh water
near the shore or other suitable provisions for them. When he returned to Alexander, he told him
that he found there some poor fishermen. They lived in little cottages built and covered over
with shells of fishes and the backbones of them serving for rafters. The men used little water and
they had to dig for it in the sand and the water was not very sweet.

2240. Alexander finally came into a country of the Gedrosians where there was a supply of
grain. He seized it all and sealed the sacks with his own signet. He placed it on wagons and sent

it all away to the seaside. While he went to the next ports, the soldiers, broke the seals, opened
the sacks and ate all the grain to satisfy their extreme hunger. Those who were the leaders in this
matter were the ones entrusted with keeping it. When Alexander understood that it was done
because of their hunger, he overlooked it. He sent all over the country to get more grain and had
Cretheus carry it away to the seaside to supply the fleet and the army. The fleet at that very time
landed in those parts. Alexander ordered the natives to go farther up into the country and from
there to bring as much flour, dates and cattle as they possibly could. They were to carry it to be
sold at the seaside to the army. He sent Telephus one of his friends to get more provisions of
flour. He found some quantity of it although not much and carried it to another port according to
his orders.

2241. Meanwhile some of the Oritans who dwelt in the mountains attacked Leonatus' brigade
and killed a great number of them and then retired to safety again, according to Diodorus. Then
the whole country of the Oritans joined with other neighbouring countries and made an army of
some 8000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry and made a general revolt. Leonatus attacked them and
killed 6000 of their foot soldiers but he died in that fight. Apollophanes was the governor of that
country and was appointed by Alexander, as we noted before. (Curt. 1. 9. c. 18. Arrian. 1. 7. p.
149. and in his Indica, p. 184.)

2242. Nearchus landed at this place with his fleet and loaded provisions of grain provided by
Alexander. This would serve his army on board for 10 days. He repaired his ships that were
leaky. He left any unfit sailors with Leonatus to serve on land and took others in their place from
his companies. (Arrian. in his Indica, p. 185.)

2243. Philippus, whom Alexander had made governor over the Oxydracans and Mallians, was
attacked and murdered by his own mercenary troops. The murderers were attacked by the
Macedonians who were his guard. They shortly were taken and hewed in pieces for their deeds.

2244. It is said that Alexander endured more hardships and suffered more losses in the country
of the Gedrosians than he did in all Asia. Of that army which he went into India, he scarcely
brought a quarter of them out of Gedrosia. They endured grievous diseases, poor diet, burning
heat, deep sands, shortages of water and famine. Nearchus says that Alexander knew of the
difficulties of going that way. Purely from selfwilled ambition which reigned or rather raged in
him, he was determined to force his way through. Someone had told him that Semiramis and
Cyrus had gone that way into India. Therefore he was determined to return the same way out of
it although it was told him that she was forced to save herself by fleeing from there with only 20
men in her company and Cyrus with only 7. Alexander thought to enhance his reputation if
when they suffered there so much, he would be able to get out with his army safe and sound.
Therefore Nearchus says that this desire to return home this way was partly from this ambition
and partly to favour and relieve his navy which he had appointed to meet him in those parts. His
guides lost their way through those vast sands because the wind had covered all the tracks which
lead through the desert. Alexander had a hunch that the way must be on the left hand. He took a
small company of cavalry with him and went to see whether he could find the sea shore. Their
horses were all exhausted except for 5 by the length and heat of the journey. He left them behind
and went with those 5 and came to the sea coast. He dug for a while and found fresh water to
drink. Presently he sent back for his whole army to come there to him. When they came, he
marched forward for 7 days along the sea coast and found plenty of fresh water all the way.
When his guides recognised the way again, they led him up into the midland countries, as he
wanted. (Strabo, 1. 15. p. 722. Arrian. p. 142.)

2245. After 2 months he left the country of the Oritans and came to the chief city of the
Gedrosians, called Pura. He rested his army there and refreshed them with feasting, as was very
fitting and a good time for him to do so. (Strabo, 1. 15. p. 723. Arrian. p. 140, 142. & Plut. in
Alexan.)

2246. From there he sent away the swiftest couriers that he could possibly find to Phrataphernes
whom he had left governor of Parthia and to the two governors of the provinces of Drangia and
Aria which lay at the foot of the Taurus Mountain. They were ordered to assemble as many
camels, dromedaries and others with all sorts of beasts of burden as they possibly could. They
were all to be loaded with supplies of all sorts and sent immediately to meet him when he first
entered into the country of Carmania. These letters were speedily carried to them and obeyed.
When he came into Carmania he found there all kinds of provisions ready for him and his army
at the appointed place.

2247. Menon, the governor of the Arachosians, recently died. Alexander appointed Sibyrtius as
governor of both Arachosia and Gedrosia.

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3679b AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC

2248. As Alexander was marching towards Carmania, he received news of the death of
Philippus, the governor of the Oxydracans and Mallians. Thereupon he wrote to Eudemus and
Taxilas and in his letters he gave them the charge of these two provinces until he would send a
governor to replace Philip.

2249. As soon as he entered Carmania, Asaspes the governor of that province met him. He was
suspected that he would have revolted from Alexander while he was in India. Alexander
concealed the grudge he had toward him and received him very graciously. He treated him
according to his rank and station. Meanwhile, Alexander tried to determine if the charges were
true.

2250. Craterus came to Alexander with the rest of the army and the elephants. He brought with
him Ordones or Ozines and Zariaspes whom he had taken into custody for trying to revolt in
Persia. Stasanor, the governor of the provinces of Parthia and Hircania came to him with the
captains and commanders of all those forces which he had formerly left with Parmenion in the
province of Media. That is Cleander, Sitalces, Heracon and Agetho who brought him 5000 foot
soldiers and 1000 cavalry.

225 1 . Various governors in the parts of India sent him a huge number of horses and other beasts
of burden. Some were for pack animals and others for military use. These came from every
country of his dominions in India. Stasanor and Phrataphernes brought him a huge number of
draft horses and camels. Alexander distributed them all among those that wanted them to carry
their goods with. He gave some to select captains and the rest he distributed among the soldiers,
by troops and companies, as he saw was needed. He also armed his soldiers with new weapons.
The reason was they now drew near to Persia. It was a peaceful and very wealthy country.

2252. Alexander (as Arrian reports from Aristobulus) offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to his
gods for his victory over the Indians and for the safe journey of his army from Gedrosia. He
entertained his armies with sports of music, wrestlings and such like. Moreover he made
Pencestes, who covered him with his shield in the country of the Mallians, to be the chief
captain of his bodyguard. At that time, only 7 men had this honour, Leonatus, Hephaestion,
Lysimachus, Aristonus (all born in Pella), Perdiccas a Macedonian, Ptolemy the son of Lagus
and Pithon. The 8th man was Pencestes for his bravery in saving the king from the Mallians.
Other writers, including Diodorus, Curtius and Plutarch, state that Alexander imitated Bacchus.
In a drunken manner, he with his army spent 7 days crossing through Carmania. (Diod. Sic. &
Plutarch in the life of Alexander and in the book of his good fortune & Curt. 1. 9. c. 18. 1. 3. c. 9,
24. 1. 8. c. 19.) Arrian thinks this was unlikely since neither Ptolemy, Aristobulus nor any other
credible writer mentions it.

2253. Aspastes the governor of Carmania, was put to death and was replaced by Tlepolemus.
(Curt. 1. 9. c. 18. Arrian. 1. 6. p. 142. & in his Indica, p. 193.)

2254. Cleander and Sitalces who slew Parmenion by Alexander's orders, were accused to
Alexander for many villainies (which I mentioned before) which they had done along with their
subordinates and the army. Their act of killing Parmenion could not atone for such a number of

villainies and gross misbehaviour as they were charged with. Therefore Alexander put them in
chains to be executed when he thought fit. However, Alexander executed the 700 private
soldiers whom they had used as to perform their villainies. At the same time Alexander had
Ozines and Zariaspes executed whom Craterus had brought as prisoners for attempting to rebel
in Persia as we noted before.

2255. Meanwhile Nearchus had sailed along the coast of the Arabians, the Oritans, the
Gedrosians and the Icthyophagians (so called because they lived only upon fish) and arrived in
the Gulf of Persia. He came to Harmozia or Armusia (which is now called Orus or Ormusa) and
there drew up his ships. He went overland with a small retinue to Alexander. A Greek from
Alexander's army told Nearchus that Alexander was not more than a 5 day journey from there.
He found Alexander in a sea town called Salmus, busy making a stage play there and sitting in
the open theatre.

2256. Alexander sacrificed there to Jupiter, by the name of a deliverer and to Hercules and
Apollo, the deliverer from evil and Neptune for bringing his army safely across the ocean. He
held sports, games of music and other gymnastic exercises. He had a pageant that was led by
Nearchus. All the army worked to get flowers and garlands to bestow on him.

2257. When Alexander had heard the entire story of the voyage, he sent Nearchus back to the
fleet with a small army to escort him. The whole country which he was to pass through was
thought to be friendly. Alexander wanted him to sail up as far as the mouth of the Euphrates and
be ready to row up to Babylon when ordered to.

2258. Tlepolemus was barely governor of Carmania, when the natives rebelled and took over
the principal and strongest places of that country. These also attacked Nearchus on his return in
various places so that he was often forced to flee 2 or 3 times in a day. After much trouble, he
came safely to the sea side. He sacrificed to Jupiter his deliverer and held games of dancing,
running, wrestling and the like. Then he sailed from Ormuse and followed the coast of the
Persian Gulf. He finally came to the mouth of the Euphrates River. (Arrian. in his Indica from
Nearchus)

2259. When Alexander received letters from Porcus and Taxiles that Abisarus was dead, he
gave his kingdom to his son. He sent Eudemon or Eudemus who was commander of the
Thracians to take over the government of the Oxydracans and Mallians and replace Philip who
was killed.

2260. Alexander sent Hephaestion with the larger part of the army and with the wagons and
elephants to go from Carmania to Persia by sea. The Persian Sea in the winter is always calm
and there was abundant supplies in those parts.

2261. Stasanor was sent back to his government. Alexander with the choicest of his foot
soldiers, the cavalry of his confederates and some of his archers marched to Pasargadas in
Persia. He gave money to the women as was the custom of the Persian kings. Whenever they
came into Persia, they gave to every woman there a piece of gold.

2262. As soon as he entered Persia, Orsines or Orxines met him. After the death of Phrasaortes,
he was appointed governor there since Alexander was away far off in India. By Orsines'

authority, the Persians were kept in subjection and in allegiance to Alexander until he ordered
another governor to replace the dead one. Orsines was descended from one of the seven princes
of Persia and traced his lineage from Cyrus. He came and met Alexander. He presented him and
all his friends with rich gifts. He gave nothing to Bagoas the eunuch and the king's other
homosexual lovers. He said it was not the Persian custom to show any respect to men who
allowed themselves to be sexually used as women. This proved later to be the reason of his
death. (Curt. 1. 4. c. 27. & 1. 10. c. 3. Arrian. 1. 6.)

2263. While he was at Pasargadas there Atropates, the governor of Media arrived bringing with
him the prisoner Baryaxes a Median who had worn his turban upright and called himself king of
the Medes and Persians. Therefore he brought him as a prisoner to the king along with all those
who had been part of the conspiracy. Alexander had them all executed immediately.

2264. Alexander was most of all offended at that vandalism of Cyrus' monument. He found it all
broken down and spoiled. All the precious things which he had previously seen there except for
a lector and a golden urn in which his body was placed, was stolen. The urn was broken and the
covering of the urn taken off and his very body tumbled from it by those sacrilegious thieves.
They had also tried to hew in pieces and batter the urn or coffin so they could carry it away in
pieces more easily. This they were unable to do and they left it behind. Alexander ordered
Aristobulus to rebuild his sepulchre as it was before. The parts of his body which were left were
to be placed into the urn again and a new cover made for it. He was to restore everything as it
was before. Then he was to seal the door which led into the chapel where the body lay with lime
and stone and place the impression of the king's seal upon it. (Strabo from Aristobulus, 1. 5. p.
173. & Arrian 1. 6. fin.)

2265. After this Alexander commanded the magi who guarded the sepulchre to be racked to
make them confess who did this sacrilege. When they told him nothing they were let go.
However, Plutarch says that Polymachus a Pellaean noble was put to death by Alexander for
opening and looking into the sepulchre.

2266. From Pasargada, Alexander marched to Persepolis the royal seat of the kings of Persia.
On his previous visit he had set it on fire and burned it to the very ground. However on his
return there, he blamed himself for doing this. Orsines the governor there was falsely accused of
many misdeeds. He is said to have spoiled and robbed the king's houses and sepulchres of the
dead and executed many of the Persian nobility. In particular, Bagoas the eunuch put it into the
king's head that perhaps it was Orsines that had robbed the sepulchre of Cyrus too. For he said
that he had heard Darius say there were 3000 talents stored there. Bagoas persisted so far with
the king that he immediately caused the noblest person of all the Persian nation and Alexander's
most affectionate servant to be crucified. Hence Bagoas got revenge against Orsines because he
disapproved of Bagoas' homosexual lifestyle.

2267. At the same time, Phradtes, who had been formerly governor of the Hircanains, Mardians
and Tapyrians was suspected of making himself a king and was executed. (Curt. 1. 8. c. 8. & 1.
10. c. 4.)

2268. Alexander made Pencestes governor of Persia. He had proved his worth many times over
especially in that danger of his among the Mallians. Of all the Macedonians, only Pencestes
adopted Median clothes and started to learn the Persian language and began to order all matters

after the Persian attire. Alexander commended him greatly for this and the Persians were glad to
see him use the Persian rather than the Macedonian attire.

2269. A new fancy struck Alexander. He wanted go down the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers to see
the Persian Sea and how those rivers entered into the Ocean. This he had done at the Indus
River's mouth. Also, he planned to sail around the coast of Arabia first and then of all Africa. He
would return into the Mediterranean Sea and to Macedon by the way of Hercules' Pillars.
(Arrian. 1. 7.) When he was in this frame of mind, he ordered the governors of Mesopotamia to
buy timber in Lebanon and to carry it to Thapsacus a city in Syria. They were to make keels for
huge ships to be built on. They were not all of seven banks of oars high, as Curtius says. Some
were of one size and some of another as we shall see shortly from Aristobulus. They were all to
be brought overland to Babylon. The kings of Cyprus were ordered to provide brass, equipment
and sails for this fleet, (Curt. 1. 10. c. 2.)

2270. Nearchus and Onesicritus arrived with the fleet at the mouth of the Euphrates and
anchored at Diridoris which is the chief market town of the whole province of Babylon. The
merchants of Arabia sold their frankincense and spices here. When they heard that Alexander
wanted to go to Susa, they went back and over to the mouth of the Pasitigris River. They rowed
up that river and came to a country well inhabited and with plentiful provisions. When they had
rowed about 19 miles, they came to an harbour there. They stayed there and waited for the
return of those whom Nearchus had sent to find out where the king was. Meanwhile Nearchus
sacrificed there to the gods, his deliverers and held games. All sailors were involved in this
pastime and merriment. (Arrian. in his Indica.)

2271. Calanus was an Indian and of the Gymnosophista or the sect of Philosophers who went
naked. In all his 73 years he had never felt an ache in his bones or other sickness in his body. He
happened now to become ill with his first sickness at Pasargadas. He began to feel sick and he
grew weaker every day. When he came to the borders of Susa, (for there it was that this
happened according to Diodorus and not in a suburb of the city of Babylon according to Elian. 1.
5. Varia. Histor. c. 6.) he asked Alexander if he would make a large pile of wood. When he
climbed on top of it, he wanted some of his servants to set it on fire. At first the king
endeavoured to dissuade him from his plan. When he could not, the man told him he would die
some other way. Alexander ordered a pile of wood made as he desired. He had Ptolemy the son
of Lagus take care of this. (Diod. Sic. 1. 17. Strabo, 1. 15. p. 686, 717. & Arrian. 1. 7.) As he was
going to the pile of wood, he greeted and kissed the hands and bade farewell to all the rest of his
friends. He would not kiss Alexander's hand for he said that he would meet with him at Babylon
and would have lots of time to kiss it there. He meant that Alexander would die at Babylon and
predicted his death there. (Arrian. 1. 7. p. 160. Plut. in Alex. Cic. 1. 1. De Divinat. Valer. Max. 1.
I.e. 8.)

2272. Nearchus tells us that as soon as the fire was started, Alexander had the trumpets sound.
All the army that were there gave a shout as if they had been ready to join in a battle. Also at the
same time the elephants made a noise like they used to do when they entered into a battle. It was
as if all had planned to honour the funeral of Calanus. (Arrian.)

2273. Chares of Mitylene, adds that Alexander to honour his funeral proclaimed a prize for the
musicians and wrestlers. To please the Indian nation, he held a drinking match which was their
custom. He awarded a talent to him who could drink the most, 30 pounds for second prize and
20 for the third prize. Alexander held a feast for his friends and captains. At that feast,

Promachus drank the most. He drank 4 gallons and one bottle and was awarded first prize. He
died three days later. 35 of the rest were chilled by the event. 6 others died shortly thereafter in
their tents. (Athenaus, 1. 10. c. 12. Plutarch in Alexander. Elian, Varia. Histor. 1. 2. c. 42.)

3679c AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC

2274. Nearchus and Onesicritus with their naval forces continued their course up the Pasitigris
River and came to a recently built bridge over which Alexander with his army was to pass. They
sailed into Susa and laid anchor. (Arrian. in his Indica, p. 197.) Pliny (1. 6. c. 23.) says they
found him at Susa observing a holiday. This was 7 months after he left them at Patala and in the
3rd month after they set sail from there. This really was in the sixth month since we have
already shown that they left Patalene in the next month after he left them at the city Patala.

2275. When the naval and land forces came together, Alexander offered sacrifices again for both
his navy's and army's preservation. He held plays and games for it. Wherever Nearchus went
through the camp, every man scattered flowers and placed garlands on him. (Arrian. in his
Indica, p. 197.)

2276. After Alexander had sent away Attopates to his province, he marched to Susa. Abulites
who had made no preparation at all for his entertainment, only presented him with 3000 talents
of silver. Alexander ordered him to lay it before his horses. When they would not do it
Alexander asked for what purpose then is this money? Plutarch says that Alexander laid
Abulites in irons and ran his son Oxathres or Oxyartes through with a javelin. Arrian says that
he put both the father and son to death for their bad behaviour in the government at Susa.

2277. Many of the people of the countries which he had conquered, came in and complained
about their governors. The governors never even dreamed that Alexander would ever return
alive from India. Therefore they committed many and monstrous outrages on the temples of
their gods, the sepulchres of the dead and the on their subjects and property. Alexander ordered
all of those governors to be executed in the view of those who came to complain against them
without any respect of nobility, favour or service which they had done. He executed Cleander
and Sitalees whom he had condemned while he was yet in Carmania because they were as guilty
as the rest. Heracon who up until now had escaped scot free, was now accused by the men of
Susa for robbing and ransacking their temple. He was convicted and executed. Alexander was
ready to listen to even a slight accusation about trivial matters and to punish it with death and
torment. He did this even for small offences because he thought that they who acted improperly
on small matters intended greater evils in their mind.

2278. When the fame of Alexander's severity against his officials spread, many feared what
would become of them knowing how they had behaved. Some got all the money they could and
fled to parts unknown. Others who commanded mercenary troops, openly revolted from
Alexander. Thereupon Alexander sent letters to all the governors of the countries throughout all
Asia to disband and send away all mercenary troops. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113.)

2279. No sooner then were the mercenary troops discharged, then they wandered over all Asia
with no work. They lived from the spoil of the country until at length they all came into one
body at Tenarus in Laconia. Likewise all the commanders and governors of the Persians who
were left, gathered together what men and money they could and came to Tenarus. They all

joined their forces together there. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 113. & year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2280. Alexander married Statira, the eldest daughter of Darius, and according to Aristobulus,
Parysaris, the youngest daughter of Ochus. He gave Drypates, the youngest daughter of Darius
and his own wife's sister in marriage to Hephaestion. He gave to Craterus, Amestris, the
daughter of Oxyarta or Oxathra, a daughter of Oxathres, the brother of Darius. Perdiccas
married the daughter of Attopates the governor of Media. Nearchus married the daughter of
Spitamenes the Bactrian. He gave to Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the captain of his bodyguard and
to Eumenes the two daughters of Artabazus and sisters to Barsina. By whom, though not in
lawful wedlock, Alexander had a son called Hercules. Ptolemy's wife was called Artacama or
Apama. Eumenes married Artonis. Note that the name "Barsine" in Arrian, (1. 7. p. 148.) is
written for "Statira". However, in Plutarch, in the beginning of the Life of Eumenes, he so
names his wife instead of "Artonis".

2281. To all the rest of his friends, Alexander gave wives, from the most illustrious families that
were of the Medes and Persians. The number according to Arrian was 80 or 90 according to
Elian or 92 according to Chares, or 100 according to Plutarch in his discourse of the Fortune of
Alexander. These marriages of Alexander and his friends were all made and solemnised at the
same time. The king bestowed a dowry for each one of them. For 5 days they celebrated these
marriages with pomp, magnificent feasts and parties according to Elian. (1. 8. c. 7. Var. Hist. &
by Atheneus, Deipnosoph. 1. 12. c. 18. from Chares of Mytylene, 1. 10 of his History of
Alexander.) To each of the 9000 guests, he gave a golden vial to sacrifice a drink offering with.
To the rest of the 10,000 Macedonians who had formerly married wives from Asia he gave each
man wedding gifts.

2282. Moreover, he thought it fitting at this time to pay every one of his soldiers' debts from his
own funds. He ordered that each one should submit a ticket of what he owed and they would be
given the money to pay their debt. At first very few gave in their tickets for they feared that this
was but a scheme of the king's to find out who they were that could not live on their pay because
of their riotous living. Among those who submitted a ticket was Antigenes. He had only one eye
and had lost the other under Philip at the siege of Perinthis by an arrow from the wall. He
pretended to be more in debt than indeed he was and brought a man to the pay master who
affirmed that he had lent Antigenes so much money. Thereupon Antigenes received the money
he asked for. The king was later informed of this abuse and was very angry. Alexander forbade
him from ever coming within his court and removed him from his office. Antigenes took this
ignominy to heart and thought to commit suicide. When Alexander knew of this, he forgave him
and allowed him to enjoy his money.

2283. When Alexander heard that many who were truly in debt would not turn in their names to
be given money to pay their debts, he publicly blamed them for being so distrustful of him. He
said that a king should only be honest with his subjects just as the subjects should think the king
was totally honest and fair to them. Then he had tables to be set out in various places of the
camp with money on them. Whoever brought in his ticket of what he owed, received his money
immediately without being asked so much as what his name was. Then they began to believe
that Alexander was a man of his word.

2284. The money he distributed among his soldiers amounted to about 20,000 talents, according
to Justin and Arrian. Diodorus is likely more accurate when he says it was less than 10,000
talents. Curtius and Plutarch say that of 10,000 talents brought, there were only 130 left after all

were paid. Curtius says:

vv So that army the conqueror of so many nations, brought yet more honour and glory then spoil
and riches from Asia."

2285. Alexander gave other gifts at that time to various men in the army either according to
degree and quality or in regard of some memorable service which they had done. For those who
excelled in this bravery, he gave in addition crowns of gold to wear. The first one was given to
Pencestes who protected him with his shield against the Mallians. The next he gave to Leonatus,
who at the same time also fought most courageously in his defence and had on occasion
behaved most bravely in the country of the Oritans. The third he gave to Nearchus who had
brought his navy and army on ships safely from India through the ocean. The fourth crown was
given to Onesicritus, the pilot of the king's ships. Hephaestion and other captains of his
bodyguard received crowns also.

2286. Meanwhile the governors of various cities which he had built and various provinces he
had subdued, brought 30,000 troops to him at Susa from Persia and other nations. (See note on
3676 AM.) These were all good strong young men. These were selected by the king's command
and trained in the Macedonian military manner. They were all gloriously armed and camped
before the walls of Susa. When they had proven their readiness and skill in military discipline
before the king, the king highly reward them. He called them the Epigoni, that is, of a later troop
replacing those who in feats of chivalry and conquering the world had gone before them.

3679d AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC

2287. Alexander had turned over most of his land army to Hephaestion to be led to the coast of
the Persian Gulf. He had ordered his navy to come to the country of Susa. He sailed there with
his silver targeteers, his phalanx or main squadron and part of his fellow cavalliers. They sailed
down the Ulay River into the Persian Gulf. Before he came there, he left many of his ships
which were leaky or damaged. With the rest he sailed from the mouth of that river by sea to the
Tigris River. The rest he sent up the channel connecting the Tigris with the Ulay River and so
they all came to the Tigris River.

2288. Alexander sailed along the shore of the Persian Gulf which lies between the mouth of the
Ulay and Tigris Rivers and came to his camp. Hephaestion with the army was waiting for his
arrival. He returned again to the city of Opis on the bank of the Tigris River. As he went on, he
had all the dams, locks and sluices removed which the Persians had made on that river to hinder
enemy access by the sea to Babylon. He said they were devises of little worth. (Arrian. 1. 7. with
Strabo. 1. 16. p. 740.)

2289. As soon as he came to Opis, he called all his army together and declared to them what his
plans were. He wanted to discharge all who through age or otherwise found themselves unfit for
military service. These would be free to return home. He promised to make the conditions of
those who stayed so wonderful and to bestow such gifts upon them as to make their eyes ache of
those who were idle at home. This would encourage the rest of the Macedonians to come and
share with them in their fortunes.

2290. He did this planning to honour the Macedonians. However, they took it as if he was

ashambed of them and counted them no better than a company of useless men for his wars. They
seemed anxious to recall all other grievances and occasions of discontent he had done to them.
He was wearing a Median robe and that all those marriages that he made were all solemnized
after the Persian manner. Pencestes his governor of Persia had turned completely Persian both in
clothing and language. Alexander delighted too much in these new customs and foreign
fashions. The Bactrians, Sogdians, Arachosians, Zarangians, Arians, Parthians and Persian
cavalry who were called Euaca were mixed with and counted among his fellow cavaliers. There
was a 5th Brigade of cavalry set up. It was not composed completely of foreigners but yet an
increasing the number of his cavalry were from foreign countries. Cophes the son of Artabazus,
Hydarves and Artiboles, the two sons of Mazaeus, Itanes the son of Oxyartes and brother to
Roxane, Alexander's wife, Aegobares and his brother Mithrobaeus were in this new regiment.
Hydaspes a Bactrian, was the commander over that regiment. Instead of the Macedonian spear,
they used a javelin, after the custom of the foreign nations. He had created a new company of
young foreigners and called them Epigoni and armed them after the Macedonian manner.
Finally, in all things he despised and scorned the Macedonian discipline and customs and even
the Macedonians themselves. Therefore they all cried out and desired to be discharged and to
serve no longer in the wars. They bid him and his father Hammon to go and fight after this if
they wanted to since he grew weary of and cared no more for his own soldiers who had
previously fought for him.

2291. In this revolt, Alexander, enraged as he was, leaped off the place where he stood speaking
to them. With such captains as were around him, he flew in among them and took 13 of the
principal rebels who had stirred up this sedition among the rest. He delivered them to the
Serjeants to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the Tigris River. So great was either the
dread of the king on them or the resolution of the king himself in executing them according to
marshal discipline that they took their death so patiently as they did. Then Alexander
accompanied by only his friends and captians of his bodyguard, went to his lodging. He neither
ate nor slept nor allowed any man to come into his presence all that day nor the one following.

2292. On the 3rd day, he ordered the Macedonians to stay in their tents and called his foreign
soldiers together. When they came, he spoke to them by an interpreter and ordered their
perpetual loyalty to himself and to their former kings. He recalled all the many favours and
honours which he had conferred upon them how he had never used them as conquered persons
but as fellow soldiers and partners in all his conquests. He had mixed the conquered with the
conquerors by intermarriage. He said:

""Therefore, count not yourselves as made, but born my soldiers. The kingdoms of Asia and
Europe are become all one. What was novelty before is now grown natural by long use and
custom and you are no less my country men than you are my soldiers."

2293. After this he chose from them 1000 tall young men and appointed them for his personal
bodyguards. He gave the chief commands of the army to the Persians and called the various
troops and companies by Macedonian names. These he also called his kinfolk and friends. He
only allowed them the privilege to be admitted to kiss his hand. (See Polyanus Stratag. 4. in
Alexander num. 7.)

2294. The Macedonians saw the king come out guarded only with Persians and that all the
Serjeants and other attendants were Persions. Only Persians were promoted to all the places of
dignity and honour and the Macedonians were set aside with scorn and infamy. Their courage

failed and they conferred a while among themselves. Then they ran all together to the king's
lodging and cast off all their clothes to their very waist coats. They threw down their arms at the
court gates and stood outside and begged to be admitted. They offered to turn over every author
of that rebellion and desired the king to be satisfied with their deaths rather than their disgraces.
Although Alexander was no longer angry, he would not let them in. On the contrary they would
not go away but continued there crying and howling two whole days and nights. They called on
him by the name of lord and master and promised never to leave his gate until he had mercy on
them. On the 3rd day he came out to them. He saw their humiliation and dejection before him
with their genuine sorrow. He heard their pitiful complaint and lamentation which they made
and was moved with compassion for them. He wept a long time over them. He stood a good
while as if he would speak to them but could not and they continued all that time on their knees
before him.

2295. Callines, a man venerable for his age and of great esteem in the regiment of his fellow
cavaliers, spoke to him.

vv This is what O king which grieves your Macedonians that now you have made some of the
Persians your cousins and these you have received to kiss your hand and have deprived your
Macedonians of this honour,"

2296. When he would have proceeded, Alexander interrupted him, and said:

VV I now make you all my cousins and from henceforth will call you by that name."

2297. When he had said this, Callines stepped out and went and kissed his hand and so did as
many others who wanted to. Every man took up his arms again and they all returned with joy
and triumph into the camp.

2298. Then the king went and sacrificed to the gods as he was accustomed to do. He made a
general feast for all the army. He sat down first. Then his Macedonians were seated and then the
Persians. After them, the rest according to their various ranks and stations in the army. Then
Alexander took from the bowl and drank. So it went round among the Macedonians. The Greek
prophets and Persian priests poured forth their prayers. Among all the favours they asked from
their gods for him, was to grant a concord and unity of empire between the Macedonian and
Persian kingdoms. It is said that there were 9000 guests who sat at this feast and that they all
pledged this concord and sang the same Paeana, or song of joy and gladness to Apollo as they
used to do when they returned from a victory to their camp.

2299. Alexander passed over the Tigris River and camped in a country called Cares. When he
crossed the region called Sitacene in a 4 day march, he came to Sambana. He camped here 7
days and then after a 3 day journey, he arrived at Celovae. Before this, Xerxes had made a
colony of those whom he brought from Baeotia. Then turning aside from the way to Babylon, he
went to see Bagisthenes, a country abounding with fruit and all other commodities that are good
for one's health and pleasure.

2300. Meanwhile, Harpalus a Macedonian who was the chief baron and treasurer of all the
king's money in Babylon and revenues of that whole province, knew well of his wastefulness
and bad conduct in that office. He also knew what Alexander had done to many other governors

when complaints were made about them by their subjects. He got 5000 talents of silver and 6000
mercenaries and fled from Asia and came with them to Taenarus in Laconia. He left them there.
(Others who could not stay in Asia had already exciled themselves here, as I said before) He
went to Athens in a humble manner. When Antipater and Olympias demanded him from their
hands, he so dealt with the people of Athens by seeing Demosthenes and other orators there that
he escaped and returned safely to his company at Taenarus. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113.
Pausanias in his Attica, Plurtarch in the lives of Demosthenes and Phocyon,) In Arrian there is a
blank left, (1. 7. p. 155.) where the flight of Harpalus from Babylon should have been recorded
with that journey of Alexander's after, (as appears by Photius in his Biblioth, c. 91.) There was
an action brought against Harpalus for bribes he received according to Dionysius
Halicarnassaeus, in the end of his Epistle to Ammaeus concerning Demosthens when Anticles
was archon at Athens. This was, as I said before, in this 4th year of the 1 13th Olympiad,
according to his account.

2301. Hephaestion and Eumenes had an argument about a certain gift and exchanged many
harsh words. Alexander settled the difference and made them friends again. Hephaestion was
unwilling at first and Alexander had to threaten him. However, Eumenes was content with the
settlement. (Plut. in Eumenes. Arrian. 1. 7. p. 155.)

3680a AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC

2302. Alexander went from there into a country, where great herds of horses of the Persian
kings grazed. In this place, called the Nicean Country, there were used to be kept 150,000 or
160,000 of the king's horses. When Alexander came there, he found about 50,000 horses.
(Arrian) Diodorus Sicilus states there were about 60,000 horses. Most of the horses had been
stolen.

2303. When Alexander had camped here 30 days, he marched again and 7 days later came to
Ecbatane, the chief city of all Media. Its circumference was over 31 miles. As his custom was
after any good success, he offered sacrifices and held games of music, gymnastics and exercises
in honour of his gods. He feasted with his friends. When he had ordered matters there, he
returned again to see his stage players and actors play their parts. He instituted certain feasts
because 3000 cooks and their helpers had come to him from Greece.

2304. Apollodorus of Amphipolis was a friend of Alexander and whom he had made general of
that army which he had left with Mazaeus when he made him governor of the city and province
of Babylon. When he heard what had happened to other governors Alexander had placed over
his kingdom, he was afraid just as his friend Harpalus was before him. Apollodorus had a
brother called Pythagoras, who was a soothsayer. He consulted him by letters to find out what
was likely to happen to him. Pythagoras sent back letters and desired to know whom he feared
that he wanted his fortune told? He replied that it was for fear of Alexander and Hephaestion.
Thereupon Pythagoras looked into the entrails of a beast for Hephaestion. When he found that
its liver had no fibres, he wrote back again to his brother from Babylon to Ecbatane. He told him
not to fear Hephaestion for he would soon die. Aristobulus states this letter was written the very
day before Hephaestion died. (Arrian. 1. 7. with Apian, toward the end of his second book De
Bell. Civi.)

2305. Hephaestion loved wine too much and became sick because of it. He was a young soldier

who would not keep any diet he was told to follow. While his physician Glaucias was away for a
time, he ate dinner as he did at other times. He had a roasted guinea fowl and took a huge
draught of chilled wine after it. He became sick and died 7 days later from this.

2306. On the same day there were gymnastic games performed before the king by the pages of
the court. When he was told of Hephaestion's illness, he suddenly arose from the games and
went to see Hephaestion. When he came, he found him dead. Thereupon he did not eat for 3
days nor take care of himself. He lay all that while either sullenly silent or impatiently lamenting
the loss of his Haphaestion. Afterwards he changed his attire and shaved himself. He ordered all
the soldiers and even the horses and mules to be all shorn. He had the pinnacles taken from the
walls in Ecbatane and all other cities and towns around there. He wanted them to look poorly so
they would appear to lament and bewail his death. He crucified his poor physician who could
not help him. He ordered that there be no sound of pipe or flute heard in all the camp and
ordered a general mourning among all provinces for Hephaestion. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp.
113. & Plut. in his Alex. & Peloprdas, Arrian. 1. 7. & on Epistetus, 1. 2. c. 22. & Elian Var. Hist.
1. 7. c. 8.)

2307. Alexander gave his body to Perdiccas to be carried to Babylon. He intended to give him a
most magnificent funeral. He often spoke with the principal architects around him about making
a most splendid monument for him. He spoke most with Stasicrates who knew of rare inventions
used for creating and erecting vast buildings.

2308. Eumenes feared lest Alexander might think that he was glad for Hephaestion's death. He
encouraged Alexander all the more on this project and suggested to him new ways to honour
Hephaestion. He devoted himself and his arms to Hephaestion. Various others of Alexander's
friends followed Eumenes' example and did likewise. (Plutarch in the life of Eumenes, &
Arrian. 1. 7.)

2309. Moreover since Hephaestion was the colonel of the regiment of the king's fellow
cavaliers, Alexander did not replace him lest the name of Hephaestion should be forgotten
among them. He named that regiment, Hephaestion's regiment as he called the cornet after him
which he gave to go before them whenever they went to battle. (??)

3680b AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2310. At last to lift his spirits, Alexander started a needless war. He divided his army with
Ptolemy and went hunting men and to clear the country as he would clear a forest of wild beasts.
He attacked the Cossaeans, a people bordering on the Uxians who lived in the mountainous
parts of Media. The Persian kings could never bring them under their subjection. Nor were these
people in all these wars ever discouraged or thought that the Macedonians were such great
warriors as to be afraid of them. First he took the passes leading through the mountains into their
country and wasted their borders. Then he went further on and routed them in various conflicts.
He destroyed them wherever he came without mercy and called that Hephaestion's funeral feast.
As well Nearchus according to Arrian, tells us that Alexander attacked these Cossaeans in the
depths of winter, when they little dreamed of any enemy coming upon them. (Strabo. 1. 11. p.
524. Arrian. 1. 7. p. 157. & in his Indica, p. 196. See also Polyanus, Stratag. 1. 4. in Alexan. num.
31.)

231 1. The Cossaeans saw they were being badly defeated and were grieved to see what large
numbers of them were taken prisoners. They were forced to redeem their fellow's lives with
their own slavery. They surrendered entirely to Alexander's will and pleasure. He granted peace
to them on these conditions. They would always obey the king and do whatever he commanded.
So Alexander returned with his army after he subdued all that country within 40 days time. He
built various cities on the most difficult passes of the country.

2312. Alexander sent Heraclides, with certain shipwrights into Hircania to cut timber there for
building ships. They were all to be "men of war", some with decks some without after the Greek
design. He had a great desire to see the Caspian Sea and to know to whom it belonged.

3680c AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2313. When he had crossed with his army over the Tigris River, he marched straight towards
Babylon. He made many camps along the way and rested his army in various places. When he
moved at any time, he made easy marches. When he was about 40 miles from Babylon, he was
met by the Chaldean priests and prophets. They were sent to him by one of their own company,
called Bellephantes. They advised him that under no conditions should he go to Babylon for if
he did, he would die there.

2314. When Alexander was told by Nearchus, (for he dared not talk with Bellephantes) what the
Chaldean's message was, he sent many of his friends there. He turned aside from Babylon and
would not go into it. He camped about 25 miles from it at a place called Bursia. This perhaps is
the same place which Ptolemy calls Bersita, a city long since destroyed.

2315. There Anaxarchus and other Greeks persuaded him not to regard those predictions of the
priests and magicians but rather to reject and despise them as vain and false. Thereupon he
quoted that iambic verse of Euripades:

vv Who best can guess, he the best prophet is."

2316. Then the Chaldeans desired him that if he would enter that city that at least he would not
enter it with his face toward the west. He should take the trouble to go about it and come into it
looking toward the east. Aristobulus tells us, that he listened to this. On the first day he marched
as far as to the Euphrates River. On the next day, he had the river on his right hand and marched
along its bank. He wanted to pass by that part of the city which looked toward the west so that
he might come in looking toward the east. When he found that way marshy and hard for his
army to pass over, he neglected that very point of their counsel also. He entered Babylon with
his face toward the west. (See Appian. toward the end of his second book, De Bello Civi. and
Seneca, Suasor. 4.)

2317. When Alexander came to the walls of the city, he looked and saw a flock of crows,
fighting and killing one another. Some fell down dead close to him. Apollodorus told him that
he had a brother in that city called Pythagoras who was skilled in soothsaying by looking into
the bowels of beasts that were offered for sacrifice. He had already consulted the gods that way
concerning Alexander. He immediately sent for him and asked him what he found out
concerning him. He told Alexander that he found the liver of the beast without any fibres.
Alexander asked what that meant. Pythagoras replied that some great evil hangs over your head.

(Appian has it that you shall shortly die.) Alexander was not offended by him. Indeed from that
time on, Alexander consulted him the more because of his candour in dealing with him. This
much Aristobulus relates that he learned directly from Pythagoras.

2318. The Babylonians entertained his army in a very courteous manner as they did the last time
he was there. They indulged in ease and luxury. There was no lack of anything there that the
heart would desire. (Diod. Sic.)

2319. While Alexander resided at Babylon, there came ambassadors to him from all the parts
and nations of the world. For besides those that came out of Asia, from cities, princes and
countries there, many came from other countries in Europe and Africa. From Africa came the
Ethiopians who lived near the temple of Hammon and from the Carthaginians and other Punic
countries bordering all along the sea coast from as far as the Pillars of Hercules and the western
sea. From Europe came ambassadors from various cities of Greece, Macedon, Thracians,
Illyrians and Scythians. The Brutians, Lucanians and Etruscians came from Italy along with the
islands of Sicily and Sardinia. They also came from Spain and France whose very names and
countries the Macedonians had never heard of before.

2320. Alexander had a list made of them and appointed who of them should see him first until
he would have heard them all. He decided to see those who came about religious matters first.
After that he would see those who brought him presents. Next he would see those who came
about wars which they had with their neighbouring countries. Next he would see those who
came about their particular and private interests. Lastly he would see those who came to show
why they did not restore any Greeks whom they had banished from their cities or countries to
their homes and estates again. In order to hear them, he had a throne of gold to be set up in the
garden there and placed seats of silver for his friends. He took his place with his friends to hear
these ambassadors. (Athenaus 1. 12. c. 18. from Ephippius Olynthius) His main purpose was that
after he heard them, to answer them so they would be content and to send every man away
satisfied and well pleased.

2321. The first ones to see him were those who came from the city Elis. After he saw those who
came from the temple and city of Ammon, from Delphi, from Corinth, Epidaurus and others. He
heard each of them in order of the dignity and fame of the temples rather than of the cities from
where they came from.

2322. When he had heard the ambassadors from Epidaurus and granted their request, he sent a
present and oblation by them to their god Eseulapius. He added these words:

vv that Eseulapius had dealt but unfavourably with him, in recently taking away from him, a
friend, whom he loved as his own life."

2323. He took all the statues of the illustrious persons or images of the gods or any other
consecrated thing that Xerxes had before taken from Greece. He had set them up or otherwise
placed them in Babylon, Susa, Pasargada and elsewhere in all Asia. Alexander ordered the
ambassadors of Greece to take and carry these statues home again with them. Among the rest,
he had the brass statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton to be returned to Athens with the image
of Diana Cercaea.

2324. Concerning the restitution of the exiles of Greece, he sent this short epistle by Nicanor, a
native of the city Stagyra, to be read and proclaimed at the next Olympic games.

King Alexander, to the outcasts of Greece sends greeting:

"We were not the reason that you were banished but we will take care to see you are all restored
to your former estates except such as are banished for outrageous crimes. Concerning these
things we have written to Antipater and ordered him to proceed by way of force, against all such
as shall oppose your restitution." (Diod. Sic. 1. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113. & 1. 18. year 2. Olymp.
114.)

2325. When he had taken care of all the ambassadors, he started to prepare for Hephaestion's
funeral. He ordered all the cities in the region to contribute whatever they possibly could to the
funeral. Moreover he expressly ordered all the cities and countries of Asia to put out the fire
which the Persians called the "Holy Fire", until after the funeral. This was the custom in the
funerals of the kings of Persia. This action was taken as an ill omen to the king himself and as
portending his death.

2326. Thereupon all his chief commanders and friends made medallions of Hephaestion, carved
from ivory or cast in gold or some other costly metal. Alexander called together the best
workmen that were to be had. A large number of them broke down the wall of Babylon for
about 1.25 miles. They took its brick and first levelled the place. They built on the location a
square funeral pyre about 200 feet (130 cubits) high about 210 yards long. The body was to be
burned on this. This work Diodorus describes in detail giving the total cost of this splendid
funeral. The mourners, the soldiers, ambassadors and natives of the country tried to outdo each
other in giving to this project. More than 12,000 talents was collected. (Justin 1. 12. c. 12.)
Plutarch and Arrian say it was about 10,000 talents.

2327. Alexander first threw Hephaeston's weapons into the fire and then threw in the gold and
silver along with a robe of great value and esteem among the Persians. (Elia. Var., Histor. 1. 7. c.
8.) Besides this, Alexander held games of gymnastics and music far beyond all that he had ever
done before. The number of the winners and value of the prizes was greater than anything
before. It is said, that there were no less than 3000 who entered the games for the prizes of all
kinds. (Arrian. 1. 7.)

2328. It happened that Philip, one of the king's friends returned to him from the temple of
Hammon where he had been sent. He brought word from the oracle there that Hephaestion
might be sacrificed to as a demigod. This greatly pleased Alexander. First of all, Alexander
offered to him after that custom and then sacrificed to him 10,000 beasts of all kinds. He made a
magnificent feast for all the people. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 114. & Arrian. 1. 7. p. 157. 164.)
He ordered Cleomenes the governor of Egypt (See note on 3673a AM) a lewd man, to erect
temples in Hephaestion's name. He also ordered that no written contract would be good or valid
if Hephaestion's name was not subscribed to it. He added this also in the letter which he wrote to
him about this matter:

vv For if I shall find that you have duly erected temples to Hephaestion in Egypt as to a demigod,
I will not only pardon you of all your past offences which you have committed in your
government but whatever you shall do after this shall never be laid to your charge by me."

2329. Thereupon many cities started building temples and shrines to Hephaestion. They erected
altars, offered sacrifices and observed holidays in his name. The most religious oath that a man
could take was if he swore by Hephaestion, "it is true or false". Death was the reward for any
man who faltered or failed in his devotion to him. Many dreams were said to have been of him
and that his ghost appeared to many. Many words were recorded which his ghost had spoken
and the answers which it made. Sacrifices were offered to him as to a tutelar god and a revenger
of all evil. Therefore Alexander at the very first was wonderfully pleased with such fancies in
other men but after a while, he began to believe them himself. He bragged that he himself was
not only Jove's son but also that he could make gods of other men. At which time also, one
Agathocles, a Samian and one of Alexander's best captains was in extreme danger for his life.
He was accused that when he passed by Hephaestion's tomb, he was seen to weep. He would
have undoubtedly died for it had not Perdiccas helped him out by a lie of his own making and
swore to it by Hephaestion. He said that Hephaestion appeared to him as he was hunting and
told him that Agathocles wept for him indeed but not as for one that was dead and now vainly
called upon and worshipped as a god. He wept only in a due remembrance of the former
intimacy and familiarity that was between the two of them. Except for this tale, Agathocles a
great soldier and loyal to the king, would have died for being so kind to his deceased friend.
(Lucian. in his book of false accusing.)

3680d AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2330. The 1 14th Olympiad was celebrated at Elis. All agree that Alexander died in that year.
(Josephus 1. 1. cont. Apio.) This was the time when Hagesias or Hegesias was archon at Athens.
(Diod. Sic. 1. 17.) This is confirmed by Arrian in his 7th book of the deeds of Alexander that
Alexander died toward the end of his year of archonship, in this very Olympiad year. This shall
be noted by the month when he died.

2331. At the general assembly of all Greece at the Olympic games Alexander's letter for the
restoring of all exiled persons to their homes and estates again was read publicly by the one who
announced the winners in any game. Nevertheless, the Athenians and Etonans protested against
it. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113. Justin, 1. 13. c. 5.)

2332. While he was at Babylon, Alexander received his fleet according to Aristobulus. Part of it
sailed down the Euphrates into the Persian Sea under the command of Nearchus. Some of the
ships had been built in Phoenicia and Cyprus. 2 of the Phoenician ships had 5 tiers of oars and 3
ships had 4 tiers high and 12 were 3 tiers high. 30 vessels had 30 oars each. All these ships had
been taken apart in pieces and carried overland to the city Thapsaca and there reassembled.
They sailed on the Euphrates to Babylon. Alexander had some other ships also to be built at
Babylon from those Cypress trees which he found in their gardens there. There was no other
timber in those parts fit for ship building. Moreover there was brought to him at Babylon, all
other provisions for shipping from Phoenicia and other cities that were along the sea coasts in
Asia. Also shipwrights and mariners of all types came to him. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 741. Arrian. 1. 7,
p. 161. from Aristobulus.)

2333. Alexander had a port made at Babylon that was large enough to receive 1000 warships.
He had built galleries and docks there and sent Maccalus a Clazomentan, with 500 talents into
Phoenicia and Syria. He was to persuade or hire as many seamen as he possibly could to come
and serve him. Alexander planned to make several colonies on the Persian Gulf and assured

them that those places would be as lavish to dwell in as any places in Phoenicia. (Arrian, 1. 7. p.
161.)

2334. All these naval preparations were made to attack the Arabians, under the pretence that
among all other nations only they sent no ambassadors to him and showed no respect to him.
The real reason was he had an inordinate desire to be sovereign over all. He had heard that they
worshipped only two gods Jove and Bacchus. Alexander thought himself worthy to be
worshipped as a third god among them if he could overcome them and restore to them, as he had
done to the Indians, their pristine liberty. (Strabo 1. 16. p. 741. & Arrian. 1. 7. p. 161.)

2335. Alexander was told that Arabia that bordered on the sea coast, was as large as all India
and had many islands lying near their coast. He sent Archias and Androsthenes (that is that
Androsthenes of Thasus of whom Strabo, 1. 16. p. 766. and Theophrastus, 1. 2. of Plants, c. 7.
mention.) and Hieron of Solos with 3 ships of 30 oars apiece. They were to sail from Babylon
with orders to sail around Chersonese or the peninsula of Arabia. They were to find out what
they could about all the ports in that region. Concerning these ports, Arcmas brought him word
that there were two islands which lay out in the sea at the mouth of the Euphrates River. The
smaller one he consecrated to Diana and was 15 miles offshore. Alexander, according to
Aristobulus, named the island Learus. The larger island was a day and night's sailing from the
shore in the same latitude called Tylus. However Hieron who went further than any of the rest,
brought him word that the Chersonse was of a vast size and had a cape which ran far out into the
ocean. Those who came with Nearchus by sea from India, described it to be not far off before
they arrived at the mouth of the Euphrates River. (Arrian, 1. 7. & in the end also of his Indica.)

2336. While his ships of war were being built and a harbour was being dug at Babylon,
Alexander sailed down the Euphrates River 100 miles from Babylon to the mouth of the
Pallacopa River. They rowed up and down and according to Aristobulus, he sometimes steered
his own boat. He saw some ditches which he had scoured by those that were with him. They
dammed up the mouths of some and opened others. They saw one dike among the rest on the
Arabian side toward its marshy places. The outlet was difficult to dam because of the weakness
of the soil. Alexander opened a new mouth some 4 miles from the other in somewhat more firm
and hard ground and forced the water course in that direction. He saw there many monuments of
the old Assyrian kings and princes who lay buried in that marshy country and in the middle of
those lakes. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 741. Arrian. 1. 7.)

2337. They sailed through those lakes into the body of Arabia. Alexander built a walled city
there and planted there a colony of mercenary Greeks, volunteers and such as through age or
otherwise were grown unfit for the war. (Arrian. 1. 7.)

2338. He began to laugh and scoff at the Chaldeans and their predictions. He had entered
Babylon and left it safely with his fleet. Therefore he sailed the more boldy through those lakes
of Arabia, having Babylon on his left hand. (Arrian. 1. 7. Appian. toward the end, 1. 2. De Bell.
Civil.)

2339. When a part of his army wandered up and down in those parts and were lost for lack of a
pilot, Alexander sent them one who brought them into the right channel again. Then there arose
a mighty wind which separated Alexander's ship from the rest of the fleet and hurled the king's
hood off from his head into the water. His turban or diadem which was fastened to it, was rent

from it and driven by the wind onto a large reed which grew close to a sepulchre of one of the
kings who was buried there, as I said before. One of the mariners saw it and swam to it. He took
it up and put it on his own head on his return for fear of getting it wet. Aristobulus says that the
mariner who did it, was a Phoenician and that he was well scourged for presuming to put the
king's turban on his head. After this accident Alexander consulted a wizard and was advised to
offer a magnificent sacrifice to the gods and to be very diligent and devout in it. (Diod. Sic. see
Appian, in his Syriaca, p. 124. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

2340. When Alexander was told that the Athenians and Etolians would not obey his edict
concerning the restoring of their exiles, he ordered 1000 warships to be built. He planned to
make a war in the west and to begin it with the destruction of Athens but died before he could
do this. (Justin 1. 13. c. 5. & Curtius 1. 10. c. 4.)

3681a AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2341. When Alexander returned to Babylon, he indulged in its luxuries. He was so addicted to
gluttony and drunkenness that in the diaries that were kept by Eumenes Cardianus and Diodorus
Erythraeus, it is often found that such and such a day or night Alexander was carried drunk to
bed. (Athena. 1. 10 c. 11. with Phillinus in Plut. 1. 1. Sympos. c. 6.) One example of this is cited
by Elian. (1. 3. Var. Histor. 1. 23.) from Eumenes. I thought it good here to insert, so that may
appear that some use may be made of my treatise of the Macedonian year compared with the
days of our Julian Calendar. I first corrected that place in Elian where it is written without any
sense and making it the month called Dios as thus:

vv On the 5th of the month Dios (our Sept. 28.) he drank himself drunk at Eumaus' house. He did
nothing all that day but rose and ordered his captains where they should march tomorrow. He
told them that he would be going very early. On the 7th day (our September 30) he dined with
Perdiccas and started drinking again. On the 8th (our October 1st) he slept all day and upon the
15th of the same month (our October 8th) he was drinking again. The next day (our October
9th.) he slept off all day according to his custom. Upon the 24th (our October 17th.) he ate at
Bagoas' lodging which was 1.25 miles from the king's palace. Then on the 3rd (or rather the 5th)
he slept it off again."

3681b AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2342. When Alexander saw Babylon excel both in greatness and all other things, he planned to
embellish it all that he could and to make it the place of his residence for the rest of his life.
(Strabo. 1. 15. p. 731.) He resolved to rebuild the temple of Belus and raise it from its ruin. Some
say he planned to make it more magnificent than ever it was before. In his absence the
Babylonians went on more slowly in the work than he would have liked. Therefore he intended
to have all his army work on it. The work would require much labour and lots of time. Therefore
he was not able to go through with it as he wanted to because he died soon after this. (Strabo. 1.
16. p. 738. & Arrian 1. 6. p. 159.)

2343. Alexander dreamed that Cassander killed him. He had never seen the man in all his life
and shortly after this when he happened to see him, he recalled his dream. At first this alarmed
him but when he understood that he was a son of Antipater, he cast out any fear of any harm
from him especially of poison. This was at that time being prepared for him. He merrily utterred

a certain Greek verse purporting that:
"So many dreams, So many lies."

2344. or something to that effect.

2345. When Cassander saw the foreign people prostrating themselves when they came to him
and since he had never seen this done before he started to snicker. Alexander was furious and
wrapped both his hands in his long hair and he beat his head against the wall. (Plut. in Alexand.)

3681c AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2346. A rumour was circulated that Antipater had sent a poison by Cassander to deliver it to his
brother, Iolla, the cupbearer to the king. Iolla was supposed to have poisoned Alexander's last
drink. It was also said that at the same time Alexander had sent Craterus with a company of old
soldiers to succeed Antipater. (Curt. 1. 10. c. 10.) Concerning the poison of which Alexander is
said to have died, see Andraeas Schottus, and his collections on it made from various authors in
the comparison which he makes, of the lives of Aristotle and Demosthenes, (to the 1st year of
the 1 14th Olymp. and Mathaus Raderus, on Curt. 1. 10. c. 7.) As for Craterus and his old soldiers
that were sent away with him into Macedon, although Justin, Arrian and Plutarch report this
event happening before the death of Hephaestion. However, it ought have happened at this time
and not before as appears by many other arguments. In particular that at the time of Alexander's
death, Craterus with his old maimed soldiers had not come into Macedonia but was still in
Cilicia.

2347. Those who wanted to of the Macedonians who found themselves disabled through age or
other weaknesses of body to follow the war any longer were dismissed by Alexander to return
into their own country. The number of them at this time, came to 10,000. (Diod. Sic. 1. 17. year
2. Olymp. 1 13) Justin (1. 12. c. 12.) states that it was 1 1,000. To each he not only gave their full
pay for the time of service but also money for the journey home. If any of them had children
from Asian wives, Alexander asked them to leave them with him. He feared lest that half breeds
might in time stir up some rebellion in Macedon in contending with the wives and children who
lived there. He promised that when the children were grown up, they would be trained in
marshal discipline after the Macedonian custom. Then they would have them sent home to them.
Justin says that those who returned, had their full pay for the time of their journey. Plutarch
states that the children of the deceased, continued to receive their father's pay. He further adds
that Alexander wrote to Antipater that they who returned should have the best places given to
them in the theatres and should sit there with garlands on their heads. When they parted, they all
wept including the king.

2348. Together with these, various friends were sent home according to Clytus, Gorgias and
Polysperchon. If Claterus should happen to die on the way, as he was at that time quite weak
and sickly, they would have a noble commander to lead them. He ordered Craterus to take the
government of Macedon, Thrace, Thessaly and of free Greece in Antipater's place. Antipater
was to come to Alexander and to bring with him an army of young lusty Macedonians to replace
the old ones which he had sent home to him.

2349. When Craterus was sent to lead some old worn out soldiers into Cilicia, he received

written orders from Alexander. Diodorus Siculus using the king's own commentaries states the
main points were these. He should have 1000 war ships of 3 tiers of oars built that would be a
little larger than ships of that size. These were to be constructed in Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia and
Cyprus for his wars against the Carthaginians and others bordering on the sea coasts of Africa,
Spain and the islands as far as Sicily. He was to give orders that his way along the sea coast of
Africa as far as Hercules' Pillars was to be ready for him. To set aside 1500 talents to build 6
magnificent temples. He was to make ports in various places suitable to receive that large fleet.
He was to take men from Europe into Asia and likewise from Asia into Europe to live in such
new cities as he would build in either continent. Alexander hoped that by inter-marriages he
might establish a peace between the two main continents of the world. These were his plans of
which Lucan speaks in this manner. (1. 10.)

His purpose was the Atlantic Sea to sail; Nor fire, nor water, nor the Lybian sand. Nor Ammons
Syrts could bound his vast desires. He would into the western clime wave gone, Where the sun
stoops to fall into Tethis lap; And to have marched quite round about the poles, And drunk
Nile's water, where it first doth rise, Had not death met him and his journey stayed. Nothing but
nature could a period bring, To the vast projects of this mad-cap king.

2350. A little before his death, ambassadors came to him from Greece to acknowledge him as a
god. They wore crowns of gold and placed them on his head.

2351. Pencestes returned from Persia with about 20,000 Persians and also brought a large
company of Cossaeans and Tapurians along with them to Babylon for his service. These nations
bordered on Persia and were reckoned the most warlike of any other nation. Philoxenus came
with an army from Caria and Menander with another army from Lydia and Menidas with an
army of cavalry. Alexander commended the devotion of the Persian nation and especially
Pencestes for his just discreet government among them. He ranked both them and also those
who came from the sea side with Philoxemus and Menander with his Macedonian squadrons. He
had frequent naval exercises in which there were often sea fights between the ships of 3 and
those of 4 tiers of oars on the Euphrates River. As well the mariners and the commanders in
these exercises worked hard to outdo their opponents. Alexander always bestowed crowns and
honoured those that did the best.

2352. Once when he was ordering those companies who came with Philoxenus and Menander
among his Macedonian squadrons, he happened to be thirsty (Arrian 1. 7. from Aristobulus) He
left his throne and some of his friends on the thrones next to his left to attend him. It happened
that a certain lowly man, (some say that he was committed to custody but without irons on him)
came through the middle of all the bodyguards and other officers, who stood closely around the
throne and sat down on the king's throne. The bodyguards dared not pull him off the throne
because there was a Persian law to the contrary. They rent their clothes, beat their faces and
pounded their breasts. They took this as an exceedingly ominous omen against the king. When
Alexander heard this, he caused the man to be racked to know whether he had done it with any
plot with others or not and for what purpose. When he answered that what he had done was only
from a light humour and fantasy which came into his head, the wizards told him that it was by
so much the worse sign. Diodorus says that by their advice the poor fellow was killed for this
act. They hoped that if there were any bad luck in this, it might happen on him not to Alexander.
Plutarch states the same adding that when he was on the rack and asked his name he replied that
it was Dionysius, a Messenian.

2353. A few days later the king sacrificed to his gods in thanksgiving for his good successes.
This time he added more to the sacrifices than normal by the advise of the priests. After that he
started feasting with his nobles and sat up doing this until late into the night. He also distributed
beasts for sacrifices among the soldiers and gave them wine to drink. When he was leaving the
feast, he was told that Medius a Thessalian had prepared a banquet and had invited him and all
his company to it. At the banquet 20 guests sat. Alexander drank to their health and they the like
to him again according to Athenaeus from certain memorials, commonly attributed to
Nicobulus. (1. 10. c. 11. &1. 12. c. 18.)

2354. Alexander had called for a cup containing 9 quarts (2.25 gallons) according to Ephippius,
in a book which he wrote of the death and burial of Alexander and Hephaestion as reported by
Athenaeus. (1. 10. c. 11.) He ordered Proteas a Macedonian to drink to him. Proteas cried to let it
come and he spoke many words greatly honouring the king. He took the cup and drank from it
with such grace that all the table commended him highly for it. After a while, Proteas called for
the same cup again and drank it to the king. Alexander took it and pledged him a great draught
but could not drink it but let the cup fall from his hand. He lay along on the cushion and
presently fell sick and died. This was that Herculean fatal cup to Alexander of which besides
Diodorus and Plutarch, (Seneca also in his 83rd Epistle,) mention. Compare this with what
Athenaeus states. (1. 11. c. 17. & Macrobius, 1. 5. Saturnal. c. 21.)

2355. Aristobulus says that when he grew light headed with his fever and very thirsty, he called
for a draught of wine and that cast him into a frenzy. So on the 30th day of the month Dasius,
that is on the 24th of our May, Alexander died. Others say that he died on the 6th day of the
month Thargelion with the Athenians as Elian has it. (1. 2. Var. Histor. c. 25.) This would be on
May 18th. In the diaries that were kept of the kings actions it is said that he died the 28th day of
the month Daesius or 22nd of our May. Therefore it is sure that he died in the month Daesius
according to the Macedonian account and in our month of May although the writers disagree on
the day of the month.

2356. From the diaries, Arrian and Plutach describe in detail the events that happened during his
last sickness. No one can tell us who wrote those diaries of what he did. Whether Eumenes
Cardianus or Diodorus Erythreus or Strattis Olynthius did this, we do not know. He wrote a
diary of his deed in 4 books and one particular book of Alexander's death according to Duidas.
Whoever's diaries they were, they contain the clearest account of what happened. Therefore
have I thought it good to include what I found in Plutarch from these diaries. I compared them
with the days of the Macedonian month of Daesius and our month of May using my own
discourse of the Macedonian year.

vv The 18th of the month Dasin's (May 12th) he slept in a bath for his fever. The next day (May
13th) after he had washed, he went to his chamber and spent that day there playing dice with
Medius and then washed again. Toward the evening after his devotions, he ate his supper
somewhat greedily and the next night had a grievous bout of a fever. On the 20th day (May
14th) when he had walked, he offered sacrifices very solemnly again. While lying along in a
bath, he listened to Nearchus as he told him what things as had happened to him on his voyage
and what wonders he had seen in the ocean. (May 15th) When he did the same this day, his
fever increased. The next day (May 16th) his fever grew very sharply and he was carried to lie
in a chamber near the great pool or swimming place. Here he talked with his commanders of
putting approved men in places of office when offices needed to be filled. On the 24th (May
18th) his sickness grew worse and he offered sacrifice to which he was carried. He ordered the

chief commanders and captains who were then in the court to stay with him but the centurions
and corporals to serve outside and watch. He was carried into the innermost lodgings of the
court. On the 25th day (May 19th) he had a little relief but his fever did not leave him. When the
captains came to him, he did not speak to them at all and likewise on the 26th. (May 20th)
Thereupon the Macedonians thought that he had been dead and came flocking with a great noise
to the chamber door and threatened his friends who were there if they would not let them in. The
doors were opened and every common soldier passed by his bedside. The same day Pithon and
Selencus who were sent to Serapis' temple to learn whether Alexander should be moved there or
not. They brought back the answer from the oracle that he should stay where he was. On the
28th day (May 22nd.) in the evening he died."

2357. Now whereas I said that all the Macedonians passed by the king's bedside, it is to be
understood that they came in at one door and went out another. (Lucian in Psendons.) Although
he had grown weak and faint with the severity of his sickness, yet he raised himself upon his
elbow and gave everyone of them his hand to kiss as he passed by. (Valer. Max. 1. 5. c. 1.) This
may seem more incredible in itself considering the posture he put himself in. He stayed in that
position from the first until the last man of the army had passed by and kissed his hand. (Curt. 1.
10. c. 7.)

2358. When the soldiers were gone, he then turned to his friends and asked them whether they
thought they should find a king like him or not? When no man answered that question, then
again he said that as he could not answer that either. Therefore he foresaw how much
Macedonian blood would be shed before this matter would be settled and with what great
slaughters and shedding of blood they would solemnise his funeral and sacrifice to his ghost
when he was gone. He ordered his body to be carried to the temple of Ammon and there to be
buried. (Justin 1. 12. c. 15.) When his friends asked him to whom he would leave his kingdom,
his answer was, "To the strongest". Then he took off his signet and gave it to Perdiccas. By this
they all conceived that his meaning was to commend the government of his kingdom to his care
and trust until his children should come of age. (Emil. Probus in Eumene.) Again, when
Perdiccas asked him when he would have divine honours performed to him, he replied that
when they were all grown happy.

2359. Eratosthenes in his Canons, (mentioned by Clemens Alexanderinus 1. 1. Srom.) says that
12 years passed between the death of Philip and the change, i.e. the death of Alexander. This is
the very number given him in (/APC IMa 1:7 and in the Chronicles of the Jews and also in
Jertullian. (lib. cont. Judaos. c. 8. in Porphyrie, cited by Euseb. p. 124 in Scaliger's Greek edition
of him, in Rufinus, in Josephus' Antiquities 1. 12. c. 2. in Orosius, 1. 3. in Jerome and Theodoret
on Daniel Da 11) Although A. Gellins, (1. 17. c. 21.) allows him only 11 years. Julius Africanus
and from him Eusebius say it was 12 years and 6 months, Diodorus Sic. says 12 years and 7
months, Livy and after him Emil. Probus in Eumene say 13 years.

2360. There are just as many differences among writers concerning the years of his life as there
are of this reign. Cicero in his 5th Philippic speaking, says:

vv What shall I say of Alexander the Macedonian when he set himself on great achievements
from his very youth and was he not taken off them until by death in the 33rd year of his life. A
consul must by our law be ten years older than that."

2361. Justin (in the last chapter of his 12th book) says that he died at the age of 33 years and one
month. However (Philostratus, 1. 2. de Vita. Sophista: in Herodes, Euseb. in Chron. and in his
first book, de Vita Constants, and Jerome, on Da 8 11:1-45) and various other writers follow
Eusebius, (in Chron.) and say he lived no more than 32 years. All which are nevertheless to be
reduced to that rule given by Arrian. (1. 7. p. 167.) He lived 32 years and took up 8 months of
the 33rd. year as Aristobulus says. However he reigned 12 years and 8 months.

2362. Immediately after Alexander's death, there arose such a dispute between the cavalry and
foot soldiers of the army concerning the settling of the present state of things. They were ready
to fight and to take up arms about it. Yet by the advice of the friends and commanders the matter
was settled. It was agreed that the supreme authority or rather a bare name and shadow of it
should be committed to Aridaeus the brother of Alexander and son to his father Philip. He was
the son of Philinna of Larissa, a common dancer. (Athenaus, 1. 13. c. 13.) states this from
Ptolemy son of Agesarchus in his History of Philoptaer.) She was a whore. (Justin. 1. 13. c. 2. &
Plutarch in the end of his Alexan.) When by common consent he was proclaimed king, they
called him by the name of Philip. Along with him was the son that Roxane would bare. She was
8 months pregnant with Alexander's son according to Justin. Curtius, (1. 10. c. 10.) says she was
6 months pregnant. No consideration was given to his son Hercules who then lived at Pergamus
because he was born by Barsine who was never married to Alexander. Since Aridaeus was a
weak spirited man but not through any natural infirmity of his own as Plutarch notes in the end
of the life of Alexander. This was his normal nature. Therefore Perdiccas, to whom Alexander
delivered his signet in the hour of his death, was made Lord Protector or Steward and in effect
absolute king. The charge of the army and of all its affairs was committed to Meleager the son
of Neoptolemus, with or under Perdiccas. The command of the cavalry which was the most
honourable position in all the army and which after Hephaestion's death was given to Perdiccas,
was now assigned to Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, yet with or under Perdiccas as the other
was. The oversight also of the kingdom, and its treasure was commended to Craterus' trust.
(Diod. in the beginning of his 18th book, Justin. 1. 13. c. 1-4. Curt. 1. 10. c. 10-12. Plutarch, in
Eumene and Alexan. Dioxippus and Arrian. in their books written of what passed after the death
of Alexander, in Phot. Bibliot. cod. 82. and 92. Appian. in his Syriaca. p. 120. 124.)

2363. Censorinus in his discourse, "De die natali", notes that the years of Philip are to be
reckoned from the death of Alexander and always start from the 1st day of that month which the
Egyptians call Thoth. For the Egyptian astronomers apply this calculation of times for ease of
calculations to their own account. They make its start to be the 1st day of Thoth in the beginning
of the 425th year of Nabonasar. That is on the 12th of November, in 4390 JP. This is in the 7th
month before the true time of Alexander's death. From the beginning of that month Thoth it is
that Ptolemy in his Manual Canons of Astronomy (not yet published) deduces the epoch or
risings of all the stars of which he in his Preface "Ad Syrus" says:

vv Here are fixed the epochs or start of all accounts according to the meridian of Alexandria
which is in Egypt from the first day of the Egyptian month Thoth of the first year of Philip who
succeeded Alexander, the founder of this city."

2364. This is not Philip the father of Alexander, (as some have imagined) but of Philip, brother
and next successor to Alexander. The Alexandrians for honours sake call Alexander their
founder as he indeed was. It is added:

vv For from the 1st day of his (meaning Philippus Aridaeus) reign, the times of the Manual

Canons of Ptolemy, (who in them follows the common account or calendar of the Egyptians) are
taken."

2365. According to the rectifying of the Egyptian year (reduced to the Alexandrian account
which Theon also used in his canon) are calculated. This we find also in the Greek collections
published by Scaliger in his Eusebian Fragments, (p. 48.) Hence it is also that in the Epistle to
Apollophanes (falsely attributed to Dionysius Areopagita: found in Hilduinus, in his
Areopagatica) these astronomical tables are called, "The Canon of Philippus Aridaus."

2366. The dead body of Alexander had lain 7 days on his throne according to Justin. (Elian says
30 days, Var. Histor. 1. 12. c. 64.) All the while men's thoughts were taken up about the settling
of the present state and did not give Alexander a proper burial. Yet was there not in all that time
found any putrification or the least discolouring of the flesh of his body. The very vigour of his
countenance which is the proper effect of the spirit that is in a man, continued still the same.
Therefore the Chaldeans and Egyptians were commanded to take care of the body. When they
came to do it, at first they dared not approach to touch him for he looked alive. After saying
their prayers that it might be no sin to them being but mortals to lay their hands on so divine a
body, they started to work and dissected him. The golden throne where he lay, was all stuffed
with spices and hung about with pennants and banners and other emblems of his high estate and
fortune. (Curt. 1. 10. in fi.)

2367. Aridaeus was in charge of his funeral and of providing a chariot to carry the body into the
temple of Ammon. We do not know whether this was Alexander's brother, as Justin has it, (1. 13.
c. 4.) and Dexippus, as we find in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, (p. 84.) or some other
Aridaeus of whom we shall see more later. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.) He spent two whole
years in preparation. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 114.) When Olympias, his mother, saw him lie
so long unburied in great grief of heart cried out and uttered these words:

vv O my son, you that would needs be counted among the gods and was in earnest about it. Could
you not now have that which every poor man has, a little earth and burial." Elian. Varia. Histor.
1. 13. c. 30.)

2368. Meanwhile when Sisygambes the mother of Darius, heard of his death, she was very
sorrowful and covered herself with mourning attire. When her niece and nephew, Drypetis and
Oxathres, came and fell at her knees, she looked away from them and would neither eat nor see
the light any more. So on the 5th day after this, she died of hunger. (Diod. 1. 17. in fi. Curt. 1. 10.
cap. 8.)

2369. Roxane who great with child, was favoured by the Macedonian army. She grew envious
of Statira, the eldest daughter to Darius and she was one of Alexander's wives also. She sent
letters and invited her to come to see her. As soon as she came, Roxane had both her and her
sister Drypetis, Hephaestion's widow, murdered. She threw both their carcases into a well and
cast earth upon them. Perdiccas knew of this and helped her. (Plut. in the end of the life of
Alex.)

2370. Later Roxane gave birth to a son whom they named Alexander and the common soldiers
proclaimed him king. (Arrian. in Biblioth. Plotis, c. 92., with Pausanias in his Attica and
Dexippus in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, p. 48.)

2371. Perdiccas ordered the purification of cleansing for the whole army by a solemn sacrifice.
Since the death of the king, there were many disputes among them. The Macedonian manner of
cleansing the army was like this. They cut a dog in two and laid the one half on the one side and
the other on the other of the field where the army was to come. The army was to pass solemnly
in procession between the parts. As the army passed, Perdiccas had some 300 soldiers thrown
among the elephants to be trampled to death. These had followed Meleager when at the first
assembly of the Macedonians after the death of Alexander, he arose and in a rebellous manner
left them. All this was done in the plain sight of the army and in the presence of Aridaeus.
Meleager had Aridaeus wrapped in purple clothes like a child and put on the royal throne.
(Plutarch 1. 2. de fortuna Alexandri) Meleager did not move for the present because no violence
threatened him. However when he saw they were after his life, he fled to a temple and was there
taken and slain. (Justin. 1. 13. c. 4. Curt. 1. 10. c. 12. Arrian. in Photius.)

2372. Diodorus (1. 2. year 4. Olymp. 18.) affirms that Alexander made his last will and
testament and left it to be kept at Rhodes. Ammia, (Marcellinus, 1. 23.) seems to say that in his
will he wanted to leave all in the hands and power of one man. Curtius states:

vv Some have the opinion that a distribution of the provinces was made by Alexander in his last
will and testament. However, we have found that this was but an idle report although stated by
various writers." (1. 10. c. 13.)

2373. Nevertheless, the writer of the first book of Maccabees seems to be of the first opinion as
reported and believed by so many writers. They say that Alexander in his own lifetime, divided
his kingdom among his most illustrious and noble officers. The chronologer of Alexandria (from
whom, those barbarous and broken Latin fragments published by Scaliger, p. 58, 59. are taken)
affirms that the division of the provinces, which Justin (1. 13. c. 4. Curt. 1. 10. c. 13. Arrian in
Phitii Biblioth. c. 92. Dexeippus ibid. c. 82.) and other writers report to have been made by
Perdiccas. This was based on his will and was in this manner.

2374. In Europe all Thrace with the Chersonese and other nations bordering upon Thrace as far
as Salmydessus, a city standing upon the Euxin Sea, was committed to Bysimachus, the son of
Agathocles, a Pellaean. The region which lay beyond Thrace belonging to the Illyrians, Triballi,
Agrians, Macedon and Epirus, stretching as far as the Ceraunian mountains with all Greece, was
assigned to Antipater and Craterus. This was the division of Europe.

2375. In Africa, all Egypt and whatever else Alexander had captured in Cyrene or Libya with all
that part of Arabia which borders on Egypt, was allotted to Ptolemy, the son of Lagus. Pausanias
in his Attica says he was by those of Rhodes honoured with the surname of a Deliverer. The
truth is that the Macedonians always believed that Ptolemy was a bastard son of Philip,
Alexander's father. For his mother Arsinoe was pregnant by Philip and was cast off by him and
she married a poor fellow of Macedon called Lagus. Thereupon it was that when after a while,
(as Plutarch in a discourse of his, "De ira cohibenda", i.e. "Of suppressing a man's anger", says
that Ptolemy to mock a poor school-master, would needs ask him:

vv who was Peleius' father?"

2376. he asked him again,

vv and I pray sir, who was Lagus' father?"

2377. He intimating by this the baseness of his birth on the father's side. (Curt. 1. 9. c. 1.,
Pausanias in his Attica, p. 5. in the Greek edition of his at Fraeford, & Suidus on the word
Lagus.)

2378. Cleomenes, who was left by Alexander, to gather up the tributes and other incomes of
those parts, was ordered to turn over that province to Ptolemy and to hold his office as under
him. Ptolemy entered that province shortly after the death of Alexander and died about 40 years
later. Hence it is that Lucian, in his discourse of long lived men and in the fragments of
Eusebius, published by Scaliger, (p. 49. and Porphyrie, ibid, p. 225. and Clemens Alexan.
Stromat. 1. and Euseb. in Chron. and Epiphanius in his books of weights and measures) and
others say that he reigned 40 years in Egypt. After him, his posterity down to Cleopatra held that
kingdom under the title and name of Ptolemy.

2379. In the Asia Minor, Eumenes Cardianus was assigned all Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and all
the regions lying upon the Euxin Sea as far as Trapezond, a colony of the Sinopenses. Alexander
did not subdue these people because he was involved in a major war against Darius. Eumenes
Cardianus was ordered to make war on Ariarathes who only of these peoples resisted Alexander.
Antigonus was made governor of Pamphylia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia the Great. The lesser
Phrygia, which lies on the Hellespont, was committed to Leonatus. The government of Lydia,
both the inland country and the parts on the sea coast taking in Eolia and Ionia, was given to
Maenander. He had it formerly by grant from Alexander. (Arrian, 1. 3. p. 56.) The name of
Meleager, is miswritten by Diodorus. Caria was given to Cassander the son of Antipater and
Cilicia and Isauria, to Philotas.

2380. In the upper and greater Asia, all Syria and Phoenicia was committed to Laomedon, a
Mitylenaean. The petty kings of the isle of Cyprus ruled as it had been granted to them by
Alexander. Neoptolemus was set over Armenia, Arcesilaus over Mesopotamia and governor
over the province of Babylon. Atropates, father-in-law to Perdiccas, was left governor of Media
by Alexander himself. In this division, Justin (1. 13. c. 4.) and Orosius (1. 3. c. 23.) say that
Atropates was made governor of Media the greater and Perdiccas' father-in-law of the lesser. He
forgot that Atropates and Perdiccas' father-in-law were the same person. When Antipater had
later better considered the matter, he made a second distribution in Triparadiso. He
acknowledges that Media was assigned to Pithon. (1. 15. p. 660.) Nor is it likely that the son-in-
law would in anyway diminish the authority of his father. The rule and government of the nearer
Bactria and Sogdiana was put into the hands of Philippus. Oropius was joined with him in the
government of Sogdiana. Dexippus says that after Orpius had received that kingdom of
Alexander's bounty, he was put from it again for treason. The government of Persia, Pencestes
of Hircania and Parthia, (for they went together, as Strabo, 1. 1 1. p. 514 states) was given to
Phrataphernes. In Carmania, Tlepolemeus, in the further Bactria and Parapamisus, the
government was given to Olyartes or Oxathres, the father of Roxane, Alexander's wife. In Aria
and Drangiana, bordering on Taurus, the government was given to Stasanor of Solos. In the
provinces of Susa, Scynus, Arachosia, Gedrosia, and Sibyrtius continued with the governors that
Alexander had assigned. All the coast of India from Paropamisus and from the place where the
Acesines and Indus meet, down to the ocean, was given to Pithon the son of Agenor. The
Oxydracans and Mallians was given to Eudemus or Eudemon, the commander of the Thracian
companies. The rest of India was given to king Porus, Taxiles and to the son of Abisarus. These

ruled the same territories Alexander had assigned to them.

2381. When this division was made, every man had his share as if it were allotted to him from
heaven. They used the opportunity to increase their power and their pleasure. For not long after,
they behaved more like kings than governors. They added to their kingdom and left it to their
posterity. (Justin. 1. 13. c. 4.) Immediately upon the death of Alexander, that vast empire and
name of the Macedonians was divided into several kingdoms. (Livius 1. 45.) However, no man
assumed the title of a king as long as any of Alexander's children lived because of the great
respect they had for him. Although they had the power of a king, they willingly refrained from
using the title as long as Alexander had a lawful heir from his body living to succeed him.
(Justin. 1. 15. c. 2,) All of this was foretold long before by the Holy Ghost. Da 11:4.

3681dAM,4391 JP, 323BC

2382. Concerning the instructions given by Alexander to Craterus, Perdiccas referred the
consideration of them to the general assembly of the Macedonians. Although they did not
disapprove of them, yet because they were exceedingly grand and difficult to do, they ordered
by a general consent that none of them should be done. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 1 14.)

2383. The old Greek soldiers whom Alexander had left in garrisons and colonies in the upper
Asia and various provinces became homesick and desired to see their native country. For they
saw themselves as it were ejected and cast out into a far remote corner of the world. Therefore
they joined together and revolted from the Macedonian state. They chose Philo an Enian, to
head up this conspiracy. They assembled 20,000 foot soldiers and 3000 cavalry, all of them
were old proven and expert soldiers. Against these, Perdiccas sent Pithon who had been one of
the captains of the bodyguard of Alexander. He was a man of a high spirit and well versed in the
art of war. He had 3000 Macedonian foot soldiers and 800 cavalry who were chosen by lot. He
went with letters and instructions to the governors in all those parts, to furnish him with an
additional 10,000 foot soldiers and 8000 cavalry. Pithon planned to win over to him by all
possible means those old Greeks. He hoped that with their help and his forces, he might be the
better able to establish himself and subdue all those upper provinces. When Perdiccas perceived
this he tried to thwart his plan. He ordered Pithon that when he had overcome those rebels, he
was to kill them all and divide their spoil among his soldiers. However Pithon had obtained
secret information with Lipodorus, who commanded a rebel brigade of 3000 men. He defeated
the rebels and did not kill them. He gave them permission to return to their own places.
However the rest of the Macedonians remembered the order Perdiccas gave them and killed
every one of them and shared their spoil. So Pithon failed in his scheme and returned with his
Macedonians to Perdiccas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. & Prolog. Trogi, 1. 13.)

2384. When Ptolemy had quietly taken possession of Egypt, he acted fairly in all things toward
the people of the land. He used 8000 talents to hire a mercenary army and pay those who came
to him when they saw how fairly he administered Egypt. When he was told that Perdiccas
planned to take over Egypt, he leagued himself firmly with Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp.
1 14.) By favours and good deeds he made the neighbouring kings and princes loyal to him.
(Justin 1. 13. c. 16.) When he found that Cleomenes, whom Perdiccas had given to him for a
lieutenant, was a spy, he cut his throat and placed strong garrisons of his own all over Egypt.
(Pausan. in Attic, p. 5. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

3682a AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2385. Leonatus and Antigonus were commanded to use force to make Eumenes governor of
Cappadocia and Paphlaginia. However Antigonus, was proud and wanted the position for
himself and refused to obey Perdiccas' command. In contrast Leonatus came down with his
army from the upper provinces and promised Eumenes to help him. Nevertheless when
Hecataeus, tyrant of the Cadians, came to Leonatus, he advised him rather for the present time to
go and help Antipater and relieve the Macedonians who were besieged in Lamia. Leonatus
resolved to sail to Macedonia. He wanted Eumenes to go with him and planned to fight with
Hecataeus. When Eumenes would not go and alleged that he feared Antipater, Leonatus
believed him and kept nothing from him. When he could not win him over he planned secretly
to murder Eumenes. Eumenes found out about this and escaped by night with his carriages. He
had with him only 300 cavalry, 200 of his bodyguard and 5000 talents in gold, after the rate of
silver. When he came to Perdiccas, he told him all Leonatus' plans. Thereupon Perdiccas took
him in for a loyal friend and vouched for him in the council. (Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.)

2386. When Leonatus came to help Antipater, he was killed in a fight by the Greeks. (Diod. Sic.
year 2. Olymp. 114. Justin, 1. 13. c. 5. Plutarch in Phocion, Arrian in Photius.)

2387. When Thimbron captured Harpalus in Crete in a battle, he killed him. Harpalus had fled
there from Asia and carried all the king's money with him. Thimbron got all the treasure, his
army and fleet. He left Cydonia, a city in Crete, and with 6000 men or (as Diodorus has it) 7000
and sailed to the country of Cyrene. He was invited there by the exciles of the Cyrenians and the
Barcenses, (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114, Arrian in Photius, Strabo, 1. 17. c. 837.)

2388. In a battle against the Cyrenians, Thimbron slaughtered them and took many prisoners. He
then seized their port and prepared to take the city itself. He agreed to peace if they would pay
him 5000 talents of coined money and give him half their chariots equipped for service. He sent
ambassadors to the other neighbouring cities to join with him, pretending that he would make
war on Libya and subdue it. Moreover he laid hold on all the merchants' goods that were in the
port and gave them to the soldiers to scramble for. By this he made them more eager to follow
him. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2389. Mnasicles, a man of Crete and one of Thimbron's captains had a fiery disposition. He
defected from Thimbron to the Cyrenians. By showing Thimbron's cruelty and unfaithfulness,
he persuaded them to break their covenant with him and to fight for their former freedom.
Thereupon, when they had payed only 600 of the 5000 talents, they would pay no more.
Thimbron planned to destroy them and seized 800 of their men whom he found in the port. He
came with his own men, the Barcenses and Hesperitans, before the walls of the city. They did
what they could to take it but failed and retired to the port. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 1 14.)

2390. The Cyrenians left sufficient troops to keep the town and went with the rest foraging into
the neighbouring parts. When these sent to Thimbron for help, he presently went with all the
troops that he could take to relieve them against the Cyrenians. When Mnasicles saw that there
were few or no soldiers left in the port, he had those who were left in the city, to sally out and
attack the port. Those of the city were easily persuaded to do this and followed him and attacked
the port. Because Thimbron and most of his men were not there, they easily took it. Any goods
as they there found there that belonged to the merchants, were faithfully restored to the owners.

Mnasicles started to fortify the port against Thimbron in case he should return. Things went
badly on Thimbron's side. For he had not only lost the port but with it all his provisions that
were in it. However when he captured another town called Taricha, he raised his hopes again.
(Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2391. Thimbron's mariners and sea soldiers were expelled from the port. They had no food and
were forced to plunder the country for it. They were daily forced to do this. At last the men of
the country found out their camps and laid wait for them. They slaughtered many and took as
many prisoners as they had killed. They that survived, escaped to their ships and sailed toward
other confederate places. On their way, there arose a violent storm which sunk many of the
ships. Of those who escaped, some were driven ashore in Egypt and some in the Isle of Cyprus.
Those who had encouraged the Cyrenians now fought against Thimbron and killed many of his
men. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2392. Craterus departed from Cilicia with 6000 of those old soldiers who first came with
Alexander into Asia. On the way he got 4000 troops besides 1000 Persian archers and slingers
and 1500 cavalry. He hurried to the help Antipater and came into Thessaly. He yielded authority
to Antipater and they both camped on the bank of the Peneus River. In the month of Munichion
(our April), they fought a battle with the Greeks and defeated them. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp.

1 14. with Arrian. and Plut. in the lives of Phocion and Demosthenes.)

2393. After Jaddus, his son Onias succeeded him in the priesthood at Jerusalem (Joseph. Antiq.
1. 11. c. 8. s. 7) and there held the position for 21 years. (Scalig. in Grec. Eusebius, p. 50.)

2394. Thimbron had hired new soldiers from Taenarus in Laconia. These soldiers wandered
around Laconia and were out of pay. He started a new war with the Cyrenians. They asked help
from the Africans and Carthaginians. Together they assembled an army of 30,000 men. After a
long and bloody battle, they lost many men and Thimbron won. The Cyrenians lost all their own
commanders and made Mnasicles their general. Thimbron grew proud of this victory and
attacked and captured the port of Cyrene. Every day he assaulted the city. As the siege
continued and with shortages of provisions, the Cyrenians began to fight among themselves. The
common people carried the day and expelled the rich from the city. Some of those who were
expelled defected to Thimbron and others went into Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2395. Those who fled into Egypt asked Ptolemy to restore them to their country. With his help,
they returned with an army and naval forces under the command of Ophelias a Macedonian.
When those who had defected to Thimbron heard this, they prepared to defect to Ophelias.
When Thimbron heard of their intentions, he executed them. When the leaders of the common
people of Cyrene were frightened by the return of their exiles, they made peace with Thimbron
and joined with him. In a main battle they were all utterly vanquished by Ophelias. (Diod. Sic.
year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2396. In his escape, Thimbron was attacked by some African Carters, who took and carried him
to Epicides. He held the town of Teuchira in those regions under Ophelias. The men of that
place, with Ophelias' permission, first scourged him with whips and then sent him to be
crucified at the port of Cyrene. Since many of the Cyrenians still continued fighting among
themselves, Ptolemy made a journey there by sea. When he had settled all matters there, he
returned by sea the same way he went. (Arrian, in Phot. Biblio.)

2397. When Perdiccas had Philip and the royal army at his command, he went against
Ariarathes, the petty king of Cappadocia. He had not accepted Eumenes as governor there as he
was ordered to. At that time, Ariarathes gathered a large army of 30,000 foot soldiers and
15,000 cavalry. In two battles, Peridiccas killed 4000 men and took 6000 prisoners including
Ariarathes himself. He first tortured him and all that were allied to him and then crucified them.
He pardoned the rest. When he had settled all matters in Cappadocia, he committed the
government of it to Eumenes, according to the first establishment. (Diod. Sic. with Arrian. and
Plut. in Eumene, and Appian in his Mithridatica, p. 175.)

2398. Eumenes committed the various cities of his government to his most trusty friends and
gave them garrisons. Without imposing on Perdiccas, he appointed judges and tax collectors as
he saw fit. When this was done, he returned with Perdiccas out of respect to him and so that he
might not be a stranger at court. (Plut.)

2399. Perdiccas and King Philip left Cappadocia and went into Pisidia. They planned to destroy
two cities, one of the Larandaeans, the other of the Isaurians. In Alexander's lifetime, these cities
had slain Balacrus the son of Nicanor whom he had placed over them. They took Laranda on the
first assault and killed all that were of age and sold the rest for slaves. They laid the city level
with the ground. When those of Isaurus saw they were besieged, they set the city on fire
planning to kill themselves and destroy the city. However the soldiers, to whom Perdiccas had
given the spoil of the city, quenched the fire and found a large accumulation of silver and gold
there. (Diod. Sic. year. 2. Olymp. 114.) Justin says that this was done by the Cappadocians when
they saw Ariarathes taken. (1. 13. c. 6.) Orosius says the same. (1. 3. c. ult.)

2400. Jollas, the son of Antipater and Archias came to Perdiccas from Macedon. He brought
them Nicaea, Antipater's daughter to be his wife. Long before this when his affairs were more
unsettled, Perdiccas had betrothed her hoping to secure Antipater's loyalty. Now that he had
gotten the royal army and administration of the kingdom quietly into his hands, he planned to
marry Cleopatra, daughter of Philip, the father of Alexander and Alexander's sister. Eumenes
urged him to marry Nicaea so that he might the more easily have a supply of the Macedonian
youth and that he might not have Antipater for an opponent in his undertakings. Therefore he
married Nicaea when she came. He did this mainly by the advise his brother Alcetes. (Diod. Sic.
and Arrian. with Justin, 1. 13. c. 6.)

2401. Cinna was another daughter of Philip's, and sister of Alexander but not by the same
mother and brought her daughter Adea. She was called later Euridice and was to be married to
Philippus Aridaeus. However Perdiccas and his brother Alcetes had her taken care of.
Thereupon the Macedonians became enraged and Perdiccas to quiet them, was forced to give
her mother in marriage to Arideus. (Arrian. in Photius.) There she is named, not Cynna, but
Cynane. Yet in the same Arrian, (1. 1. deeds of Alex. p. 5.) she is called Cyna. Diodorus (year 1.
Olymp. 116.) and Athena. (1. 13. c. 2.) call her Cynna.

2402. Perdiccas sent away Eumenes from Cilicia, under the pretence of taking care of his own
government in Cappadocia. His real reason was that he might have control of the government of
Armenia. Neoptolemus planned to make some changes there. However, Eumenes by flattery
prevailed so much with him that although he was of an high and an intemperate spirit, Eumenes
kept him in control. (Plut. in Eumen.)

2403. When Eumenes found that the Macedonian squadron had grown insolent and hostile, he
raised an army of cavalry from the provinces in those parts. He remitted to them all payment of
tribute and granted them other immunities. He furnished cavalry to those whom he most trusted
and put them under his command. He encouraged their loyalty to him with his generousity and
bounteous favours he bestowed on them. He kept them in shape by continual labours and
journeys which he had them do. In a short time he had 6360 cavalry troops. (Plut. in Eumen)

3683a AM, 4392 JP, 322 BC

2404. Antipater and Craterus in Greece made war on the Aetolians. When Craterus' old soldiers
were compelled by continual battles to lie abroad in the snow in the winter, they were ready to
perish for want of supplies. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2405. Eumenes carried Perdiccas' presents to Cleopatra at Sardis. Perdiccas was now resolved to
rid get rid of Nicaea, Antipater's daughter and to take Cleopatra to be his wife. Menander, the
governor of Lydia told this to Antigonus, who was an intimate friend of Antipater. (Arrian)
Perdiccas daily made false charges against Antigonus and tried to have him unjustly executed.
Antigonus let on that he was coming to the hearing but secretly sailed in an Athenian ship with
his son Demetrius and some other of his friends. They fled to Europe and there joined with
Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3683 AM, 4393 JP, 321 BC

2406. Aristander, a soothsayer of Telmessa proclaimed that it was revealed to him by the gods
that the land where Alexander's body should rest would be the most happy of all others and
forever free from all foreign invasions. Hence there was much strife among the leaders of
Macedon about who should get the body. The main disagreement was between Perdiccas and
Ptolemy the son of Lagus. (Elian. 1. 12. c. 64.) Perdiccas arranged with his friends to have it
carried to Eugos. (Pausan. in his Attica, p. 5.)

2407. However, Aridaeus who had custody of the body, crossed Perdiccas and carried it to
Ptolemy as he was journeying from Babylon by Damascus to Egypt. And although he met with
many impediments from Polemon, a good friend of Perdiccas, yet he carried it into Egypt as he
planned to. (Arrian. in Phot.)

2408. He spent two full years in preparations for this funeral and its magnificence is recorded in
detail by Diodorus. Finally, he moved the body from Babylon with a very large number of
workmen to open and level the ways where needed. Many others attended the funeral and
followed him. Ptolemy with his whole army, went as far as into Syria to meet him. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olymp. 1 14.) He took the corpse and buried it first at Memphis with all rites and
ceremonies after the Macedonian custom. (Pausan. in his Attica, p. 5.) A few years later, it was
moved to Alexandria, (Curt. 1. 10. c. ult.) by his son Ptolemy Philadelphus and not by the father,
(as Pausanias intimates in his Attica, p. 5. of which, see more in Strabo, 1. 17. p. 794.)

2409. Perdiccas called a council of captains and friends in Cappadocia and asked them whether
he should march with his army first into Macedon against Antipater or into Egypt against
Ptolemy. Some were of the opinion to go first into Macedonia but it was resolved that it was
best to begin with Ptolemy in Egypt. Otherwise when Perdiccas was engaged in Europe,

Ptolemy might come and take over Asia. Therefore Perdiccas gave to Eumenes, in addition to
what he had already, the provinces of Caria, Lycia and Phrygia with the government of all that
part of Asia which lies between the mountain of Taurus and the Hellespont. Eumenes was
ordered to take charge of all the garrisons in Cappadocia and Armenia. He was to use them to
check the actions of Antipater and Craterus, to fortify all places upon the Hellespont and to
prevent their landing in case they pass through the sea in those parts. Moreover Perdiccas
ordered his brother Alceres and Neoptolemus that they obey Eumenes in all things. He wanted
Eumenes to do things as he would think best for the present using his discretion. Cilicia was
taken from Philotas and committed to Philoxenus. Perdiccas left Damasens to better conceal his
actions. He took Aridaeus and Alexander the son of Alexander the great by Roxane along with
him. He marched toward Egypt to fight with Ptolemy. (Diod. Sic. Justin. 1. 13. c. 6. Arrian. Plut.
Emil. Probus, in Eumene, Pausan. in his Attica, c. 5.)

2410. Antipater and Craterus were told by Antigonus that Perdiccas had married Cleopatra and
planned to invade Macedon and set himself up as absolute king to remove them from their
governments. They made peace with the Eolians and left Polysperchon to manage all matters in
Greece and Macedon. They hurried into the Hellespont on the Asian side and kept those who
were appointed to keep that passage busy by sending daily embassies to them. They also sent
ambassadors to Ptolemy who was otherwise a deadly enemy to Perdiccas as they were also.
They desired him to join with them. They also sent to Eumenes and Neoptolemus both who
were at that time in good standing with Perdiccas. They had Neoptolemus defect from Perdiccas
and join them but could not win over Eumenes. (Diod. Sic. Justin, ut sup. and Arrian.)

241 1. Alcetes, Perdiccas' brother, flatly refused to bear arms against Antipater and Craterus.
Neoptolemus envied the power of Eumenes, and secretly joined with them but also plotted to
kill Eumenes and betray all his army into their hands. When Eumenes discovered this, he was
forced to fight it out with the traitor in a battle. He made a great slaughter of Neoptolemus' men,
took all his baggage and won over the rest of his troops to his side. Eumenes became stronger
with the addition of so many good Macedonian soldiers to his former army. Neoptolemus
escaped with 300 cavalry only and fled to Antipater and Craterus. They again sent ambassadors
to Eumenes to win him over and promised that he should not only hold what he had but also
have more provinces given to him. When he replied that he would rather loose his life than
break his word to Perdiccas, they divided their army in two. Antipater marched with one into
Cilicia from there to Egypt to join forces with Ptolemy against Perdiccas. The other stayed
behind with Craterus to fight with Eumenes.

2412. When Eumenes saw the enemy coming on, he feared least his soldiers, knowing against
whom he was to fight with would not go with him but disband and flee from him. Therefore he
led them about by an unfamiliar way where they might not easily hear how the matters went.
There was already rumours buzzing among them, that Neoptolemus was recruited and he came
on together with Pigris with an army of Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. Eumenes
arranged it by carefully choosing his ground everywhere he went so that he could force the
enemy to fight with the cavalry and not foot soldiers. Eumenes had a much stronger cavalry and
was weaker than the enemy in foot soldiers. He had 20,000 foot soldiers from various nations
and some 5000 cavalry. He trusted the latter to carry the day. Craterus had a little more than
2000 cavalry and as many foot soldiers as Eumenes. However, his soldiers were all old veteran
Macedonians who had proved their valour and he trusted that they would secure the victory for
him.

2413. These met in Cappadocia. Craterus had the right wing and Neoptolemus the left. Eumenes
put none of his Macedonians to fight against Craterus but only two regiments of foreign cavalry
led by Pharnabazus, the son of Arabazus and by Tenedius of Phoenicia. He wanted them without
any shouting or words to attack the enemy quickly. Eumenes, with a company of 300 cavalry
attacked like lightening on Neoptolemus. Craterus acted very bravely and valiantly. However
his horse stumbled and a certain Thracian, or rather an Arrian, a Paphlagonian, put a lance
through his side and knocked him to the ground. In the fall, one of Eumenes' captains recognised
him and did what he could to save him. However he died from his wound. Meanwhile, Eumenes
and Neoptolemus met and fought with each other. Both got off their horses to the ground so that
each man might easily see with how deadly a hatred they encountered each other and that their
spirits were more hostile than their bodies could be. Eumenes wounded Neoptolemus in one of
his hamstring muscles. Although his hamstrings were cut and he fell, yet his courage bore him
up and he raised himself up on his knees. He continued fighting and gave Eumenes three
wounds, one in his arm and the other two in his thigh. None of them was mortal. After the
second blow, Eumenes made a full blow at him and struck off his head. This was about ten days
after the former victory which he had over him. (Diod. Sic. Justin, ut sup. and Arrian.)

2414. When Eumenes saw Craterus brought half dead from the battle, he did what he possibly
could to save his life. When he died, he wept bitterly over him and with outstretched arms
lamented his fate. He had held a high position and the two liked each other very much. He gave
him an honourable burial and sent his bones home into Macedon to his wife and children. (Plut.
and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.)

2415. Both the leaders were slain and many others especially of the better troops were taken
prisoner. The rest of the cavalry fled back to the main squadron of the foot soldiers as to a more
sure defence. Eumenes was content with what he had done, sounded a retreat and set up a
monument on the place and buried his dead. The enemy foot soldiers were trapped and could not
escape without Eumenes' permission and desired peace. They swore oaths of loyalty to him and
had permission to buy food in the adjoining places. However, as soon as they had gotten food
and recovered their strength, they broke their oath and returned to Antipater. (Diod. with Arrian.
and Emil. Probus.)

2416. Perdiccas, with the two kings, Aridaens, and the young child Alexander came with his
army into Egypt and camped near Pelusium. While he was busy in clearing an old ditch, an
extraordinary flood of the Nile destroyed all his works. Although Ptolemy had cleared himself to
the world of all those crimes which Perdiccas charged him with and the army was not enthused
but this campaign, Perdiccas was determined to make a war on him. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian.)

2417. When Perdiccas at last saw that many of his friends abandoned him and fled over to
Ptolemy, he assembled all his commanders and captains. He tried to win them over with gifts,
generous promises, fair words and his good behaviour toward them. Then moving his camp
without any noise, in the night and camped on the bank of the Nile River not for from a certain
citadel called Murus Camelorum, i.e. a Wall of Camels. At day break, he crossed the river with
his army and elephants and attacked the citadel but was valiantly repulsed by Ptolemy and
gladly retreated into his camp again. The next night, he moved as quietly as possible and came
to a place opposite Memphis. Here the river parted and made an island suitable to camp on. In
crossing the river to the island he lost more than 2000 men. At least 1000 who were for a long
time tossed up and down in the water, were devoured by the crocodiles and other large animals
in the river. Ptolemy took these bodies as were cast ashore on his side of the river and gave them

a proper funeral. He sent their bones to their friends and kinsmen in the army. Thereupon, the
minds of the soldiers grew much more enraged against Perdiccas, and were more inclined to
Ptolemy than ever before. (Diod. Sic.)

2418. Then arose a rebellion in the camp in which about 100 of the chief commanders including
Pithon defected from Perdiccas. Pithon was a very brave man and noted for his virtue and
valour. He was held in high esteem among all Alexander's friends. Some of the cavalry
conspired secretly together and went to Perdiccas' pavilion and killed him. He had now held that
government 3 full years, at least, the third year running. (Diod. Sic. with Arrian and Justin. 1. 13.
c. 8. Pausan. in Attic, p. 5. and Emil. Prob. in Eumenes.)

2419. The next day when the whole army was called together, Ptolemy crossed the river and
came to the two kings. He presented both them and other of the nobles with expensive gifts and
behaved himself fairly and in a humble manner to them all. When he had excused himself for
what he had done, he found that the army was destitute of provisions. He supplied them with
plenty of grain and all other necessities. He made it publicly to appear that he was heartily sorry
and bemoaned the present state and condition of Perdiccas' friends. If he saw any Macedonian in
any distress or danger, he did what he possibly could to relieve and help him. By so gracious
behaviour, he might easily have gotten to be the guardian of the two kings, as Perdiccas had
been. Yet he persuaded them to make Pithon and Aridaeus the guardians of the two kings,
Aridaeus and the young child, Alexander. This they all agreed to. Pithon was the man that had
formerly quieted the disturbances of the Greeks in upper Asia. Aridaeus had formerly the duty
of convoying the body of Alexander from Babylon. They had supreme power over all the armies
as Perdiccas had, according to the first establishment. (Diod. Sic & Arrian.)

2420. Two days after the death of Perdiccas, news arrived of Eumenes' victory in Cappadocia
and of the death of Neoptolemus and Craterus. If this had come 2 days earlier, it would have no
doubt saved Perdiccas' life. For who, after that success, would have dared stirred against him?
The Macedonians were enraged for the death of Craterus and declared Eumenes a public enemy
along with 50 of his friends. Pitho Illyrius, (for so I read them, in Justin, as also in Arrian's
Indica, p. 185. Pithon, the son of Craterus, of Alcomene; which in Stephanus' de Urbibus, is a
city in Illyria) and Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas were on the list. The generals who were
against them were Antigonus and Antipater. For this purpose was Antigonus sent for from
Cyprus and commanded together with Antipater to come to the two kings in all haste. (Diod.
Sic. and Arrian. with Just. 1. 13. c. 8. and Plut. in Eumene.)

2421. In Egypt all that had any association with Perdiccas were executed including his sister
Atalanta whom Attalus the admiral of Perdiccas with the fleet at Pelusium, had married. When
he heard of the death of his wife and of Perdiccas, he weighed anchor and sailed to Tyre.
Archelaus a Macedonian and governor of the place entertained him with all respect and love. He
surrendered the city and gave the 800 talents which Perdiccas had deposited there to him.

2422. Attalus stayed at Tyre and received and helped all of Perdiccas' friends who escaped from
the camp at Memphis. (Diod. Sic.)

2423. Euridice, the wife of King Aridaeus, did not want the two guardians to make any
important decisions without her. First they declined to do this. Later they told her plainly that
she had nothing to do with matters of state and they would have care of her only until Antigonus

and Antipater came. (Arrian.)

2424. Pithon and Aridaeus, the two guardians left the Nile River with the two kings and the
army and came to Triparadisus in upper Syria. Euridice was meddling in matters of state and
would many times cross the guardians. Pithon was offended by this all the more when he saw
the Macedonians were inclined to obey her commands. He called the Macedonians together and
before them all resigned his guardianship. Thereupon they chose Antipater to be the guardian in
his place with all the sovereign power going with it. (Diod.)

2425. The army now demanded of Antipater all those rewards for their long labour in the wars
which Alexander had made them serve in. When Antipater had nothing to give them at that
time, he told them that their demands were just and reasonable and that he would shortly look
into the king's treasure and find out whatever he had laid up. This speech gave the army little
satisfaction. Thereupon when Euridice also helped forment discontent with him, the minds of
the common soldiers were stirred up to rebel against him. At the same time Euridice made a
public declamation against him. It was read by Asclepiodorus, her secretary, to the people.
Attalus agreed and made a speech of his own. So that Antipater barely escaped alive out of their
hands. However, Antigonus and Seleucus stood up in his defence and by this risked their own
lives also.

2426. Therefore when Antipater had escaped to his own army, the chief commanders of the
cavalry came together. After much adieu, they pacified the multitude and so Antipater was sent
for again and asked to resume the sovereign power and use it as formerly he had done. (Diod.)

2427. After this, Antipater made a new distribution of the governments of the provinces in
Triparadisus. He partly ratified what had formerly been done in that region and made some
alterations as required. He left Ptolemy what he had, for it was hard to remove him to any other
government since he was firmly entrenched in Egypt. Mesopotamia and the country of Arbela
were assigned to Amphimachus, the king's brother. Babylon went to Seleucus, Parthia to
Philippuis, Aria and Drangiana to Atasander of Cyprus. Bactria and Sogdiana went to Stasanor
of Solos from the same land. Media, as far as to the Caspian Gates, was taken from Atropates,
the son-in-law of the deceased Perdiccas and given to Pithon the son of Crateas or Cratenas.
Thereupon Atropates, called the lesser Media from his own name Atroperia and revolted from
the Macedonian government and made himself absolute king of it. His posterity held it down
until the time of Strabo. (Strabo. 1. 11. p. 523.) Antigenes, (for whom Antigonus is incorrectly
written in Diodorus) captain of the silver targeteers was given the province of Susa because he
was the first that went against Perdiccas. 3000 of the most active Macedonians in the recent
sedition were given to him. The rest of the provinces of the upper Asia were left in the hands of
such as had them before except for Patala. It was the greatest city of all India and was by this
settlement assigned to King Porus, according Arrian. This we can hardly believe.

2428. In the lesser Asia, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were taken from Eumenes and given to
Nicanor. Lydia, (not Lycia as it is read in Diodorus) was given to Clytus. Phrygia the lesser as
far as to Hellespont, went to Aridaeus. Caria with Phrygia the Greater, Lycaonia, Pamphylia,
and Lycia, went to Cassander to govern as he did before. In Diodorus, it is written Cilicia
instead of Lycia. A little before this he says Cilicia was given to Philoxenus. More correctly as
Arrian has it, the province was confirmed to him. For I showed a little before from (Justin. 1. 13.
c. 6.) that Perdiccas had taken that province from Philotas and given it to Philoxenus.

2429. Antigonus was nick-named, the cyclops because he had only one eye. (Elian. 1. 12. Var.
Hist. c. 14.) Antipater made him general of the king's army and commander of those forces in
particular which Perdiccas had. He committed to him also the care of the two kings and sent him
to make war on Eumenes which he was anxious to do. Based on this, Appianus (in his Syriaca,
p. 121.) says that Antipater made him overseer of all Asia. Diodorus (1. 18. p. 626.) calls him
absolute commander of all Asia but joined with him his own son Cassander, the governor of
Caria, as his general of the cavalry. He did this so that if Antigonus should go about to establish
himself, he might have someone to keep an eye on him. (Diod. Sic. & Arrian.)

2430. At the same time Antipater made Autolychus, the son of Agathocles, Amyntas, the son of
Alexander and brother to Pence sta, Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy and Alexander the son of
Polyspercon, captains of the bodyguard to the two kings. (Arrian.) He received great applause
among all the men for his well ordering and due administration of things in his guardianship.
Then he journeyed with the two kings to Macedon. (Arian. & Diod.)

243 1 . When Eumenes heard that he was declared an enemy by the Macedonians and that
Antigonus was sent against him, he voluntarily declared the matter to the army. He feared least
perhaps the news of it coming otherwise to them might make matters worse than they were or
the surprise of it would dampen their courage. At least by this he would find how his army took
the news and their attitude toward him. He told them plainly that if any one was afraid because
of this news, he was free to leave and go wherever he wished. With these words he so won and
secured the loyalty of the men to him that they all bade him be of good cheer. They said that
they would cut that decree of the Macedonians in pieces with their swords. (Justin. 1. 14. c. 1.)

2432. Moreover when news of that decree came to Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas, he fled and
ingratiated himself with the Pisidians. For while he was among them, whenever he got plunder
from the enemy, he gave them half of it. He was always friendly and courteous to them in his
speech. He often invited the principal men of them to feasts and honoured them with gifts and
presents,. By this he won their hearts to him. (Diod. Sic. p. 623.)

2433. Attalus, who was the chief admiral of the navy and who was with the first of them that
defected from Antipater, fled and banded himself with the rest of the exiles. He got together an
army of 10,000 foot soldiers and 800 cavalry. With these troops he went to capture Cnidus,
Caunus, and Rhodes. However Demaratus the admiral of Rhodes valiantly held him off.
(Arrian.)

3684 AM, 4394 JP, 320 BC

2434. Eumenes took as many horses as he wanted from the king's herd which was on Mount Ida:
When he sent an account of them in writing to the king's officers of the revenue, Antipater
laughed at it. He said that he wondered to see Eumenes so cautious as to think that either he
himself would ever be accountable to them of the king's goods or look for an accounting of them
from others.

2435. From there he marched with his army. He did not go into Etolia, as it is in the printed
copies of Justin but as a manuscript copy has it, into Etulia or Etulane. This is a part of Armenia
the lesser in Cappadocia. (This is according to Isaacus Vossius, a most learned young man and
my very good friend, who observed this from Ptolemy.) Here he levied money of the cities in

those parts. If any refused to pay their contribution, he plundered them as though they were
enemies. From there again, he went to Sardis and to Cleopatra, the sister to Alexander the Great.
He hoped that by her presence as royalty by his side, it would strengthen the loyalty of the
officers of his army to him. (Justin. 1. 14. c. 1.) When it happened that Antipater also took Sardis
on his way to Macedon, Eumenes was planning to fight in the fields of Lydia. He was the
stronger in the cavalry and he was desirous to let Cleopatra see of what metal he was made.
However Cleopatra feared lest Antipater and the Macedonians might charge her with being the
author of this war against them and persuaded Eumenes to leave Sardis. (Plutarch & Arrian.)
Nevertheless when Antipater came, he rebuked her for having any association with Eumenes
and Perdiccas. She stood her ground and defended her actions and blamed Antipater for this
state of things. Finally, they parted on good terms with each other. (Arrian.)

2436. Therefore Eumenes left the country of Lydia and marched away into upper Phrygia. He
made his winter quarters in Celaene (Plut.) and sent to Alcetas and his associates. He advised
them to assemble their forces into one body and to make a united attack on a common enemy.
When they could not agree among themselves, nothing was done. (Arrian.) Alcetas and
Polemon and Docimus could not agree about who should be the leader. Thereupon Eumenes
noted the old proverb and said: "There is no fence against destruction." (Plutarch.)

2437. Eumenes promised to pay his army within three days and sold all the towns and cities of
that country which was filled with men and cattle. Thereupon the captains and commanders took
them off his hands and received battering rams from him. They went and entered by force into
the towns and sold all and fully paid each man. (Plutarch.)

2438. Antipater did not dare fight with Eumenes yet. He sent Cassander to fight with Alcetas
and Attalus. They fought and departed on equal terms but Cassander had the worse of the battle.
(Arrian.)

2439. Cassander became unfriendly to Antigonus but his father Antipater persuaded him to
befriend him again. When Cassander met with his father in Phrygia, he advised him, not to go
too far away from the kings nor to rely too much upon Antigonus. However, Antigonus by his
temperate and discreet behaviour on all occasions, did what he could to make Antipater trust
him. Thereupon Antipater set aside his displeasure towards him and turned over to him the
forces which he had brought with him from Asia. These were 8500 Macedonians and as many
cavalry of his confederates with some 70 of his elephants. Antigonus was to use these forces to
war against Eumenes. Antigonus accepted the task and Antipater with the kings, journeyed to
Macedon, (Arrian.)

2440. The whole army cried out for their wages and Antipater promised them pay when he came
to Abydus. He told them that perhaps he would give them the whole amount which Alexander
had promised and if not at least most of it. Encouraging them with this hope, he quietly marched
to Abydus. When he came there, he with the two kings in his company stole away by night and
crossed over the Hellespont to Lysimachus. On the next day, they followed him without any
further demands for their pay. So says Arrian (in Biblio. Photh. c. 92.) and here Arrian ends his
ten books which he wrote of the deeds of Alexander.

2441. Antigonus assembled all his forces from their winter quarters, to march against Eumenes
and to subdue him. Eumenes was at that time in Cappodicia. (Diod. Sic.) There were signs

everywhere in Eumenes' camp, promising 100 talents, good conditions and offices besides, to
the one who would bring Eumenes head to Antigonus. (Justin 1. 14. c. 1. Plut. in Eumene.)
When Eumenes knew of this, he immediately called all the soldiers together and first thanked
them all that in so large a number, there was no one that would break his oath with Eumenes for
the sake of a reward. Eumenes cleverly intimated to them that these signs were his own and he
used them to determine their loyalty to him. Hence if the enemy should do the same later, the
army would imagine it was just another ploy by Eumenes to determine their loyalty. Thereupon
they all cried out and vowed their service to protect his life. (Justin.) They decreed among
themselves that there should be chosen from the main part of the army, 1000 men for his daily
guard. They would watch every night in turn about him. Those who were chosen, were glad for
the service and willingly received from Eumenes such gifts as the Macedonian kings normally
bestow on their friends. For Eumenes gave them scarlet hats and robes which among the
Macedonians was always esteemed a great favour from their kings. (Plut.) However one of his
chief commanders, Perdiccas along with 3000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry defected from him.
When he journeyed 3 days, Eumenes sent Tenedius a Phoenician, with 4000 select foot soldiers
and 1000 cavalry to overtake them. This he did and attacked them by surprise at night while
they were all asleep. He took Perdiccas prisoner and brought back all his soldiers to Eumenes.
He picked out the chief instigators of that revolt and executed them. The rest were distributed in
small numbers among his other companies. He spoke well to them and used them courteously,
thereby winning their affections to him again. (Diod. Sic.)

2442. After this Antigonus dealt by a secret messenger with Apollonides, one of the
commanders of the cavalry under Eumenes. By making generous promises, he had him betray
Eumenes and in the middle of the fight to forsake and turn against him. Eumenes at this time
camped in the country of Orcynia in Cappadocia. This was a place suitable for the cavalry to
fight in. Antigonus went there with his army and took over all the upper ground near the foot of
the mountains. His army had 10,000 foot soldiers who were mainly Macedonians and men of
admirable strength and courage. He also had 2000 cavalry and 30 elephants. In Eumenes' army
were at least 20,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry. The battle began very fiercely and Eumenes'
side was winning. When Appolonides with his regiment of cavalry defected to the enemy,
Antigonus won. In that fight, Eumenes lost 8000 men and all his wagons. (Plut.)

2443. Eumenes did not allow the traitor to escape. While he was in the act of that villany, he
took him and hung him up. Eumenes fled by a the opposite way from which they that pursued
him took. He turned back shortly and passed by the enemy and came to the place where the
battle was fought. Here he camped and gathered together the bodies of his slain. Since the place
lacked firewood he took the doors and gates of the towns and villages in the area. He had them
broken and made piles to burn his dead on. The captains were burned separately from the
common soldiers. When Antigonus returned to the place later he was amazed at this bold act of
his and the undauntedness of his high courage. (Plut.)

2444. Eumenes found by chance Antigonus' wagons. Although he might have taken many
prisoners and many slaves with many goods, he did not. He feared lest his men having gotten so
much wealth would grow less anxious to fight and to move quickly because of all the goods they
picked up. Eumenes ordered that each man should feed his horse well and refresh himself. Then
they should be ready to attack the enemy. Meanwhile he secretly sent to Menander, who was set
to guard the enemies luggage, to move immediately from the plain to the foot of the mountain.
He feared lest Menander would be suddenly surrounded by the enemies' cavalry. When
Menander saw the potential danger, he moved quickly. The enemy said that they were very

much indebted to Eumenes for sparing their children from slavery and their wives from rapine.
However, Antigonus told them that Eumenes did it not for their sakes, but so as not to burden
his troops with useless goods in their flight. (Plut.)

2445. Eumenes went from there and secretly persuaded a great many of his men to leave him for
the present. This was either from an honest concern for them or because they were now grown
too few to oppose the enemy and yet were too many to conceal with him in his flight. He came
to Nora, which was a strong citadel and which Strabo, (1. 12.) says in his time was called
Neroassus and located near Cappadocia and Lycaonia. He had 500 cavalry and 200 foot soldiers
with him. (Although Diodorus says that there were not more than 500 in total.) As many of his
friends as desired his permission to leave, he embraced each one of them in a fair and courteous
manner and sent them away. They wanted to leave either because of the desolateness of the
place or the scarcity of provisions. He freely gave them the food that they found there. The place
was not more than about 400 yards in size and there was in it provision enough of grain, salt and
water. There was no supply of fresh food to be had. (Strabo. with Diodorus, and Justin. 1. 14. c.
2.)

2446. Antigonus came to the place. Before he besieged it, he sent to Eumenes to come to a talk.
When he required hostages, Antigonus refused but asked him to come out to his superior.
Eumenes sent him word again that:

vv As long as he wore a sword by his side, he would acknowledge no superior."

2447. Thereupon, when Antigonus sent him his own brother's son, called Ptolemy, as was
required, Eumenes came out and they embraced each other very lovingly and in all familiar
manner. They had discussed various matters. Antigonus noticed he never mentioned anything of
his own security or pardon but still demanded his former governments to be confirmed and to be
recompensed for his losses. The bystanders stood amazed at it and wondered at the constancy of
his courage and magnanimity that was in him. Antigonus told him that concerning these matters,
he would talk with Antipater. So, with much adieu, he returned again to his citadel safe from the
violence of the crowd. Antigonus built a double wall with trenches around the citadel and left
enough men to maintain the siege. He then moved his camp. (Strabo. with Diodorus, and Justin.
1. 14. c. 2.)

2448. After a while Eumenes sent messengers to Antipater to make peace. One of them was
Hieronymus the historian who was born in Cardia, as Eumenes was. (Diod. Sic. & Justin, 1. 14.
c. 2.) In the meant time, he provided food for his company and though his provisions were short,
yet he cheerfully accepted what he had. He had them all in their turn to his table where he
entertained them with pleasant discourses and good speeches instead of better food. (Diod. Sic.
and Plut.) As often as he wanted to, he would sally forth and either burn or destroy Antigonus'
works. (Emil. Prob.)

2449. He feared that he might lose all his horses from lack of exercise and since they were
always confined to one place. He ordered every day to prop up his horses with their fore feet
above ground and made them stand on their hind feet. So that with striving and much struggling,
they might get exercise and sweat. He gave them boiled barley to eat, that they might more
easily digest it. When at last he came out of the citadel, everyone wondered to see his horses so
fat and sleek, as if they had been all the while kept in the best pasture of the country. (Diod. Sic.

Jul. Fronti. Stratag. 1. 4. c. 7. Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene.)

2450. Ptolemy the son of Lagus, knew that Phoenicia, and Coelosyria would be very
advantageous to him for the defence of Egypt and also for the capture of Cyprus. He thought
much on how he could take them over. Therefore he tried to persuade Laomedon, who was
made governor of those two provinces, first by Perdiccas and later Antipater, to turn them over
to him. He offered him a vast sum of money for it. When this did not work, he raised a large
army and made his trusted friend Nicanor the general of it. He sent him to take this area by
force. Nicanor marched into Syria and took Laomedon prisoner. However, he bribed his keepers
and to Alcetus in Caria. Nicanor in a short time subdued all Phoenicia and Syria. He put
garrisons in them and he returned to Egypt. (Diod. Sic. with Appia. in Syriac. p. 121. & Pausan,
in his Attica, p. 5.)

2451. Ptolemy attacked the parts of Phoenicia and Syria. When he had captured Jerusalem by
deceit, he carried from there 100,000 men into Egypt. Of these he selected 30,000 of the ablest
of them whom he armed and took into his army with greater than normal pay. He committed his
garrison towns and citadels in Egypt into their trust. The rest he sold away for slaves among his
soldiers. This was not necessarily of Ptolemy's doing but from the desire of the soldiers. They
wanted the Jews more than any other people to help to do the menial tasks related to war.
(Aristeos, in 1. de 70. interpret, with Ptol. Philadel, his epistle, cod. lib. Joseph. Antiq. 1. 12. c. 1.
Euseb. 2. in Chron.)

2452. Concerning the capture of Jerusalem, Agatharchides Cnidus describes it in his book of the
successors of Alexander the Great, in Josephus (1. 1. cont. Apion. p. 1050. with 1. 12. Antiq, c.
1.)

vv They who are called Jews, live in a most fortified city which the natives call Jerusalem. They
keep every 7th day as a holiday. They do not involve themselves in war, husbandry or any other
type of work on this day. They only hold up their hands in hallowed places and stay there
praying until the evening with outstretched hands. When Ptolemy, the son of Lagus entered their
city with his army, all men observed the folly of them that were observing the Sabbath. So the
country became enslaved under a bitter master and their law was found to be nothing else but a
foolish custom."

2453. Appian adds, that Ptolemy demolished the walls of the city. When he had left garrisons in
Syria, he returned to Egypt by sea. (in Syriac. p. 119, 121.)

2454. Concerning this Jewish deportation into Egypt, Josephus write: (1. 12. Antiq. c. 1.)

vv Ptolemy carried away many captives from the hill country of Judaea, the places bordering on
Jerusalem, from Samaria and from Mount Gerizim into Egypt. He made them to dwell there. He
found that they of Jerusalem kept their oaths from the reply which they made to Alexander's
messengers after the last defeat of Darius. Therefore he decided to put many of them in his
garrisons and citadels. When he had settled many of them in Alexandria, he gave them the same
privileges which the Macedonians had. He bound them all with an oath to be true liege men to
his posterity because he had bestowed such large favours on them."

2455. Again in his (2nd book cont. Apio. p. 1063.)

vv Ptolemy Lagus committed all his citadels and places of strength to his Alexandrian Jews. He
thought they would be kept most safely in their hands because of their fidelity and integrity. So
that he might reign most securely in Cyrene and other parts of Lybia, he sent many of those
Jews to live in that country."

2456. From these Jews, descended Jason of Cyrene from whose writings was collected the
second book of the Maccabees, /APC 2Ma 2:23 and Simon of Cyrene, who bore the cross of
Christ, Mt 27:32 and of whom mention is made in: Ac 2:10 6:9.

3685a AM, 4394 JP, 320 BC

2457. While Eumenes was trapped in Nora, Antigonus besieged it with a double wall around
him. He marched with his army against Alcetas and Attalus. He first went into Pisidia where
Alcetas with his forces were. In 7 days he marched over 310 miles to the city called, "The City
of the Cretenses". Because he came so fast and suddenly upon them, he took over some suitable
hills and places of advantage there. In his army besides his elephants, were 40,000 foot soldiers
and 7000 cavalry. However, Alcetas dared to meet him in the open field with only 16,000 foot
soldiers and 900 cavalry of his friends in his army. Antigonus had the advantage of the ground
and had a much stronger force. He routed him and took both Attalus, Docinius and Polemon,
and many other chief captains as prisoners. He showed them his mercy and used great clemency
and humanity toward them. He distributed the rest among his own companies and thereby
greatly increased his own army.

2458. Alcetas, with his bodyguard, his sons and other Pisidians who served him, fled to
Telmessus, a city of Pisidia. The Pisidians numbered about 6000 and were all very strong and
valiant men. They promised never to forsake him. Therefore when Antigonus with all his army
came before the walls of Telmessus and demanded Alcetas to be delivered to him, the older men
wanted to turn him over. However, the younger men met together at night and swore an oath not
to forsake him in spite of any danger that might come. In spite of this, the elders of the city sent
a messenger secretly to Antigonus to let him know that they would deliver Alcetes into his
hands dead or alive. The condition was that he would send the soldiers to a skirmish and pretend
to flee and retreat to a reasonable distance from the walls of their city. This was done and drew
the young men out of the city. In the meantime, the elders attacked Alcetas with their men. He
killed himself rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. His body was placed on a funeral bier
and wrapped in a vile cloth. While the young men were fighting, his body was sent to
Antigonus. For 3 days he exposed it to all the contumelies and indignities that could be
imagined and at last had it cast out unburied. When the young men returned from the fight and
heard what had happened in their absence, they were enraged with the elders. They seized part
of the city and resolved at first to set it all on fire. However, they changed their minds and
started plundering and wasting the enemies' country in the area. When they learned that
Antigonus had left the corpse of Alcetas behind him, they took it up and gave it an honourable
burial. (2nd book cont. Apio. p. 1063.)

3685 AM, 4395 JP, 319 BC

2459. Antipater became sick and before his death he made Polysperchon to be the guardian of
the kings and sovereign commander in his place. Polysperchon was almost the oldest man of all

that served under Alexander. He was held in very great esteem among the Macedonians.
However, Cassander, Antipater's son, was not content with his office of general of the cavalry.
He was enraged to see that Polysperchon was preferred before him as the guardian and
sovereign of the realm. He began to plot with his friends to get the kingdom into his own hands.
He sent secretly his agents to Ptolemy and renewed his former friendship with him. He desired
that he would make an alliance with him and come away with his fleet from Phoenicia into
Hellespont. He did likewise with the other commanders and cities and urged them to join forces
with him. (2nd book cont. Apio. p. 1063. with Plutarch in Phoecio.)

2460. When Antigonus returned with his army from Pisidia into Phrigia, to the city of the
Cretenses, he was there notified of all these matters by Aristodemus of Miletum. This pleased
him well for he aspired to supreme sovereignty also. (Diodorus, with Plutarch in Eumene.) He
was left as sole and absolute commander of all Asia by Antipater and had a larger army there
than anyone else. He planned to seize all the king's treasure there while there was none to
oppose him. He had then in his army, 60,000 foot soldiers and 10,000 cavalry and 30 elephants.
He saw that he had the means to increase, if needed, his army at his pleasure. He could get
troops from foreign countries and Asia was well able to feed and pay them all abundantly.
Therefore he called a council of his friends. He declared to them that his purpose was for the
good of them all. Thereupon he assigned his friends to various offices and commands. He
secured them with generous promises to be loyal to him and help him do what he planned. He
resolved to go through all Asia and to put out the governors and replace them with ones of his
own choosing. (Diod. Sic.)

2461. When Aridaeus who had the government of Phrygia on the Hellespont, knew what
Antigonus was up to, he went and attacked the large city of Cizycum. This city would be most
suitable for his needs. He had at army of more than 10,000 mercenary foot soldiers, 1000
Macedonians, 500 Persian archers and slingers and 800 cavalry. With these he had all types of
battering rams. The men of Cizycum, under the pretence of a treaty for peace, obtained a truce
for a time. They dragged out the discussions for the surrender while they secretly sent to
Byzantium for help and supplies of men and equipment of all kinds for their defence. As they
sailed along their own coasts with their warships, they gathered men from the country and put
them in the city along with any supplies they brought with them. Aridaeus was fooled by the
men of Cyzicum, as he later found out and had to return to his own government again. (Diod.
Sic.)

2462. When Antigonus was at Celenae, he hurried away with 20,000 select foot soldiers and
3000 cavalry to relieve Cizycum. He hoped to ingratiate the city to him. However, he came too
late. He sent messengers to Aridaeus to rebuke him for his actions. He required Aridaeus to give
up his government and to live after that as a private citizen. He would have the revenue of only
one city to live on. When Aridaeus refused to do this, he placed guards about the gates and on
the walls and other places of the city where he was. Then he sent away a part of his army with a
commander over them to side with Eumenes. They were to raise the siege from the Nora Citadel
and help Eumenes out of that danger. This was to help him make a league with Eumenes against
Antigonus. (Diod. Sic.)

2463. Emil. Probus tells us that Eumenes toward the beginning of the spring, under pretence of
submitting himself to Antigonus and entreated of conditions daily, at last tricked him. He and all
his people escaped from the citadel, (in Eumene.) However, Justin, (1. 4. c 2.) says that
Antigonus raised the seige when he found that Antipater had sent relief to Eumenes. Diodorus

and Plutarch state that Eumenes by the mediation of Hieronymus Cardianus, his countryman and
true friend, was allowed to come out on his word and thus it was.

2464. Antigonus was wondering how to get everything under his control. He sent for
Hieronymus the historian, to come to him. He used him to send a message to Eumenes to cut a
deal. He wished to forget what had happened between them in the fight at Cappadocia. He
would now be pleased to join with him in a firm league of love and friendship and association of
arms. He offered to give him far more wealth than he had lost and a better province than he ever
had before. He would make him the best of all his friends and partaker of all his designs and
fortunes. (Diod. Sic.) When Antigonus had drawn up this in the form of an oath to bind each
other to strict observance of the conditions, he sent it to Eumenes. Eumenes took it and amended
it in some points. Then he asked those Macedonian captains who were in the siege against him
to judge which of the two was the better and less ambitious. Among other things, Antigonus
made mention of the kings in a formal manner but in the performance of all services and
conditions, he referred only to himself and these were made in his own name. Whereas
Eumenes, in his draught, first mentioned Olympias with the two kings. Secondly he arranged the
oath on such terms, as purported that he would reckon them all friends and foes, as were friends
and foes, not to Antigonus but to Olympias and the two kings. When this seemed to be the more
reasonable of the two, Eumenes took his oath. For taking the oath, they presently raised their
siege and sent to Antigonus and asked him to bind himself to the same oath as Eumenes had.
Meanwhile, Eumenes, sent whatever hostages he had of the Cappadocians, back home again.
Antigonus wrote back a sharp and a taunting letter to those Macedonians for presuming to
amend anything in the form of the oath which he had prescribed for Eumenes to take and wanted
them to besiege him again. This reply came too late. (Plut.)

2465. When Eumenes had escaped after a year's close siege, beyond his expectations, he stayed
for awhile in Cappadocia. He gathered together his old friends and soldiers who were now
scattered about the country. (Diod. Sic.) He started all over again from nothing. The friends of
those hostages whom he had restored, lent him horses wagons and tents. In a short time, about
1000 cavalry from the old regiments which foraged up and down the country, came to him.
(Plut.) Eumenes was a most active and industrious man and there were others there who were
also just as devoted to the state as he was. Hence it happened that great number of soldiers came
flocking to him. Within a few days, in addition to the 500 friends who were with him in the
citadel, he had gotten 2000 men who were all ready to serve him. (Diod. Sic.)

2466. Antagonus sent some of his forces to besiege Aridaeus, the governor of lesser Phrygia. He
marched himself with most of the army into Lydia to expel Clitus from his government.
However, Clitus was forewarned and presently packed every town of his and place of defence
with a strong garrison. He went into Macedon to acquaint the kings and Polysperchon the
guardian of the kings, of Antigonus' doings and his planned revolt from the Macedonian
government. He asked for help against him. (Diod. Sic.)

2467. Antigonus took in Ephesus at his first coming. Some within the city betrayed the city into
his hands. Later, Escylus of Rhodes came there. He brought 4 ships with 600 men from Cilicia
and 400 talents. These were to be sent to the kings in Macedon. Antigonus seized on it all for his
own use and said that he had need of it to raise and pay foreign soldiers with. By this act, he
plainly showed his intention to be independent and to rebel against the kings. When this was
done, he proceeded to take the rest of the cities. Some he took by force, others by fair words.
(Diod. Sic.) From this revolt, it is that Dexippus, Porphyrie and Eusebius calculate the 18 years

of his rule in Scaliger's Graeca Eusebiana (p. 48. 164, 226.)

2468. When Cassander crossed the Hellespont, he went to Antigonus in Asia. He wanted his
help and assured him of Ptolemy's agreement about it. Antigonus was glad of his coming and
presently offered to help him by land and sea. This he did under a pretence, as if he would help
him for his father Antipater's sake. His main purpose was to embroil Cassander in as many wars
and troubles as possibly he could in Europe so that he might more freely move about and take
over Asia and make himself king there. (Diod. Sic.)

2469. Polysperchon, the guardian of the kings and curate of the Macedonian empire, sent letters
to Eumenes, in the two kings' names, requiring him to be loyal to the kings and fight against
Antigonus as he had done before. He gave Eumenes the choice of coming into Macedon and
there, jointly with him, be a guardian of the two king's or would stay in Asia. If he stayed, he
would receive supplies of men, money and equipment to oppose Antigonus who had now openly
declared himself a rebel against the kings. If he needed greater forces, Polysperchon would be
ready with the kings and all the power that the kingdom of Macedon could muster to cross the
seas and to come into Asia to join forces with him. Similar letters were sent to the treasurers in
Cilicia, requiring them from the money which was at Quindi (where the kings' treasure for Asia
was kept, according to Strabo 1. 14. p. 72.) to immediately pay him 500 talents toward his recent
losses. From the rest of the kings' money, they were to give him as much as he should ask, to
hire and pay for foreign soldiers. He also wrote letters to Antigenes and Tentamus, who between
them commanded 3000 silver targeteers under Antigonus, that they defect to Eumenes and help
him all they could. Polysperchon did this as the man that was made absolute commander and
governor of all Asia under the kings. Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, did her part
and wrote similar letters requiring all men to come and aid both herself and the kings., (Diod.
Sic. with Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene.)

2470. Eumenes left Cappadocia with only 500 cavalry and 2000 foot soldiers. He could not wait
for their arrival who had promised to enlist themselves under him but had not come yet.
Menander was coming with a large army and would not allow him to stay in Cappadocia since
he proclaimed himself to be a public enemy to Antagonus. Those who were left behind,
followed Eumenes for three days. When they saw they could not possibly overtake him, they
returned into Cappadocia. (Diod. Sic.)

2471. Eumenes made long marches and passed Mount Taurus and came into Cilicia. He was met
by Antigenes and Tentamus, captains of the silver targeteers, with their friends. They obeyed the
command of the kings. They congratulated his fortunate escape from so many and great dangers.
They offered him their service and promised to stand by him in his utmost dangers. Then came
the regiment of about 3000 silver targeteers, all Macedonians to him and pledged their loyalty to
him. (Diod. Sic.)

3686 AM, 4396 JP, 318 BC

2472. Eumenes, feared the envy of the Macedonians since he was alian born in Cardia in the
Chersonese of Thracia, if he should assume absolute governor of the place. First he waived the
receipt of the 500 talents which were given to him for his losses. He said that he did not need so
great a sum since he assumed no government there. (Diod. Sic. & Plutarch.) Then he pitched his
tent in the name of Alexander and called it Alexander's pavilion. He pretended that he was

warned to do so by a vision in a dream. He had a golden throne placed there with a sceptre and a
diadem. They met there every day to consult about matters and he hoped to minimize any envy
toward him if he seemed to administer all things under the majesty and title of Alexander.
(Diod. Sic. Plutarch, Emil. Prob. Polyanus, 1. 4. Stratag.) Therefore, by this means he behaved in
all the meetings as an ordinary man and spoke to every man with good, courteous language and
removed all thoughts of envy toward him. He behaved like this toward the silver targeteers who
were all Macedonians. He was highly esteemed by them and so much so that every man said
that he was of all men most worthy to have the guardianship of the kings. (Diod. Sic.) He was so
fair in his speech. He did not hesitate to call them, his fellow soldiers or his masters and
companions of his in those eastern wars. He told them that they were the only men who
conquered the east. They were the only men who outdid Bacchus and Hercules with their
victories. They were the men who made Alexander, great. By them, he attained divine honours
and immortal glory in the world. Eumenes desired that they would not look on him as their
commander but as their fellow soldier and a man of their own company. (Justin. 1. 14. c. 2.)

2473. Eumenes selected certain choice men from his friends. He gave them much money and
sent them to hire soldiers promising a generous pay. Thereupon some went into Pisidia, Lycia
and the places bordering them. Others went into Cilicia, Coelosyria, Phoenicia and the isle of
Cyprus. They did their best to hire as many soldiers as they could. When many Greeks saw what
generous pay was being offered, they came also. In a short time, they had gathered 10,000 foot
soldiers and 2000 cavalry besides the silver targeteers and those which Eumenes brought with
him from Cappadocia. (Diod. Sic.)

2474. Ptolemy came with his navy to a port called Zaphyrium in Cilicia and sent some of his
agents to solicit the silver targeteers to defect from Eumenes, since he was proclaimed as an
enemy with the death sentence awaiting him. He sent also to the chief officers at Quindi and
advised them not to issue any money to Eumenes. No one listened to Ptolemy because the kings,
their governor Polysperchon and Olympias, Alexander's mother, had written to them. They
required them to be obedient in all things to Eumenes as to the commander-in-chief and general
of the kingdom. (Diod. Sic.)

2475. After this Antigonus sent one of his good friends Philotas with 30 Macedonians in his
company to the silver targeteers to feel them out. They first asked their captains and main
soldiers if by money they could be induced to kill Eumenes now that he was in their hands. They
found no man agreeable to their desires except for Tentamus who was one of the captains of the
silver targeteers. He agreed and tried to win over Antigenes his colleague, to help in this foul
deed. Antigenes was not at all interested and prevailed with Tentamus to abandon his plan. He
showed him that there were better things and better reasons for trusting Eumenes, a man of a
moderate fortune and a limited power than from Antigonus who was already grown too
powerful. Antigonus would cast them aside once he had gotten all into his hands and replace
them with his own friends. Then Philotas sent to the chief captains Antigonus' letters that was
directed to the soldiers in general. It required them to kill Eumenes on sight. It threatening them
that if they did not do it, Antigonus would come shortly and attack them with his army and make
examples of them for their disobedience. This terrified the soldiers. However, Eumenes came to
them and persuaded them to follow the orders of their kings and not listen to the words of a man
who had now proclaimed himself an open rebel. After speaking many things, Eumenes saved
himself from imminent danger and made the troops more loyal to him than ever. (Diod. Sic.)

2476. Eumenes ordered them to march into Phoenicia. There he assembled all the ships he could

from all the sea towns and made a strong navy. He planned that Polysperchon with a fleet at his
command, might at any time sail with his forces from Macedon to Asia to fight against
Antigonus. Therefore for this reason, he stayed even longer in Phoenicia. (Diod. Sic.)

2477. Meanwhile, Polysperchon made Clitus, the governor of Lydia, admiral of the fleet and
sent him into the Hellespont. He ordered him to stay there and to ensure that no ships passed that
way from Asia into Europe. He wanted him to help Aridaeus, the governor of lesser Phrygia. He
had fled with such men as he had into the city of the Cyonians for fear of Antigonus. (Diod.
Sic.)

2478. Clitus came into the Hellespont to protect the cities of Propontis. He had joined Aridaeus'
army with his own. Then Nicanor, the captain of the garrison of Munychia welcomed Cassander
who had put all his navy to sea. He took with him Antigonus' fleet so that he had more than 100
ships in his fleet. In a sea battle not far from the city of Byzantium, Clitus won and sunk 17 of
the enemies' ships and captured at least 40 more with all the men in them. (Diod. Sic.) Clitus
was overjoyed. A little before he had taken 3 or 4 ships of the Greeks near the Isle of Amorgus,
one of the Cyclades. He allowed himself to be called Neptune and bare a trident in his hand.
(Plut. 1. 2. Dr. fortu. Alexan.)

2479. When Antigonus heard of the loss of his navy at sea, he sent for some ships from
Byzantium and put in them archers, slingers, targeteers and such lightly armed men, as many as
he thought would fit. They landed on the European side and these attacked Clitus' men who had
gone ashore and were busy in making their camp. They frightened and forced them to retreat to
their ships again. They lost their baggage and many men were taken prisoner. In the meantime
Antigonus procured other ships of war into which he put many of his best soldiers. He sent them
to the same place with a strict charge to valiantly attack their enemies and they would no doubt
overcome them. These came by night under the command of Nicanor their captain and attacked
at the break of day. He routed them on the very first assault and bilging some of their ships with
the prows of their ships. They captured other ships with the men in them who surrendered. At
last, they took all the rest of the ships and men except only for Clitus. He abandoned his ship
and fled to land and hoped to get into Macedonia. On the way he was attacked by Lysimachus'
soldiers, who killed him. (Diod. Sic.)

2480. When Antigonus had given the enemy this great defeat, he became master of the sea. He
hurried to make himself absolute monarch of all Asia. Therefore, he selected the best 20,000
foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry from his army and marched toward Cilicia. He planned to scatter
those companies of Eumenes which were there before his whole army came together. (Diod.
Sic.)

3687a AM, 4396 JP, 318 BC

2481. Jubilee 23.

2482. When Eumenes knew of Antigonus' plans, he tried to persuade Phoenicia where he then
was, to obey the kings. At that time it was unjustly occupied by Ptolemy. When he failed to do
this, he left and went through Coelosyria. He hoped to get into those parts, which are called the
upper provinces. (Diod. Sic. 1. 18.) He had the silver targeteers with him including their captain
Antigenes. They had wintered in a country of Babylonia, called Cares. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19.)

3687 AM, 4397 JP, 317 BC

2483. Eumenes sent from there to Seleucus the governor of Babylonia and to Pithon the
governor of Media to come and with himself to help the kings against Antigonus who had
rebelled against them. Seleucus sent him word that he would do what he could for the kings. He
would not help Eumenes, who was for a long time a condemned person by the council of
Macedonians. He secretly sent to Antigenes and the silver targeteers to kill Eumenes. They
refused. (Diod. Sic.)

2484. Eumenes had the loyalty of his soldiers. He marched to the bank of the Tigris River and
there camped about 40 miles from Babylon. He lost some of his men by an uprising of the
natives against him. From there he planned to go forward to Susa to gather his soldiers out of the
upper provinces and to take the kings' money which was stored there for his own needs.
Seleucus came on him near the Euphrates. Eumenes almost lost his whole army by a sudden
flood which Seleucus caused by opening the head of an old dam and let in the water and flooded
his camp and almost drowned everyone. Therefore Eumenes and his men were forced to flee
from there to a higher ground. They spent that day figuring out how to recover things. The next
day they got 30 flat bottom boats and transported the main part of the army without being
hindered by the enemy. For Seleucus had nothing but cavalry with him and they were out
numbered by Eumenes. When night came, Eumenes returned with his Macedonians to take care
of the wagons which were left behind. They crossed the river and there with the help of the
natives found a place to let out the water another way to make all that country dry and passable
again. When Seleucus knew of this he was desirous to rid his country of such guests. As soon as
he possibly could, he sent messengers to offer them a truce and so allowed them to march away
without bothering them. So once again beyond all his expectations, Eumenes escaped from
Seleucus and came with his army into Persia to the country of Susa. He had 16,000 foot soldiers
and 1300 cavalry. When he had refreshed his army after their hard and miserable march, he sent
to the commanders of the upper provinces to send to him men and money for the service of the
kings. (Diod. Sic. 1. 18, 19.)

2485. Attalus Polemo, Antipater and Philotas who were all captains and captured in the defeat of
Alcetes were committed to prison in an exceedingly strong citadel. When they heard that
Antigonus marched up into the upper provinces, (Diod. Sic. says, that at that time he was in
Mesopotamia) they found a sword for each man. Although there was only 8 in their group, at
midnight they attacked 400 men who were in the garrison. They first seized Xenopithes, the
captain of the garrison and threw him down the rock of the citadel which was about 200 yards
high. When they had killed some and forced the rest they set fire to the houses within the fort.
Thereupon those who were outside waiting to see how the matter would go, went and about 50
were received into the citadel. When they were in they could not agree among themselves,
whether they should hold the place and await supplies from Eumenes or leave it and every man
go his own way. The soldiers of the other garrisons were not far off. About 500 foot soldiers and
400 cavalry and about 3000 natives appointed a new captain and came to besiege the citadel.
Docimus, who had advised to leave the place, saw an unguarded way down the hill. He sent a
messenger to Statomice the wife of Antigonus, who was close by. He and another man got out
and went to her. However, she did not keep her word with him and held him fast again. The man
that went with him guided the enemy up to the citadel. They outnumbered the defenders and
took over a strong place in it. Nevertheless Attalus, with the rest who were of the opinion to
defend the fort and kept on fighting bravely from day to day for 16 months. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19.)

2486. When Pithon, who was governor of Media had killed Philotas, who was governor of the
upper provinces, he replaced him with his own brother, Eudramus. Thereupon the other
governors united their forces because they feared they would be treated in the same way and
they knew that Pithon was a man of a violent disposition. They attacked and defeated him and
killed many of his men. They drove him from all of Parthia. He went into Media hoping to have
relief there. When he found none, he went to Babylon and there desired help from Seleucus.
(Diod. Sic. 1. 19.)

2487. Eumenes stayed in the country of Susa. Lacking supplies, he divided his whole army into
three brigades. Even so as he marched through the country, he found a great scarcity of grain
everywhere. Instead, he was forced to give them rice and a kind of Indian wheat and the fruit of
the palm tree which was in great abundance there. He had previously sent the kings' letters to the
governors of the upper provinces requesting help. Again he sent more letters to them of his own,
to request them to come to him with all their forces into the country of Susa. However, his
messengers found them all in one body fighting Pithon. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19.)

2488. The leader of them all and the man most watched was Pencestes, whom Alexander had
previously made the chief captain of his bodyguard and governor of Persia. He had with him
10,000 Persian archers and slingers. From the other countries he had taken 3000 Macedonians
with 600 cavalry from Greeks and Thracians along with 400 Persian cavalry. Polemon a
Macedonian and governor of Carmania had 1500 foot soldiers and 700 cavalry. Sibyrtius the
governor of Arachosia had 1000 foot soldiers and 610 cavalry. Androbazus had 1200 foot
soldiers and 400 cavalry that were sent from Oxyarta, the governor of Parapamysus. Stasanor,
the governor of Aria and Drangia had 1500 Bactrian foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. From India,
Eudamus (whom Arrian calls Eudemus and Curtius calls Eudemon,) the governor of the
Oxydracans and Mallians brought 3000 foot soldiers and 300 cavalry plus 120 elephants. These
animals he got when he treacherously killed Porus, the king of the Indians. In total they had
18,700 foot soldiers (although the details sum to 21,000) and 4600 cavalry. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19.)

2489. When they all came to Eumenes in the country of Susiana, they called a public council.
There was a hot dispute especially between Pencestes and Antigenes the captain of the silver
Targateers about the choice of a general. Eumenes removed the reasons for that dispute, by
erecting a pavilion for Alexander and putting his throne in it. All meetings about public affairs
were conducted here. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19.)

2490. When they all came together at Susa, Eumenes took from of the kings' treasury as much
as the kings' service required. For the kings' letters to the keepers of their treasure had required
that they only give money to Eumenes and as much as he needed. He gave the Macedonians 6
month's advance pay. He gave 200 talents to Eudamus who brought the elephants from India.
This was under the pretence of defraying the cost of those beasts but it was intended to secure
his loyalty. Eumenes knew that if any controversy happened, the side with the elephants would
likely win. The rest of the governors paid for their own soldiers that they had brought with him.
When this was done, Eumenes stayed a while in Susiana to refresh his army after their hard
journey. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19.)

2491. Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, had Philippus Aridaeus, one of the two
kings and his wife Euridice murdered. He had reigned 6 years, after the death of Alexander.
(Justin. 1. 14. c. 5.) and 6 years 4 months according to Diodorus. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp.

115.) Porphyrie (in Grac. Euseb, p. 228.) says this happened about the 22nd day of our
September.

3688 AM, 4398 JP, 316 BC

2492. Cassander, the son of Antipater, besieged Olympias with her grand-child Hercules, the
son of Alexander the Great and his mother Barsine, in the Macedonian town of Pydna. In the
beginning of the next spring, they ran out of provisions and Olympias was forced to dismiss her
soldiers. She surrendered to Cassander on the condition she would be allowed to live. (Diod. 1.
19. & Justin. 1. 14. c. 6.)

2493. Antigonus left Mesopotamia and came into the country of Babylonia. He allied himself
with Seleucus and Pithon. After receiving some supplies from them, he made a bridge of boats
over the Tigris River and there crossed the river. He quickly marched away to fight against
Eumenes. However, Eumenes was notified before of this and ordered Xenophius, the keeper of
the citadel in Susa to pay none of the kings' money to Antigonus. Neither was he to even talk to
him. Eumenes went with his armies and manned the bank of the Tigris all along, from its source
to the very sea with forts. These were built on its bank. Since that was a considerable
undertaking, Eumenes and Antigones had Pencestes send them 10,000 more archers from Persia.
(Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 116.)

2494. Antigonus went with his army to the king's palace in Susa and made Seleucus the
governor of that country. He left a sufficient army with him and wanted him to besiege the
citadel. Xenophilus the treasurer refused to obey his commands. About the rising of the dog-star
(Siris), Antigonus with his army marched at night to the Copatres River where it joins the Tigris
River. He lost a great number of his men because the season was so hot. He found that river to
be about 400 feet wide. Therefore he got together a small quantity of flat-bottomed boats and
used them to get some of his foot soldiers across. He told them to wait for the rest to cross.
Eumenes was notified of this by his scouts and was about 10 miles from the place. He crossed
the Tigris River on a bridge and came with 4000 foot soldiers and 1300 cavalry. He found 3000
foot soldiers and 1300 cavalry of Antigonus' army had crossed over already. There were at least
6000 who were foraging about the country. He suddenly attacked them and routed them. He
forced the Macedonians who fought into the river. They ran headlong into their boats which
sunk from overloading. Few escaped. About 4000 who would not venture into the river, were
taken prisoners according to Diodorus. However, Plutarch says that when Antigonus crossed the
Pasitigris River, the rest of the army did not know what had happened. Eumenes himself met
him with his own company and killed many of his men. He filled the river with dead bodies and
took 4000 prisoners.

2495. When Antigonus saw that he could not pass that river, he retired with his army toward a
city called Balaca that was located on the Ulaie River. He stayed here for a few days to refresh
his army which was exhausted from the extreme heat. He planned to go to Ecbatane. He did not
follow the highway because of the extreme heat and the journey would take at least 40 days. He
went by the Cossaeans which was shorter and not so hot. In spite of this he lost a great number
of men and risked the lives of the rest. After 9 days when they had yet to come to any habitable
place in Media, the whole army began to grumble. For within 40 days, they had received three
major set backs. Antigonus ordered Pithon to go over all Media which he did. He brought him
2000 cavalry, a 1000 equipped cavalry horses and with enough equipment to outfit his army
again. He brought 500 talents from the king's treasure also. Antigonus distributed the cavalry

among his other troops and gave the horses to those who had lost their own. He gave the beasts
of burden freely to those that wanted them. By this he quickly regained the love and favour of
his army again. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2496. Eumenes with his men left Pafitigris for Persia and came to the royal seat of the kingdom,
called Persepolis after a 24 day march. There his his whole army was entertained and most
magnificently feasted by Pencestes the governor of that province. Sacrifices were offered to the
gods including Alexander and Philip. Plutarch adds that a sheep was given to each of them for
his own particular sacrifice. Eumenes knew that his purpose was to ingratiate himself with the
army and to gain for himself the sovereign power and command of if. He forged a letter
addressed to himself in the name of Orontes the governor of Armenia and good friend of
Pencestes. It was written in Syriac letters. It stated that Olympias, with Alexander's youngest
son, had defeated Cassander and had recovered the kingdom of Macedon again. Also it said that
Polysperchon with the main force of the king's army and his elephants had crossed into Asia
against Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116 & Polya. Stratag. 1. 4.) These letters passed as
authentic. Therefore every man thought that Eumenes would be the most important man and in a
position to advance whom he pleased and to punish whom he thought fit. Hence they resolved to
depend on him. Any that opposed him he called them in question before the courts. He started
with Sibyrtius the governor of Arachosia and so made them all afraid. In the meantime he
courted Pencestes' loyalty and told him what great honour and wealth he would give to him
when the time would come. By that means he prevented him from doing anything else against
him. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2497. Since he desired to ingratiate the rest of the governors of the provinces and commanders
to himself, he made as though he needed more money. Therefore he exhorted them to contribute
what they could spare for the king's service and collected 400 talents. He made them who
seemed most fickle to him before, most loyal to him for fear of losing the money which they had
lent to him. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. & Plut. in Eunmenes.)

3689a AM, 4398 JP, 316 BC

2498. In the lesser Asia, Attalus and the rest of the commanders with him, after enduring a 16
month siege and suffering much hardship were forced at last to surrender. (Diod. Sic. year 4.
Olymp. 115.)

2499. In the greater Asia, Antigonus moved with his army from Media into Persia. Eumenes
prepared to march against him and offered sacrifices and started feasting with his captains. He
enjoyed their pleasure and became quite drunk and sick and had to sleep it off. This hindered his
march for a few days. Thereupon his soldiers said that other generals could feast but Eumenes
could do nothing but command and fight. After a little while, he recovered and went on his
march. Pencestes and Antigenes led the troops and he was in a litter and came after with the
elephants. The two armies were within a day's journey of each other when the scouts came in
and brought news of their approach. They told the number of the enemy and the way they were
coming. Thereupon each army prepared for the battle. When Eumenes who was lying in his
litter did not come into the camp, the chief soldiers in every company resolved not to go any
farther unless Eumenes came into the camp among them. Thereupon he was carried in his litter
and so went from one quarter to another throughout the army. He gave orders everywhere for
the arranging of the troops. Meanwhile Antigonus looked on and laughed at him for his efforts.
So each side prepared for the battle which never happened because the intervening ground was

so bad to fight on. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. & Plut. in Eumene.)

2500. They approached each other within 600 yards and spent 4 days in small skirmishes and
foraging the surrounding country. Each side was very hungry and needed supplies. On the 5th
day, Antigonus again tried to make Eumenes' army betray him by offering huge rewards.
However, his agents were sent away by the enraged Macedonians. They threatened them if they
came again on that errand. After this, Eumenes, received news that Antigonus planned to move
his camp by night and take a 3 day journey to a place called Gubiene. This country abounded
with all sorts of provisions. Therefore Eumenes sent some trusted men who pretended to be
deserters to inform Antigonus that Eumenes would attack his camp that night. While Antigonus
was preparing for the attack, Eumenes stole away with his army to go to Gubiene before
Antigonus so he could find a good location for his camp. When Antigonus learned that Eumenes
had tricked him and although Eumenes had a 6 hour head start, yet he followed him. He wanted
Pithon to come safely later with the main body of the army. Antigonus with a company of the
swiftest cavalry that he could choose, got ahead of Eumenes and showed himself upon a hill
where Eumenes could see him. Eumenes gathered by this that Antigonus with all of his army
was there. He made his stand before he came to the very place where he intended to pitch his
camp and there arranged his battle in array. In the meanwhile, Antigonus' army came upon him.
Thus these two great generals used their wits and tricked each other. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp.
116.)

2501. In the country of the Paraeteceni, these two generals arranged their army in excellent
formation and with great judgment as Diodorus describes in detail. Eumenes had with him
35,000 foot soldiers, 6100 cavalry and 114 elephants. Antigonus had 28,000 foot soldiers, more
than 8500 cavalry and 65 elephants. The battle was bravely fought on each side until almost
midnight. The moon was almost full. When each side was exhausted with fighting, they stopped
and went back to their camps. Antigonus lost 3700 foot soldiers and 54 cavalry and had about
4000 maimed horses. Eumenes lost 540 foot soldiers, a very small number of his cavalry and
more than 900 were hurt. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2502. Eumenes wanted to bury the dead as a sign of a total victory but the army would not allow
it. They wanted to go the place where their belongings were. Since that was some distance away,
Eumenes was forced to allow them to do it.

2503. Antigonus forced his men to camp near the place where the battle was fought and where
his men lay dead. They buried them and Antigonus said he had the victory. He said:

vv He who had power to bury his dead was ever to be counted conqueror of the field."

2504. The bodies were buried by the break of day. He detained the herald who came to him to
beg the bodies of the dead. He sent him back at night again and gave them permission to come
and bury the bodies the next day.

2505. When he had sent away the herald, he marched away with all his army and by long
marches came to Gamarga in Media which was far away from Eumenes. Pithon was governor of
this country. It had abundant provisions and was able to maintain a very large army. (Diod. Sic.
year 1. Olymp. 1 16.) When Eumenes had beaten Antigonus in the country of Paraetecene, he
went away to take up his winter quarters in Media, (Emil. Prob. in Eumene.) in a place called

Gadamalis or Gadarlis according to Diodorus, or Gadamarlis according to Polyaenus.

2506. Eumenes heard through his scouts that Antgonus did not follow him. His army was not up
to it and he wanted to bury his dead. Among the dead was Ceteus, who commanded those who
came to him from India. His burial caused a large argument between his two wives. Each
wanted to have the honour of being burned alive with him. The younger of the two, won the
argument. She was great with child and went into the fire and left the other to live if she wanted
to. However, she from grief pined away and died. Diodorus describes this in detail.

2507. When Eumenes had finished burying his dead he went to Gabiene. This was some
distance from where Antigonus was with his army. It was about a 25 day journey if one went
through the inhabited country. If one went through the desert, they were only a 9 day journey
apart. They wintered far from each other and gave their armies a chance to rest and recover their
spirits again before the next spring. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2508. Meanwhile, Cassander the son of Antipater was desirous to make himself absolute king of
Macedon. He had Olympias the mother of Alexander the Great murdered and married
Thessalonice the daughter of Philip (not of Aridaeus, as Justin mistakes it) who was Alexander's
own sister. When this was done, he sent Alexander the son of Alexander the Great, with Roxane
his mother who was very greate with child, to be kept in the citadel at Amphipolis. (Diod. year
1. Olymp. 116. Justin. 1. 14. in fi.)

2509. While Eumenes' soldier were resting, they grew heady and insolent. In spite of their
commanders, they camped where they wanted to all over the country of Gaviene. Some of their
tents were more than 125 miles from their headquarters. (Plutarch) They selected their quarters,
not according to any discipline or order of war but to satisfy their own desires and pleasures.
(Emil. Prob.)

2510. When Antigonus was told of the disorder in Eumenes' camp, he decided to attack. He let it
be known that he would march with his army from Media into Armenia. However, in the depth
of winter about the winter solstice, he departed from the ordinary way and marched through the
desert. He made fires in the daytime and put them out at night to escape detection. When they
had spent 5 days on this tedious journey, the soldiers started making fires at night as well as by
day because of the extreme cold. Some who lived in the desert saw this and using dromedaries
which commonly run 200 miles in a day, they notified Eumenes and Pencestes of this. (Diod.
Sic. Plut. and Emil. Prob.)

3689b AM, 4399 JP, 315 BC

251 1. Pencestes was petrified when he heard this and thought of running away. Eumenes calmed
things down and said he would take charge. The enemy would not come into those parts for at
least 3 or 4 days, or as Emilius has it, more than 5 days. Therefore he sent messengers into all
parts to require his troops to come to their head quarters. Then he went about with certain
speedy officers and had fires made everywhere on the hill countries so Antigonus would see
them. When Antigonus was within 9 miles from Eumenes, he saw those fires and began to
imagine that he was betrayed and his purposes revealed by some of his own people. He thought
Eumenes was coming to attack him with his whole army. He feared to risk his tired army against
Eumenes' fresh and lusty soldiers. Therefore he turned aside from the plain, into a more winding

way and there stayed one whole day to rest his men and to refresh his beasts. They would be in
better shape to fight if need should be. (Id. and Polyanus, Stratag. 1. 4.)

2512. Meanwhile most of Eumenes' army came to their head quarters. When his soldiers saw his
surpassing dexterity and wisdom in ordering things, they desired him to order all matters
himself. Thereupon Antigenes, who was always loyal to him and Theudamus, the two
commanders of the silver targeteers were envious. They plotted with the other captains of the
army to kill him. When Eudamus, who commanded the regiment of the elephants and
Phaedimus, (being two of those who had lent him money and feared losing it if he died) knew of
this, they immediately told Eumenes. He said that he had to deal with a company of bruit beasts.
He went and made his will and then burnt his cabinet of papers least after his death they should
tell tales and prove dangerous to those that had written them. (Plutarch.)

2513. Diodorus describes in detail the day of the battle between Antigonus and Eumenes.
Antigonus had with him 22,000 foot soldiers and 9000 cavalry with 65 elephants. Eumenes'
army consisted of 36,700 foot soldiers, 6050 cavalry and 1 14 elephants. The field where they
fought was very spacious, sandy and a desert. Such a dust was stirred up when the cavalry first
charged that if a man were only a short ways off he could not see what was going on. When
Antigonus saw this, he immediately sent some Median cavalry and some Tarentines from Italy
at attack the baggage of the enemy. This was about 5/8 of a mile from the battle. Pencestes the
governor of Persia was frightened by Antigonus and got out of the dust cloud with his horse and
took with him some 1500 more troops. However, the silver targeteers on Eumenes' side made a
strong attack on Antigonus' main battle line and killed more then 5000 and routed the rest. They
lost not a single man. So Eumenes won and did not lose more than 300 men. (Diod. Sic. Plut.
Polyan. Stratag. 1. 4.)

2514. After the battle, the Macedonians saw their wagons were all taken with their wives,
children and whatever else was dear to them. There was great sorrow in the camp. Eumenes
sought to pacify them and reminded them that they had killed 5000 of the enemies and if they
would be patient, the enemy would be forced to ask for peace and then all would be well again.
They lost about 2000 women, a few children and servants. This would be better regained by
pressing the victory then by letting it go now that the victory was so close at hand. However, the
Macedonians plainly told him that they would neither flee now they had lost their wives and
children nor bear arms against them and started railing at him. Then Teutamus, of his own
accord, sent a messenger to Antigonus to desire him to send back their goods again which he
had taken. So the bargain was driven between them that if they surrendered Eumenes into his
hands, they would get back their belongings. So the Macedonians, 10,000 Persians who came
with Pencestes, the other governors of places and most of the soldiers left Eumenes and went to
Antigonus' camp. (Idem, with Justin 1. 14. c. 3.)

2515. Before they went, the silver targeteers broke in on Eumenes, took his sword from his hand
and bound his hands behind him with a garter. On the 4th day after the battle, they delivered him
bound to Nicanor who was sent by Antigonus to receive him. Eumenes desired nothing of
Nicanor but that he would lead him through the midst of the Macedonians and give him
permission to speak his last words to them. When this was done, he went before his keepers into
Antigonus' camp followed by the army which had betrayed their own commander and who were
now themselves no better than so many captive slaves. They went in triumph of themselves into
their conqueror's camp. To make it a complete triumph, the elephants and the auxiliaries from
India brought up the rear. Antigonus, for very shame and reverence of the old friendship that

had been between them, did not allow Eumenes to be brought into his sight but assigned him to
certain soldiers to keep him. (Plutarch in Eumene: Justin, 1. 14. c. 4.)

2516. Among those that were wounded, Hieronumus of Cardia, the Historian was brought. He
was always held in great esteem with Eumenes during his life. After his death, he was held in
great favour also by Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. 1. 19. year 1. Olymp. 116.) This Hieronimus wrote a
book as Diodorus (1. 18. p. 62.) and Josephus, (1. 1. cont. Apionem, p. 1050.) call it, or (as
Dionysius Halicarnaslaeus in the poem of Roman Antiquities calls it). It was concerning the
successors of Alexander the Great and the general history of his own time.

2517. When Antigonus had now gotten both Eumenes and all his army into his hands, he first
laid hold on Antigenes, the commander of the silver targeteers. He put him alive into a coffin
and burnt him to ashes. Then he executed Eudamus, who brought Eumenes elephants from
India, and Celbanus and some others who opposed him. (Diod. Sic.)

2518. When Onomarchus the captain of the watch asked Antigonus, how he would have
Eumenes to be kept, he replied that as you would keep a raging lion or an unruly elephant. Later
he relented and he ordered his heavy chains to be removed and a boy of his own to be allowed to
attend him and to help to anoint him. He allowed Eumenes' friends to visit him and to supply
him with necessaries. Although his own son Demetrius and Nearchus the Cretian were desirous
to spare him and tried to save his life, almost all the rest that were about Antigonus urged him to
kill Eumenes. In spite of all this, Antigonus took 7 days to think about it. When he feared least
his army might rebel, he ordered that no man would be allowed to come to Eumenes. He ordered
him to be given no food because he said that he would not kill him who had formerly been his
friend. When Eumenes had neither eaten nor drank in 8 day's time and the camp was suddenly to
be moved and a man was sent and cut Eumenes' throat. Antigonus knew nothing of this and in
respect to his former friendship, he ordered his corpse to be turned over to his closest friends to
be buried as they thought fit. They burned it in an honourable and military way. All the army
following the bier and burnt it. They gathered his bones into a silver urn and took care to deliver
them to his wife and children in Cappadocia. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. Plutarch and Emil.
Prob. in Eumene.)

2519. Antigonus returned into Media with his whole army and spent the rest of the winter in a
town not far from Ecbatane. He distributed his army here and there all over that province and
especially in the country of Rages. It was called that from f[r because there had been more than
2000 cities and towns destroyed by earthquakes in those parts according to Strabo (1. 11. p. 514.)
from Possidomus. Antigonus discovered that Pithon the governor of Media tried to ingratiate
many of his soldiers with generous gifts and promises and to encourage them to revolt from him.
Antigonus handled the matter very astutely. He let it be known that he planned to make Pithon
governor of the upper provinces and give him a sufficiently large army for that purpose. He also
wrote letters to Pithon and earnestly asked him to come quickly to him so they could consult
together on some important matters so that he could immediately march into lesser Asia. By
these and other letters sent to Pithon from his supposed friends, Pithon, who was then in the
remotest parts of all Media in his winter quarters, came to Antigonus. As soon as Antigonus had
him, he called him before a council of war. They quickly found him guilty and chopped off his
head. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3689c AM, 4399 JP, 315 BC

2520. Antigonus gathered all his army together and committed the government of Media to
Orontobazes, a Median. He made Hippostratus the general of his army who had 3500 foreign
foot soldiers under him. Antigonus took the main body of his army to Ecbatane where he got
5000 talents of solid silver. Then he marched into Persia and after a 20 day march, he arrived at
Persepolis, its capital city. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116)

2521. While Antigonus was on his way there, the friends of Pithon, (those that were in on
Pithon's conspiracy of which Meleager and Menoetas were the leaders) and followers of Pithon
and Eumenes came from those parts to the country and met together. They had about 800
cavalry. They first attacked the lands and possessions of the Medes who refused to join with
them in this rebellion. Then they attacked Herostrotus and Orontobazus' camp by night. They
almost overcame the outer works but had to retire because they were outnumbered. They only
persuaded a few Medes to follow them. Some of the nimblest of the cavalry made many
incursions on the country people and raised many disturbances among them. At last they were
enclosed in a place surrounded by rocks and cliffs. There some were killed and the rest captured.
Meleager and Ocranes and the better men of them who would not surrender, died fighting.
(Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2522. As soon as Antigonus came to Persia, the people honoured him like a king and proclaimed
him master of all Asia. He called a council of his friends and he propounded to them the matter
of the government of the various provinces to be considered. They decided to give Carmania to
Tlepolemus, Bactria to Stasanor and Parapamisus to Oxyartes the father of Roxane since they
could not easily remove them from their posts. Evitus was sent to Aria and he died soon after he
came there. Euagoras who was a man of outstanding valour and grave wisdom, replaced him.
(Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2523. Antigonus sent for Sibyrtius from Arachosia who was his friend. He confirmed him in his
government of that province and gave him 1000 of the most rebellious silver targeteers who had
betrayed Eumenes. He appointed them to him under the pretence of helping him in the war. His
real reason was to kill them for he ordered Sibyrtius to use them in the risky work until he had
destroyed them. Antigonus did not want any of them to ever return to Macedonia or see Greece
again. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. with Plut, in Eumene and Polyamus, Stratag. 1. 4.)

2524. When Antigonus found that Pencestes was highly respected in Persia, he planned to
remove him from his government. When all the Persians complained about this, Thespias one of
the leaders, spoke publicly against it. He said that the Persians would only be governed by
Pencestes. Antigonus had Thespias killed and made Asclepiodorus, the governor of Persia. He
strung Pencestes along with vain hopes of better things until he had drawn him out of Persia.
(Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2525. While Antigonus was on his way to Susa, Xenophilus, who had the keeping of the kings
treasure at Susa, was sent by Seleucus and met Antigonus at Pasitigris and offered Antigonus his
service in whatever he required. Antigonus received him very graciously and pretended that he
honoured him more than all his friends. Antigonus feared least he might happen to change his
mind and keep him out when he came to Susa. When he came into the citadel of Susa, he took it
over for himself. He got the golden vine and a number of objects of art totalling 15,000 talents.
All this he made into coins. In addition to the crowns of gold and other presents and spoils taken
from the enemy which amounted to 5000 more talents, he took 25,000 talents out of Media.
(Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3689d AM, 4399 JP, 315 BC

2526. Antigonus put Aspisus, a native of the country, as the new governor of the province of
Susa. He planned to carry away all this money to the sea coast in Asia. He had wagons made for
this purpose and journeyed toward Babylon. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116.)

2527. After 22 days, he arrived at Babylon and Seleucus, the governor of that province, received
him with all royal presents and feasted his whole army. Antigonus wanted him to give an
account of all the money in the public treasury which he had received there since he was
appointed to his position. Seleucus replied that he was not bound to give an account for that
which was given him by the Macedonians for the service which he had done for Alexander in
his lifetime. When hostilities grew daily between them, Seleucus knew he was too weak to
tackle Antigonus and feared lest he be killed like Pithon. He stole away with only 50 cavalry in
his company and fled to Ptolemy in Egypt. All the world spoke of how good Ptolemy was to all
those that fled to him for refuge. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 1 16. and Appia. in his Syriaca. p.
121.)

2528. Antigonus was quite happy that he had been able to take over Babylon without having to
kill his old friend. The Chaldeans told him, that if he let Seleucus go, all Asia would be his and
he would one day lose his life in a battle against him. He repented that he had let him go and
sent men after him to take and bring him back again. After they had pursued him for awhile,
they gave up and returned to Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116.) Thereupon, he
removed Blirores, the governor of Mesopotamia for allowing Seleucus to pass that way. (Appia.
in his Syriaca. p. 121.)

2529. When Seleucus was safely in Egypt, Ptolemy entertained him very graciously. When he
told Ptolemy all the things Antigonus had done against him, he persuaded Ptolemy to fight
against Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116. with Pausanias in his Attica, p. 5.)

3690 AM, 4400 JP, 314 BC

2530. From there Seleucus with some his closest friends went to Europe, to persuade Cassander,
who then commanded all in Macedonia and Lysimachus, who was over Thracia, to wage war on
Antigonus. Antigonus suspected his intentions and sent his agents to Ptolemy, Cassander and
Lysimachus, to request their love and friendship to him as in former times. (Diod. Sic. year 2.
Olymp. 116.) However, Seleucus carried the day so that they all joined together with him in a
firm league against Antigonus. (Appia. in his Syriaca. p. 121.)

2531. Antigonus had made Pithon, who came from India, governor of Babylon. Then he
marched toward Cilicia and came to Mallos, a city in Cilicia. There he distributed his army into
their winter quarters since it was the time when Orion arose in our month of November. He
received 10,000 talents in the city of Quindi of the same province. He received 1 1,000 talents
more from the yearly revenue of the place. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 1 16.)

2532. When Antigonus had gone into upper Syria, ambassadors came to him from Ptolemy,
Cassander and Lysimachus. They came to him as he sat in council and made their demands

according to their instructions. Antigonus was to surrender all Cappadocia and Lycia to
Cassander. Phrygia that bordered on Hellespont was to be turned over to Lysimachus. All Syria
was to be given to Ptolemy and the province of Babylon to Seleucus. All the public money
which he had taken since the death of Eumenes was to be shared equally among them.
Antigonus replied roughly that he was now making war on Ptolemy and that his purpose was not
to have any partners in either the peril or the profit. (Diod. and Appia. ut sup. Justin, 1. 15. c. 1.)

2533. When the ambassadors returned with this answer, Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus
prepared immediately to fight against Antigonus by sea and land. (Id.) When Antigonus knew
what a gathering storm was about to break over his head, he sought the alliances of other cities
and countries and princes to help him is this war. To this end, he sent Agesilaus to the king of
Cyprus, Idomeneus and Moschion to Rhodes and Ptolemy, his own brother's son, in
Cappadocia, with an army and Aristodemus into Laconia with 1000 talents to hire soldiers there.
He placed couriers and watchmen throughout all Asia which was wholly at his command to
quickly send him news of anything that happened.

2534. When this was done he marched into Phoenicia and camped near Tyre. He ordered them
to provide him with a fleet. He sent for the petty kings and governors of those parts to come to
him. When they came, he asked them to join with him in supplying a fleet and in building more
ships. All the ships that belonged to Phoenicia were at that time with Ptolemy in Egypt. He
ordered them to bring him 4,500,000 bushels of wheat. This was the annual expense of keeping
his army. He then had men fell timber and build ships. He used 8000 men and 1000 beasts of
burden to move the materials for the ships from Mount Lebanon to the sea side. (Diod. and
Appia. ut sup. Justin, 1. 15. c. 1.)

2535. While Antigonus was busy building a fleet and had his camp by the seaside, Seleucus
sailed past with 100 well outfitted ships. He sailed along in a scornful manner under their very
noses. Antigonus' new associates where greatly troubled by this. Antigonus encouraged them
and said that by the end of summer, they would see him put to sea with a fleet of 500 ships as
good as those. Meanwhile Agesilaus returned with his embassy from Cyprus and brought word
that Nicocreon and the most powerful kings of that island had already confederated with
Ptolemy. However, Citticus, Lapithus, Marrius and Cirenytes would join with him. Thereupon
Antigonus left 3000 men under the command of Andronicus, to maintain the siege against Tyre.
With the rest of the army he marched against Gaza and Joppa which held out against him and
took them by force. Any of Ptolemy's men he found there, he distributed among his own
companies to serve him in his wars. He placed garrisons in both places to keep them in
obedience. He returned to his standing camp before Tyre, and prepared all necessaries for a
siege against it. (Diod. Sic. Appia. his Syriaca p. 121. Justin, 1. 15. c. 1.)

2536. At the same time Aristo, who was entrusted to carry Craterus' bones, delivered them to
Phila, the daughter of Antipater, who was married first to Craterus and later to Demetrius.
Antigonus had persuaded her father to have his son Demetrius marry her. (??) He was not happy
with the match because she was so much older than he. He would always toast him in the feast
with that saying from Eurypedes.

vv In marriage look to thy gain, Though nature sometimes doth restrain."

2537. He changed the saying by replacing "to serve" by "to marry". He meant that a man must

do anything to serve his own ambitions. (??) Phila was a woman who was reputed to excel both
in wit and wisdom. Thereby she often repressed the tumultuous spirits of the most turbulent
soldiers in the army. She preferred in marriage at her own cost, the sisters and daughters of the
poorer sort among them. (Id. with Plut. in the life of Demetrius.)

2538. Aristodemus was sent with other captains into Laconia. He got permission from the
Spartans, to raise soldiers and got 8000 troops from Peloponesus. In a conference with
Polysperchon and his son Alexander they made a firm alliance with Antigonus and made
Polysperchon their general. Aristodemus made Polysperchon commander over the forces which
he had raised in Peloponesus and had Alexander cross over into Asia to Antigonus. (Diod. Sic.)

2539. Ptolemy, another of Antigonus' captains, went with an army into Cappadocia. He found
the city Amisus besieged by Asclepiodorus, a captain of Cassander. He raised the siege and
secured the place and sent Asclepiodorus running. Subject to certain conditions, he recovered
that whole province for Antigonus. He marched through Bithynia and came up on the back of
Zibytes, king of Bithynia while he was busy in the siege of two cities at once. One city belonged
to the Assacenians and the other to the Chalcedonians. Ptolemy forced him to raise his siege
from both cities. Both cities surrendered to Ptolemy and gave him hostages as a pledge of their
loyalty. Ptolemy then moved toward Ionia and Lydia because Antigonus had written to him to
secure that coast as quickly as possible. He had intelligence that Seleucus was going into those
parts with his fleet. Seleucus had indeed already come and besieged the city Erythrae. When he
heard that Ptolemy, the nephew of Antigonus was coming, he left it and went away as he came.
(Diod. Sic.)

2540. Meanwhile Alexander, the son Polysperchon, came to Antigonus. Before the whole army
including the strangers that were in it, Antigonus publicly declared to them what Cassander had
done. He said he would avenge the murder of Olympias by Cassander and deliver Alexander his
king's son with his mother Roxane from the prison in Amphipolis. He would break off that yoke
which Cassander had laid upon all the cities of Greece by putting his garrisons into them.
Antigonus sent back Alexander, Polysperchon's son, with 500 more talents into Peloponesius.
(Diod. Sic. with Justin 1. 15. c. 1.)

2541. When Antigonus had received a fleet from Rhodes along with his other recently built
ships, he sailed for Tyre. Since he was master of the sea, he blockaded them by sea and starved
them. Thereby that city was in great distress. (Diod. Sic.)

2542. When Ptolemy of Egypt, heard the declaration Antigonus had made with the Macedonians
concerning the delivery of all Greeks from the rule of Cassander, Ptolemy did the same. He was
desirous that all the world know that he was no less zealous for the liberty of all Greeks than
Antigonus was. Asander the governor of Caria who was a man of great power and had many
large cities under his command joined with Ptolemy. Although Ptolemy had formerly sent 3000
soldiers to the kings of Cyprus, yet he now sent them 10,000 more under the command of
Myrmidon an Athenian born and 100 ships commanded by Polyclitus. He made his brother
Menelaus general over the whole force. (Diod. Sic.)

2543. When these came to Cyprus, Seleucus and his fleet met them. In a council of war they
determined their plan of action. They decided that Polyclitus with 50 ships would pass into
Peloponesus and there make war on Aristodemus, Polysperchon and Polysperchon's son,

Alexander. Myrmidon with an army of foreigners would go into Caria, there to help Asander the
governor of that province against Ptolemy, a captain of Antigonus who warred with Asander.
Seleucus and Menelaus would stay in Cyprus to support Nicocreon the king and the rest of their
confederates against their enemies who warred against them. When they divided their forces,
Seleucus went and took Cerynia and Lapithus. When he persuaded Stasiaecus, king of the
Malenses, to join his side, he forced the prince of the Amathusians to give him hostages for his
safety in time to come. The city of Citium would not come to an agreement with him, therefore
he besieged it with his whole army. (Diod. Sic.)

2544. About the same time, 40 ships sailed to Antigonus from the Hellespont and Rhodes under
the command of one Themison their admiral. After this Dioscorides came with 80 more ships.
Antigonus already had a navy of 120 ships of his own recently built in Phoenicia. Now counting
the ones besieging Tyre he had a navy of 240 ships: 90 of four tiers of oars, 10 of five, 3 of nine,
10 of ten and 130 were open galleys. He divided this navy and sent 50 of them into Peloponesus
and the rest he committed to help his friends as required. He wanted to have the islands which
still held out against him, join his side. (Diod. Sic.)

2545. Polyclitus, Seleucus' lieutenant, sailed from Cyprus and came to Cenchrea which was a
port of Corinth. When he found that Alexander, Polysperchon's son, had defected from
Antigonus to Cassander and was no longer an enemy he sailed for Pamphylia. From there he
sailed to Aphrodisiades in Cilicia. Here he learned that Theodotus, a captain of Antigonus' navy,
had passed by from Patara a port of Lycia. He had the Rhodian fleet that was manned by sailors
from Caria. He also learned that Perilaus with a land army, followed along by the shore for the
defence of the fleet if required. In this case he used his wits to defeat him. He landed his men
and placed them near a suitable place where the land army must pass. He with the fleet went and
anchored behind a cape near the place and awaited the coming of the enemy. It happened that
when Perilaus' army came, he fell into the ambush that was laid for him. He was taken prisoner.
Some of his men were slain and the rest were captured alive. When the fleet at sea saw the land
army engaged, they hurried to their relief. Polyclitus, attacked them in this confusion, with his
ships in good formation and easily routed them. So Polyclitus captured all their ships and most
of the men in them. Theodoras, their Admiral, died shortly after this from his wounds. (Diod.
Sic.)

2546. When Polyclitus had such good success, first he sailed back to Cyprus and later to
Pelusium in Egypt. Ptolemy richly rewarded him for so great a service. He promoted him to a
far higher dignity and place of honour than he was in before because he was the author of so
great a victory. He released Perilaus and some other of the prisoners whom Antigonus desired
through a messenger he sent to him. Ptolemy went to Ecregma to a parley with Antigonus.
When Antigonus refusing to grant him what he demanded, he left and returned to Egypt. (Diod.
Sic.)

3691 AM, 4401 JP, 3 BBC

2547. Cassander marched with an army from Macedonia into Caria. He wanted to help the cities
which had allied themselves with Ptolemy and Seleucus. He also wanted to hinder Antigonus
from coming into Europe. The commanders of this army, Asander the governor of Caria and
Prepelaus heard that Ptolemy the general of Antigonus in those parts had his winter quarters for
his army there. Also he was now busy in the burying of his father who had recently died. They
sent Eupolemus with 8000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry Caprima in Caria to lie in ambush for

him. Ptolemy found out about it by some that defected to him. He got together 8300 foot
soldiers and 600 cavalry. He attacked them in their trenches and found them there all fast asleep.
He took Eupolemus prisoner and forced all the rest to submit to his discretion. (Diod. Sic. year 3
Olymp. 116.)

3691 AM, 4401 JP, 3 BBC

2548. When Antigonus saw that Cassander wanted to be master of Asia, he left his son
Demetrius in Syria with instructions to intercept Ptolemy's men. He suspected they were coming
with an army further up into Syria. He left his son 10,000 foreign foot soldiers, 2000
Macedonians, 500 from Lycia and Pamphylia, 400 Persian arches and slingers, 5000 cavalry and
more than 40 elephants. He left four men as counsellors, Nearchon, Pithon who came recently
from Babylon, Andromicus and Philippus. These were all men of mature age and judgment.
They had served Alexander the Great in his exploits. Demetrius was a young man not more than
22 years old. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116.)

2549. Antigonus took the rest of the army and went to cross the Taurus Mountains. There was a
heavy snow storm and he lost many of his men. Thereupon he returned back into Cilicia and
was told of an easier less dangerous way to cross that mountain. He came to Ceraenae in
Phrygia and made his winter quarters for his army. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 1 16.)

2550. After Tyre had withstood a 15 month siege, it conditionally surrendered to Antigonus. The
men of Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, were allowed to leave with their belongings. Andronicus
was left there to hold the place with a garrison. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 1 16. & year. 1.
Olymp. 117. ??)

2551. Antigonus sent for Medius to come to him with his fleet which he had in Phoenicia. On
his way he met with the fleet of the city Pydna. He captured it and brought both it and all the
men in it to Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year. 3. Olympiad. 116.)

2552. Asander, the governor of Caria, being overwhelmed by the enemy, came to this agreement
with Antigonus. He would give all his army to Antigonus. All the Greek cities there could live
according to their own laws. Asander would hold the government which he had there, as a grant
from Antigonus and would be a loyal friend to Antigonus. As security, he gave his own brother
Agathon as a pledge. However, a short time later he changed his mind. He got his brother from
them and sent his agents to Ptolemy and Seleucus to come speedily and help him. Antigonus
took this rather badly and sent his naval and land forces to attack the free Greek cities. To this
end, he made Medius his general of the army and Docimus his admiral of the navy. When they
came to Milesum, he challenged the inhabitants to fight for their freedom. They captured the
citadel and placed a garrison there. They restored the city to her original freedom again. (??)
(Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 116.)

2553. Meanwhile Antigonus took Tralles and attacked the city Caunus. He sent for his fleet and
took the city except the citadel. He made a trench around it and made continual assaults on it
where it looked like there might be places he could break through. He had sent Ptolemy to the
city Iassus. However, he was forced to come back and join with Antigonus. So all these cities
came at that time under his control. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 1 16.)

3692 AM, 4402 JP, 312 BC

2554. The Cyrenians defected from Ptolemy and fiercely besieged the citadel there. They had
almost taken it when messengers from Alexandria came and persuaded them to stop. They
decapitated them and worked harder than ever to take the citadel. Ptolemy was rather upset by
this and sent his captain, Agis, with an army there. He sent a navy under the command of
Epaenetus to help Agis. Agis pursued the war against these rebels vigorously and took the city
of Cyrene. He imprisoned the authors of this sedition and then sent them bound to Alexandria.
He disarmed the rest, when he had set things in order there, he returned into Egypt. (Diod. Sic.
year. 1. Olymp. 117.)

2555. After this success in Cyrene, Ptolemy sailed with his fleet to Cyprus to fight against those
who rebelled there against their kings. He captured and executed Pygmalion, who worked with
Antigonus. He imprisoned Praxippus king of the Lapithi and the prince of Cerynnia, who was
suspected of a revolt. Likewise he imprisoned Stasiaecus, a petty king of the Malians and
destroyed their city. He relocated the inhabitants from there to Paphos. After this, he made
Nicocreon commander over all Cyprus and gave him the cities together with the revenues of all
the kings which he had expelled from their dominions. Then he went with his army into the
upper Syria and sacked the cities of Possideum and Potamos in Caria. Then he went quickly
with a light army and took Mallus in Cilicia. He sold all the inhabitants into slavery and wasted
all the region around there. When he had made his army rich from plunder, he sailed back again
to Cyprus. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117.)

2556. Meanwhile, Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, stayed in Coelosyria awaiting the coming of
the Egyptians. When he heard what damage Ptolemy had done to so many cities in Syria, he left
Pithon to command in those parts. He left his heavily armed soldiers and elephants with Pithon
and he with his cavalry and companies of lightly armed soldiers rushed toward Cilicia to help
save them from Ptolemy. He came too late and found the enemies had already gone. He speedily
returned to his camp again and ruined many of his horses on the way. In 6 days, he marched
from Mallus which is normally a 24 day journey by their ordinary marches. So that through
rapid travel, none of the servants of cavalry were able to keep up to them. (Diod. Sic. year. 1.
Olymp. 117.)

2557. When Ptolemy saw everything going as he wanted it, he returned to Egypt. Not long after
Seleucus urged him to attack Antigonus because Seleucus hated Antigonus. Therefore Ptolemy
planned to march into Coelosyria and attack Demetrius. He gathered all his army together, he
marched from Alexandria to Pelusium. He had 18,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry of which
some were Macedonians and some were mercenaries. Some Egyptians helped carry their darts,
weapons and other baggage of the army and some went as soldiers. When they crossed the
desert from Pelusium, Ptolemy camped near the old city of Gaza and awaited the enemy's
arrival. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117.)

2558. In the 1 17th olympiad, Ptolemy defeated Demetrius, the son of Antigonus in a main battle
near Gaza. Ptolemy was called after this, Poliorcetes, that is "the city taker" according to Castor
the Historian reports as cited by Josephus. (1. 1. cont. Apion. p. 1048.) Diodorus gives the details
of the battle in his history of that olympiad. He says that 8000 were taken prisoners and about
500 killed. This should be amended from Plutarch who says 5000 were killed. Among the
nobles who were killed was Pithon, who was at that time joint commander with Demetrius and
Boeotus who had lived a long time with Antigonus the father and was ever knowledgable about

his plans and affairs.

2559. Ptolemy and Seleucus took Gaza. However Demetrius, by the help of a good pair of spurs
came to Azotus about the next midnight after riding about 34 miles. From there he sent
messengers to beg the bodies of his dead for burial. Ptolemy and Seleucus immediately granted
this and also sent back his own pavilion with all its furniture gratis and without ransom. They
added a generous message that they fought not for pay but for honour and to see who should
wear the garland. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 117. Plutarch, in Demetrio, and Justin. 1. 15. c. 1.)

2560. Demetrius was no longer able to hold out in the position he was in. He sent a messenger
with his letters to his father who was in Phrygia. He asked for help and to come quickly.
Demetrius said he was coming to Tripoli in Phoenicia. He sent for the soldiers that were in
Cilicia and elsewhere in remote garrisons from the enemies quarters, to come to him. (Diod.
Sic.)

2561. When Antigonus heard the news, he said that Ptolemy had now gotten the victory over a
company of beardless boys. Next time he would fight with men. So not to discourage his son
and because his son wanted another fight with Ptolemy, Antigonus said he could fight with him
alone if he wanted to. (Plutarch, in Demetrio.)

2562. Ptolemy sent the prisoners whom he had taken to Egypt. They were distributed among the
various regiments of his fleet. When he had honourably interred his dead troops, he marched on
and attacked the cities and strong places of Phoenicia. Some he besieged and he persuaded
others to yield to him. When he captured Sidon he went and camped before Tyre. He sent to
Andronicus, the captain of the garrison, to surrender the city to him. He gave him generous
promises of wealth and honour. He replied that he would never betray the trust which Antigonus
and his son Demetrius had put in him and said many harsh things against Ptolemy. However a
little later his soldiers rebelled and he was taken by Ptolemy. He overlooked the harsh words he
had spoken against him and highly rewarded him. He took Andronicus into the number of his
friends and regarded him highly. (Diod. Sic.)

2563. Seleucus took with him 1000 foot soldiers from Ptolemy's (as Appianus has it, for
Diodorus says only 800.) and 200 cavalry. With so small a force he went to recover his
government of the province of Babylon. When he came with them into Mesopotamia, he there
dealt with the Macedonians he found living in Carran. He persuaded some to follow him, others
he forced to go along with him in his journey. No sooner had he set foot within the territory of
Babylon, then the inhabitants came flocking to him and offered him their service in the
recovering of his government. Polyarchus also, who held some kind of office among them, came
to him to receive his commands and brought 1000 armed troops to him. When those who sided
with Antigonus knew of his popularity with the people, they all fled to the citadel which was
commanded by Diphilus. Seleucus besieged it and took it by force. He released from there the
children and friends of his that Antigonus had imprisoned when Seleucus had fled to Egypt for
fear. When this was done, he started raising soldiers in the country. He bought horses and
distributed them among those who were able to ride them. With all of them be behaved fairly
and friendly. He secured their loyalty so they were all ready to risk any hazard with him. So for
the third time he again recovered all his government of Babylon. (Diod. Sic. with Appian. in his
Syriaca, p. 121.)

2564. Nicanor, whom Antigonus had made governor of the province of Media, marched against
Seleucus with 10,000 foot soldiers and 7000 cavalry. Seleucus immediately went to meet him
with a little more than 3000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. When he had crossed the Tigris
River, he heard that the enemy was not far off. He hid his men in the marshes around there and
planned to ambush Nicanor. When Nicanor came to the bank of the Tigris River, he could not
find the enemy and camped near to a post house of the kings. Little did he think that the enemy
was so near. The next night he was not even thinking about the enemy and did not post a proper
military watch. Seleucus attacked him and raised a great tumult in his army. When the Persians
started to fight back, Euager their general along with other commanders were killed. After this
fight most of Nicanor's army abandoned him and defected to Seleucus. They did not like the fix
they were in nor did they care for Antigonus. Thereupon Nicanor feared what would happen
next lest his soldiers turn him over to Seleucus. He stole away with some few of his friends, and
fled home through the desert into Media again. (Diod. Sic.)

2565. When Seleucus had gotten this powerful army, he still behaved well toward all men and
easily subdued the provinces of Media, Susa and the other bordering countries. He quickly sent
Ptolemy word how he had regained his full regal power and majesty. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp.
1 17.) Based on this, Eusebius counts this as the first year of Seleucus' reign. All note that the
Edesseni begin their epoch here. The story of the Maccabees' account of the Greek reign begins
here. Without a doubt this is from the autumn of this very year, that is, from September or
October of the year 4402 JP. Starting at that time, the writer of the second book of Maccabees
calculates his Greek years, and the Jews there, "eram Contractium", i.e. "their account of
Contracts", and those of Edessa, and other Syrians, in their "Epoch of the Seleucian Kingdom",
and the Arabians, "the years of Alexander Dehiplarnain", as they call them. Yet the writer of the
first book of Maccabees begins his account of the Greek year, from the previous spring to this
autumn and Ptolemy of Alexandria, in his great Syntaxis begins his Chaldean account, from the
next spring.

3693a AM, 4402 JP, 312 BC

2566. While Ptolemy of Egypt remained still in Coelosyria, he sent one of his friends, called
Cilles, a Macedonian, with a large army against Demetrius. He was camped in upper Syria and
Ptolemy wanted Cilles to fight with him and either drive him out of Syria or confine him there
and destroy him. Demetrius was told this by his spies that Cilles with his army camped at Myus
carelessly without keeping a proper watch. He left his baggage behind him, marched away with
a company of light-footed troops. They travelled all night and a little before daybreak they
attacked Cilles' camp. They turned it into chaos and captured Cilles with 7000 soldiers and
much booty besides. Since he thought Ptolemy was coming later with all his army, he pitched
his camp in a place where he had a bog on the one hand and a large lake on the other side to
protect him. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117. & Plut. in Demetrio.)

2567. Demetrius sent news of this good success to his father Antigonus at Celenae in Phrygia.
He asked him to quickly send an army or to come himself in person into Syria. When Antigonus
read the letter, he was overjoyed by the news of the victory and his son's conduct in managing
the battle. He showed himself a man worthy to wear the crown after Antigonus. (Diodor.)
Demetrius, with his father's permission, sent back Cilles and all his friends to Ptolemy again.
Thereby, he was no longer indebted to Ptolemy for his former kindness to him. (Plut.)

2568. Antigonus with his army moved from Phrygia and in a few days crossed the Taurus

Mountains and came to his son Demetrius. Ptolemy followed the advice of his council and
decided to leave Syria. Before he left, he laid waste and destroyed the main cities which he had
captured. These included, Aeon in Syrophoenicia, Joppa, Samaria and Gaza of Syria. He took
whatever he could carry from there and returned to Egypt loaded with wealth. (Diod. Sic. year 1.
Olymp. 117.)

2569. A great number of men who lived there noticed his good disposition and clemency of
nature. They wanted to return with him to Egypt. Among those was Ezechias, a high priest of
the Jews. (Perhaps a secondary one, for the chief high priest at that time was Onias the first)
Ezechias was about 66 years old and highly respected among his people, very eloquent and had
much experience in the affairs of the world. This and much more concerning this Ezechias is
told by Hecaraeus the historian (who conversed with him in Ptolemy's army) in a peculiar
Treatise which he wrote about the Jews. He tells a long story about another Jew, whom he
became acquainted with, named Mosollamo. or Meshullamo. His story is:

vv When I went toward the Red Sea, there was one among the rest, of a troop of cavalry of the
Jews who escorted us, a man called Mosollamus. He was a high-spirited man and the best archer
of all the company. He saw a certain wizard in the company who stood still. He desired all the
company to do the same while he observed a certain bird that flew so he could divine by it.
Mosollamus asked him why he stood still. When the wizard showed him the bird which he was
watching and said that it would be best for the company to stay there if the bird would stay
where she was. If she arose and flew before them then they should go forward too. If she flew
back, then all the company ought also to return. Mosollamus said nothing but drew his bow and
shot and killed the bird. The wizard and others there present were angry about this and shamed
him for his actions. He replied that why were they angry with him and why do you pick up this
unlucky bird? How could the bird that did not know what was about to happen to it, predict what
would happen to them on their journey? If she had any knowledge of things to come, she would
never have come there to be shot to death by Mossollamus a Jew."

2570. Many things besides this are told by Josephus, (in his book, contra. Apion.) from the same
book concerning the Jews. He says that at that time there were 1500 priests who received tithes
and governed all things belonging to the commonwealth. Demetrius Phalareus, in his Epistle to
Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, (found in Aristeas his book of the 70 Interpreters and in the same
Josephus, 1. 12. Antiquit. c. 2.) from the same author tells us the reason why no heathen poet or
historian mentions either of those sacred books or of those men who lived according to the rules
set down in them. These books contain a sacred and a venerable rule which was not to be uttered
by unhallowed mouths.

3693 AM, 4403 JP, 311 BC

2571. Antigonus had recovered all Syria and Phoenicia without fighting a battle. He journeyed
to the country of the Arabians, called the Nabathaeans. He thought they never really favoured
his actions. Therefore he appointed one of his friends called Athenaeus, with 4000 foot soldiers
and 600 light cavalry to attack them and get as much spoil as he could. About that time of the
year, all the neighbouring countries came together to a common market to sell their wares. The
Nabathaeans went to this market according to their custom. They left their wealth and the old
men with their wives and children on the top of a rock. Athenaeus waited for this opportunity
and quickly marched to this rock. He left the province of Edom and marched 275 miles in 3 days
and 3 nights time. Late in the night he surprised the Arabians and captured the rock. He killed

some of the soldiers there and took some prisoners. He left their wounded behind. He took a
large quantity of their myrrh and frankincense with 500 talents of silver. He did not stay there
more than 3 hours lest the neighbouring countries attack him. He returned immediately again.
They had gone only 25 miles and could go no further because they were so tired. Therefore they
rested and did not set a watch for they thought the people could not reach them for 2 or 3 days.
(Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 117.)

2572. When the Arabians knew what had happened by those who had seen the enemy army,
they left the market and returned to the rock. The wounded told them which way the army had
gone and the Arabs followed them. Athenaeus' men kept no watch and after their long journey
were weary and fast asleep. Some of their prisoners stole away from them. They told the Arabs
where the enemy camp was. They hurried to the place and arrived about 3 in the morning. They
attacked their trenches and killed 8000 of them as they lay sleeping in their tents. Any that
resisted were killed. They utterly destroyed all their foot soldiers and only 50 of their cavalry
escaped and most of them were wounded too. So the Nabathaeans recovered their goods and
returned to the rock. They sent a letter to Antigonus written in Syriac. They complained of
Athenaeus and his wrong doing and excused themselves. Antigonus wrote back again cunningly
telling them that Athenaeus was well enough treated by them. He blamed Athanaeus for his
actions and assured them that he had issued no such order to do that. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp.
1 17.) When Antigonus had appeased and deceived these poor Nabathaeans, a little later he
selected from all his army, 4000 foot soldiers. They were lightly armed and the swiftest on their
feet that he could find. He added 4000 cavalry to the troops and wanted them to take in their
knapsacks, a supply of food for the journey that would not need to be cooked. He had
Demetrius, his son, to command them. He sent them away early in the night with orders to
avenge his loss. Demetrius travelled 3 day's journey through the desert and hurried to attack
them by surprise. However, the scouts saw them coming and made fires to signal their coming
into that country. Thereupon the Arabs presently climbed to the top of their rock. There was
only one way to get up and that was by climbing by hand. They left their belongings there with a
sufficient guard to keep it. The rest went and drove away their cattle, some to one place, some to
another in the desert. When Demetrius came to the rock and saw all the cattle were driven away
he started to besiege the rock. They manfully defended it and by the advantage of the place and
that day had the upper hand. At last Demetrius was forced to withdraw. Since he saw that he
could not defeat them, he made a peace with them. They gave him hostages and such gifts as
were agreed upon between them. He moved with his army about 40 miles and camped near the
Lake Asphaltis or Dead Sea. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116) Plutarch says that he went there
with a huge booty and 700 camels.

2573. When Demetrius returned to Antigonus, he told his father what happened. Antigonus
blamed him for making peace with the Nabathaeans and said that those barbarous people would
become more insolent since they had escaped. However, he commended him for discovering the
Lake Asphaltis since from there he might raise some yearly revenue for himself. He made
Hieronymus Cardianus the historian, his treasurer for that revenue. Josephus (1. 1. cont. Apion.)
notes that he was made governor of Syria by Antigonus. Josephus very deservedly blames
Heironymus that in his writings, he makes no mention of the Jews since he lived near to them
and almost among them. Hieronymus was commanded to build ships and to gather together in
one place all the bitumen or liquid brimstone that could be extracted from that lake. The 6000
Arabians attacked them as they were in their ships gathering this brimstone and killed almost all
of them with arrows. Hence, Antigonus lost all hope of making any regular revenue that way.
(Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116)

2574. Antigonus, learned from letters by Nicanor the governor of Media and others, how
Seleucus prospered in those parts. He sent his son Demetrius with 5000 Macedonian foot
soldiers, 10,000 mercenaries and 4000 cavalry. He was ordered to march to the very walls of
Babylon. When he had recovered that province, he was to march down to the sea. Demetrius left
Damascus in Syria and went to execute his father's commands. As soon as Patrocles, whom
Seleucus had left as governor of Babylon, heard that Demetrius was coming into Mesopotamia,
he dared not to check his coming because he had only a small force with him. He ordered the
rest to leave the city and when they had crossed the Euphrates, they should flee. Some should go
into the desert, while others over the Tigris River into the province of Susa and to the Persian
Sea: He with the forces he had would trust in the sandbars of the rivers and dikes of the country
for defences instead of so many fortresses and bulwarks. He stayed within the bounds of his own
government and thought how to entrap his enemy. He kept Seleucus in Media informed how
things went with him and desired help to be speedily sent to him. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp.
116)

2575. When Demetrius came to Babylon and found the city itself devoid of inhabitants, he
started to besiege the forts and citadels that were there. When he had taken one, he gave its spoil
to the soldiers. He turned out Seleucus' men, put his garrison of 7000 soldiers in their place. He
was not able to take any others and after a long seige he departed and left Archelaus, one of his
loyal friends to maintain the siege with 5000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. When Demetrius
had run out of time that his father had allowed for this expedition, he ordered his soldiers to steal
for themselves whatever they could from that province. Then he journeyed back to Asia. By this
action, he left Seleucus more grounded and better settled in his government than before. Men
said why would Demetrius waste and spoil the country if he planned to take it over? (Diod. Sic.
year 1. Olymp. 116 with Plut. in Demetrio.) Thereupon the Chaldeans reckon the beginning of
the Seleucian reign in Babylon from this time rather than an earlier time.

2576. Demetrius returned to Asia and quickly raised the siege which Ptolemy had laid to
Halicarnasius. (Plut. in Demetrio.)

2577. Cassander, Ptolemy and Lysimachus, made peace with Antigonus, upon these conditions.
Cassander would command all in Europe until Alexander the son of Roxane came of age.
Lysimachus would hold Thrace and Ptolemy Egypt along with the bordering countries of Libya
and Arabia. Antigonus would have the command of all Asia to himself. This agreement did not
last long for everyone used any occasion to encroach on one another's territory. (Diod. Sic. year.

2. Olymp. 117.)

2578. Cassander saw that Alexander the son of Roxane was growing up and heard a rumour
among the Macedonians. They thought it was about time that the young king should now be
freed from his prison and rule the kingdom. He was alarmed by this and ordered Glaucia the
keeper, to murder Roxane and her son, the king. He was to bury their bodies in some secret
place and should by all means possible conceal their deaths. This he did. (Diod. Sic. year 1.
Olymp. 116)

2579. Parysades the king of Bosphorus Cimerius died after ruling for 38 years. He left his
kingdom to his oldest son Satyrus. He held the kingdom for only nine months. (Diod. Sic. year.

3. Olymp. 117.)

3694 AM, 4404 JP, 310 BC

2580. In Peloponesus, Ptolemy, a captain of Antigonus, defected from him to Cassander's side.
He sent soldiers to a most loyal friend of his, called Phoenix and one to whom he had committed
the management of the government of Hellespont. He advised him to man his forts and cities
and to stand guard and no longer serve Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 117.)

2581. On the other side, Ptolemy of Egypt cried out against Antigonus. He, contrary to
agreement, had put his garrisons into various Greek cities on the Asian side. Thereupon he sent
Leonides, his captain, to Cilicia Aspara. He took over some cities and places that belonged to
Antigonus. Moreover he sent his agent to some cities held by Cassander and Lysimachus, that
they should follow his advise and not allow Antigonus to become too powerful. (Diod. Sic. year
3. Olymp. 116)

2582. Antgonus sent his younger son Philippus, to fight against Phoenix, and others who had
revolted from him in the Hellespont. His son Demetrius, was sent into Cilicia against Ptolemy of
Egypt. He routed the captains of Ptolemy and recovered the cities which he had taken. (Diod.
Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2583. Polysperchon in Peloponesus cried out against Cassander and concerning his government
of Macedonia. He sent for Hercules, a son of Alexander the Great by Barsine, who was now 17
years old. He sent to those who were enemies of Cassander to help establish this young man in
his father's kingdom. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2584. when Ptolemy of Egypt had all Cyprus under his command, he learned that Nicocles the
king of Paphos, had negotiated secretly with Antigonus. Ptolemy sent two confidants of his,
Argaus and Callicrates, with orders to get rid of Nicocles. They crossed over into Cyprus and
took with them a certain number of soldiers from Menalaus, who commanded the army there.
They surrounded the house of Nicocles and then told him what Ptolemy wanted him to do and
advised him to find another kingdom. First, he tried to clear himself of the charges. When he
saw that no man listened to him, he drew his sword and killed himself. When Axiothea his wife
heard of her husband's death, she took her daughters who were all young virgins and killed
them. She tried to make the wives of Nicocles' brothers, die with her. Ptolemy had not requested
this but ordered that they be spared. The brothers also of Nicocles, shut themselves in their
houses and set fire to them and they died. The whole family of the kings of Phaphos came to a
tragic and lamentable end. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116) & Polya. Stratag. 1. 8.)

2585. Agathocles king of Sicily, was sailing about this time into Africa to make war upon the
Carthaginians. A total eclipse of the sun happened and it was so dark that the stars appeared in
the sky and the day was turned into night. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 117. Justin. 1. 22. c. 6.)
This happened on August 15, 310 BC according to the astronomical tables.

2586. When Epicurus was 32 years old, he taught publicly for 5 years in both Mitylene and
Lampsacus. (Diod. Sic. Lacterus, in the Life of Epicurus.)

2587. In Bosphorus Cimmerius, Eumelus, the younger brother to Satyrus allied with some of the
neighbouring natives and laid claim to the kingdom of his elder brother. When Satyrus knew of
this, he went against him with a large army and crossed the Thapsus River. When Satyrus came

near Eumelus' quarters, Satyrus surrounded Eumelus' camp with his carts and wagons in which
he had brought a large quantity of provisions. He arranged his army in the field for battle. As
was the custom of the Scythian kings, he led the main battle line in his army. He had less than
2000 Greeks or 1000 and as many Thracians. All the rest were Scythians who came to help him.
They numbered 20,000 and at least 1000 cavalry. Eumelus was helped by Ariopharnes, king of
Thracia, with 20,000 cavalry and 22,000 foot soldiers. Satyrus routed Ariopharnes and then
defeated his brother Eumelus with his foot soldiers. He forced them all to retreat to Arioparnes'
palace, which was surrounded by a river with steep rocks and a thick woods. (Diod. Sic. year 3.
Olymp. 116)

2588. At first, Satyrus went and wasted the enemy's country and set fire to their villages. He
gathered much spoil from them. Then he made his way through their marshy country and came
to their wooden citadels and took them. He crossed the river and cut down a large forest that he
had to pass through to get to the king's palace. He had his whole army work at this for 3 days
until they came to the walls of the citadel. Meniscus, who led the mercenary companies, got
through a passage in the wall. Although he fought very courageously, he was outnumbered and
forced to retreat. When Satyrus came to his relief, he was wounded in the arm with a spear. He
was forced to retire to his camp and the next night, died from the wound. Meniscus broke off the
siege and withdrew the army to a city called Gargaza. From there he carried the king's body
down the river to a city called Panticapaeum to his brother Prytanis. He gave it a magnificent
burial and laid up the relics in the king's sepulchre. He went to Gargaza and took over the army
and the kingdom. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2589. Agents from Eumelus came to Prytanis to purpose that the kingdom be divided between
them. Prytanis would have none of it and left a strong garrison at Gargaza. He returned to
Pantacapaeum to settle the affairs of his kingdom. After a while Eumelus with the help of some
barbarians captured Gargaza and various other towns and citadels. Later he defeated Prytanis in
a battle and trapped him in a neck of land near Lake Maeotis. He forced Prytanis to surrender on
condition that he give up all his army and leave the kingdom. Nevertheless, when Prytanis
returned to Pantacapaeum which was the place where the kings of Bosphorus keep their
standing court, he endeavoured again to recovered his kingdom. He was foiled in this and he
fled to a place near there called the Gardens and was killed. His brother Eumelus reigned in his
place for 5 years and 5 months. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

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2590. To establish his kingdom, Eumelus killed all the friends, wives and children of both his
brothers, Satyrus and Pritanis. Only Parysades, Satyrus' son, who was only a youth escaped.
Using a swift horse, he fled to Agarus king of the Scythians. When Eumelus saw that the people
repined at the loss of their friends who he had murdered, he called them all together. He excused
himself and restored to them their ancient form of government and restored moreover to the
citizens of Pantacupaeum their former immunities. He promised to free them from all kinds of
tribute. He spared no fair words to reconcile the hearts of the people again to him. By this he got
their good will again. He ruled with justice and moderation and was held in admiration among
them. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2591. When Ptolemy of Egypt heard that he had lost all again in Cilicia, he sailed over with his
fleet to Phaselis and took that city by force. From there he passed into Lycia and took Xanthus
by assault and the garrison of Antigonus that was there. Then he attacked Caunus which

surrendered to him. Then he attacked the citadels and forts that were in it and took them by
assault. He utterly destroyed Heracleum. Persicum was surrendered to him by the soldiers that
were to hold it. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 117.)

2592. Then he sailed to Cos and sent for Captain Ptolemy to come to him. He was Antigonus'
brother's son and had an army committed to him by Antigonus. He defected from his uncle and
he sided with Ptolemy in everything. He left there or from Chaleis, and arrived at Cos. At first
Ptolemy received him in a very courteous manner. After a while, he saw the indolence of his
behaviour and how he tried to secure his officers by gifts and secret meetings with them. He
feared the worst and put him in prison. There he poisoned him with a drink of hemlock. Ptolemy
secured his soldiers with generous promises and distributed them in small numbers among the
rest of his army. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 117.)

2593. Cassander feared lest the Macedonians would defect to Hercules, the son of Alexander the
Great. He was then 14 years old. (as Justin, or rather 17 according to Diodorus) Cassander
befriended Polysperchon and by his means had Hercules and his mother Barsine to be privately
murdered and their bodies to be hid deep enough in the ground lest by their solemn funerals the
truth might happen to come to light. Now that Alexander's two sons were both dead and there
was no heir of his body left to succeed him, every governor made himself a king of the province
which he held just as if he had captured it in battle. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 1 17. & Justin, 1.
15. c. 2.)

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2594. Ptolemy sailed from Myndus along the islands which lay by his way and came to Andros.
He expelled the garrison that was there and restored it to her former liberty. (Diod. Sic. year 1.
Olymp. 118.)

2595. Cleopatra, the daughter of Philip and sister to Alexander the Great, was incensed against
Antigonus. Of her own accord she planned to go to Ptolemy and left Sardis. The governor there,
to whom Antigonus had given a charge not to hurt her, prevented her from leaving. Later, by
Antigonus' command and the help of some of her women about her, Cleopatra was murdered.
To alley suspicion, Antigonus had some of those women executed who murdered her and buried
her with all the magnificence that he could. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118.)

2596. Ophelias, who had expelled Thimbron and subdued the Cyrenians for Ptolemy, now
claimed Cyrene with the cities and adjoining regions as his own. Still not content, he began to
look for greater things. While he was thinking about this, Ortho of Syraensa, came to him with a
message from Agathocles asking him to join in arms with him against the Carthaginians. He told
him that if he subdued them, he would make him sovereign of all Africa. This fuelled his ego
and he listened to him. He sent his agent to Athens from where he had married his wife
Euridice, the daughter of Miltiades, to ask their help and alliance in this war. (Diod. Sic. year 1.
Olymp. 118.)

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2597. Many Athenians and other Greeks willingly listened to this motion. They hoped by this to
have a share of the richest pieces of all Africa with all the wealth of Carthage for themselves.

Ophelias was outfitted for this expedition. He had an army of 10,000 foot soldiers, 600 or 700
cavalry, and 100 chariots with more than 300 men drivers and soldiers to manage them. Besides
the followers of the camp, he had more than 10,000 with him. They brought along their wives
and children with their baggage. This looked more like a colony going to be established than an
army marching against an enemy. When they had marched for 18 days and gone 375 miles, they
came to a city called Automulus on the western border of Cyrene. They camped here and rested
themselves. Then they moved again and travelled through a dry desert country that was full of
poisonous snakes. At last after two months of miserable travel they came to Agathocles' camp
where they pitched their camp close to his. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118.)

2598. When Agathocles heard of his coming, he went to meet him. He advised him to rest and
relax after so tedious and hard a journey. When they had dined together often, Ophelias adopted
Agathocles for his son. Later when most of Ophelias' army was foraging in the country,
Agathocles suddenly called an assembly of his own army and before them accused Ophelias
who was to help him in this war of betraying him. When he had incensed the multitude, he drew
out his whole army in formation against Ophelias and his Cyrenians. Ophelias was shocked at
this unexpected turn of affairs and had his men defend themselves. The enemy was too quick for
him and he too weak for them. He was killed. After his death, Agathocles persuaded the rest that
were left to lay down their arms and then told them what great things he would do for them. He
persuaded them to take his pay and thus took over Ophelias' army. Those that he found not fit
for the war, he sent to Syracuse. Some arrived there but most perished in a fierce storm on the
way. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118. with Justin, 1. 22. c. 2.)

2599. After Ophelias' death, Cyrene and all Libya returned in Ptolemy's government again.
(Suid. in Dhmhtr.)

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2600. Demetrius Poliarcator or as Pliny renders it, "Expugnator Urbum", that is "the City Taker"
was furnished with two strong armies, one by land and another by sea. They had all weapons
and all other necessaries for the war. They left Ephesus with 5000 talents of silver to liberate the
Greek cities. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 118.) They came to Pyrrum, the port of Athens, with
250 ships on the 26th day of Thargelion, about May 31th, (Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius)
They were received into Athens and took the city of Megar. Since Cassander had put a garrison
into Munichium which was the fort or citadel of Athens, under the command of Dionysus,
therefore he raised it to the ground.

2601. This happened in the year when Anaxicrates was archon at Athens. Among others,
Philochorus who lived at this very time, records this in his Attic. (History. 1. 8. cited by
Dionysuis Halicarnassus, in his Dinarchus) It was toward the end of his archonship in year 2 of
Olympiad 118.

2602. Enridice returned to Athens. She was the widow of Opheltas or Ophelias who was
governor of Cyrene and was killed the previous year before. Demetrius the son of Antigonus
married her. The Athenians took this as a great honour for them. They were the first that called
Demetrius and Antigonus by the title of kings. Otherwise they declined that title as the only
mark of royalty which belonged exclusively to Phillip, Alexander and his posterity. (Plut. in
Demetrius.)

2603. Demetrius was recalled from Greece by his father Antigonus to make war upon the
captains of Ptolemy in Cyprus. He sailed first to Caria and then to Cilicia. He got supplies from
there of ships and men and sailed to Cyprus with 15,000 foot soldiers, 400 cavalry and a fleet of
1 10 very fast ships of three tiers of oars a piece and 53 that were slower. The rest were cargo
ships to transport the men, horses and equipment.

2604. He landed and first camped near the shore not for from Carspasia. He drew up his ships to
land and fenced them there with a deep trench and ramparts. Then he went by force and took
Urania and Carpasia. He left a sufficient guard to defend his trenches about the fleet and
marched immediately to Salamis. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 118.)

2605. Menelaus, the brother of Ptolemy and chief commander of the island was then at Salamis.
When he saw the enemy within 5 miles of the city, he drew out from the adjoining garrisons
12,000 foot soldiers and 800 cavalry. He went to attack him but was overcome by the enemy
and fled. Demetrius followed him closely to the very gates of the city and captured 3000 men
and killed 1000 there. He distributed the prisoners among his own companies to serve him.
When he found they were always ready to defect again to Menelaus, because their wealth was in
Ptolemy's hands in Egypt, he shipped them all away to Antigonus his father. (Diod. Sic. year 3
Olymp. 118.)

2606. Antigonus at that time was building a city in upper Syria by the Orontes River. He called
it after his own name, Antigonia and spent large amounts of money on it. The walls were about
9 miles long. The place was very opportune to control Babylon and the upper provinces and also
the lower ones as far down as Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 118.)

2607. Menelaus fled back to Salamis and determined to endure a siege. He sent a messenger to
Ptolemy for more help and told him what danger he was in. Demetrius started to work preparing
his battering rams to take the city by force. He had one special machine which he called
"Helepolis", i.e. "one that would not fail him in taking any city, which it was sent against". He
also had various other large rams and galleries for them. At night those within the city threw fire
on them and consumed many of the machines with the most of the men that kept them. Yet
Demetrius would not stop but pressed the siege both by sea and land and thought in time he
would capture the city. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 118.)

2608. When Ptolemy heard of the loss of his men, he sailed with a well furnished army for sea
and land and arrived at Paphos in Cyprus. He took boats from the neighbouring cities and went
to Citium about 25 miles from Salamis. His whole fleet consisted of 140, or as Plutarch has it,
150 ships. The largest was of five tiers of oars and the smallest had four teirs of oars. These
were accompanied by 200 cargo ships containing at least 10,000 soldiers. He sent word to
Menelaus that when he saw them in the heat of the fight, he should then attack from the port of
Salamis with 60 ships and assault the rear of the enemy and disorganize them in any way he
could. Demetrius foresaw what would happen. He left a part of his army to maintain the siege by
land. He ordered Antisthenes his admiral, with ten ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece to lie at the
mouth of the harbour of Salamis and to keep the fleet in, so they could not get out. When he had
arranged his land army on the shore on forelands looking toward the sea he sailed and with a
fleet of 108 or as Plutarch has it, of 180 ships. Most were of 7 tiers of oars and the smallest, four
tiers. (Diod. Sic. & Plutarch.)

2609. Ptolemy was in the wing where he utterly routed the enemy and sank some of their ships
and captured others with their men in them. When he returned, he thought to do the same with
the rest of the enemy forces. However, he found that his left wing was wholly routed by
Demetrius and he was in hot pursuit of them. Therefore he sailed back to Citium. Demetrius
committed his warships to Neon and Burichus to pursue the enemy and rescue those who were
swimming in the sea. He returned to his own port from where he had set out. (Diod. Sic.)

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2610. Meanwhile, Menelaus sent out his 60 ships as he was commanded under the command of
Menaetius. He fought with those ten ships that were set to keep him in, broke through them and
they fled for safety to the army that was on land. When Menetius' men saw they came too late to
act according to their instructions, they returned again to Salamis. (Diod. Sic.)

261 1. Ptolemy saw he could do no good in Cyprus and returned with only 8 ships to Egypt.
(Diod. Sic. & Justin, 1. 15. c. 2. and Plut.) Thereupon Menelaus surrendered both the city and all
his forces both of land and sea to Demetrius. He had 1200 cavalry and 12,000 heavily armed
foot soldiers. (Plut.) In a short time, Demetrius captured all the rest of the cities and forts of the
island and distributed the garrison soldiers among his own companies to the number of 16,000
foot soldiers and 600 cavalry. (Diod. Sic.)

2612. He took 100 cargo ships containing almost 8000 soldiers and 40 warships with their
crews. About 80 ships were damaged in the battle and leaked. They drew these to land below
their camp near the city. Demetrius had 20 of his own ships badly damaged in this fight. These
were repaired and were as good as new again according to Diodorus. However, Plutarch says 70
of Ptolemy's ships were captured with their crew and soldiers. Of the rest who were in the cargo
ships, these were mainly slaves, friends and women. They had weapons and money to pay the
soldiers and had engines of war. Nothing escaped and Demetrius took it all and carried it to his
camp. Among the rest, there was a lady named Lamia, who was first famous for her excellent
skill in playing upon the recorder and later became a notorious harlot. Although she was well
past her prime, Demetrius who was much younger then her, fell in love with her. She so far
caught and enamoured him with the pretence of her talk and behaviour that he grew as much in
love with her as other women were with him. (Plut.)

2613. Demetrius buried the bodies of the enemy that were slain with a very honourable burial.
He dismissed those he had taken prisoners and gave the Athenians arms enough to furnish 1200
men. (Plut. in Demetr.) He sent home Leontiscus, Ptolemy's son, Menelaus' brother and his
other friends, with suitable provision for their journey by the way. He did not forget what
Ptolemy had formerly done to him in the same kind of situation. He used these reciprocal
displays of love and kindness in the very heat of war that it might evidently appear their dispute
was for honour and not from hatred. It was the fashion in those days to wage war more
religiously than now men use to observe the laws of friendship in time of peace. (Justin, 1. 15. c.
2.)

2614. Demetrius sent by Aristodemus the Milesian, the news of this victory to his father. This
Aristodemus was counted the prime flatterer in all the court. When he came to Antigonus, he
stood still a while and held him in suspense as to what the news might be. Finally he burst out
with these terms:

vv God save the King Antigonus, we have overthrown king Ptolemy at sea. Cyprus is ours. We
have taken prisoner 16,800 of his men."

2615. Antigonus replied to him.

vv God save thee too. Nevertheless, because thou heldest me so long in suspense before thou
toldest me thy good news, thou shalt in the same way be punished too. For thou shalt stay a
while, before thou receive thy reward for thy good news." (Plut.)

2616. Antigonus was puffed up with pride of this victory and assumed to himself a crown and
the title of king after this. Thereupon Ptolemy did the same lest he should in any ways seem to
be defeated by this or be held in less regard by his subjects. In all his letters from that time on,
he swore himself king. By their example, other governors of provinces did likewise. Seleucus,
who had lately subdued the upper provinces to himself did this. Likewise did Lysimachus and
Cassander when they saw there was neither mother nor brother nor son of Alexander the Great
now left alive. (Diod. Sic. & Justin. 1. 15. c. 2. Plut. in Denet. And Appianus, in his Syriaca. p.
122.)

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2617. Seleucus made himself king of Babylon and Media since he had personally killed Nicator
or Nicanor whom Antigonus had placed as governor there. (Appia. ib.) He assumed the surname
of Nicator or Nicanor (for so we find him also stamped on his coins) not from Nicator or
Nicanor, whom he so slew, but from the many and great victories which he got. (Appia. ibid. p.
124. and Ammia. Marcellnus, 1. 23. Histor.) After he subdued the Bactrians, he proceeded and
took in all the rest of the countries which Alexander had formerly subdued, as far as the Indus
River and added them to his own dominion. (Justin, 1. 15. c. 4. Appia. in his Syriaca. p. 123.)

2618. King Antigonus' (for so hereafter we must call him) youngest son died and Antigonus
buried him in a royal manner. He called home Demetrius from Cyprus and commanded his
whole army to meet at his new city of Antigonia. He planned to march from there into Egypt.
Therefore leading the foot soldiers himself, he went through Coelosyria. He had an army of
80,000 foot soldiers and about 10,000 cavalry. He made Demetrius, admiral of his fleet and
ordered him to keep close to the shore within sight of the army. He had 150 fighting ships and
100 cargo ships. They carried an enormous supply of all types of weapons. The pilots told him
that now was the time that the seven stars were ready to set and would set on the 8th day from
then, (in the beginning of April). He replied that they were too timid to make good sailors.
(Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2619. Antigonus came with his army to Gaza and planned to attack Ptolemy before he was ready
for him. He commanded his soldiers to take with them 10 days supply of food. With the camels
from Arabia, he loaded 130,000 bushels of wheat and an enormous supply of hay on the other
beasts of burden. He carried his weapons in wagons and went through the desert. This caused
some trouble for the army. They crossed various marshy and dusty places in the way, especially
about the place called Barathra. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2620. Demetrius sailed with his ships from Gaza in the dead of the night and was for many days

becalmed. The higher ships were forced to tow the cargo ships with ropes. After this and as soon
as the seven stars were set, a northerly wind rose upon them. Many of the ships of 4 tiers of oars
were driven on shore near to the city Raphia where there was no good harbour for them. Of
those which carried the weapons, some sank and the rest retired to Gaza again. Some of the best
of them bare up and came under the promontory of Cisius. That cape is not far from the Nile
River and is not suitable for shipping especially if there are any storms. There is no way to get
near it. Therefore every ship dropped two anchors a piece a quarter mile from land and were
forced to ride out the storm in a heavy sea. In the midst of all this danger they were driven to
extremity. For had that storm lasted only one day longer, they would have used all their fresh
water and would have died of thirst. The storm ceased and Antigonus with his army came to the
place and camped there. The weather beaten men came ashore and refreshed themselves in the
camp. Nevertheless in this storm there were lost 3 ships of 5 tiers of oars from which some men
escaped alive to land. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2621. From here Antigonus moved and placed his army a quarter mile from the Nile River.
However, Ptolemy had manned all the bank of the river with strong garrisons. He sent some in
river boats. They went as near the further bank as they safely could and proclaimed that if any of
Antigonus' army would come to him, he would give a common soldier two pounds and a captain
a whole talent for his trouble. No sooner was this proclamation made, but a large number of
Antigonus' mercenaries wanted to leave. Some of his captains wanted also to go. When
Antigonus knew that a large number of his men were deserting him, he positioned archers,
slingers and other engines of war, to keep them from crossing over the water in boats. If any
were found that went, he put them to death with horrible torments. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp.
118.)

2622. Antigonus gathered together his ships which came to him although they were late. He
went to a place called Pseudostomon and planned to land some of his men there. However, he
found a strong garrison of the enemy there and was beaten off with bows and slings and other
engines of war. Therefore as the night drew on, he went his way and ordered the captains of
every ship to follow the lantern of the admiral. So they came to the mouth of the Nile River
which is called Phagneticum. The next morning he found that many of his ships had lost their
way and he did not know where they had gone. He was forced to anchor there and send the
swiftest ships he had all over the sea to look for them and bring them to him. Meanwhile, as
time wore on, Ptolemy had been alerted of the approach of the enemy. He immediately went to
the relief of his men and arranged his army all along the shore in the enemies' sight. Demetrius
could find no landing place here either. He was told that if he should land in the surrounding
area, the country was naturally fortified with marshes and moorish grounds. He set sail and
returned. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2623. As he was going, a violent wind came up from the North and drove 3 of his ships of four
tiers of oars and some other warships on the shore. All these came into Ptolemy's hand. After
much trouble, the rest got to Antigonus' camp. Ptolemy had placed strong garrisons at each of
the mouths of the Nile River and had an enormous number of river boats everywhere. These
were supplied with darts and slings and men who knew how to use them well. These troubled
Antigonus very greatly, for the mouth of the river at Pelusium was strongly guarded by Ptolemy.
Antigonus could make no use of his ships at all. His land forces were in trouble also. The Nile
River starts swelling at the coming of the sun into Cancer. When the sun enters Leo, it overflows
all its banks. It was now so high that they could do little. Worse, he was running out of food for
men and fodder for cattle because they stayed there so long. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2624. When Antigonus saw that his army was demoralized, he called them all together. Before
them all he asked the captains, whether it was better to stay and fight or to return to Syria for the
time being. They would then return again next year better prepared and when the waters should
be lower. When every man wanted to go, he ordered his soldiers to gather up their belongings.
His navy followed them along the shore, and he returned to Syria. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp.
118.) The pointlessness of this expedition was foreseen by Medius, one of Antigonus' friends in
a dream. For it seemed to him that he saw Antigonus with all his army to contend in a race at
Olympus, called "Diaulus", i.e. "a double course." When they first set out, they seemed to run
very well. After a while they grew weaker. When they came to the race post and were to turn
about it and return to the barriers where they set out, (for that was the manner of this double
course) they were so out of breath that they could go no further. (Plut. in Demet.)

2625. Ptolemy was glad to see that the enemy was gone. He offered sacrifice to his gods for this
great benefit they bestowed on him. He made a magnificent feast for his friends and wrote
letters to Seleucus, Lysimachus and Cassander of his good success. He did not forget to tell
them how large an army of Antigonus had defected over to him. Now when he had rescued
Egypt, a second time and gotten it by his sword, he thought he might lawfully count it his own.
He returned in triumph to Alexandria. (Diod. Sic.) Hence it is that CI. Ptolemy, in his Reg.
Cano. starts the beginning of his reign over Egypt from this time. He calculates that the time
from the death of Alexander the Great to this time was 19 full years. For the 19th year from the
death of Alexander the Great ends according to his account with the November 6th 4409 JP.

2626. While these things thus happened in Egypt, Dionysius the tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus
died. (Diod. Sic.) He reigned 33 years according to Athenaus. (1. 12. c. 26.) Although Memnon
says that he reigned only 30 years and Diodorus says 32 years. He was incredibly fat. Besides
Memnon and Nymphis, Heracleotes, in his book of the City Heraclea, cited by Athenaeus in the
place mentioned, notes this. So does Elia. (Var. Histor. 1. 9. c. 13.) He had two sons by Amastris
or Amestris, the daughter of Oxethras, brother to Darius, the last king of Persia. She was first
given in marriage to Craterus, by Alexander. The oldest of the sons was called Clearchus, the
younger Oxathras, according to Diodorus, Zathras, and Dionysius. Therefore by his last will he
joined some others with her in the adminstartion lest the government of his kingdom and charge
of his two children, who were still very young go entirely to his wife. (Memnon in Excerpt.
Photii. c. 5. with Diodorus, year. 3. Olymp. 118. & year 3. Olymp. 119.)

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2627. Menedemus was from Patara in Lycia with the command of three ships. Each of them was
between two and three tiers of oars a piece. He captured a ship of four tiers of oars that was
coming from Cilicia. It had letters from Phila with rich and royal apparel with other costly
furniture destined for Demetrius Poliorcetes. All of this was sent by Menedemus to Ptolemy in
Egypt. This affront enraged Demetrius against the Rhodians. He then lay in siege before their
city to take it. After doing this for a year, the Athenians mediated an agreement that the
Rhodians would help Antigonus and Demetrius in their wars against any country except for
Ptolemy. Hence the siege was lifted. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 119. & Plut. in Demetr.)

2628. As soon as this war was over, the Rhodians sent some of their priests to consult the oracle
of Ammon. They wanted to know if they should worship Ptolemy as a god or not. When they
were told they should, they consecrated to him a square grove in their city. They built on each

side a gallery about 200 yards long and called it "Ptolmeum" or "Ptolemy's gallery". They were
the first to surname Ptolemy the "Saviour" because he had saved them from the violence of
Antigonus and Demetrius and not with his soldiers. Also Ptolemy had saved Alexander in the
city of the Oxydracans, (See note on 3678b AM) as some have thought. (Arrian. 1. 6. p. 131. and
Steph. in the word Oxydrac. Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 119.)

2629. Eumelus, the king of Bosphorus Cimmerius, after reigning 6 years died in an accident. He
was hurrying home from Scythia to a certain solemn sacrifice that was to be offered then. He
was in a 4 wheeled coach drawn by 4 horses and covered with a canopy. As he came to his
palace, the horses took a fright and ran away with him. When the driver could not hold them,
Eumelus feared lest they would run down some precipice and leaped from the coach. His sword
caught in the wheel and he was whirled away with it and killed. His son Spartacus succeeded
him and reigned 20 years. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 117. & year 1. Olymp. 119.)

3701 AM, 4411 JP, 303 BC

2630. Seleucus crossed the Indus River and made war on Sandrocottus or Androcottus. When
Seleucus had restored his government in the east, Sandrocottus had murdered all the governors
whom Alexander had appointed and took over all of India. (Justin, 1. 15. c. 4. Appia. in his
Syriaca. p. 122, 123.)

2631. Now as Seleucus was going to make this war, a wild elephant of enormous size came to
him on the way as if it had been tame. He went to it and the animal allowed him to get on and
ride it. This beast proved to be a prime and singularly good elephant for the war. (Justin, 1. 15. c.
4.) Thereupon, he traversed over all India with a 600,000 man army and sudbued it. (Plut. in
Alexan.) He made himself king over them and freed them from a yoke of strangers only to bring
them under his yoke. (Justin, 1. 15. c. 4.)

2632. Megasthenes, in his Indica, writes, that he often came to him while he remained with
Sibyrtius governor of the Arachosians. (Arrian. 1. 5. cites him) He says that Seleucus had an
army of 400,000 men. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 709.)

3702 AM, 4412 JP, 302 BC

2633. Cassander, king of Macedonia, sent his ambassadors to Antigonus and desired to make a
peace with him. Antigonus refused unless Cassander would surrender to his mercy. After a
conference with Lysimachus king of Thrace, Lysimachus and Cassander both agreed to send
their ambassadors to Ptolemy, king of Egypt and to Seleucus, king of the upper provinces of
Asia. They decried the pride and arrogance of Antigonus expressed in his answers and showed
them how this war involved them too. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 1 19.) Therefore they knew that
Antigonus planned to take them on one at a time because they were not united against him. They
then appointed a place where they all were to meet. They resolved to contribute their various
forces to prosecute this war. Cassander could not be there because the enemy was so close to
him. Therefore he sent Lysimachus with all the forces which he was able to spare with abundant
provisions for them. (Justin, 1. 15. c. 2.)

2634. Seleucus made an alliance with Sandrocottus, king of India and gave him all those regions
bordering the Indus River which Alexander had taken from the Arians. Seleucus had made them

his colonies and had set governors over them and received from Sandrocottus a gift of 500
elephants. (Strabo. 1. 15. p. 724. Plut. in Alex. & Appia. in Syria, p. 123.) When Seleucus had
made peace in the east, he prepared for the war against Antigonus, with his allies according to
their agreement in the west. (Justin, 1. 15. c. 4.)

2635. Lysimachus crossed over into Asia with his own army and came before Lampsacus and
Paros. Because they submitted readily to him, he restored to them their ancient liberty. When he
had taken Sigaeum by force, he put a strong garrison in it. He then committed 6000 foot soldiers
and 1000 cavalry to Prepelaus and sent him to take the cities of Ionia and Eolia. Lysimachus
besieged Abydus with all types of battering rams and other weapons of war. Nevertheless, when
Demetrius sent an army to defend that place, he lifted the siege. When he had captured the
Hellespont and Phrygia, he went on and besieged the city Synada. Antigonus stored his treasure
here. (??) Lysimachus persuaded Docimus, a commander of Antigonus, to defect to his side.
Docimus helped take Synada and other forts and places belonging to Antigonus. He captured
Antigonus' treasure. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2636. Meanwhile, Prepelaus, who was sent to make war upon Ionia and Eolia, took
Adramittium on the way and besieged Ephesus. He so terrified the inhabitants, that they
submitted to him. He found Rhodian hostages there, whom he sent home again to their friends.
He did not harm any of the Ephesians. He only burned all the ships which he found in their
harbour because the enemy still controlled the sea. Antigonus' naval supremacy was not as
certain as it was. (??) After this, the Teians and Colophonians joined the common cause against
Antigonus. The Erythrae and Clazomenae were helped by forces sent by the sea, and he was not
able to overcome them. He wasted their territories and went to Sardis. There he was able to
persuade two of Antigonus' captains, Phaenix and Docimus to defect. He took all the city except
for the citadel. It was held by Philippus, a friend of Antigonus and would not defect to him.
(Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

3703 AM, 4413 JP, 301 BC

2637. Antigonus was at that time completely occupied holding games and feasts at his new city
of Antigonia. He had proclaimed expensive prizes for those who would enter the contests and
offered huge wages to all skilled artisans that he could hire. When he heard how Lysimachus
had come into Asia and what great numbers of his soldiers defected to him, he stopped the
games. However, he distributed 200 talents among the wrestlers and the artisans who came. He
went with his army as quickly as he could and made long marches to meet the enemy. As soon
as he came to Tarsus in Cilicia, he advanced his army 3 months pay from the money which he
took with him from the city Quindi. Besides this he brought 3000 talents along with him from
Antigonia so he would not run out of money. He crossed over the Taurus Mountains and hurried
into Cappadocia. He subdued those who revolted from him in upper Phrygia and Lycaonia and
made them help him in the wars as they did before. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 1 19.)

2638. When Lysimachus heard of the enemies' approach, he consulted with his council
concerning this imminent danger and what to do. Their advise was not to risk a battle until
Seleucus came from the upper provinces but get into the strongest most fortified place. He
should entrench himself in the strongest manner that possibly he could with ramparts and
palisades and await the coming of the enemy. Lysimachus followed this advice. As soon as
Antigonus came within sight of his camp, he drew out in battle formation and tried
unsuccessfully to provoke Lysimachus to a fight. Antigonus captured all the passes that could be

used to supply food for the camp. Thereupon Lysimachus feared least when his food ran out, he
might be taken alive by Antigonus. Therefore he moved his camp by night and marched 50
miles to Dorylaeum and there camped. In those parts, there was an abundant supply of grain
with other provisions and he had a river at his back. Therefore, they there raised a work and
enclosed it with an exceeding deep trench with 3 rows of stakes on the top of it. He made the
camp as sure as he could make it. When Antigonus found that the enemy was gone, he pursued
as fast as he could and came near the place where he was entrenched. When he saw that
Lysimachus did not want to fight, he started to make another trench around his camp to besiege
him there. For that purpose, he had all kind of instruments for a siege, as darts, arrows and
catapults brought there. Although many skirmishes were fought about the trenches because
Lysimachus' men fought from their works to hinder the enemy, Antigonus' side prevailed.
(Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2639. In time Antigonus' works were almost finished around him and Lysimachus' provisions
began to fail. Therefore Lysimachus took the advantage of a stormy night and got away with his
army. They travelled through mountainous countries and came to his winter quarters. The next
morning when Antigonus saw that the enemy was gone, he marched after him through the plain
country. Because there had been so much rain and the way was poor and full of sloughs, he lost
many of his wagons and some of his men on that journey. The whole army was greatly
distressed. Therefore, to spare his army and because the winter was approaching, he abandoned
the pursuit for that time. He looked around for the best places to winter in and distributed his
army to them. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2640. In like manner, Lysimachus sent his army to winter in the country of Salmonia. He had
made generous provisions for them from Heraclea. He had made an alliance with that city by
marrying Amestris, the widow of Dionysius, guardian of his two young children and governess
of that city, (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119. with Menmon, in Photius, c. 5.)

2641. At this time Demetrius made a truce with Cassander and was sent for by his father from
Greece. He steered a straight course through the islands of the Aegean Sea and came to Ephesus.
He landed his army there and camped before it and made it submit to him as before. He allowed
the garrison which Prepelaus had put there, to depart safely. He put a strong garrison of his own
into the citadel and marched away with the rest of his army as far as Hellespont. He subdued the
Lampsacenians and Parians here. From there he went to the mouth of Pontus and camped near a
place called the temple of the Chalcedonians. He fortified it and left 3000 foot soldiers to keep it
with 30 ships. He sent the rest of his army to winter in various places around there. (Diod. Sic.
year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2642. About this time, Mithridates who was subject to Antigonus was suspected of favouring
Cassander's party. He was slain at Cius in the country of Mysia. He had reigned for 35 years at
Arthinas. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.) Various authors mention him. This Mithridates was
the son of Ariobarzanes, a man of the royal blood of Persia. He was descended from one of
those 7 which destroyed the Magi there, as we may gather from (Polyubius, 1. 5. p. 388. &
Floras, 1. 3. c. 5. & Sext. Aurelius, Victor, de Vir. Illustr. c. 76.) He was surnamed the "Builder"
and left the succession of the kingdom of Pontus after him down to Eupator or that Mithradates
who maintained so long a war against the Romans. (Strabo (1. 12. p. 562.) Tertullian also
mentions this. (1. de Anima.)

VV I learn from Strabo that Mithridates got the kingdom of Pontus by a dream."

2643. The story is this. Antigonus in a dream thought that he had a field full of a golden harvest.
Mithradates came and cut it and carried it away into Pontus. Thereupon Antigonus planned to
capture and kill him. When Mithridates was told this by Demetrius, he fled away with 6 cavalry
only in his company and fortified a certain town in Cappadocia. Here many men joined his
cause and so he obtained both Cappadocia and also many other countries of Pontus. He left them
to the 8th generation after him before the Romans took over his kingdom. (Plut. in Demetr. and
Appian. in his Mithridatica, p. 176.) Lucian, (in his book of long lived men, p. 176.) from
Hierconymus Cardianus and other writers report that he lived for 84 years and that his son,
called also Mithridates, succeeded him in his kingdom. He added to his dominions, Cappadocia
and Paphlagonia and held them for 36 years. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2644. Cassander sent Pleistarchus into Asia with an army of 12,000 foot soldiers and 500
cavalry to help Lysimachus. When he came to the mouth of Pontus, he found that strait held by
the enemy. When he gave up trying to get through that way, he went to Odessus which lies
between Appolonia and Galatia opposite Heraclea. Part of Lysimachus' men were here. He
found no ships there so he divided his army into 3 parts. The 1st part that set out landed safely at
Heraclea. The 2nd part was defeated by the enemy who held the strait of Pontus. The 3rd part
including Pleistarchus, almost all perished in a violent storm. Most of the ships with their men
perished. The ship he was in, was a good ship of six tiers of oars, sank and only 33 of the 500
men in it escaped. Pleistarchus got on a plank of the ship when it split and was cast on shore half
dead. He recovered a little and was carried to Heraclea. He recovered his strength and went to
Lysimachus' winter quarters. He had lost most of his army on the way. (Diod. Sic. year 3.
Olymp. 119.)

2645. About the same time Ptolemy came with an excellently well outfitted army from Egypt
and subdued all the cities of Coelosyria. When he besieged Sidon, he heard a rumour that a
battle had been fought in which Seleucus and Lysimachus were beaten. They had fled to
Heraclea and Antigonus was moving quickly into Syria with his victorious army. Ptolemy
believed the rumour and made a truce with the Sidonians for 5 months. He put garrisons into the
other cities which he had taken in those parts and returned into Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 3.
Olymp. 119.)

2646. While these things had happened, 2800 of Lysimachus' chief soldiers defected to
Antigonus. Antigonus entertained them very courteously and furnished them the pay as they
said Lysimachus owed them. In addition, he gave them a large amount of money for a reward
for their actions. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2647. At the same time, Seleucus with a large army came down from the upper provinces into
Cappadocia and wintered his army in tents which he brought already made for them. His army
consisted of 20,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 cavalry including his archers on horseback, 480
elephants and 100 iron chariots. These kings' forces assembled to fight it out next summer to see
who would be the master.

2648. Pythagoras was the former soothsayer of Alexander the Great and for Perdiccas and now
was employed by Antigonus. He started his divinations of the bowels of beasts that were offered
in sacrifices. When he found the strings or filets in the liver missing, he told Antigonus that this
indicated his death (Arrian. lib. 7. pag. 160.)

2649. Alexander the Great also appeared to Demetrius in his sleep. He was gloriously armed and
asked Demetrius what was the word which he and his father planned to give. Demetrius replied:

vv Jove and victory."

2650. Then Alexander replied:

"'Therefore will I go over to thine enemies for they will take me for theirs." (Plut. in Demetrio.)

2651. When Antigonus heard that there were so many kings assembled against him, he
vauntingly said that he would scatter them all like so many birds out of a bush. However, when
the enemies approached, he was observed to be more quiet than usual. He showed his son to his
army and told them that this was the man that must be his successor. They marvelled all the
more at this, especially Demetrius. Antigonus talked with him alone in his tent many times.
Before this he would never share any secret at all with his son. When his army was all ready in
battle array, Antigonus stumbled as he was leaving his pavilion to go to them. He fell flat on his
face and was greatly troubled by this. He got up again and he begged the gods to send him either
a victory that day or a death devoid of pain, (Plut. in Demetrio.)

2652. This battle between these many kings was fought in the beginning of the year at Ipsus, a
town in Phrygia. (Arrian. 1. 7. Plutarch in Pyrrho, Appian. in Syriacis, p. 122. Diod. Sic. &
Porphy year 4. Olymp. 1 19.) In this battle Antigonus and Demetrius had between them more
than 70,000 foot soldiers, 10,000 cavalry, 75 elephants and 120 chariots. Demetrius with the
most of his cavalry charged Antiochus the son of Seleucus and his successor later in the
kingdom. Demetrius most valiantly routed him but rashly pursued him too far. This was the
reason for his father's defeat that day. In that pursuit Pyrrhus displayed valour and his worth
conspicuously. He was only 17 years old and was expelled from his kingdom by the Epirotes,
his subjects. He allied himself with Demetrius who had married his sister Derdamia who was
intended for Alexander, the son of Alexander the Great, by Roxane. (Plutarch in Pyrrho.)

2653. When Seleucus saw that Antigonus' battalion was destitute of all help from their cavalry,
he made as if he would have attacked them. Instead he wisely invited them to defect to him.
Thereupon a large part of them did so and the rest fled. Seleucus turned on Antigonus. One of
them cried out, saying:

vv These come upon thee, O king."

2654. He answered:

vv But Demetrius, will come and help us."

2655. While he stood waiting for Demetrius' return to rescue him, the enemy came on and
showered their arrows as thick as hail on him. In that storm he fell and died. Thereupon all
forsook him and shifted for themselves. Only Thorax of Larissa stayed by the body of him.
(Plut. in Demetr.) His body was later taken up and buried in a royal manner. (Diod. Sic. 1. 21.)
Plutarch tells us that when Antigonus was on his recent expedition into Egypt, he was then a
little less than 80 years old. Appian states that he was over 80 years old on that expedition. He

lived 86 years according to Porphyrie as cited by Scaliger in his Greek fragments of Eusebius.
(1. Ult.) However Hieronysmus Cardianus the historian who lived with him (as Lacianus, in his
book of long lived men, testifies of him) affirms that he only lived 81 years.

2656. When Demetrius saw that all was lost, he fled away as fast as he could with 5000 foot
soldiers and 4000 cavalry to Ephesus. All men began to fear lest for lack of money, he would
plunder the temple of Diana. When he thought he would not be able to restrain his soldiers from
that, he left there as quickly as he could. (Plut. in Demetr.) He took his mother Stratonice and all
his treasure with him and sailed to Salamis in the isle of Cyprus which was at that time under his
command. (Diod. Sic. 1. 21.)

2657. After the kings that had gotten this great victory, they started dividing up this large
kingdom of Antigonus and Demetrius among themselves. These new lands were added to their
existing kingdoms. (Plut. in Demetr. Appian. in Syriac. p. 122. with Polyb. 1. 5. p. 410.)

2658. When they could not agree how to divide of the spoil, they split into two sides. Seleucus
allied himself with Demetrius and Ptolemy joined with Lysimachus. (Justin, 1. 15. c. 4.)
Seleucus and Ptolemy were the strongest two of the group. Therefore the dispute between them
was continued by their posterities under the names of the Seleucians, or kings of the north and
the kings of Ptolemy, or the kings of the south. This was foretold in Da 1 1:5-20.

2659. Simon the son of Omias, succeeded him in the priesthood at Jerusalem. He was surnamed
"The Just", because of his great zeal and fervency in the worship of God and the great love
which he had for his country men, the Jews. (Josephus, 1. 12. c. 2.) In the book of /APC Sir 50:1-
5 we find this testimony given about him:

vs Simon, was the high priest, the son of Onias, who in his lifetime repaired the house again and
in his days fortified the temple. He had built from the foundation the double height (or curtain)
the high fortress of the wall about the temple. In his days the cistern to receive water, being
round like the sea, was covered with plates of brass. He took care of the temple that it should not
fall and fortified the city against besieging. How was he honoured in the midst of the people at
his coming from the sanctuary!"

2660. (See Salian. his Annals book 5, 3675 AM. & Scaliger, in his Animadversions, on Euseb.
num. 1785.) This man is said to have been high priest for 9 years. (Scalig. in Grac. Euseb. p.
50.)

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3704 AM, 4414 JP, 300 BC

2661. On April 23rd, Seleucus offered sacrifice to Jove in the Mount Casius and consulted him
concerning a place, where to build a city. An eagle came and caught away a piece of flesh from
the altar. She is said to have let it fall in a place near the sea below Palaeopolis, (this was a little
city built in previous times by Syrus, the son of Agenor on a hill there) in a sea town of Pieria.
Thereupon, Seleucus started to lay the foundation of a large city which he built there and called
after his own name, Seleucia. (Johan. Malela, in his Chron. not printed.) However, others say
that he followed not that act of the eagle but the flash of some lightening that appeared to him.
Thereupon the lightening was always after this in that place celebrated with set hymns and
praises as if it were a god itself. (Appia. in Syriac. p. 125.)

2662. Seleucus came to Iopolis, a city built in the hill country of Silphium. There on the third
day after his arrival, which was the 1st Artemisium or our May, he offered sacrifice to Jove the
Thunderer in a certain shrine. It was said to have been built there in ancient times by Perseus the
son of Danae. Later when he arrived at Antigonia, he offered there sacrifice to Jove on the alters
recently built there by Antigonus. Seleucus with Amphion the priest, prayed that Jove would
show him by some sign whether he should live in Antigonia and rename the place or whether he
should go and build a new city in another place. Then again it is said that an eagle came and
caught away a piece of the flesh from the altar and let it fall near the hill of Siliphum. Hence it
was that he laid the foundation of his wall opposite that hill on which Iopolis was built near the
Orontes River where there was a town called Botzia. This was on the 22nd day of the month
Artemisium at sun rise. This city he named after his son, Antiochus. In it Estsooners built a
temple to Jupiter Botzius. This and other things are related by Johannes Malela of Antioch
concerning the origin of this city. Also, Eusebius in his Chron. affirms that this city was built by
Seleucus in the 12th year of his reign. This city of Syria was later made a tetrapolis, that is a
fourfold city. It was divided into 4 regions, creating 4 cities. Everyone of them, had a proper
wall built around it and one common one which enclosed them all. The first was built by this
Seleucus Nicator. The second was the work of the inhabitants themselves. The third was
finished by Seleucus Callinicus. The fourth, by Antiochus Epiphanes. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 750.)

2663. Seleucus named this city after the name of his son Antiochus. This is confirmed by Malela
and Cedremus, Julian the Apostate, in his Misopogon. However Strabo, Appianus and Trogus
Pompeius tell us that he called it Antioch after the name of his father Antiochus. Justin from
Trogus Pompeius (1. 15. c. 4.) says, that here he consecrated the memorial of a twofold
beginning. He says that he called the city after the name of his father Antiochus and consecrated
its fields to Apollo. He did this because his mother, Laodice, wanted him to believe that he was
born of her by Apollo. Therefore Daphne was consecrated to Apollo. It is a suburb of Antioch, a
place famous for the grove of laurel trees that grew there, and no less than 10 miles around.
Hence to this day it is called Daphne near Antioch. /APC 2Ma 4:33 So the city itself of Antioch,
is called Antioch near to Daphne by other writers.

2664. Seleucus utterly demolished Antigonia and carried the materials down the Orontes River
to Antioch. He relocated 5300 Macedonians and Athenians whom Antigonus moved there to his
new city. (Jo. Malela,) Although Diodorus says that Seleucus did destroy Antigonia but adds
that he relocated its inhabitants to his new city of Seleucia. (1. 20. year. 2. Olymp. 118.)
However, Strabo also makes mention of the inhabitants of Antigonus, being relocated to
Antioch, (1. 16. p. 750.) and adds that some of the families and offspring of Triptolemus and

Argivians who were long ago sent with him to seek out Io were settled there by Seleucus. These
were those Greeks from Peloponese of whom Stephanus Byzantius says were settled in Antioch
by Daphne. Jo. Malela also states that:

vv Seleucus personally sought out some of the Greeks from Ionia and relocated those Greeks who
lived in Iopolis, to Antioch. He made them citizens there as men of a more sacred and generous
kind than the rest." (cf. Sacaliger's notes on the 1713. number of the Eusib. Chron.)

2665. Lysimachus, the king of Thrace married Arsinoe, the daughter of Ptolemy. This was not
Ptolemy Philadelphus, as Memnon states (c. 5.) but of Ptolemy the First, the son of Lagus,
surnamed "The Deliverer". This we learn from Plutarch in Demetr. and Justin, (1. 17. c. 2. & 1.
24. c. 2.) and even from Memnon himself, (in Excerpt c. 9.) of Ptolemy the First and Euridice,
as we find in Pansan his Attic, (p. 8.) His former wife Amestris, the widow of Dionysius, the
tyrant or a usurper of Heraclea, grew so offended, that she left him and returned to Heraclea.
She built a city there near the Euxian Sea which she called after her own name Amastris and
sent for men from Selsamus, Cytorus, Cromnus, Teios and other places to live there. (Memnon.
Excerpt, c. 5. with Strabo 1. 12. p. 544.)

3705 AM, 4415 JP, 299 BC

2666. Seleucus followed the example of Lysimachus and sent his ambassadors and through
them desired to marry Stratonice, the daughter of Demetrius, who was surnamed Poliorcetes and
Paila. Thereupon, Demetrius, took his daughter along with him and sailed for Syria with his
whole fleet which attended him at Athens. On the way they landed in Cilicia which Plistarchus
the brother of Cassander, held. This was allotted to him by a general consent of the kings, after
the battle in which Antigonus, his father was slain. Plistarchus was offended that Demetrius
landed in his territory and complained about Seleucus. For without the consent of the other
kings, Ptolemy and Lysimachus, Seleucus had entered into a league with Demetrius, a common
enemy to them all. Demetrius was quite upset by this and went from there to Quinda. He found
what remained of the old treasure of Alexander's 1200 talents. He took it all away with him, and
weighed anchor and sailed away as fast as he could. (Plut. in Demet.)

2667. Seleucus came to meet Demetrius and his wife Phila at a place called Orossus and invited
them to dine with him at his pavilion in his camp. After this, Demetrius invited him on board his
ship of 13 tiers of oars high. They spent whole days in friendly conversation together without
arms or guards around them. At length Seleucus married Stratonice and returned with her in
great pomp to Antioch.

2668. When Demetrius had taken over Cilicia, he sent his wife Phila to her brother Cassander to
excuse such matters as Plistarchus, might have charged him with. While she was away, his other
wife, Deidamia came to him to Athens where after a short while she died. (Plut. in Demet.)

2669. Seleucus wanted Demetrius to sell him Cilicia for a certain sum of money. He refused.
Seleucus in anger, demanded to have Sidon and Tyre from him. This seemed an injurious act of
his that having made himself lord and possessing all from India to the Syrian Sea, yet he was of
so poor a spirit as to trouble his father-in-law who was under a cloud of adverse fortune for two
such poor cities, as Tyre and Sidon. Therefore Demetrius stoutly answered that if he were a
thousand times defeated yet he would never buy a son-in-law at so dear a rate. Thereupon he

started to fortify those two cities which were such thorns in Seleucus side. (Plut. in Demet.)
3707 AM, 4417 JP, 297 BC

2670. Cassander died after ruling Macedonia for 19 years. He left 3 sons, Philip, Antipater and
Alexander, who were born by Thessalonice, the sister of Alexander the Great. All these reigned
after their father for only 42 months. (Dexippus & Porphyrius, in Scaliger's Greek Eusebius, p.
48.228.)

2671. Philip the older of the three, died shortly after his father's death of consumption. His two
younger brothers, Antipater and Alexander died fighting about the kingdom. (Justin 1. 16. c. 1.
Pausa, in his Boeot. p. 287. & Plut. in Pyrrho and Alexan.)

2672. This Antipater, Dexippus and Euseb. in Chron. call by the name of Antigonus. Hermippus
means the same person when he says, that Demetrius Phalereus, after the death of Cassander and
for the fear he had of Antigonus, fled to Ptolemy, surnamed "The Deliverer". (Diog. Laertius, in
Demet. Phal.)

2673. At the same time, Pyrrhus remained with Ptolemy, in excile in Egypt. He married
Antigone, the daughter of Bernice the queen, by Philip, her former husband. (Plut. in Pyrrho.
Pausan. in Attic, p. 10.)

3707 AM, 4417 JP, 297 BC

2674. Pyrrhus with the help of Antigone his wife, obtained a fleet of ships and money from
Ptolemy. He set sail for his old kingdom Epirus. He came to an agreement with Neoptolemus,
who had usurped his kingdom, to hold it jointly with him. (Plut. in Pyrrho. Pausan. in Attic, p.
10.)

2675. Eupolemus, the historian, traces his chronology from Adam and the coming of the
children of Israel from Egypt down to the 5th year of Demetrius. This was calculated from the
death of his father Antigonus, and to the 12th year of Ptolemy and from the death of Alexander
the Great's seed. (See end of note 3695 AM) He did this in his book of the kings of Judah, as we
find in the (1st book of Strom, of Clemen. Alexan.)

3708 AM, 4418 JP, 296 BC

2676. Demetrius Poliorceres, that is "city besieger", wasted the city of Samaria, which Perdiccas
had formerly rebuilt. (Euseb. Chron.)

3709 AM, 4419 JP, 295 BC

2677. Velleius Paterculus, in the 1st book of his history, tells us that Pyrrhus began his reign
when Fabius Maximus and Q. Decius Mur were both for the 5th time consuls of Rome. That is
the time when Neoptolemus was killed, Pyrrhus took the sole possession of Epirus. He
remembered how much he had been indebted to Berenice and Ptolemy through whose favour he
had recovered his kingdom. He called his son, whom Antigone gave him, after Ptolemy. When

he had built a new city on a neck of land in Epirus, he named it after his wife's mother,
Berenice. (Plut. in Pyrrho.)

3710 AM, 4420 JP, 294 BC

2678. In the 36th year of the period Calippus, the 25th day of the month Possideon, in the 454th
year Nabonassar, the 16th day of Paophus, 3 hours after midnight, the 21st day of our
December, Timochares observed at Alexandria in Egypt the following. The moon rose to her
farthest height north and touched the most northerly star in the head of Scorpio. (Ptol. in his
great Syntax. 1. 7. c. 3.)

2679. In the same year, on the 15th day of Elaphebolion, the 5th of Tybus, 4 hours before
midnight on the 9th of our May, Timochares observed the conjunction of the moon with Spica in
Virgo. (Ptol. in his great Syntax. 1. 7. c. 3.)

2680. Thessalonice the queen and widow of Cassander, the daughter of Philip who was the
father of Alexander the Great, born by the daughter of Nicasipolus, was murdered by Antipater,
her own son. She pleaded for her life because she was his mother but to no avail. The reason
was that when the kingdom was divided between him and his brother, she seemed to favour her
youngest son, Alexander. Alexander sought to avenge the murder of his mother and asked the
help from all his friends, Pyrrhus, king of Epirus and Demetrius Poliorcetes in Peloponesus.
(Justin, 1. 16. c. 1. Plut. in Pyrrho. & Demetr. Pausan. in Boeot. p. 287.)

2681. Lysimachus the king of Thrace feared Demetrius' arrival. He persuaded his son-in-law,
Antipater to fight an old common enemy and set past differences aside. (Justin, 1. 16. c. 1.) He
knew well that Pyrrhus would do anything for Ptolemy's sake. Therefore he sent some forged
letters to Pyrrhus from Ptolemy. These advised him, to receive a gratuity of 300 talents from
Antipater and to stop his expedition into Macedon for the support of Alexander against his
brother. Pyrrhus perceived this trick of his. When he opened the letter, he did not find the usual
greeting from Ptolemy to him which was, "Pater filio", that is, "the father to his son". Instead of
this, it was written, "King Ptolemy to King Pyrrhus, sends greeting". When Demetrius suddenly
attacked Macedon, he foiled all these schemes of Lysimachus. (Plut. in Pyrrho.)

2682. Ptolemy of Egypt, captured the whole isle of Cyprus from Demetrius, except for the city
of Salamis. He besieged Demetrius' mother and children that were there. When he finally
captured the city, he sent them home to Demetrius with an honourable escort and with rich
presents for their journey. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2683. When Demetrius captured Alexander, he killed him and took over the kingdom of
Macedon. (Justin, 1. 16. c. 1. Pausan. Boeot. p. 287. Plut. in Pyrr. & Demetr. & in his Treatise of
Shamefacedness). He held it for 7 years as Plutarch affirms.

3711 AM, 4421 JP, 293 BC

2684. At that time, Lysimachus was fighting a war started against him by Dromichetes, the king
of the Getes. So he would not be forced to fight against the king of Getes and Demetrius at the
same time, he gave up that part of Macedon which belonged to his son-in-law Antipater and so

made peace with him. (Justin 1. 16. c. 1. with Strab. 1. 7. p. 302, 305.)

2685. Dromichaetes captured Lysimachus but treated him very kindly. (Strabo. 1. 7. p. 302, 305.
Diodorus, in Excerpt. H. Vales, p. 257, 258.) Lysimachus gave him his daughter in marriage and
part of Thrace which lay beyond the Ister, for a dowry. (Pansan. in Attica, p. 8.)

2686. Clearchus, the king of Heraclea in Pontus went to help Lysimachus in his war against the
Getes and was taken prisoner together with Lysimachus. When Lysimachus had gotten liberty
for himself, he wisely secured his liberty also. (Atemnon. in Excerpt, c. 6.)

3712 AM, 4422 JP, 292 BC

2687. When Simon, surnamed the Just, the high priest at Jerusalem, died he left behind him only
one son, Onias. Simon's brother, Eleazar, became high priest of the Jews, (Joseph. 1. 12. c. 2.)
and is said to have held that office for 32 years according to Scaliger's Greek Eusebian
fragments, (p. 50. & 162.)

2688. After Lysimachus returned from the war in Getes, Agathocles, his oldest son and who was
taken prisoner in the first battle that he was in, as some report, was married. He took Lysandra
for a wife who was the daughter of Ptolemy of Egypt, surnamed "The Deliverer" and his wife
Eutidice. (Pausan. in his Attic, p. 8.)

2689. After this, Lysimachus sailed into Asia with his navy and captured those who were in
subjection to Antigonus and Demetrius. (Pausan. in his Attic, p. 8. with Plut. in Demet.) While
he besieged Ephesus,they were helped by Mardro, an old pirate. He often brought to them rich
prises which he had captured. Lysimachus bribed him and had him betray the city to him. He
gave Mardro some valiant Macedonians. He had their hands bound behind them and brought
them like prisoners into Ephesus. These men waited for the right time and got weapons in the
citadel where they were kept. They took the city for Lysimachus. (Jul. Fronti. Stratag. 1. 3. c. 3.)
The city of Ephesus was located on low ground and a while later was completely flooded by the
sea. Concerning this flood, we may read an epigram in Stephanus Byzantinus made by Duris.
Lysimachus now moved it into another place and rebuilt it. He called it after his new wife
Arsinot but after his death, the city quickly assumed its old name of Ephesus. (Strabo. 1. 14, p.
640. & Stephanus in Ephesus.) To populate his new city, he destroyed the two cities of Lebedus
and Colophos and relocated their inhabitants to the new city. Concerning the destruction of
those two famous cities, Phoenix in his Iambics, grievously deplores this action. (Pansan. in
Attica, p. 8.)

3713 AM, 4423 JP, 291 BC

2690. Seleucus wanted to populate the cities he had built in Asia and the lower Syria and
especially Antioch which was the metropolis of all the rest. He relocated the Jews from their
own dwellings into them and gave them equal privileges, prerogatives and immunities that the
Macedonians had both in towns and cities. (Euseb. Chron. Joseph. Antiquit. 1. 12. c. 3. & 1.
Cont. Apio. p. 1063.) Seleucus named 16 of the cities Antioch, after his father Antioch. He
named 6 of them, Laodicea after his mother Laodice. He named 9 of them Seleucia after
himself. He named 3 of them Apamea, after his wife. He named one after his former wife,
Stratonice. He called the rest Greek and Macedonian names as he though best, e.g. Berraea,

Edesla, Peila, and so forth. (Appian. in Syria.)

3715 AM, 4425 JP, 289 BC

2691. When Agathocles, the tyrant of Sicily was about to die, he shipped away to Egypt his wife
Thoxena with his two children whom he had by her and who were very young. Along with them
he sent all his treasure, family and costly furniture. He was one of the richest kings. His wife had
originally come from Egypt. He feared that as soon as he was dead, they would suffer and his
kingdom would be plundered. His wife begged to stay with him to the end for she said she
married him for better or worse. At last she and her children left him but not without many a
doleful cry. Even his young children could scarcely be pulled away from him. As soon as they
were gone, he died. (Justin, 1. 23. c. 2.)

2692. Clearchus and Oxathres, the two kings of Heraclea in Pontus, murdered their mother.
When Amestris was on board a ship to leave them, she was thrown overboard in a most
barbarous manner and drowned in the sea. (Memnon Excerp. c. 6.)

3716 AM, 4426 JP, 288 BC

2693. Lysimachus desired to revenge the death of Amistris whom he was married to for a long
time. He came into Heraclea and showed all fatherly affection to Clearchus and those who were
nearest him. First he killed him and then his brother Oxathres. (Memnon Excerp. c. 7.) This was
17 years after the death of the father of Clearchus as recorded in Diodorus. (Diod. Sic. year 3.
Olymp. 118.) When he had conquered that city and its territory, he took all the treasure that
belonged to those kings and whatever they had of value and left the city in full liberty by its own
laws. He returned to his own kingdom. (Memnon, c. 7.)

2694. Strata of Lampsacus, the son of Arcesilaus, and surnamed Physicus, succeeded
Theophrastus in his school. Strata was the teacher and tutor to Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. He
gave Strata 80 talents for educating him. (Diog. Laert. in Strabone.)

2695. Demetrius Poliorcetes was trying to recover all his father, Antigonus' dominions. He was
now ready to land in Asia with so large an army that no man after the days of Alexander the
Great to that time had a larger army. He had more than 98,000 foot soldiers and little less than
12,000 cavalry. His fleet had 500 ships. Some were extremely large as 15 or 16 tiers of oars.
Before his going on this expedition, he made a firm league with Pyrrhus. He feared lest Pyrrhus
create trouble in his absence and interfere with his plans. (Plut. in Demetr. and Pyrrho.)

3717 AM, 4427 JP, 287 BC

2696. Seleucus, Ptolemy and Lysimachus also feared what Demetrius' intentions were. They
combined their forces into one body and made war on Demetrius in Europe. All three sent
ambassadors to Pyrrhus in Epirus and requested that he invade Macedonia. He should disregard
that league he had made with Demetrius since Demetrius had no intention of peace but planned
to be free to wage war where he pleased. Pyrrhus readily agreed to this. He defeated Demetrius'
army, routed him and took over the kingdom of Macedonia. (Plut. in Demetr. and Pyrrho. Justin,
1. 16. c. 2.) This was the first time, as (Pausan. in Attic, p. 11.) notes that Pyrrhus was the owner

of some elephants.

2697. Lysimachus came and pretended that he had a hand in the defeat Demetrius as well as
Pyrrhus. He wanted half the kingdom of Macedonia. Pyrrhus doubted the loyalty of the
Macedonians to him and agreed. Hence, Macedonia was divided with him by cities and regions,
(Plut. in Demetr.)

2698. In these machinations, Lysimachus found that his son-in-law, Antipater, complained
publicly that his father-in-law had cheated him of the kingdom of Macedonia. Therefore
Lysimachus killed him. His daughter Euridice, Antipater's widow was grieved by the death of
her husband. Therefore he committed her to prison. So the whole house of Cassander paid
Alexander the Great the price, whether of his own death or whether of the destruction of his
family, partly by murders, partly by torments, partly by patricide. This was committed in his
own family to the utter destruction of it. (Justin, 1. 16. c. 2.)

2699. When Demetrius was stripped of his kingdom, he fled to Cassandria. His wife Phila was
consumed with grief and could not endure to see her husband become a private citizen in a
foreign country. She gave up all hope in the future and poisoned herself. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2700. When Demetrius besieged Athens which had revolted from him to Pyrthus, Crates the
Philosopher was sent in an embassy to him. He persuaded Demetrius to lift his siege. Thereupon
he assembled all his ships and boarded them with his 1 1,000 foot soldiers in addition to his
cavalry. He sailed away into Asia and captured all Caria and Lydia from Lysimachus. There
Euridice, the sister of his wife Phila, met him not far from Miletus and brought with her
Ptolemais, her daughter by Ptolemy of Egypt. His son-in-law Seleucus, had previously spoken
to Ptolemy to give her to him. Therefore Demetrius now married her, by the good will of
Euridice. By her Demetrius begat Demetrius, who later reigned in Cyrenia. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2701. In this expedition, Demetrius captured many towns and cities. Some he persuaded to
defect to him, others he took by force. Some defected from Lysimachus to him. These gave him
a good supply of men and war materials. When Agathocles the son of Lysimachus came towards
him with an army, he marched up into Phrygia. He planned to invade Armenia and thereby to
make a rebellion in Media. He hoped to see how loyal the upper provinces of Asia were to him.
He hoped to find a good refuge there if required. He had often beaten Agathocles, who followed
him, in small fights but never had a main battle with him. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2702. Nevertheless, many times he lacked food for himself and fodder for his horses. He found
himself sorely distressed especially by an error he made in crossing the Lycus River. He lost
many of his soldiers who were swept away by that violent river. After a famine, a pestilence
killed 8000 of his troops. He was forced to return with the rest to Tarsus in Cilicia. He planned
to refrain from any oppression of the people of Seleucus, whom he would not offend in any way.
This was not to be. When he considered the extreme necessity that his army was in and
Agathocles kept all the passes of the Taurus Mountains, he wrote letters to Seleucus. He
complained of his own bad fortune and humbly besought him to be compassionate to him since
he was a poor kinsman of his and one that desired to be pitied even by an enemy. (Plut. in
Demetr.)

3718 AM, 4428 JP, 286 BC

2703. Seleucus had compassion on the distressing state of his father-in-law. He wrote to his
commanders and officers in those parts to supply him with all necessaries in a kingly manner
and not to allow his army to be short of anything. However, Procles, an intimate friend of
Seleucus, planted suspicions in Seleucus' head against Demetrius. Seleucus led an army against
him into Cilicia. Demetrius, wondered at this sudden change in Seleucus and withdrew into the
craggy Taurus Mountains. From there he sent his agents to Seleucus to desire that by his
permission he might attack some free state of the barbarians. He would spend the remainder of
his life there without ranging over the world any longer. If Seleucus would not permit this, then
he asked permission to winter quietly where he was and not to expose him in the extremity he
now was in to the force and fury of his enraged enemy. Seleucus took these requests as
unfriendly to him. Therefore he granted him only that after he surrendered his best friends to
him for hostages, then he should spend two months of his winter quarters in Cataonia. This was
a country bordering upon Cappadocia. Seleucus blocked all passes which led from there into
Syria. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2704. Demetrius was now trapped like a wild beast in a den. He had Agathocles the son of
Lysmachus on the one hand and Seleucus on the other to watch him. He then used force and
wasted some of the provinces which belonged to Seleucus. In every encounter, he had the better
of him. When Seleucus let his iron chariots attack him, Demetrius at various times routed them
also and put his enemies to flight. He took the passes of the mountains, and drove out the
garrisons which Seleucus had placed there to hold them. He was now growing confident of his
own strength and resolved to settle the matter in a pitched battle with Seleucus. Suddenly he
became very sick. This laid him low and dashed his hopes of better things in the world. In that
sickness all his soldiers abandoned him. Some defected to his enemies and others disbanded and
went where they pleased. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2705. While Demetrius was trapped by Seleucus in Syria, Lysimachus attacked Pyrrhus in
Macedonia. In 5 years and 6 months time, he won it all from him. (Dexip. and Porphy.)

2706. At the end of 40 days, Demetrius recovered from his sickness. He took the remaining
soldiers and moved his camp and let on that he would march into Cilicia. The next night,
without sound of trumpet, he turned around another way. When he passed the hill Amanus, he
ravaged and plundered all that country as far as Cyrrhestica, a region in Syria. When Seleucus
came there with his army and camped not far from him, Demetrius with his men attacked him at
night while he slept. However, Seleucus had notice of his coming by some that defected to him.
He got out of his bed and commanded an alarm to be sounded. While he was putting on his
shoes, he cried out to his friends that he had to deal with a fierce wild beast. When Demetrius
knew his attack was no longer a surprise by the noise which he heard in the enemies camp, he
retired and went his way. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2707. As soon as it was day, Seleucus followed and overtook him. Demetrius gave one wing to
be led by a captain of his and led the other himself. He routed the wing of the enemy on his side.
Then Seleucus, leaped off his horse and took off his helmet. With a shield in his hand, he
showed himself bare faced to the mercenaries of Demetrius' army and exhorted them to leave
Demetrius and defect to him. He urged them to know that it was more in favour to them than to
Demetrius that he had refrained for so long from attacking them. Thereupon they all cried out,
"God save Seleucus", and called him their king and abandoned Demetrius to serve Seleucus.
(Plut. in Demetr.)

2708. Demetrius thought this would be the last reverse of his fortunes and the worst thing that
could befall him. He retired to the passes of the Amanus Mountain and spent that night in a thick
wood with those few friends who he had left. He planned to go from there to the city of Caunus
and hoped to get shipping to flee to some other country. When he saw that he had not so much
as one day's provision for those who were with him, it happened that an old friend of his,
Sosigines, came and brought him 400 crowns. He hoped this money would pay for his needs on
his journey to the sea side. Therefore he went by night to cross the top of the mountain. When he
saw the enemy campfires everywhere and that the enemy was in his way, in great despair he was
forced to return to the place where he set out from. When one of the company told him that he
would do well to surrender to Seleucus, Demetrius drew his sword and would have killed
himself there. However his friends persuaded him not to and he sent to Seleucus and
surrendered himself and all that he had to him. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2709. When Seleucus heard the message, he ordered his servants to outfit a royal pavilion in a
most regal manner to receive Demetrius. He sent Apollonides, who had formerly been an
intimate friend of Demetrius, to comfort him and to tell him that there was no cause of fear since
he was to come to an old friend and son-in-law of his. When Seleucus' servants heard this, first
one by one and then later they all flocked in great multitudes to Demetrius. Their action
provoked envy instead of compassion toward Demetrius. This made his foes to void Seleucus'
good intentions to him. They told Seleucus that no sooner would Demetrius be seen in the camp
but he would find strange alterations and innovations in it. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2710. Thereupon, Pausanias was sent with a company of about 1000 men, cavalry and foot
soldiers together. They put all others from him and instead of bringing him to Seleucus, they
carried him away to a certain cape in Syria. In that place he was kept for the rest of his days with
a strong guard on him. He was given sufficient allowance and lacked no money, no walks, no
gardens, nor places of hunting, or other recreations that his heart could wish for. His friends that
had followed him, were free to see and talk with him anytime. Not a day passed there, that
someone came to see him from Seleucus with friendly messages from him and to encourage him
to be of good comfort and hope for further liberty upon reasonable conditions. Soon Antiochus
(who was Seleucus' son) and his wife Stratonice were come to court. (Plut. in Demetr.)
However, (Diod. Sic. 1. 21.) tells us that he was all this time kept prisoner at Pella. (Hen. Vales,
in Excerpt, p. 262.)

271 1. When Demetrius was in this state, he wrote to his son, other captains and his friends at
Athens, Corinth and other places. He said that they should give no credence to any letters that
might happen to come to them as being sent by him or sealed with his seal. They should act as if
he were dead and respect his son Antigonus in the kingdom. (Plut. in Demetr.) It is from this
time that Porphyrie starts Antigonus' reign over Greece. That is from the 10th year before he
added the kingdom of Macedonia to his other dominions. Porphyrie further tells us that
Antigonus was surnamed Gonates from a place called Goni in Thessalia, where he grew up.
(Scalig. in Grac. Euseb. p. 226.) When Antigonus heard the news of his father's captivity, he
took it very hard. He clothed himself in mourning clothes and wrote letters to various kings and
to Seleucus. He did this in humble manner and offered himself and whatever he could call his as
a pledge to Seleucus for his father. Similar letters and messages came to Seleucus from various
cities and kings on Demetrius' behalf. (Plut. in Demetr.)

2712. Only Lysimachus in his letters advised Seleucus to take heed how he let the man go. He

said Demetrius was ambitious and turbulent a spirit, so ambitious of sovereignty and so
encroaching upon the rights of all the other kings. He offered Seleucus 2000 talents if he would
kill him. However, Seleucus, who never had any good opinion of Lysimachus, utterly detested
him after reading his letter and thought he was a barbarous and execrable person. He spared no
foul words to his ambassadors in that they tried to persuade him to break the promise which he
had given and to murder one who was so closely related to him. Nevertheless Seleucus wrote
letters immediately to his son Antiochus who was then in Media. He advised him what he
should do with Demetrius now that he had him. Seleucus planned to free him and to restore him
to his former glory as a king. Therefore he thought it fitting to communicate to Demetrius
because he had married his daughter Stratonice and had children by her. (Plut. in Demet. &
Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Published by Hen. Vales. 1. 21.)

3719 AM, 4429 JP, 285 BC

2713. Demetrius was confined to that Chersonese or cape. At first he exercised himself in
hunting and other sports. But gradually grew idle and reckless and spent most of of his time
eating and playing dice. (Plut. in Demet.)

2714. Ptolemy of Egypt, surnamed Soter, had children first by Euridice, the daughter of
Antipater and then by Berenice whom Antipater sent as a companion only with his daughter into
Egypt. He was near death and he appointed Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, one of his sons,
whom he had by Bernice to succeed him in the kingdom, according to Pausan. in Attic. Justin (1.
16. c. 2.) tells us, that while he was still in very good health, he turned his kingdom over to his
son and that he told the people his reasons for doing this. However, Lucianus in Macrobiis, and
Porphyrie in the Greek Eusebian fragments, (p. 225.) tell us that when he had reigned 38 years
by himself, he then made his son viceroy in the kingdom and so held the kingdom jointly with
him for 2 years. However, I calculate that it was in the 39th year after the death of Alexander,
that he took his son Philadelphus into the consortship of the kingdom with him. In memory of
this, Dionysius the astronomer started a new era starting from the summer of this year, 3719 AM
as Clan. Ptolemy shows in his Great Syntaxis from Dionysius' celestial observations. This
Dionysius is the same man and none other whom Ptolemy Philadelphus sent into India. (Pliny 1.
6. c. 17.)

2715. Hermippus says that Demetrius Phalereus advised Ptolemy, to make viceroy one of his
sons born by Euridice and not a son by Berenice. Heraclides, (reported by Diog. Laertius in
Demetr. Phaler. in his Epitome of the Successions of Sotion,) states that when the Ptolemy
wanted the kingdom to his son Philadelphus, Demetrius said to him:

vv Sir, take heed what you do; if you give it away once, you will never have it again;"

2716. In spite of this, the father publicly gave his son the kingdom and served him as one of his
ordinary guard. He said that it was much better to be the father of a king than having a kingdom.
(Justin 1. 16. c. 2.)

2717. Ptolemy was surnamed "Ceraunus", that is "lightning". This was either for his quickness
and celerity in handling business or for his fierceness of nature. Memnon states that when the
son of Euridice saw his younger brother made king before him, he fled to Seleucus for fear.
Seleucus pitied his situation as of the son of a friend and entertained him with a generous and

honourable allowance. He promised that whenever his father died, he would set him in his
throne in Egypt. (Memnon in Excerpt, c. 9. and 13. Appian on Syriac. p. 128.)

2718. In the 124 Olympiad, as we find in Cyril of Alexandria, (1. 1. cont. Julia.) the image of
Serapis was brought from Sinope on the Euxine Sea to Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy
Philadelphus as some think. This was under Ptolemy the first, his father, for in the beginning of
this olympiad, they reigned jointly as was noted before. Ambassadors were sent from him
concerning this very thing to Scydrothenus, who was at that time king of Sinope in Pontus.
Cornelius Tacitus describes this in detail toward the end of the 4th book of his history.

3720 AM, 4430 JP, 284 BC

2719. In the same olympiad, as we find in Euseb. Chron. that Sostratus of Cnidus built the
Pharos or lighthouse at Alexandria. Pliny, (1. 36. c. 12.) describes it thus:

vv The lighthouse built by a king in the Isle of Pharos at the port of Alexandria, is very famous.
This cost 800 talents to build. Ptolemy the king was very generous in that he allowed Sostratus,
the architect of that great work, to name it. The use of the tower was to hold a light in it to help
those who travelled by sea at night. By day it showed them the way into the port and how to
avoid the shoals in front of it."

2720. Strabo (1. 17. p. 791.) calls Sostratus, the "friend of kings". He means of the two Ptolemys,
father and son, who, as I showed before, at this time held that kingdom in consortship together.
He gives the inscription which Sostratus made there himself:

vv Sostratus, of Cnidia, the son of Dexiphanes, to the gods the deliverers, for the benefit of the
seamen."

2721. Lucian at the end of his book of the correct writing of a history, has the same, except that
he says that Sostrates inserted it somewhere cunningly "and of himself", and not, as Pliny, "by
the permission and good liking of the two kings." For when he built the lighthouse, he engraved
this inscription somewhere on the inside of it. Then he plastered it over and on that plaister
wrote the name of the Ptolemy, whoever it was that then reigned. He thought that it would come
to pass in some short time, (as indeed it did) that the upper inscription together with the plaster
would fall off and then his own name that was engraved under in good stone would appear.

2722. To ensure a safe means of getting supplies to Pharos which lay about a mile from the main
land, a huge causeway was made to join the island to the continent so it was no longer a distinct
island. A Chersonese or peninsula and a part of the continent joined to Rhacotis a suburb of the
city of Alexandria. Julius Caesar (in 1. 3. Comminta. De Bello civi.) toward the end of the book
said this:

vv Pharos, is a lighthouse in that island of a fantastic height and sumptuously built. It is named
after the island on which it stands. This island lies opposite Alexandria and makes an arm of the
sea between a sure haven for the cities use, but a "superioribus Regibus"."

2723. (For so it should be , Broadaeus, Scaliger and Salianus have noted, not "a superioribus

Regionibus" as the common printed copies have it.) That is:

vv By their kings in former ages had a narrow causeway of 920 paces long been made through the
sea which connects to the town by a bridge."

2724. For we may in no way give credit to that fable of Ammian Marcel. (1. 22. of Johann.
Malela, 1. 9. c. 2. of the author of the Fasti Siculi of George Cadrenius & Johann. Tzetza,) who
imagines that both the lighthouse itself and its causeway were the work of Cleopatra, the last
queen of Egypt.

2725. Spartacus, the king of Bosphorus Cimmerius died after he had reigned 20 years. Diodorus
states this happened in year 1 of the 1 19th Olympiad. He was succeeded by his son Parysates.
(See note on 3695 AM)

2726. Demetrius Poliorcetes who had been confined for 3 whole years in a cape of Syria became
sick and died. This was caused partly by laziness and partly by over eating. (Plut. in Demetr.)
This was 17 years after his father, Antigonus, died. (Dexippus, Porphrie and Eusebius say:)
Seleucus was ill spoken of in the world because of his death. Indeed, he repented often and
blamed himself for being so jealous and suspicious of him. Antigonus, Demetrius' son, when he
heard that the body of his father was on its way to him, put to sea with all the ships that he could
find and met them around the isles. There he received the ashes of his body and placed them in a
golden urn. He covered it with a scarlet vail and put a diadem or golden crown on it. He gave
him a royal funeral and carried it along with him to Corinth first. Then he went to Demetrias, a
city called after his father's name and populated by him with men taken from the smaller towns
and villages of Iolcos in Thessalie.

2727. Seleucus had now gotten all that which Demetrius possessed in Syria and Asia. He made
both those kingdoms one entire empire. (Euseb. Chron.) At that time the Jews paid him 300
talents yearly for their tribute. However they had no foreign ruler over them but were governed
by their high priests and according to the customs of their country. (Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor.
1.2.)

3721 AM, 4431 JP, 283 BC

2728. In this year, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, surnamed Soter, died. He had made his son
viceroy with him in the kingdom for almost 15 months according to the calendar of Dionysian.
This was about 39 years and 4 months after the death of Alexander the Great. (Others say a full
40 years, but Clau. Ptol. in Reg. Can. says only 39 years.) He had lived a full 84 years. (Lucian,
in Macrobils.) The countries and kingdoms which he held in his possession, are all listed by
Theocritus the poet (Idyll. 17.). They were Egypt, Phoenicia, Arabia, Syria, Libya, Ethiopia,
Pamphilia, Cilicia, Lycia, Caria and the isles of the Cyclades. The truth is that he is said to have
allied himself with Seleucus against Demetrius upon the express conditions that the dominion of
all Asia should go to Seleucus but Phoenicia and Coelosyria would be his. However, Seleucians
deny this and say that Ptolemy entered into an alliance against Antigonus not to gain any thing
by it for himself but to help Seleucus in the claim which he laid to Coelosyria. After the death of
Antigonus, Cassander and Lysimachus gave Coelosyria to Seleucus. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 410.) Now
there is no doubt that Phoenicia and Syria, as Theocritus also states, belonged at certain times to
Ptolemy. After the death of Antigonus who had wrested them from Ptolemy, he subdued Syria

again for himself. (Pausan. in Attic.) Yet we have already showed, that Tyre and Sidon were in
the possession of Demetrius Poliorcetes. After his death, if not before, both those two places and
all the rest of Syria were controlled by Seleucus.

2729. Josephus, (1. 12. c.2.) says that Ptolemy Philadelphus reigned for 39 years. It seems he
counts from the time that he first reigned jointly with his father, for after his father's death,
Clemens Alexandrinus says he reigned only 37 years, (Claud. Ptolemy, in Reg. Can. say 38.)
and so do Porphrie, Eusebius and others. Whereas, according to my account he reigned after his
father's death, 37 years and almost 8 months but in all 39 years less a month. Although the
length of his reign is uncertain it is known for sure that he put to death his younger brother
Argaeus because he was guilty of plotting his death. He executed another brother of his born by
Euridice because he was found to be instigating a revolt in the isle of Cyprus. (Pausan. in Attic,
p. 6.) By this he little deserved that generous name of "Philadelphus", that is, "a lover of his
brethren". Theocritus in his 17th Idyllion says, that he had in his dominions 33,339 cities and is
said to have been of so great power that he exceeded his father Ptolemy the First. Jerome
confirms this from Histories, upon Da 1 1 and so does Appianus Alexandrinus, from the records
of the kings of Egypt, in his preface to his History of the Romans. To further support this we
may add, what Athenaeus, (1. 5. Deipnosoph. c. 5.) relates of his fleets and the incredible size of
his ships.

2730. In the 47th year of the first period of Calippus, in the 8th day of the month Anthisterion,
465th year of Nabonassars' account, the 29th day of the month Athyr, 3 hours before midnight,
at the end of the 29th day of our January according to the Julian calendar, Timochares observed
at Alexandria that the 4th part of the moon covered the part of the Virgilia's, to a 3rd part or
nearly half. (Ptolemy. 1. 7. c. 3.)

2731. Lysimachus was now king of Thrace and Macedonia. He was persuaded by his wife
Arsinoe, (by whom he had also children) to murder his oldest son Agathocles. He had intended
him to be his successor in his kingdom and by him, Lysimachus had achieved so many glorious
victories. Whether he was killed by poison or by the hand of Ptolemy Ceraunus, the brother to
his wife Arsinoe, I do not know. (Strabo. 1. 13. p. 623. Justin 1. 17. c. 1. Pausan. in Attic, p. 9.
Memnons Excerpt, c. 9.)

2732. Having killed his son, he did not hesitate to kill his nobles who lamented his son's death.
Thereupon, they who escaped and the captains of his armies in all parts fled away to Seleucus.
(Justin 1. 17. c. 1.) The murders of his nobles made all the people abhor him. Whole cities
defected from him to Seleucus. (Memnons Excerpt, c. 9.)

2733. Lysandra, the daughter of Ptolemy Soter and sister to Arsinoe defected to Seleucus along
with her brothers and her children born to her through Agathocles. Alexander, another son of
Lysimachus' other wife, Odryssias, fled also to Seleucus. All these came to Babylon and
petitioned to Seleucus to make war on Lysimachus. (Pausan. in Attic, p. 9. with Appian in
Syriac. p. 130.)

2734. At the same time also, Philetaerus a Paphlagonian and an eunuch who had had a good
education in his youth was the keeper of all Lysimachus' treasure that was stored at Pergamus.
He was grieved by the murder of Agathocles and by Arsinoe who daily accused him to
Lysimachus. He seized the city of Pergamos, which stands on the river Caicus and then sent to

Seleucus. He offered to Seleucus, himself and all the treasure which he had there under his
charge that belonged to Lysimachus. He sided with the strongest and kept them in line with
good promises and offices as occasions arose. He held the citadel there and principality of the
place for 20 years. (Pausan. in Attic, p. 7, 9. Strabo 1. 13. p. 623.) Appianus (in Syriac. p. 129.)
calls him, "The Prince of Pergamos", but some old annals in Huber, Goltsis Thesauro. have him,
"Regem". that is "King". For indeed this was the man that was the founder of that new
principality in Pergamos. He was 60 years old according to Lucian in Mucrobiis.

3722a AM, 4431 JP, 283 BC

2735. In the 48th year of the first period of Calippus, on the 25th day of the month of
Pyanepsion, 466th year of Nabonassar, the 7th day of the month Thoth, 3.5 hours before
midnight, on the 9th day of our November, Timochares at Alexandria observed the conjunction
of the moon with Spica Virginis, in its northern parts. (Ptolem. 1. 7. c. 3.)

3722 AM, 4432 JP, 282 BC

2736. Antiochus, surnamed Soter, son of Seleucus Nicator fell in love with Stratonice, one of his
father's wives whom his father had had a son. He was aware of the strength of his own desire
and neither attempted anything on her nor disclosed anything of that which troubled him. He lay
in bed and in that melancholy would have died. (This was discovered by Leptines, a
mathematician, or as others say, Erasistratus, a physician, Aristotle's grandchild by a daughter of
his, and a disciple of Chrysippus according to Pliny. (1. 29. c. 1.) That is by Chrysippuis a
Cnidian and a physician. Likewise, as Laertius in the life of Chrysippus states. Although some
others say he was a scholar under Theophrastus, as the same Laertius, in the life of Theophrastus
toward its end. His followers went by the name of Erasistrataeans. Later Galen wrote a book of
Phlebotomie, or "opening of a vein", that is still extant.) Erasistratus who was sitting by
Antiochus, noticed that when Stratonice came, his colour always rose and his pulse beat high.
When she went away, he grew pale and waned again and was short of breath and panted. He
discovered what his problem was and told the matter to Seleucus. Thereupon he was content to
part with her to his son although she was most dearly beloved to him. Seleucus called his army
together and before them all married her to his son. Seleucus had at that time 72 provinces under
him. He gave the greater part of them, that is the upper provinces which were all east of the
Euphrates River to his son. He reserved only such countries as lay on the west between the
Euphrates and Mediterranean Sea. (Appian. in Syriac. with Valer. Max. 1. 5. c. 7. Plut. in Demet.
Lucian. De Syria Dea. Galen, of foreknowing, and Julia in Misopogone.)

3723 AM, 4433 JP, 281 BC

2737. Lysimachus crossed over into Asia to made war on Seleucus. This was the last battle
fought between the survivors of Alexander the Great. 34 were already dead and these were the
last two alive. This battle was fought in Phrygia bordering on the Hellespont, pzit pqbngnwohan.
(in Porphyrie, in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 228.) Lysimachus personally fought very bravely.
After he had lost many of his men, he was wounded with a large spear by Malacon, one of
Heraclea. Lysimachus had lived to see the death of 15 of his children and was one of the last
surviving members of his family. (Pausan. in Attic, p. 9. Memnon, Excerpt, c. 9. Appian, in
Syriac. p. 128. 131. Justin, 1. 17. c. 1, 2. Oros. 1. 3. c. ult.) Appian says he lived 70 years, Justin
and Ordsius say 74, but Hieronymus Cardianus, the historian who lived at that time and was

held in great esteem, says that he died at 80. (Lucian, in Macroiis)

2738. When Lysimachus had fallen, his dog stayed by the body and drove away all the birds and
animals from it. Finally, Thorax, from the country of Pharsalia, found the almost putrefied body
after a long search and knew it by his dog that lay by it. Alexander, his son by Odrysias, got the
body from Lysandra after much adieu and many requests. He carried it into the Chersonese of
Thrace and buried it there. His bones were later moved to the temple in Lysimacia by the
citizens of the place. The bones were placed in an urn and the name of the temple after that was
called Lysimachium. (Pausan. and Appia.)

2739. When Lysimachus was dead, his kingdom became part of Seleucus' kingdom. (Memnon.)
Seleucus was very pleased with himself after so great a victory because he now saw himself the
last one alive of all that company which went by the name of Alexander's companions in arms.
He said that to be a Conqueror of Conquerors was a gift from god not man. (Justin.)

2740. The men of Heraclea in Pontus heard that Lysimachus was dead and that he was slain by a
country man of theirs. In the 84th year after Clearchus the First subdued them, they wanted to
recover their native liberty which Lysimachus had again taken from them after their local tyrants
were dead. They behaved valiantly to recover it. After the death of the two brothers, Clearchus
the second and Oxarhres, Lysimachus had restored their liberty for a while. Afterward, through
the requests of his wife Arsinoe, he made a new war on them. (Justin, 1. 17. c. 3.) When he had
taken their city, he made Heraclitus Cimaeus, a man loyal to Arsinoe, governor over them. After
Lysimachus' death, the men of Heraclea offered Herachitus, safe passage and a large sum of
money to leave on the condition that they would again have their liberty. Thereupon he was very
angry and ordered some of them to be executed. When the citizens knew this, they secretly
agreed with the chief officers of the garrison under Herachitus to free them and to pay them all
their back wages. The officers took Heraclitus and put him in prison where they kept him for a
while. When they saw they were free from all danger, they demolished the citadel, which
Lysimachus had built to control them. They sent an embassy to Seleucus to tell him what they
had done and they made Phocritus, governor of their state. (Memnon, Excerpt, c. 8. & 10.)

2741. Zipoetus, a petty king of Bithynia was angry with the men of Heraclea first for
Lysimachus and now for Seleucus' sake because they were both his enemys. He attacked them
and did as much damage as he could. Although his men were not caught, they often received as
much harm as they inflicted. (Memnon, Excerpt, c. 11.)

2742. Meanwhile, Seleucus sent Aphrodisius to the cities of Phrygia, and nearby places to take
care of his tribute and affairs. After he had settled the business he was sent on, he returned to
Seleucus. He praised many cities but accused the Heraclians of many things especially, that they
were not loyal to Seleucus. Thereupon the king was enraged and scorned the embassy sent by
the Heraclians to him. He spoke harshly to them. However, there was one of them, called
Camaelcon, who was not intimidated. He spoke to Seleucus:

vv Sir, Hercules, Carron."

2743. "Carron" in the Dorian Dialect or language, means, "he that is the strongest". When
Seleucus did not know what the word meant, he continued his tirade against them and ordered
them to leave. Thereupon the messengers that were sent, knew that it was no good for them

either to stay there or to return home again. When Heraclea heard the news, they fortified their
city as best they could and sought foreign help. They sent their ambassadors for help to
Mithridates king of Pontus and to the states of Byzantium and Chalcedon. (Memnon, Excerpt, c.
12.)

2744. Those who were banished and lived in exile from the state of Heraclea, met together and
came to an agreement among themselves. The deal was this. There Nymphidin persuaded them
to labour for a restitution to their country. He told them it would not be hard to do this, if they
would desire restitution of what their ancestors had lost in a fair and not in a violent way. They
were all easily persuaded by him. Thereupon all things happened according the their desires. It
was hard to tell who was happier, the returning exiles or the citizens who received them. They
who returned used the citizens who had expelled them very lovingly. The citizens allowed none
of them to lack any necessaries of life. By this means they grew more united into one body again
and returned into their original state of government. (Memnon, Excerpt, c. 12.)

3724 AM, 4434 JP, 280 BC

2745. Seleucus planned to end his days in his old and native country of Macedonia. He crossed
over the Hellespont and went to Lysimachia. By chance, he saw a certain altar standing in a
conspicuous place and asked what the name of that altar was. He was told that it was called
"Argos". Now it is said that he had been forewarned by an oracle to beware of Argos. He further
asked why it was called Argos. Whether it was from the Argonants, who passed that way in
olden time, when they went with Jason to Colchos. Or was it named after the Argivi, who went
to the siege of Troy or that the great Argos in which Jason went, was cast away there on their
return or that it was the country of the Arridae, Agamemnon and Menelaus. As he was thus
questioning about the name of that altar, Ptolemy Ceraunus, who was standing behind him, ran
him through with his sword and killed him. Ptolemy was the son of Ptolemy the First, by his
wife Euridice and brother to Arsinoe the widow of Lysimachus. He killed his great benefactor
who kept him and always wanted him with him. So Seleucus within 7 months after the death of
Lysimachus, lost both the kingdom of Macedonia, which he had taken from him and his life.

2746. Arrian tells us that Seleucus was the greatest man that lived after Alexander the Great and
had the most noble spirit of all the rest. He had the largest dominions of all others. (1. de Reb.
Alexand.) He died in the 43rd year after the death of Alexander, the 32nd year of the Greek or
Seleucian Calendar. Appian said he lived 73 years but Justin says 78 years. His body was buried
by Philetaerus the king of Pergamus, which he redeemed from Ceraunus with a great sum of
money. After he had buried it in a most solemn manner, he sent his ashes to his son Antiochus.
He burned it in Seleucia which stands on the sea coast. He built a shrine to his tomb which was
called Nicatorium after his surname. (Appian, in Syriac. p. 129.) Justin tells us that both he, his
sons and grand children after him, were all born with the sign of an anchor on one of their
thighs. This was a natural birthmark of that family. (1. 15. c. 4.) Ausonius in his book "de Claris
Urbius", that is, "of famous cities", spoke of Antioch and said: (1. 2.)

-Ilia Selucum. &c. She for her founder did Seleucus praise, Who ware a native anchor in his
thigh; A true impress of his nativity, And cognisance on all his progeny.

2747. However Polybius, (1. 2. p. 128.) notes, that Ptolemy the First, Lysimachus, Seleucus and
Ptolemy Ceraunus, all died about the 124th olympiad. Ptolemy the First, died in the first year of

it and Lysimachus and Seleucus in the last year. However, Ceraunus did not die until the latter
end of the first year of the next olympiad. Therefore Polybius mentioning the concurrence of
their deaths in the (same book, p. 155.) seems of to have omitted him. (??)

2748. After Ceraunus had murdered Seleucus, he escaped on a swift horse to Lysimachia. He
proclaimed himself king and surrounded himself with bodyguards. He went to the army who of
pure necessity, received him and cried, "God save the king". Only a short time before they had
sworn allegiance to Seleucus. (Memnon, Excerp. c. 13.)

2749. When Antigonus, surnamed Gonatas, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, heard how
Seleucus was murdered, he made an expedition into Macedonia. He planned to get there before
Ceraunus could with his army and naval forces. However, Ceraunus had all Lysimachus' fleet in
a readiness, and set out and met him in a good battle formation at sea. In his navy, ships were
sent from Heraclea in Pontus. Some of 6, some of 5 tiers of oars and these kinds of ships were
called Aphracta. The largest ship of all had 8 tiers of oars and was called the Leontifera. She
was admired by all for her huge size and exquisite building. In her were 100 oars per tier, so that
on each side there were 800 rowers which made 1600 in all. On the upper deck or hatches there
were 1200 fighting men who were under two special commanders. When the battle began,
Ceraunus won and Antigonus was forced to flee with all his navy. In this fight the ships from
Heraclea performed the best and among them the Leontifera did the best of all. After Antigonus
was routed, he fled into Boeotia and Ptolemy Ceraunus went into Macedonia. He stayed quietly
for two years. (Memnon, Excerp. c. 14, 15.) That is for 17 months according Dexippus and
Porphyrie who more precisely relate this matter.

2750. Ceraunus grew in favour in the eyes of the people because of his father Ptolemy the First
of Egypt and for the revenge which he took on Lysimachus' death. He tried first to win over
Lysimachus' sons and desired to marry Arsinoe their mother and his own sister. He told them
that he would adopt them for his children. He hoped they would not attempt anything against
him out of respect for their mother or to him as their new father. He sent letters soliciting
friendship of his brother Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt. He claimed that he had utterly
forgotten his loss of his father's kingdom and that he would never seek to get that from his
brother which he had already more honestly attained to by getting it from an enemy. (Justin. 1.
17. c. 1.) He also made peace with Antiochus the son of Seleucus, whom he had murdered.
(Justin. 1. 24. c. 1.)

2751. Neither did he forget to solicit the friendship of Pyrrhus the king of Epirus. He thought
Pyrrhus' support would sway many to his side. Pyrrhus made generous use of everyone else's
estate and used it as if it was his own. In this spirit, he began to help the Tarentines in Italy
against the Romans. He sent to borrow ships from Antigonus Gonatas to transport his army into
Italy. He sent to Antiochus the son of the deceased Seleucus, to borrow money because he
seemed to have much more wealth than men. He asked Ptolemy Ceraunus to furnish him with
some companies of soldiers from Macedonia. Ceraunus lent Pyrrhus 5000 foot soldiers, 4000
cavalry and 50 elephants for 2 years of service only. For this favour, Pyrrhus married his
daughter and left him as protector of his kingdom of Epirus during his absence. He feared that
while he was away with the best of his army in Italy, someone might take advantage and plunder
his kingdom. (Justin 1. 17. c. 2.)

2752. Therefore, Pyrrhus made his 15 year old son Ptolemy, whom he had by Antigone the
daughter of Berenice, governor of his kingdom yet as it was under the authority of the Ptolemy

Ceraunus, the king of Macedonia. Pyrrhus sailed with his army and landed in the port of
Tarentum, now called Otranto in Italy. He took his 2 younger sons, Alexander and Helenus.
They were very young and he took them for comfort in this distant war. (Justin 1. 18. c. 1.) He
did not wait for spring but sailed there in the middle of the winter, according to Zonara's report
from Dionysius Halicarnassaeus. This was in the 4th year of 124th olympiad. (Polybius, 1. 2. p.
129.)

2753. After the death of his father Seleucus, Antiochus Soter held the kingdom of Syria for 19
years. (Porphyrie, Eusebius & Serv. Sulpitius) After many battles, he had barely recovered all
his father's dominions. In the end, he sent an army under the command of Patrocles, to cross the
Taurus Mountains. He chose for him as captain, Hermones, born at Aspendus. Patrocles was to
attack Heraclea in the country of Pontus. When he received satisfaction from an embassy who
they sent to him, he halted the expedition and made a firm league with them. He turned his
course and passed through the country of Phrygia and came into Bithynia. The Bithynians
ambushed him and he and all his army perished. In the battle Patrocles behaved most valiantly
and personally did many exploits against the enemy. (Memnon, Excerpt, c. 16.) When Zipaetes
the king of Bithynia, had thus destroyed Antiochus' army, he built a city at the foot of the hill,
Liparus and called it after his own name. (Memnon, Excerpt, c. 21.)

2754. At the end of the 50th year of the 1st period of Calippus, being the 44th from the death of
Alexander the Great, Aristarchus of Samos, observed the summer solstice. This was after
Menton first observed the lunar cycle, 152 or 8 complete lunar cycles earlier. (CI. Ptolemy in his
book De anni Magnitudine, states from Hipparchus, 1.3. Syntax, c. 2.) See note on 3572 AM.

2755. Arsinoe, the widow of Lysimachus, married her own brother, Ptolemy Ceraunus and
received him into her city of Cassandrea. He seized the citadel and took and killed her two sons,
who she had by Lysimachus. One was called Lysimachus who was 16 years old and the other,
Philippus was only 3 years old. He killed them both in their mother's arms. She tore her clothes
and pulled out her hair. She was hauled out the gates of the city with only two servants and
banished to the Isle of Samothracia. (Justin, 1. 24. c. 2. & 3. Memnon, Excerpt, c. 15.)

3725 AM, 4435 JP, 279 BC

2756. In the beginning of the 2nd year after Pyrrhus' arrival in Italy, the Gauls invaded Greece.
(Polyb. 1. 1. p. 6.) They divided their whole army into 3 parts and assigned each part a task. One
part led by Cerethrius attacked the Thracians and Triballi. The second group attacked Pannonias
and were led by Brennus and Acichorius. The third group led by Belgius, attacked Macedonia
and Illyrium. (Justin, 1. 24. c. 5. & 1. 25. c. 2. calls him Belgius) Pausanias calls him Bolgius.
(Pausanias, in Phocieis. p. 335.)

2757. Ptolemy Ceraunus was driven on by madness of his wicked mind. He with a small poorly
organised company went to war with Belius. Ptolemy thought wars were as easily waged as
murders are committed. When the king of the Dardans offered to help him against these newly
come Gauls with 20,000 men, Ptolemy refused the offer. When the Gauls sent messengers to
him offering him peace for money, he replied that he would not give them peace unless they
surrendered their arms and the leaders of their army for hostages as signs of their loyalty to him.
Not able to agree, they fought a battle and the Macedonians were defeated and fled. Ptolemy
was grievously wounded and the elephant on which he rode was also wounded. It became

unruly and threw him off its back. He was captured by the Gauls and torn in pieces. His head
was cut off and put on the point of a spear. It was carried about to terrify the enemy. Few of the
Macedonians escaped. The rest were either slain or taken prisoners. (Justin, 1. 24. c. 4, 5. 1. 23. c.
2. with Memnon's Excerpt, c. 15. Diod. Sic. 1. 22. c. 3. Pausamias in Phoc. p. 335.)

2758. Ptolemy's brother Meleager succeeded him in the kingdom of Macedonia. After 2 months,
the Macedonians kicked him out as not being worthy of the position. They replaced him with
Antipater, the son of Philip, who was brother to Cassander. (Justin, 1. 12. c. 14.) He was
nicknamed "the Etesian" because he held the office for only 45 days. This is about how long that
the Etesian winds used to blow on that coast each year. (Porphy. in Grac. Euseb. p. 228.)

2759. When Brennus, (who, some say, was by birth a Prausian, as we read in Strabo, 1. 4. p.
187.) heard of this great victory by Belgius, he did not want to let slip from his hands this golden
opportunity of getting all the riches of the east. He gathered together 150,000 foot soldiers and
15,000 cavalry of his Gauls and marched in quickly to Macedonia. (Justin, 1. 24. c. 6.) When he
came into the country of the Dardans, a people in Illyrum, he was forced to stay there because of
a rebellion which rose in his army. About 20,000 of his men, (this number Suidas also has in the
word, Galatae) with Leonorius and Lutarius as their captains defected from him and went into
Thracia. By fighting and selling peace to those that would buy it from them, they came finally to
Byzantium. After they had wasted the country of Propontis for a while and made it a tributary to
them, they took over all the cities in those parts. (Liv. 1. 38.)

3726 AM, 4436 JP, 278 BC

2760. Sosthenes, a leader in Macedonia, assembled the youth and brave men of the country and
attacked the Gauls that were there. He quelled them after many encounters and defended the
country from their further plundering. For this great service he was chosen to be king when
many of the nobles strove for the kingdom. He was selected even though he was a man of
humble birth and parentage and of no royal blood. When they wanted to make him king, he
refused and made them take their oath to him as their captain only. (Justin, 1. 24. c. 5.) In that
capacity, he governed that country for 2 years. (Polyrie and Euseb.)

2761. When Brennus came into Macedonia he started plundering the country. Sosthenes met
him with his army but was hopelessly outnumbered. The Macedonians were quickly defeated
and fled to their cities. While they stayed confined to their cities, Brennus with his army overran
and plundered all the country. (Justin, 1. 24. c. 6.)

2762. Leonoras and Lutarius used trickery to capture Lysimachia and took over the whole area.
They came down from there into the Hellespont and saw how short a distance it was across to
Asia and planned to go there. They sent their agents to Antipater the governor of Hellespont, to
help them make the journey. (Livy 1. 38.)

2763. When Zipaetes had reigned in Bithynia for a full 48 years and lived 76 years, he died
leaving 4 sons. The oldest was Nicomedes and he succeeded his father in the kingdom. He
proved to his brothers that he was not a brother but a butcher. (Memnon, Excerpt, c. 21.) The
youngest who was called Zipaetes and whom Livy (1. 38.) calls Zibnaeas, held the sea coast of
Bithynia. This was called Thracia Thyniaca or Asiatica. (Livy c. 18.)

2764. After Zipaetes died, Antiochus Soter prepared to make war upon Bithynia. Nicomedes
sent and asked help from the city of Heraclea and promised to help them if the need arose.
Thereupon they sent him help. By this occasion they later recovered at great expense Cierus,
Tius and the land of Thinis. When they went to recover the city and territory of Amestris,
(which had also been taken from them) they spared neither for war nor money to recover it.
However, Eumenes who held it as governor only, chose for very spite to turn it over gratis to
Ariobarzanes the son of Mithridates the king of Pontus. He did this rather than to surrender it to
the state of Heraclea on any terms. (Livy c. 17.)

3726b AM, 4436 JP, 278 BC

2765. Brennus and Acichorius with the Illyrians, (as Appianus in Illyricis tells us) whom they
call Autarians and Celts, whom they call Cimbrians, left Macedonia. They went into Greece
with an army of 152,000 foot soldiers and 20,400 cavalry. Every cavalry man had two footmen
attending him. If the cavalry man was killed, one of them could take his place. When they went
to plunder the temple at Delphi, they were driven off with thunder and lightening. There were
earthquakes and the ground sank from under them in the Mount Olympus. Because it was
winter, there were bitter frosts and snow. They were miserably distressed in many ways. The
Phocenses killed less than 6000 of them. Panic and fear struck the whole army. A frost that night
killed more than 10,000 men and as many more perished from hunger in the place. Brennus their
leader, was wounded. Because of this shameful defeat, he drank himself drunk and fell on his
own sword and died. When Acichorius saw how the leaders of this war were punished, he
hastily left Greece with a company of 10,000 poor maimed soldiers. However, the continual
storms of rain and snow, with bitter frosts and famine and which was worst of all perpetual
walking, utterly consumed the bodies of this unlikely army. All nations through which they
passed on their return journey, attacked them as they went, scattering them and making a prey of
them. (Pausan. in Phoc. and Attic. Justin, 1. 24. c. 6-8. Eclog. Diod. Sic. 1. 22. S. 13. Appian.
Illyr. p 758.) Polybius, (1. 2. p. 108.) notes that this disaster happened to them in year 2 of the
125th olympiad and when Anaxicrates was archon of Athens. (Pausan in Phoc. p. 340.)

3726c AM, 4436 JP, 278 BC

2766. When those of Illyrium, called Autarians, who escaped this misfortune came home into
their own country, they found themselves plagued with huge numbers of frogs. They killed so
many that they polluted the very rivers with their rotting bodies. The foul air rising from their
dead bodies, caused a pestilence to spread throughout all the country. They were forced to flee
from their native land but carried the plague along with them. No country would receive them
and so they were forced to go on a 23 day journey until they came into the country of the
Basturnians. There they built cities to live in. The land of the Celts was plagued with
earthquakes and whole cites were swallowed up. These plagues still followed them until at last
they also were forced to leave their habitation and went wandering until they came to the
country of the Illyrians, who were partners with them in their action at Delphi. They easily
defeated them since the inhabitants were consumed with the plagues. However, they got the
infection by touching their goods. They were forced again to leave and wandered until they
came to Pyrene. (Appian. Illyr. p 758.) All these horrid, strange and miraculous plagues and
punishments happened to these Gauls and others for their sacrilegious acts committed against
their idols. We may truly say that to be most true which the wise man says of them who swore
falsely by them:

vv That it was not the power of the gods by whom they swore, nor of the gods whom these have
robbed but the just vengeance on sinners, from the true God who always punishes the offences
of the ungodly," (Wild. c. 14. v. ult.)

2767. The Cordistae were a part of these Gauls who attempted the plundering of Delphi. It is
said that Bathanasius their captain, settled them near the bank of the Ister River from whom it is
that the way by which they returned was later called Bathanasius' way. (Athenaus, 1. 6. c. 4.)
These are the same Gauls, whom Strabo calls, the Scordisci. They settled on the bank of the
Ister River and they expelled the Autarians or Autoriates from their lands. (1. 7. p. 293, 296, 313,
317,318.)

2768. Those Gauls, whom as I said before, went from Thrace down to the strait of Hellespont.
After a rebellion among them, Leonorias with the most of his men, returned to Byzantium from
where he came. Lutarius took 5 ships from the Macedonians, who were sent by Antipater to him
as ambassadors but were really spies. He used the ships to transport his men into Asia a few at a
time. (Livy, 1 38.)

2769. Zipaetes and Bithynians defeated the state of Heraclea. When help came to them from
other parts, Zipaetes was forced to flee. The Heraclians gathered the bodies of their slain, burnt
them and carried their bones into the city. They laid them up in their sepulchres with the bones
of men who with others who had excellently served their country. (Memnons Excerpt, c. 18.)

2770. About the same time, Antiochus Soter and Antigonus Gonatas made elaborate
preparations to go to war against each other. Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, sided with Antigonus
but others with Antiochus. Therefore, Antiochus set aside the war with Antigonus for the
present and marched first against Nicomedes. He was forced to get what help he could from
other parts. He sent to his friends the Heracleans and got from them 13 ships of three tiers of
oars a piece. With these he went to engage Antiochus at sea. They met and after looking at each
other for a while, each side withdrew and nothing happened. (Memnons Excerpt, c. 19.)

2771. The men of Byzantium were worn out with the continual attacks and plundering of the
Gauls. They sent their ambassadors to their friends and got from the Heracleans, 1000 crowns,
(some say, 4000). Not long after this, Nicomedes came to an agreement with these Gauls. The
terms were these:

vv Thus they should forever continue firm and fast friends to Nicomedes and his heirs. That
without his knowledge and consent, they should lend no helping hand to any that by embassies
should implore their aid in their wars. They should be friends to his friends and foes to his foes.
ITEM, That they should help them of Byzantium, if occasion arose. ITEM, That they should
maintain league and friendship with the Tianians, Heracleans, Chalcedonians, Cierians and
some other states which had other nations under their jurisdiction", (Memnons Excerpt, c. 20,
21.)

2772. Leonorius, with the help of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, crossed from Byzantium into
Asia. (Livy 1. 38. Strabo 1. 12. p. 566.) This crossing of the Gauls into Asia happened in year 3
of olympiad 125. (Pausan. in Phoc. p. 340.)

2773. However, the people of Byzantium were not rid of those plundering Gauls yet. For some

of those who were at Delphi with Brennus and escaped that danger came into Hellespont under
their captain, Comontorius. They planned to go no further since they liked the country around
Byzantium. They settled there and after they had conquered the Thracians, they made Tyla the
capital city of their kingdom. They made Byzantium to fear them as the other Gauls had done
before. (Polyb. 1.4. p. 313.)

3727 AM, 4437 JP, 277 BC

2774. Ptolemy Philadelphus was a great patron of learning and all liberal arts and sciences. He
built a most famous library at Alexandria, in that quarter of the city which was called Brachium.
He committed the care of getting books of all sorts and from all countries to Demetrius
Phalereus. Upon his advise, he also sent to have the holy writings of the Jews to be translated
from Hebrew into Greek by 72 translators in the 7th year of his reign. (Epiphanius in his book of
weights and measures) Concerning this Tertullian, (c. 18. Apologet.) writes:

vv The most learned king of all the Ptolemys was surnamed Philadephus and was most interested
in all kinds of literature. I think he studied to out do Philistrasus in the matter of libraries. These
are but monuments, which either antiquity or curiosity could afford for perpetuating man's fame
to posterity. He was guided in this by Demetrius Phalereus, a most excellent scholar and
humanitarian in those days whom he had set over that work. He desired of the Jews to have their
books also."

2775. This Ptolemy, if there ever was any king, was very zealous in the studies of human
learning. This is confirmed by Phylarchus and vouched by Athenaeus. (1. 12. c. 17. Deipnos.) It
is given in more detail by Vitruvins, in his preface to his book of Architecture. He shows that
when he finished this great library at Alexandria, he instituted certain games in honour of
Apollo and the Muses. He invited, all writers in the common arts and sciences, (as others were
wont to do, wrestlers and the like) to put in for the prizes. He gave generous prizes to the
winners. Vitruvins also relates how Ptolemy entertained Zollus, surnamed Homeromastigem,
that is, "the scourge of Homer", when he came to him.

2776. Ptolemy acquired Arsitole's books. When Aristotle died, he left his library to
Theophrastus. Theophrastus in his last will and testament, which we find in (Diog. Leortius,)
left it to Nileus Scopsins. (Strabo. 1. 13. p. 608. Plut in Syria.) Ptolemy bought them from him
besides others which he bought at Athens and Rhodes. He brought them all to Alexandria.
(Athenaus 1. 1. c. 1.) Although Strabo and Plutarch (Strabo. 1. 13. p. 608. Plut in Sylla.) and
Atheneus elsewhere in his writings, (1. 5. c. 11.) states that Theophrastus' books and with them
all Aristotle's library came to the hands of Neleus and his heirs. A long time after in the days of
Sylla, his descendants sold them for a great sum of money to Apellicon the Teian.

2777. Demetrius Phalerus was a great grammarian whom Tertullian commends and was an
outstanding philosopher and one who had been previously a great Statesman and an excellent
governor in Athens. He was succeeded by Zenodotus of Ephesus who was the first editor of
Homer's books, according to Suidas. After him came Aristophanes, who with great diligence
and industry read all the books of that great library in order as they were placed. Vitruvius in his
previously mentioned preface to his book of Architecture affirms this. This was much later.
(Aristraeas in his Treatise of the 70 interpreters, Josephus, 1. 12. Antiq. c. 2. & Euseb. 1. 8. de
Prapar. Evangel.).

2778. When Demetrius Phalereus was asked by king Ptolemy, how many Myriads or ten
thousands of books he had gotten, he answered, about 20 Myriads, but hoped ere long to make
them 50 Myriads. He accumulated about 200,000 books. We find this from Aristaeas and in
those copies which Josephus and Eusebius used. The smaller sum of 54,800 found in
Epiphanius, who wrote long after them, is incorrect.

2779. Demtrius Phalereus advised the king, as I said before, to get those sacred writings of the
Jews. Aristaeas, who was an attendant about him at that time, advised him to buy them by
giving all the Jews who were then slaves in Egypt their freedom and send them home. It is said
that the number of them came to 100,000. In our copy of Aristaeas, it is said that everyone of
them cost the king, 20 drachmas, or 120, as it is in Josephus. 120 drachmas make 30 shekels or
shaoeres in silver. This was the full price of a slave in Ex 21:32 This was the amount that our
Saviour was sold by Judas the traitor. The 20 drachmas which we find in our Aristaeas, being
multiplied by 100,000 amounts to 2,000,000 drachmas. When divided by 6000 it makes an Attic
talent. The total amount was 333 1/3 Attic talents. The price which Ptolemy paid to redeem the
Jews from their masters came to more than 400 talents as is affirmed by Josephus and by
Aristaeas. There were more than 10,000 slaves freed. In this redemption of the Jewish slaves
from their masters, a similar price was paid for every nursing child of them together with the
mothers who nursed them. Hence it is that Josephus says that Ptolemy paid about 460 talents
instead of which our common editions of Aristaeas have, 660 talents.

2780. Ptolemy selected from these Jews, the younger sort and ablest of them for his army. He
employed the rest in his private affairs. This is confirmed in his letters to Eliezer the high priest.
For in the one true letter of the king's, Epiphanius gives us two forged ones. They are both
different both in style and meaning from that which we find in Aristaeas and Josephus. The last
one begins thus:

vv For a treasure that is hidden and a fountain sealed up, what profit is there?"

2781. Whereas in the Greek one attributed to the king, who did not know a Hebrew proverb that
was taken from /APC Sir 20:30

vv wisdom if be hidden, and a treasure unseen, what profit is there of either of them?"

2782. With his letter, he also sent expensive gifts for the use of the temple at Jerusalem.
Andraeas and Aristaeas, his two servants, delivered these to Eliezer the high priest. The gifts
were a golden table of 2 cubits long, (2.5 cubits according to Josephus) and not less than half a
cubit thick. It was solid gold and not gold plate. He sent 20 goblets of solid gold and 30 of solid
silver. To make these he used more than 50 talents of gold, 70 talents of silver and 5000
precious stones. The value of these stones was about 250 talents of gold. Besides all this, he sent
100 talents for sacrifices and other uses of the temple.

2783. Eliezer the Priest received these presents. (After the captivity there remained some of the
10 tribes of the twelve. See note on 3468c AM.) From everyone of the twelve tribes, he chose
six men who were most eminent above all others. These were mature in age, of noble birth and
well educated. These men were to translate God's Law, from Hebrew into Greek. The names of
the 72 elders are recorded by Aristaeas. The last one was called Ezekiel. I think he is the same
man whom Eusebius (in the 9th book, de Prapart. Evangel.) states to have written a tragedy

about the deliverance of the children of Israel from Egypt. The name of Ezekiel shows that he
was Jewish and not a Greek as Clemens Alexandrinus and Eusebius thought he was.

2784. Eliezer also wrote back a letter to the king. Aristaeas gives us the salutation, "God save
you". Eusebius, more correctly has: "If you and the Queen Arsinoe your sister are well, then all
is well and as we desire it should be". Philadelphus was married to Arsinoe, the daughter of
Lysimachus king of Thrace and Macedonia, by whom he had Ptolemy Euergetes and Berenice.
After she died he married a second Arsinoe, his own sister. After the death of Lysimachus, her
first husband, she was married to Ptolemeus Ceraunus her own brother. But she died before she
bare any child to Philadelphus. He loved her so much that he called a province in Egypt,
Arsinoitis, after her name. (Pausan. in Attic, p. 7.) He made her a statue of topaz, 6 feet high and
consecrated it in a temple which was called the golden temple. (Pliny 1. 17. c. 8.) By his orders,
Dinoerates the architect, made an arched roof over her all of lodestone. This was so that an
image of her made of iron would cling to it and seem to hang there in mid-air. (Pliny. 1. 14. c.
14.) Concerning Dinoerates, Ausonius (in his 9 Idyllion), says:

vv Who for a monument of incestuous love, By Ptolemy command did make to hang, Arsinoe in
the air of an Egyptian temple."

2785. These 72 translators came to Alexandria and gave to the king the things Eliezer had sent
to him. These included various parchments on which the law was intricately written with golden
letters in the language of the Jews. The parchments so joined together that the seams could not
be discerned by the eye of man. It happened that they came there at the time when news came to
Ptolemy of a great victory gotten by him at sea against Antigonus. Concerning this naval battle,
the writers who wrote say it happened about this time. I can not agree with those who refer it to
that time, when Antigonus Gonatas made war on the Athenians and besieged their cities by sea
and land. What we find in Justin, (1. 26. and by Pausan, in Laconic.) happened not until after the
death of Pyrrhus and before the death of Aretas or Areus, the first king of Lacedemon. This was
between the years 4442 and 4450 JP. For although that Areus with his army and Patrocles with
Ptolemy's fleet came at that time to the help of the Athenians, Areus returned home without any
battle fought. Pausanias shows, that Patrocles did nothing either for their relief. (In Attic, p. 7.
and in Laonic. 87.)

2786. Ptolemy entertained and feasted the 72 translators for 7 days, (Josephus has 12 days), in a
most sumptuous and magnificent manner. After that, he appointed Dorotheus to take care of
them and to supply them with all the needs and not let them lack anything. The king himself
would now and then question them concerning affairs of state and of morality. They
extemporaneously answered him with very prudent and well thought out answers, according to
Arstaeas, who took all that he wrote from the king's diaries. The king gave them each 3 talents
and the boy servant.

2787. Three days later, Demetrius walked along the causeway, called the Heptastadium, that is a
7/8 of a mile long with the translators. He led them over the bridge into the Isle of Pharos and
there settled them in a good house on the north shore of the island and far from any noise or
tumult. They started to work on the translation as exactly as possible from the original
manuscripts. Demetrius had each day's work copied exactly. Every day they worked until three
o'clock in the afternoon and then went and relaxed. They had all things abundantly provided for
them. Their meals were the same lavish kind that was provided for the king's own table.
Dorotheus had them fed by the king's orders. Moreover, every morning very early they came to

court and they bid the king good morning and returned to their place. They washed their hands,
as their custom was and said their prayers. Then they applied themselves to read and to interpret
from point to point. Epiphanius, differs in the account from Aristeas and Josephus. He says that
they were put into 36 rooms, 2 to a room. They worked there from the break of day until the that
evening. Then they were put into 36 boats, two to a boat, and brought back to the king's palace
to eat supper. In the previous part of this narration, he follows I know not whom. In the latter, it
seems, is a product of their fables. They imagined that the causeway was not made or at least not
finished until Cleopatra's time.

2788. It happened that the work of the 72 translators was finished in 72 days, as if it had been so
planned on purpose. When it was completed, Demetrius called all the Jews together in the place
where it was done and read it all in the presence of the translators. When they had completed
such a good work, they were highly commended and magnified by all the Jews who were there.
Demetrius was also highly praised by the Jews. They asked him to deliver a copy of the
translated law to their rulers. When it had been all read to them, then the priests and elders of the
translators and the officers of the Jews stood up and said:

vv Forasmuch as this translation was carefully and accurately done, it is befitting that it should
remain as it is and that no changes be made to it."

2789. When all had approved of this with a great acclamation, then Demetrius declared a great
curse (as the manner was) on any man that should alter it either by adding anything to it or by
taking anything from it.

2790. When the king had read it completely, he greatly admired the wisdom of God. He
commanded that all possible care be taken of those books and that they should be carefully
stored and kept. He also desired that the translators after they returned home would often come
and visit him. He gave each of them 3 good changes of clothes, 2 talents of gold, a cup of one
whole talent and the complete furniture for a room.

2791. In addition he gave them for Eleazar the high priest, ten beds with silver feet and
expensive furniture belonging to it. He also sent a cup of 30 talents, ten scarlet raiments, an
expensive crown, 100 pieces of linen as fine as silk, viols, mazers and two golden goblets to
sacrifice with. In his letters, he desired Eleazar that if any of these men had at any time a desire
to come and visit him, he would let them come. Ptolemy really wanted to talk with such kind of
men and would rather spend his money on them than in any other way.

2792. The Gauls, who were left by Brennus when he went into Greece to keep Macedonia, did
not want to be idle while their companions were working. They outfitted 15,000 foot soldiers
and 3000 cavalry and attacked the Getes and the Triballi and routed them. (Justin, 1. 25. c. 1.)

3728 AM, 4438 JP, 276 BC

2793. When Antigonus Gonatus had lost a battle at sea as was said before to Ptolemy
Philadephas, he made a peace with Antiochus Soter. (Justin, 1. 25. c.l.) He went into Macedonia
where his father Demetrius Poliorceres had reigned at times. Antigonus went there in the 10th
year after he first became king of Greece and reigned for 34 years. (Parphyrie, in Grec. Eusebia.
p. 229.) His heirs reigned there until Perseus who was defeated by the Romans, thus ending the

kingdom of Macedonia. (Plut. in Demetrius.)

2794. When the Gauls had defeated the Getes and the Triballi, they sent their ambassadors to
Antigonus the king of Macedonia to offer him peace for his money. At the same time they want
to spy on his army and see his camp. Antigonus entertained and feasted them in a sumptuous
manner. However, the Gauls saw and enormous amount of silver and gold brought out for the
feast. They were greedy and wanted it. Therefore they returned more his enemies than when
they came. Thereupon they all resolved to attack him. Antigonus suspected this and ordered that
every man should take with him what he could and hide in a nearby wood. When the Gauls
came, they took what they found there and went to the seaside. While they were busy preparing
the ships, the sailors and a part of Antigonus' army who had fled there with their wives and
children to save themselves, attacked them suddenly. They killed them and made such a havock
of them that Antigonus had quite a reputation after this among the Gauls and all the surrounding
nations. (Justin 1. 25. c. 1. & 2.)

2795. These Gauls were under 17 commanders of whom Leonorius and Lutarius were the main
leaders. They passed over several times into Asia. They all came again into one body and
offered their assistance to Nicomedes against Aibaeas or Zibetus the younger who held the coast
of Bithynia lying by the sea. These forces and others who came from Heraclea in Pontus crushed
poor Zibetus to pieces. Hence all Bithynia came into the hands of Nicomedes. When the Gauls
had wasted all that country, they shared its spoil among themselves. They divided the kingdom
between them and Nicomedes and called their portion, Gallogracia. (Livy 1. 38. Justin. 1. 25. c.

2. Memnon Excerpt, c. 20.)

2796. Of the 20,000 men the Gauls had, only 10,000 were armed. Even these few troops struck
terror into all the countries on this side the Taurus Mountains. Not only the places they went into
but the ones they did not go to, submitted to them whether they were far away or close to them.
They consisted of three nations of their own, the Tohstobogians or the Tolistoboians, (coming,
as was thought from the Gauls who were called the Boii) the Troemi and the Tectosagi. They
divided all Asia between them and they settled there. Troemies settled in the Hellespont and all
that region. Eolia and Ionia was allotted to the Tosistobogii. The Tectosagi occupied the inland
or middle part of Asia. They made headquarters on the bank of the Halys River. (Liv. 1. 28, and
Suidas in the word, Galata.)

2797. Demetrius Byzantius wrote 13 books concerning this crossing of the Gauls from Europe
into Asia. (Laert. in the life of Demetrius Phalerius) Phaennis, who lived a whole age before this
happened is said by way of oracle to have foretold this event in these words.

The Gauls shall pass the straits of Hellespont, And ravage all the land of Asia. Yet worse things
hath God in store for them, Who on the sea coast of that land do dwell.

3729 AM, 4439 JP, 275 BC

2798. In the 126th Olympiad, Eratosthenes Cyrenaeus, the son of Aglai, or according to others,
of Ambrosius, was born. He was a scholar of Aristo Chius the philosopher, of Lysanias of
Cyrene the grammarian and of Callismachus of Cyrene a poet. (Suidas, in the word,
Eratosthenes.)

3730 AM, 4440 JP, 274 BC

2799. This year, Curius Dentatus fought with Pyrrhus in Italy. He killed 23,000 of his men and
captured his camp, forcing him to retreat to Tarentum. (Eutrep. 1. 2.)

2800. The ambassadors returned who Pyrrhus had sent to the kings of Asia and to Antigonus
Gonatas for help with men and money. They returned without either. Pyrrhus called the princes
of the Epirotes and Tarentines together and concealed the contents of the letters and told them
that supplies would come very speedily. When news of this came to the Roman camp and that
there were great supplies coming to him from Macedonia and Asia both, the Romans did not
attempt any more actions against him. (Pausan. in Attic, p. 11.) Pyrrhus acted as if he would
move with his army from Tarentum. He never said why. Meanwhile, he wanted his confederates
to continue the war and committed the keeping of the citadel at Tarentum to his son Helenus and
to Milo, one of his friends. (Instin. 1. 25. c. 3.) When he had spent 6 whole years in the war in
Italy and Sicily, he had lost many of his men. With no hope left of doing any good, he returned
to Epirus with the 8000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry whom he had left. (Plut. in Pyrr.)

2801. Curius when he was consul, held a triumph for the defeat of Pyrrhus. He was the first that
brought elephants (4 in total) to Rome. (Eusrop. 1. 2.) The people were eager in that triumph to
get a look at those beasts with turrets on their backs of them and of which they were very afraid.
The very beasts seemed to have sensed their captivity by holding down their heads as they
followed the victorious horses in the triumph. (Floras, Rer. Rom. 1. I.e. 18.) This triumph
happened in the month of January or February as gathered from the marble fragments of the
record of their triumphs.

2802. Pyrrhus with the help of some of the Gauls made some inroads upon Macedonia where
Antigonus Gonatas reigned. He captured many cities and 2000 of Antigonus' soldiers revolted
from him. This raised Pyrrhus' hopes still more and he marched directly against Antigonus
himself to force a battle with all his forces, Macedonians and Gauls. The Gauls who brought up
the rear, fought that day very bravely. Many were cut to pieces and died in the place. The
captains of the elephants were vexed by the enemy and surrendered with their elephants to
Pyrrhus. The Macedonian foot soldiers were shocked at this defeat and heard Pyrrhus calling
them all in general, on their captains and on chief officers by name to surrender to him. They
left Antigonus and defected to Pyrrhus. Antigonus saved himself by fleeing but Pyrrhus pursued
him to the seaside. (Plut. in Pyrrho. Pansan. in Attic, p. 11, 12.)

2803. After this victory, Pyrrhus took the richest and best spoils from Gauls and hung them in
the temple of Pallas in Itonia. It is between Phera and Larissa. He subdued all upper Macedonia
and Thessalie. (Plut. in Lyrrho. Pansan. in Attic, p. 1 1, 12.) He figured this made up for the loss
of Italy and Sicily. He sent for his son Helenus from the citadel of Tarentum where he had left
him. (Justin, 1. 25. c. 3.)

2804. Pyrrhus had plundered the city of Egeas, which was the royal seat and burial ground of the
previous kings of Macedonia. He left the Gauls to keep it, who had followed him in this war.
When some told them that in the tombs of the kings much treasure was stored, they acted
according to the custom of the times. They broke into the tombs and took away any treasure that
was there. They threw the kings' bones about the streets and trampled them under their feet.
When Pyrrhus found that their actions caused the Macedonians to murmur against him, he did

not rebuke them publicly. He knew he needed them for future wars. (Plut. in Pyrrho. Diod. Sic.
1. 22. in the Exerpt. by Vales, p. 266.)

2805. Antigonus, with some few cavalry that followed him came to Thessalonica. He waited to
see how events would unfold and what would become of Macedonia now that he had lost it. He
planned to capture it again with the help of any mercenary Gauls he could hire. Ptolemy, the
young son of Pyrrhus utterly defeated him. He escaped with only 7 in his company. He skulked
up and down and did not try to recover his kingdom any longer but only to save his own skin.
(Justin, 1. 25. c. 3.) Pyrrhus reproached him and called him an impudent fellow. In spite of the
condition he was in, he would not ware a cloak as other Greeks did, but still wore his scarlet
robe. (Plut. in Pyrrho.)

3731 AM, 4441 JP, 273 BC

2806. In the year when Caius Fabius Licinius and Caius Claudius Caninas were consuls of
Rome, Ptolemy Philadelphus heard of the great defeat of Pyrrhus by the Romans and how the
Roman power began to grow in the world. He sent his ambassadors with presents from
Alexandria to Rome, and made a league with them. (Eutrop. 1. 2. Livy 1. 14. Dio. in Excerpt.
Legatio. published at Rome by Fulio Vursino, and Jo. Zonar. Chron. 1. 2.) The Romans were
glad to see that so great a king as he was, had sought their friendship. Likewise they sent to him
their ambassadors, Q. Fabius Gurges, Cn. Fabius Pictor and Quin. Ogulnius. These received
expensive presents from the king. As soon as they came home and before they went to relate
what happened to the senate, they went and gave all that they had received from him into the
treasury. They rightly knew that from a public service for the commonwealth, they should not
reap any benefits except for only praise and honour. All was restored to them again by a decree
of the senate and by the general vote of the people. The quaesters were commanded to go and
return to each of them what the king had given them. So that in this one thing, the bounty and
magnificence of Ptolemy, the sincerity of the ambassadors, the equity of the senate and the
whole people of Rome, they had the praise and honour due to them. (Diod. Sic. 1. 22. Valer.
Max. 1. 4. c. 3.)

3732 AM, 4442 JP, 272 BC

2807. In the 13th year, according to Dionysius, on the 25th day of Egon or Capricorn, in the
52nd year from the death of Alexander the Great, the 476th from the beginning of Nabonassar's
account, on the 20th day of Athyr, (17th of our January) the planet of Mars was observed to be
in the morning under the northerly part of the forehead of Scorpio. (CI. Ptol. 1. 10. c. 9.)

2808. When Pyrrhus had subdued the kingdom of Macedonia, he began now to look for the
sovereignty of all Greece and Asia. (Justin 1. 25. c. 4.) Before he had entirely subdued all
Macedonia, he was sent for by Cleonymus of Sparta to come and help him in his wars at
Laconia. (Pausan. in Attic, p. 12.) Areus their king was away in Crete helping the men of
Gorryna who were then oppressed with a war. Therefore, Pyrrhus went to help him with 25,000
foot soldiers, 2000 cavalry and 24 elephants. With so large an army Pyrrhus thought that instead
of recovering Sparta for Cleonymus, he could take over all of Peloponese. (Plutarch in Pyrrho.)

3733 AM, 4443 JP, 271 BC

2809. In the 13th year of Ptolemy Philadelphia (in some copies it is incorrectly written, "and a
half") in the 476th year of Nabonassar, in the 17th day of the month Masor, the 1 1th of our
October 12 hours after the setting of the sun, Timochares observed the planet of Venus in the
morning to be completely eclipsed. (CI. Ptolemy. 1. 10. c. 4.)

2810. While Pyrrhus besieged Sparta, a company of women led by Archidamia, defended it
against him until the return of Areus from Crete. Acrotatus the son of Areus, valiantly drove
Ptolemy the son of Pyrrhus back when he made an assault and would have broken into Sparta
with 2000 Gauls and some select companies from Chaonia. Thereupon Pyrrhus, despaired of
accomplishing anything and withdrew. He took the spoil of the country and planned to winter
there.

281 1. Now while the war was going on in Laconia, Antigonus recovered the cities of Macedonia
and marched down with his army into Peloponese. He wanted to fight again with Pyrrhus for he
knew if Pyrrhus succeeded there, he would return to continue the war in Macedonia. (Pausan. in
Attic, p. 12.) When Pyrrhus was on his way to Argos, Areus the king attacked him from the rear.
He then cut off some of the Gauls and Molossians which brought up the rear. Orasus of Crete,
slew Ptolemy the son of Pyrrhus, who fought valiantly for his father. (Plutarch) When Pyrrhus
saw his son's dead body, he said that this death happened to him not as soon as he feared it
would or for his much rashness in actions deserved. (Justin. 1. 25. c. 4.)

2812. In the very night that Pyrrhus entered into Argos, it is said that a screech owl came and sat
on the top of his spear. (Elia. de Histo. Animal, 1. 10 c. 37.) The next day Pyrrhus was killed
with a brick which a poor old woman threw down on his head. His head was cut off by
Zophyrus, a soldier of Antigonus, and carried to Aleyoneus, the son of Antignous. He took it
and dashed it on the ground at Antigonus' feet where he sat with his friends about him.
Antigonus rebuked him very sharply for so greatly insulting so great a person for he did not
consider the weakness of the human condition. He took the head and put his hood over it which
he then wore for an attire after the manner of the Macedonians. He buried his body very
honourably. When Helenus, the son of Pyrrhus was brought prisoner to him, Antigonus wanted
him to take on him both the manner and the spirit of a king. He gave him the bones of his father
in a golden urn. He wanted him to carry it into Epirus to his brother Alexander. Antigonus
treated Pyrrhus' friends who were captured with all the due respect he could.. (Plut. in the end of
his Pyrrhus, 1. 25. c. 5. Val. Max. 1. 5. c. 1.)

2813. When those of Tarentum heard of the death of Pyrrhus, they sent to Carthage to ask for
help against the Romans and against Milo, who held the city with a strong garrison of Epirotes.
When Milo was besieged on all sides by the Romans on land and Carthaginians at sea, he
surrendered the citadel to Papyrius Curso, the Roman consul. They agreed to let Milo and his
soldiers with their money and other baggage leave safely for their own country. The city was
also surrendered to Papyrius by its townsmen. They gave up their arms, ships and themselves to
him. This was the end of the war of Tarentum against the Romans. (Zonaras from Dionoros. 1. 4.
c. 3. Fontin. Stratag. 1. 3.)

3734 AM, 4444 JP, 270 BC

2814. After the death of Strata, who was the master of the school of the Peripaticks for 18 years,
Lycon of Troas, the son of Astyanax, succeeded him. He was an eloquent man and very capable

to instruct and bring up youth. (Laert.)

3735 AM, 4445 JP, 269 BC

2815. Attalus the younger, the brother of Philitar had a son born whom he also called Attalus.
The son reigned later in Pergamus and lived for 72 years. (Polybius, in Excerpt. Hen. Vales. &
Suid. in Attalus, and Livy 1. 33.)

3736 AM, 4446 JP, 268 BC

2816. Jubilee 24.

3739 AM, 4449 JP, 265 BC

2817. Mithradates died after reigning in Pontus for 36 years, and his son, Ariobarzanes,
succeeded him. (Diod. Sic. 1. 30. year 3. Olymp. 119. with Excerpt. Memnon. c. 17, & 25.)

3740 AM, 4450 JP, 264 BC

2818. In the 21st year according to Dionysius on the 22nd and 26th day of the month Scorpion,
in the 484th year of Nabonassar, on the 18th and 22nd day of the month Thoth and in the 14th
and 18th of November according to the Julian calendar, the planet Mercury was observed in the
morning. (Plan. Ptol. 1. 9. c. 10, 11.)

3741 AM, 4451 JP, 263 BC

2819. Philetaeus the Teian who was born at Teii in Pontus ruled Pergamus for 20 years and died
when he was 80 years old. He was succeeded by Eumenes the First, the son of his older brother.
He ruled for 22 years. (Strabo 1. 12. p. 543 & 1. 13. p. 623, 624. with Lucian, in his Macrobis.)

2820. The first Punic or Sicilian war started this year between the Romans, and the
Carthaginians. This was the first time the Romans had left Italy and fought their first naval
battle. The Carthaginians had invaded Sicily. This war lasted 24 years without stopping. (Polyb.
1.1.)

2821. In this same year, when Diognetus was archon at Athens, the chronologer of Paros made
his canon or order of times. Mr. Selden recently published this in his "Marmora Arundelliana".

3742 AM, 4452 JP, 262 BC

2822. Dionysius the astronomer, observed Mercury 3 times. The first time was in the 23rd year,
according to Dionysius, in the 29th (it should be the 19th or 20th according to the point to the
sun assigned) of Hydron or Aquarion, in the 486th year of Nabonassar on the 17th of the month
Choeac (on the 1 1th of our February) in the morning. The second time was on the 4th of the
month Tauron or 1st of Phamenoth the Egyptian month, (for in CI. Ptolem. we must here write
A for L). This was on the 26th of our April in the first hour of the evening. The third time was in

the same year of Nabonassar but the 24th of the Dionysian account on the 24th of Leonion or
30th of Paynus or the 23rd of our August in the evening. Dionysius' observations are noted by
CI. Ptolemy from the writings of Hipparchus, (1. 9. c. 7.) in his book called his Great Work.

2823. Nicomedes king of Bithynia enlarged the city Astacus and renamed Nicomedia, after
himself. (Euseb. Chron. with Pausan. in his Ellac. 1. 2. p. 159. Trebel. Pollio. in Gallienis. &
Ammia. Marcel. 1. 22.) Memnon, (Excerpt, c. 21.) says that he built Nicomedia opposite the city
Astacus, as do both Strabo and Pliny. They think they were really two distinct cities.

2824. When Eumenes the First had taken many cities and places around Pergamus, he defeated
Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, near Sardis. (Strabo. 1. 13. p. 624.)

3743 AM, 4453 JP, 261 BC

2825. Antiochus of Syria died after he had killed one of his sons and declared the other, his
successor. (Prolog, of Trog. Pompeius, 1. 26.) For his great victory over the Gauls who came
over to Asia from Europe, Antiochus was surnamed "Soter", that is "their deliverer". (Appian in
Syriac. p. 130.) For more detail of this victory over the Gauls, read Lucian, in his book, "of
failing in men's speech", and in his "Zeuxis" or "Antiochus". He was succeeded by his son
Antiochus, whom he had by Stratonice, the Milesian. The Milesians were the first, who
surnamed him "god", because he ridded them of their tyrant, Timarchus. (Appian in Syriac. p.
130.) Tatianus the Assyrian, in his oration against the Gentiles, infers that Gerosus, who was a
priest of Belus in Babylon, dedicated his three books of the Chaldean History to this Antiochus.
Gerosus (Pliny 1. 17. c. 56.) published the observations of the Celestial Motions among the
Babylonians for a period of 480 years. This is the number of years from the beginning of the
Epoch of Nabonassar's account as other learned men understand this. We also find this to have
ended six years before the start of the reign of this Antiochus. Porphyrie, Eusebius, Severus
Sulpitius, Johannes Malela of Antioch and all others agree that he reigned 15 years.

2826. Antiochus gave the Jews living in Ionia, equal rights and privileges with the Gentiles and
allowed them to live according to their own religion and customs of their nation. (Josephus 1. 12.
c. 3.) At various times, he made war on Ptolemy Philadelphus and fought with him with all the
forces he could raise from Babylon and all the east. Ptolemy wanted to end this bloody war and
gave him his daughter, Bernice for a wife, while his former wife Laodice was still living.
Laodice had born him two sons, Seleucus Callinicus and Antiochus Heirax that is "Hawk".
Ptolemy accompanied his daughter as far as Pelusium and there gave him an enormous quantity
of gold and silver for a dowry with her. Hence Ptolemy was called the dowry giver. (Jerome on
Da 1 1 At great expense, he supplied her with water from the Nile River. This was to be carried
to her, so that wherever she was, she would only drink that water. (Atheneus, 1. 2. c. 2. reports
from of Polybies) Appian is wrong where he says that Bernice and Laodice were both daughters
of this Ptolemy, (in Syria, p. 130.)

3745 AM, 4455 JP, 259 BC

2827. Josephus, (1. 12. c. 4.) writes that after Eleazar the son of Onias, his uncle Manasseh, the
son of Jaddus, succeeded him in the priesthood at Jerusalem. He was the high priest for 26
years. (Scaliger, in Grac. Eusebia. p. 50.)

3746 AM, 4456 JP, 258 BC

2828. Laodice bore to Antiochus Theos, a son called Antiochus, who, as I said before, was
called Hierax. For more of him, see note on 3760 AM.

3747 AM, 4457 JP, 257 BC

2829. In the year 28, according to Dionysius' calendar, the 7th day of the month Didymon, in the
491st of Nabonassar, day 5 of the month Parmuth, the 28th of our July, the planet Mercury was
seen near the sign of Gemini in the evening toward its southern head. (CI. Ptol. 1. 9. c. 7.)

3750 AM, 4460 JP, 254 BC

2830. The second Period of Calippus began in this year.

3753 AM, 4463 JP, 251 BC

2831. Aratus of Sicyone, at the age of 20 years, delivered his native country from the tyranny
and oppression of Nicocles and joined it to the state of Achaia. (Polyb. 1. 2. p. 130.) He sent to
Ptolemy Philadelphus in Egypt and got from him 150 talents which he bestowed among his poor
country men. This was partly used in redeeming those who had been taken prisoners. Those that
had been expelled from their country, were now restored. They would give no rest to those who
now possessed their lands and estates. Therefore, Aratus made another journey to Ptolemy and
asked for money of him to settle all differences among his country men and settle all legal
actions between them. On the journey, he sailed through a violent storm and contrary winds. He
finally came to Egypt where he obtained a boon of 150 talents more for his country's good. He
took 40 talents along with him and returned into Peloponese. (Plut. in Arata.)

3754 AM, 4464 JP, 250 BC

2832. This year Maulins Vulso and Attilius Regulus were consuls in Rome as noted by
Polybius. This was the 14th year of this first Carthagainian war. The Parthians, under their
captain Arsaces, broke off the Macedonian rule and revolted from them. (Trog. Pomp. 1. 41.)
This man Arsaces, the later Persian writers call Aski or Askam. Mircondus Chapur says he
began his reign there in the 72nd year after the death of Alexander the Great. This was one year
before the consulship of Manlius and Attilius in Rome and 3 years before Olymp. 133. At that
time Eusebius in his Chron. notes that this Arsaces and his Parthians defected and rebelled
against Antiochus Theos. However, the Parthians observe a holiday when Arsaces defeated
Seleucus Callinicus, the son and successor of Antiochus, and took Callinicus himself prisoner.
This holiday is kept with a great festival and is observed on the aniversary of their liberty.
(Justin relates from Trogas, 1. 41. c. 4.) Therefore both (Justin, and Appian, in Syriac. p. 130.)
thought that the Parthians began their revolt under Seleucus and not under Antiochus his father.
The Parthians moreover honoured Arsaces by calling their dynasty of kings after him, by the
name of Arsaces. (Justin, 1. 41. c. 5. Strabo, 1. 15. p. 702.)

2833. Now that the Parthians together with the Persians revolted from the Persian Empire.
Arrian, in Perlicis, shows this as we find him in (Photius, his Bibliotheca, cod. 58.) Later Persian

writers confound and make the two all one people called the Parthians. (Concerning this we may
see more in Schikard, Tarick. p. 101, 102. and our 3rd note upon the acts of Ignatius.) Arrian
also shows the reason for this revolt from the Persian Empire. It was that this Arsaces and
Tyridates, the sons of Phripites or Priapatius, the son of Arsaces had first killed Pherecles. (or
Agathocles, as we find him called by Geor. Syncellus) He was the governor of that country and
appointed by Antiochus Theos. The governor and 5 others wanted to have homosexual
intercourse with Tirdates. They expelled the Macedonians and took over the kingdom. Their
successors later fought with the Romans and contended with them for the empire of the world.
(Strabo,l. 11. p. 515.)

2834. At the same time, Theodotus, who had under him 1000 cities of the Bactrians, revolted
from the Macedonians. The whole east followed their example and revolted. (Justin. 1. 41. c. 4.
from Tragus.) Others say, that the two kings of Syria and Media, defected. Euthydemus
persuaded the Greeks who inhabited Bactria to revolt from the Macedonians. Thereupon when
Arsaces saw Diotus or Theodotus, grow so powerful among the Bactrians, he made the
Parthians revolt from the Macedonians also. Apollodorus in his books of the Parthian affairs,
tells us that those Greeks who dwelt in Bactria, became very strong and invaded India. They
went so far that after they crossed the Hypanis River, they went as far as the Isamus, farther then
Alexander went in his conquest of India. (Strabo. 1. 1 1. p. 515. & 1. 15. p. 686.)

3758 AM, 4468 JP, 246 BC

2835. Seleucus king of Syria was overcome with love for his former wife Laodice and her
children and began to court her again. A short time later she began to fear his fickleness and
thought that his affections might return again to Bernice, his second wife. She poisoned him.
(Jerome on Da 1 1 Appia. in Syrac. p. 130.) To conceal this wicked deed of hers, she had
Arremon, who looked very much like him, lie in his bed and pretend to be sick. By his face and
imitation of his speech, he deceived all that came to see and visit him in his sickness. By this
means, she concealed the death of the true king, until she had arranged a suitable successor.
(Valer. Max. 1. 9. c. 14. Pliny, 1. 7. c. 11. Solic, c. 1.) Through her, Seleucus, the oldest son of
Seleucus by Laodice, succeeded him in the kingdom. He was surnamed Callinicus because of
the many victories which he won. (There were none that I know of.) From his large beard he
was called Pogon, which means "a beard". (Polyb. 1. 2. p. 155.) He ruled for 20 years. (Eusib.
Chron.)

2836. In Egypt, Ptolemy Philadelphus died. He lived luxuriously and did not hesitate to say that
he would live for ever and that only he had found the way to immortality after the death of
Ptolemy the First, his father. Ptolemy, surnamed Euergeres, his son, succeeded him. He was
born by Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus, and reigned 25 years. (CI. Ptolem. in Canone,
Clemens Alexand. in 1. 1. Strom. & Jerome on Da 9) In his time it is said that there appeared a
phoenix, which came to Helopolis, followed by a large flock of other birds. Everone marvelled
at the beauty of the phoenix. (Tacit. Annal. 1. 6.)

2837. Laodice turned Berenice with her young son, who she had by Ptolemy, over to Icadion
and Genneus (or Coeneus.) to have them murdered. They were two important men in Antioch.
(Jerome on Da 1 1 and Appia. in Syriac. p. 130.) When Berenice heard that they were coming to
murder her, she shut herself up in Daphne, a citadel or suburb of Antioch of which I spoke
before. When the cities of Asia heard that she with her young son were besieged, they
remembered and reverenced her high calling and her sons. Out of compassion, they sent her help

from all parts. Also, her brother Ptolemy surnamed Euergetes, feared for the danger his sister
was in. He left his kingdom and went as quickly as he could with as many forces as he could
gather to help her. (Justin in 1. 27. c. 1.) Before any help arrived, the young son was taken by the
schemes of Laodice and carried away. When Berenice the mother heard of this, she armed
herself and got into a chariot. She pursued Coeneus, the butcher of that cruel act. When she
overtook him, she could do nothing against him with her spear. She took a stone and knocked
him down. She forced her chariot over the very body of the knave and broke through the middle
of the companies. She went directly to the house, where she heard that they had laid the
murdered body of her son. (Val. Max. 1. 9. c. 10.)

2838. The murderers of the child took another child very like him and brought him out. They
showed him to the people, with a royal guard about him, as if it had been the same child.
However, they had a strong guard of mercenary Gauls attack Bernice. They turned over to her
the strongest part of the place or citadel of Antioch. They gave her their oath to be loyal to her
and entered into a covenant with her. She listened to Aristarchus her physician, who persuaded
her to make a covenant of friendship with them. However, they used their oath as a stratagem, to
get near her. They tried to cut her throat. The women about her, defended her as well as they
could and many of them there died in the fight. However 3 of them, Panxriste, Maria and
Gethosyne, took her body and laid it in her bed as if she had been wounded only and not quite
dead. They let it be known that she might recover and held the people in suspense until the
coming of Ptolemy. (Polyanus. Stratag. 1. 1.)

2839. All the cities of Asia, which had revolted from Seleucus, sent their ships and joined with
Ptolemy. They were either going to defend Berenice if she was still alive or to revenge her
murder if she was dead. (Justin 1. 27. c. 1.) When Ptolemy came, he killed Laodice and entered
Syria marching as far as Babylon. (Appian. in Syriac. pag. 130.) He took over Coelosyria with
Seleucia. (Polyg. 1. 5. p. 402, 403.) Syria, Cilicia, the upper provinces beyond the Euphrates and
almost all Asia became his. (Jerome on Da 11.) Even from the Taurus Mountains to India, he
took all without fighting a battle. That is if we can believe Polyenus, in the place cited above
with which we may also compare what we find on the monument of Euergetes, called the
monument in Aduliteanum, published at Rome in the year 1631 by Leo Allatrus. It says:

vv After his father died, Ptolemy became king of Egypt, Libya, Syria Phoenicia, Cyprus, Lycra,
Caria, and the Cychadian Isle. He gathered an army of foot soldiers and cavalry with a fleet of
ships and elephants from Trogloditica and Ethiopia. Some of the elephants had been taken there
by his father and the rest he brought from there into Egypt. He trained these forces in the art of
war and they were well equipped. With these forces he sailed into Asia and conquered all the
land on this side the Euphrates, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Ionia, Hellespont and Thracia together with
all their forces and other elephants from India and all the kings of these countries. He crossed
over the Euphrates and conquered Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Susia, Persia, Media and all the
country as far as Bactria."

2840. When Euergetes had conquered all Syria, he came down to Jerusalem, and offered many
sacrifices of thanksgiving to God. He dedicated to him gifts worthy of such a great victory.
(Josephus 1. 2. cont. Apion. p. 1064.)

3759 AM, 4469 JP, 245 BC

2841. Euergetes was called back by a rebellion of his own people in Egypt. He held Syria
personally and entrusted Antiochus, one of his friends, with Cilicia. He put Xanthippus in
control of the provinces beyond the Euphrates. He wasting all the kingdom of Seleucus and
carried from there 40,000 talents of silver and all the rich vessels that were there. He took 2500
images of their gods. Among these images were those images which Cambyses had taken
previously from Egypt to Persia. By this action the Egyptians surnamed him, "Euergetes" when
they saw their gods come home. (Jerome on Da 11.) Concerning him in that monument
mentioned earlier, called Monumentum Adulitanum, we find written:

vv Ptolemy had returned those gods which the Persians had taken and carried from Egypt
previously along with other treasures stored there. He sent his army to let in the water in ditches
recently dug for that purpose."

2842. After the departure of Ptolemy from Syria, Seleucus outfitted a huge fleet to attack the
cities that had revolted from him. A sudden storm sank the whole fleet. Thereupon the cities and
countries which had defected to Ptolemy because they hated Seleucus, all returned to him
because of this great disaster at sea. (Justin, 1. 27. c. 2.)

3760 AM, 4470 JP, 244 BC

2843. In the year 67 according to the Chaldeans, on the 5th day of the month Apelleus, and in
the year 504 of Nabonassar, 27th of the month Thoth, the 18th day of our November, the planet
Mercury was observed in the morning to have been to the northward of the uppermost star in the
head of Scorpio. (CI. Ptol. 1. 9. c. 7.)

2844. Seleucus Callinicus began to make war on Ptolemy Euergetes and was utterly routed and
fled to Antioch. From there he wrote to his brother Antiochus and begged his help. He offered
him for his trouble, all Asia on this side the Taurus Mountains. Antiochus, at this time was not
more than 14 years old and was very greedy for a kingdom. He seized on the occasion but not
out of brotherly love. He acted like a robber ("laron", Ussher cited in Oxford English Dictionary
as using this term) and sought to strip his brother of all that he had in his time of need. Although
he was a child, yet he behaved more like a man with this impious resolve. From this, he was
surnamed "Hierax", that is "greedy hawk". He was more like a harpy eagle because he was
always ready to fall upon every man's estate. (Justin, 1. 17. c. 2. with Strabo, 1. 16. p. 754.)

3761 AM, 4471 JP, 243 BC

2845. At this time, the people of Smyrna and Magnesia, in the month Lenaeon, entered a league
between themselves to maintain the honour and greatness of Seleucus. This league we find
preserved to this very day and is transcribed from those Marmora Arundeliana; i.e. those marble
stones which the Earl of Arundel brought from those parts and published by Mr. J. Selden, as
noted before.

2846. When Ptolemy saw that this young Antiochus sided with Seleucus, he made a 10 year
truce with Seleucus lest he should be forced to fight both of them. (Justin, 1. 27. c. 2.) In this
long time of peace, he sent for Eratosthenes Cyrenaeus from Athens and made him keeper of his
library at Alexandria. (Suidas, in Eratosthenes, and in the word, Apollonius.) Ptolemy Euergetes
followed after his father Philadelphus in promoting the magnificence of this library and with it,

all kinds of learning. He was a scholar of Aristarchus the philosopher and wrote certain
historical commentaries himself. (Athena. 1. 2. c. 33.) Concerning his diligence in getting works
into his library from the ancient writers, Galen, on the 3rd book of Hippocrates, (of Epidemical
diseases,) says:

vv He ordered all the books of them which came into Egypt to be brought to him. He had copies
made of them and gave the copies back to the owners who brought them. The originals were
placed in his own library with this inscription, "from out of ships" so that it might appear that
they came from such ships as had arrived there."

2847. He left 15 talents in Athens as a security deposit so he could borrow the works of
Sophocles, Eurypides and Escylus to transcribe them. When he resturned them, he would get his
money back. He had them written out most exquisitely in excellent parchment and then kept the
originals. He sent those copies back to them again and wished that they would keep his deposit
of 15 talents and to allow the originals to remain with him.

3762a AM, 4471 JP, 243 BC

2848. Antigonus Gonatas died after he had reigned in Macedonia 34 years and in Greece for 44
years. He lived 80 years, according to Medius and other writers. Porphyry says he lived 83
years. (Lucian, in Macrobius, Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebanus, Scalig. p. 220.)

2849. Antigonus Gonatas was succeeded by his son Demetrius who reigned 10 years. (Porphyr.
in Grec, Polyb. 1. 2. p. 131.) During this time he subdued all of Cyrene and Libya. (Porphyr. in
Grec.) After the death of her husband and brother, Alexander, Olympias, the daughter of
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus gave her daughter Pthias to Demetrius, who was already married to the
sister of Antiochus, king of Syria. When Demetrius turned her out, she went to her brother
Antiochus and stirred him up to make war on her husband because of the wrong he did to her.
(Justin, 1. 28. c. 1.) In all this time there was no other man named Antiochus who was a king,
except Antiochus Hierax. He wanted to take the whole kingdom from Seleucus his older
brother. Justin from Tragus, (1. 441. c. 4.) calls both these brothers, by the name of kings. These
writers. (Tragus, 1. 27. in the Prologue to it, & Polya. 1. Stratag. 4. in Antio. Hierax) show, that
Antiochus went into Mesopotamia where Seleucus had built a city called Callimicopolis
according to the Fasti Seculi. At that time, neither Antiochus nor Seleucus controlled Syria for
Ptolemy Euergetes king of Egypt governed it.

3762 AM, 4472 JP, 242 BC

2850. At this time, Antiochus tried to take over all Asia proper, from his brother Seleucus. He
raised a mercenary army of the Gauls to fight against him. They fought near the city Ancyra,
Seleucus was defeated by the extraordinary prowess of those Gauls. Thereupon, these Gauls
supposing that Seleucus had been slain in the battle, turned on Antiochus who had hired them.
When he knew what was happening, he bought their loyalty and was forced to make a league
with these mercenaries. However, Eumenes with a fresh army of his own, attacked and routed
Antiochus and his Gauls. They were all tired out and many were wounded from the recent battle
with Seleucus. By this he got most of Asia under his control. (Justin, 1. 27. c. 2. & 3 with the
Prologue of Tragus, 1. 27.)

3763 AM, 4473 JP, 241 BC

2851. Eumenes, the son of Eumenes the older, who was the son of Philetaerus, drank himself
drunk and died. (Athenaus, 1. 12. c. 16. from Ctesicles, 1. 3. de Temporibus,) Attalus, his son,
succeeded him. He was the younger brother to Philetairus, and born by Antiochis, the daughter
of Achaeus. Attalus used his great wealth cautiously and magnificently. He thought that he
should be called a king and then convinced other men too that he deserved to be a king.
Therefore, after he had defeated the Gauls, he assumed the title of a king. He ruled wisely and
his house continued to the 3rd generation. (Polyb. 1. 18. in the Excerpt, of him, published by
Vales, p. 102.) Suidas reports an oracle which was given to him by the prophetess at Delphi: It
said:

Go on Taurocerus, thou a crown shall wear, And thy sons and there an end shall be.

2852. Now it is thought that this Eumenes was surnamed Taurocerus because there were a pair
of bull's horns added to a statue of him. Also in that oracle by Poaennes, is mentioned the
slaughter which he would one day make of the Gauls. He is called, "Tauri Silius", i.e. the "son
of a Bull". (Pausan. in Phocicis, p. 334.) It said this:

For Jove shall quickly send them a saviour. Son of a Bull and by Jove nurtured, Which on the
Gauls shall bring a dismal day.

2853. Concerning this battle fought between Attalus and the Gauls, Livy says: (1. 38.)

vv Attalus was the first in Asia who refused to pay tribute to the Gauls. Fortune here, beyond all
expectation of men, favoured this bold attempt of his and in a battle he fought and defeated
them."

2854. However, Polyanus, (1. 4. Stratag. in Attalo) told of a scheme which Sudines, a Chaldaean
soothsayer, used to enliven his soldiers for this fight when they were quite dispirited. Sudines
was that Babylonian mathematician whom we find mentioned by Strabo. (1. 16. p. 739.) Vettius
Valens of Antioch says he used his astronomical tables to determine the motions of the moon.

2855. In the 45th year according to Dionysius' calendar, on the 10th day of the month
Parthenion or Virginion, 83 years after the death of Alexander, on the 17th day of the month
Epiphus, (September 3rd) the planet Jupiter eclipsed the southern star of the constellation of the
Asellus, that is, "the little Ass. (CI. Ptolem. lib. 11. cap. 3.) (Aselli is two stars in the
constellation of Cancer, Pliny Nat. 1. 18. s. 353.)

3764 AM, 4474 JP, 240 BC

2856. Lacides Cyrenaeus, the rector of the new academy, succeeded Arcesilaus of Pitane in
Eolia. He kept his academy in a certain garden which Attalus the king had provided there for
that purpose. He began to read in year 4 of the 134th Olympiad. (Laert. in Laces.)

3768 AM, 4478 JP, 236 BC

2857. In the 25th year according to the Chaldeans, on the 14th day of the month Dios in the
512th year of Nabonassar, the 9th of the month Thoth, (July 29th) the planet of Mercury, in the
morning, was seen near to the beam star in the sign of Libra. (CI. Ptol. 1. 9. c. 7.)

3771 AM, 4481 JP, 233 BC

2858. Onias the Second became high priest. He was the son of Simon the just. After Simon,
Eleasarus had executed the office of the high priest at Jerusalem, because Onias was still quite
young. After Eleasarus, Manasses became high priest until Onias came of age. Josephus says he
was a dim witted man and in his old age finally came to be prince and high priest among the
Jews. In this office, he behaved most unworthily and basely and was only concerned about
money. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 12. c. 3. in Grac. Euseb. p. 50.) It is said that he was the high priest
for 14 years.

2859. In his days, the Samaritans grievously vexed the Jews. They plundered the country and
carried away the people captives. Onias refused to pay the 20 talents of silver imposed by the
kings upon the land. He was very covetous of money. This sum was paid by his predecessors
from their own wealth to relieve the people. In a rage, Ptolemy Euergetes sent a messenger to
Jerusalem and threatened Onias that if he did not quickly send in his arrears of tribute, he would
immediately distribute the land among his soldiers and settle new colonies of his own there.
There was at that time a man named Gasifies, the son of Tibias. Although a young man, yet he
was in high regard among all men for his prudence, justice and other virtues. He lived in the
country at a place called Phicola, where he was born. He was told by his mother, who was the
daughter of Simon the Just and sister to this Onias the priest, of the arrival of these ambassadors
to Jerusalem. Thereupon he came to Jerusalem and undertook to be part of an embassy to
Euergetes concerning this matter. He so ingratiated himself to King Ptolemy and his queen
Cleopatra that he appeased his wrath. He also obtained a company of 2000 soldiers to collect the
tributes and other profits to the king from Coelosyria, Phoenicia, Samaria and Judaea. He held
that office for 22 years and in that time doubled the king's revenues. He increased the revenue
from 8000 to 16,000 talents a year. He brought this into the king's treasury all the goods of
thieves and confiscated goods which the tax collectors had kept and divided among themselves.
(Gasifies 16. c. 3. & 4.)

3772 AM, 4482 JP, 232 BC

2860. In Macedonia, Demetrius died leaving his very young son Philip as king. Antigonus was
made his guardian. He was known for his great and extraordinary promises which he made to all
sorts of men. He was nicknamed, "Doson", i.e. one that was ever full of promises and of no
action. He married the mother of Philip and took over the kingdom. (Justin 1. 28. c. 3.) He ruled
for 12 years. (Dexippus, Porphy. & Euseb.)

3774 AM, 4484 JP, 230 BC

2861. Lycon of Troas died. He was head of the school of the Peripateticks for 42 years. Strata
Lapsacenus was the previous head of the school until his death. Lycon lived 74 years.

3775 AM, 4485 JP, 229 BC

2862. In the 82nd year according to the Chaldean account, the 5th day of the month Xanthicus,
in the 519th year of Nabonassar, the 14th day of the month Tybi, (March 1) in the evening,
Saturn was observed to be two fingers width below the southern shoulder of Virgo. (CI. Ptol. 1.
11. c 7.)

3778 AM, 4488 JP, 226 BC

2863. When Antiochus Hierax was in trouble, he fled to Ptolemy Euergetes in Egypt. He threw
him into prison. He escaped, by the means of a certain harlot, who used to come to him. On his
escape, he fell into the hands of certain thieves who killed him. (Justin 1. 17. c. 3.)

2864. About the same time, Seleucus Callinicus, the older brother of Antiochus, fell off his
horse, broke his neck and died. (Justin 1. 17. c. 3.) He left two sons. The oldest one was Seleucus
Ceraunus was physically weak and poor. He could not keep order in his army. The younger was
called Antiochus and surnamed later the Great. After the death of his father, he went into the
upper Asia. (Polyb, 1. 4. p. 315 & 1. 5. p. 386 with Appian. in Syriac. p. 86, 131.) Seleucus
Ceraunus reigned only 3 years. (Porphy. Euseb. Severus Sulpitius.)

3781 AM, 4491 JP, 223 BC

2865. Seleucus Ceraunus marched against Attalus, who had controlled all of Asia on this side
the Taurus Mountains. He left his kingdom to the care of Hermias, a Carian, and crossed over
the Taurus Mountains with a large army. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 315. & 1. 5. p. 386.)

2866. Seleucus was poisoned in Phrygia by his two friends, Apatarias, and Nicanor. (Polyb. ib.
Appianus, in Syriac. p. 131. Jerome, upon Da 11, Justin, 1. 29. c. 1.) At that time in his army,
Achaeus, the son of Andronicus, brother to Laodice, Seleucus' wife, was in exile with Ptolemy
in Egypt. Achaeus, as a kinsman to Seleucus, avenged his death and killed the two men who
murdered Seleucus. He managed all matters in the army with a extraordinary dexterity, wisdom
and magnanimity. Even though he could now crown himself king and all men wanted him to, he
would not do it. He kept it for Antiochus, the young son of Seleucus Callinicus. He marched
with the army from place to place throughout Asia and recovered all that his father had lost on
this side of the Taurus Mountains. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 315, 317.)

2867. The army that was in Syria sent to Antiochus who was in Babylon. They wanted him to
come and assume the kingdom. (Jerome, on Da 1 1) This he did when he was less than 14 years
old. (Justin, 1. 29. c. 1.) Polyb. (1. 4. p. 271.) says he reigned 36 years. We find the same in
Porphyrie & Eusebius.

2868. Antiochus committed the whole rule and government of all Asia, on this side of the
Taurus Mountains to Achaeus. He made Molon governor of Media, and Alexander, Molon's
brother, president of Persia. In court, Hermias the Carian, controlled all. He was a man of a
fierce and cruel nature. He punished very severely even small offences and made them seem all
the greater by the aggravating words he said. He made false charges on various people and was
a merciless and inexorable judge against them. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 386.)

2869. Cleomenes, the king of Lacedemon, was defeated by Antigonus Doson, king of

Macedonia near Sellasia. He was kicked out of his kingdom and sailed from Gythium in a ship
he had prepared beforehand in case it was needed. He took some of his friends along with him
and he sailed into Egypt to Ptolemy Euergetes. (He had previously sent to Ptolemy as pledges,
his children and his mother Cratesiclea when Ptolemy had first promised him help.) When he
came, Ptolemy honourably entertained him. (Polyb. 1. 2. p. 154. Justin, 1. 28. c. 4. Pausan. in
Corinth, p. 52. Plut. in Cleome.)

3782 AM, 4492 JP, 222 BC

2870. The two brothers, Molon, the governor of Media and Alexander, the president of Persia,
despised the youth of Antiochus their king. (They thought that Achaeus would easily be
persuaded to join with them since all feared the power of Hermias in the court and his malice
and cruelty.) They conspired together with their provinces to revolt from Antiochus, (Polyb. 1. 5.
p. 386.)

2871. In the parts of Caria and the isle of Rhodes, there was a very strong earthquake which
destroyed their houses. The huge colossus or image of Jupiter at Rhodes was destroyed also.
(Euseb. Chron. Oros. 1. 4. c. 13.)

2872. Ptolemy Euergetes gave Cleomenes some hopes that he would send him back into Greece
with a well furnished navy and restore him again to his kingdom. Ptolemy by his loving
behaviour grew each day more intimate with him than any other man. Meanwhile he gave him
24 talents yearly for his entertainment. With this he lived frugally and maintained himself and
those with him. (Plut. in Cleom.)

3783 AM, 4493 JP, 221 BC

2873. Ptolemy died before he could help Cleomenes. (Plut. in Cleom.) He either died of a
natural sickness, (Polybius, 1. 2. p. 155.) or through the wicked practise of his own son, called
Philopater. That name means "a lover of his father" and is said to have been given to him in a
sarcastic manner. Justin (1. 29. c. 1.) says this:

vv When Ptolemy had murdered his father and his mother, (whom Strabo calls Agathoclea) he
took Egypt into his hands. Because of his vile deed of murdering his parents, he was surnamed
"Philopater" by the country."

2874. We read in Pliny, (1. 7. c. 56.) that this Ptolemy was by another nickname, called Triphon,
from his effeminate and luxurious fashion of living. In the Fasti Siculi, we find this:

vv Ptolemy Philopator, who was also called Gallus, son of Ptolemy Euergetes, was surnamed also
Triphon, &c."

2875. An incorrect copy in the prologue of (Trog. Pompei. 27, 30.) wrongly attributed the
surname of "Tirphon" to his father Euergetes. The collector of the great Etymology concurs with
him that the other name of "Gallus" was given to Philopator. He notes, that Philopater was
called Gallus because he was wont to go with an ivy bush about his head and other parts of his
body as was the custom of the Gauls, who were priests of Cybele. He did this when he observed

the holy days of Bacchus. He was so effeminate and debauched with homosexuality and
drinking that when he was in his best state and extraordinarily sober, he would even then run
about the streets with the dancers and bells gangling about him. (Plut. in Cleom.) Polybius notes
that he spent the whole time of his reign in revellings. He gave himself over to all sensual and
filthy lusts of the flesh and to daily drinking and carousing. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 380, 381.) Strabo
adds, (1. 17. p. 796.) that he and all the Ptolemy's came after him grew rich and never managed
that state well. This Philopater reigned for 17 years. (CI. Ptol. in Reg. Canone, Clem. Alexan.
Porphy. Euseb.)

2876. Philopator feared his brother, Magas who by the means of his mother Berenice, had
ingratiated himself with the army. He consulted with Sosibius, who was his right hand man and
with others how to get rid of both of them. This business worried these men quite a lot. They
feared lest the great courage of Berenice prevailed and all this matter would come to nothing.
Therefore they were forced to flatter all the court and gave them their agreement in great matters
in case the business went on and succeeded as they planned. However, Sosibius went further. He
talked to Cleomenes, the king of Sparta, who at that time greatly needed the king's help. He was
a very wise and politicly astute man and had much experience in matters of the world. When he
told Cleomenes of the plot, Cleomenes disuaded him from it. He said that the king had more
need of sons and brothers for the security and preservation of his kingdom than to destroy those
who he already had. Sosibius had told him that the king could never be sure of the mercenary
soldiers as long as Magas was alive. Cleomenes told him not to worry about that for among his
mercenaries he had 3000 Greeks from Peloponesus and 1000 from Crete who would follow him
if he gave the word. Thereupon Sosibius was encouraged and murdered Berenice and her son
Magas, and all their relatives. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 380, 382. & 1. 15, in Excerpt, p. 65. and Plut. in
Cleom.)

2877. Philopator had first murdered his father then his mother and now had killed his brother
too. As if all had been well with him, he gave himself over to wanton living more than ever. All
the court followed him in this life style including his friends at court and his main commanders
in the army. The whole body of the army from the highest to the lowest eschewed martial
discipline and indulged themselves in taverns and brothels. (Justin 1. 13. p. 1.)

2878. Antiochus was advised by his counsel, how to put down that rebellion of the two brothers,
Molon and Alexander in Media and Persia. Epigenes was the man that secured for Antiochus the
loyalty of the army who were gathered together for Seleucus. He and was of great credit and
reputation in the army. He advised that Antiochus personally with his army should march
against them. However, Hermias, advised the king to go himself into Coelosyria and recover
that. He should send Xenon and Theodoras Hemiolius, to subdue the two brothers. (Polyb. 1. 5.
p. 387.)

2879. During this rebellion and while Antiochus besieged Zeugma in Seleucia, Diognetus his
admiral came to him from Cappadocia escorting Laodice the daughter of Mithridates king of
Pontus. As soon as she came, Antiochus married her. When he came from the upper regions
unto Antioch, he had her proclaimed queen. After this he prepared for the war. (Polyb. 1. 5. p.
388.)

2880. At the same time Molon, who had his brother Alexander as his helper in all his affairs,
marched with a large army against Xenon and Theodoras, the king's commanders. They were
sent into those parts and scared Molon so much that he dared not stay in the fields but secured

themselves in walled cities. In this case, Molon had the country of Apollonia behind him and
had plenty of provisions. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 388.)

3784 AM, 4494 JP, 220 BC

2881. Meanwhile, Philip the son of Demetrius in Macedonia became king after the death of
Antiogonus, his guardian and father-in-law. He was 14 years old (Justin 1. 28. c. ult. & 1. 29. c.
1.) and reigned 42 years. Dexip. Porphy. Euseb. and Polybius (1. 2. p. 155.) note that these three,
Philip of Macedonia, Ptolemy Philopator of Egypt and Antiochus Magnus of Syria came to their
kingdom within the time of the 139th Olympiad. Antiochus became king in the first year of it.
Ptolemy Philapator succeeded his father in the 3rd year. Philip of Macedonia became king in the
4th year. Polybius, (1. 4. p. 271.) notes further that about that time almost all the kingdoms of the
world had new kings. Justin (1. 29. c. 1.) and Polybius also note that Ariarathes, about the same
time, became king of Cappadocia.

2882. After the death of Antigonus, the Etolians united with the Lacedonians and fought with
the Acaeans and Macedonians. Cleomenes asked Philopator of Egypt if he would furnish him
with means and some soldiers and allow him to return to his own country. When he knew that
Philopator was not going to do this, he then began asking the king more often to allow him and
his small company to leave. The king cared little for the business of the state or what would be
the result of his actions and paid no attention to Cleomenes. However, Sosibius, who was the
chief man of all the rest about the king in the matters of the kingdom, advised along with the rest
of the council, to keep Cleomenes. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 381.)

2883. Molon tried to cross the Tigris River to besiege Seleucia. He was prevented by Zeuxis,
who had taken all the boats of the river. Molon changed his plans and went to Ctesiphon and
made his winter quarters. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 389.)

2884. Antiochus was told that Molon was coming and that his men yielded ground to him. He
resolved to abandon going against Ptolemy in Coelosyria, and to march in person against
Molon. However, Hermias, did not change his original plans and sent Xonaetas, an Achaean,
against Molon with a well outfitted army. Xonaetas had absolute power to use the army to
accomplish his ends. Hermias brought the young king back again to Apamaea and there
assembled an army for him. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 390.)

2885. Xenaetas came with his army to Seleucia and sent for Diogenes, the king's governor of the
province of Susa and for Pythiades the admiral of the Red Sea. (Indian Ocean, ed.) With their
forces he marched with the Tigris River at his back. He camped with his army in the very face
of the enemy. The next day, he seized Molon's camp which Molon had left that night. The
invading army started drinking and rioting in the camp. When Molon saw his opportunity, he
came back the following night and in the dead of night, attacked and recovered his camp. He
captured the enemy camp also. Xonaetas was killed while fighting in the darkness by an
unknown soldier. Molon came with his army before Seleucia and took it with the first assault
because Zeuxis had fled from it along with Diomedon, the governor of the place. He then
subdued the whole province of Babylonia, with that which bordered the Red Sea (Indian Ocean,
ed.) and he took the city of Susa. He left some troops there to besiege the citadel into which
Diogenes, their commander had fled. He then returned to Seleucia on the Tigris River and
refreshed his army. Of the country that bordered that river, he took it all over as far as Europus,

a city in those parts. In Mesopotamia, he controlled all as far as Dura. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 391-393.)

2886. After that meeting held by Sosibius, Cloemens was committed to custody. He waited for
the time when Philopator with his court had gone to Canopus. He let the keepers believe that the
king would let him go free soon. While they grew careless about him and lay fast asleep by their
heavy drinking, he with his friends, broke out of prison at noon day. He wanted to instigate a
rebellion among the people but could not do it. Therefore when he had no hope of escape left, he
and his followers killed themselves. (Polyb. 1. 5 p. 385.) This was 3 years after his defeat in
Laconia. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 304.) When Philopator heard of this, he commanded Cleomenes' body
to be hung on a cross and executed his mother Cratesiclea and her sons with all the women that
attended her. (Plut. in Cleome.)

2887. Antiochus set out with his whole army from Laodicea and when he crossed the desert, he
came to the Dale of Marsyas, which lies between the Lebanus and Antilebanus. He spent many
days in marching through this dale and captured those places that were on his way or close to it.
He finally came to Gerra and Brochos which are two citadels built on the narrow pass which
leads into this dale. These were held by Theodotus who was an Etolian and governor of
Coelosyria for Philopator. When Antiochus saw these citadels, he planned to attack them.
However, when he knew this was a very strong fortification and that Theodotus was very
courageous, he abandoned the place and left. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 390.) Theodotus was not rewarded
by Philopator for this. On the contrary, when he was summoned to Alexandria, he barely
escaped with his life. (Polyb. p. 385, 405.)

2888. Antiochus heard of the utter destruction and slaughter of his men with their general
Xenoetas and of Molon's victory. By this all the upper provinces were lost and controlled by
Molon. He abandoned his intended journey and thought about how to regain this lost territory.
(Polyb. 1. 5. p. 390.) Hermias could not oppose the general vote of all the rest in the council who
persuaded the king to go. Yet Hermias had his way in one thing. He forged certain letters as
written from Molon to Epigenes and put them in a packet with other letters to him. By that
means, he had Epigenes put to death, as an informer for Molon. The king marched against
Molon. When he came to the Euphrates River, he added to his army the rest of his forces that
were there and came to Antioch which is in Mygdonia. This was about the beginning of winter
and he stayed there until the next spring. (Polyb. p. 393-395.)

3784 AM, 4494 JP, 220 BC

2889. He left there on the 40th day after he came to Lybia. He followed the advice of Zeuxis and
not of Hermaias and crossed over the Tigris River with all his army. He marched toward Dura.
At the news of his approach, the captains of Molon raised the siege of Dura. He went from there
and never camped two days in one place. After 8 days, he passed Oricus and came to Apollonia.
(Polyb. p. 395, 396.)

2890. Although Molon was quite afraid lest his army would abandon him, he still attacked the
king. He made two wings. He put his brother Neolaus in charge of the left wing and led the
other himself. When the battle started, his right wing remained loyal to him and fought very
stoutly against their kinsmen. However, the left defected to the king. When Molon knew this
and saw that he was about to be wholly surrounded by the enemy, he fell upon his own sword.
The rest of his friends who had been part of this conspiracy against the king, escaped to their

homes and killed themselves. When the wing which Neolaus led surrendered to the king,
Neolaus escaped to Persia to Alexander, Molon's brother. When he had killed Molon's mother
and his children, he advised Alexander to kill himself and then he committed suicide. The king
commanded Molon's body to be hung on a cross in a high place and he castigated his rebel army
with bitter words for their foul and disloyal actions toward him. Finally he gave them his hand
and received them into his favour and service again. He appointed some to escort them back into
Media from where they came and to settle in that province again. Meanwhile, he went down
from those upper parts to Seleucia, where Hermias used the inhabitants very harshly. He
planned to extract a 1000 talent fine from them. The king reduced the fine to 150 talents and left
Diogenes to govern Media. He made Apollodorus to be president of the province of Susiana. He
sent Tychon, the master of the scribes and general of the army into the regions lying upon the
Red Sea (Indian Ocean, ed.) to govern them. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 396-399.)

2891. At the time when Antiochus made this war on Molon, Theodotus, the Etolian who was
governor under Philopator of Coelosyria, returned from Alexandria. He though that Philopator
was a useless fellow and he would have no good thing from his princes. With the troops he had
with him, he seized on Ptolemais and Tyre. Through Pamuetolus, he resolved to come to some
agreement with Antiochus to place all Coelosyria under his control. This he did a little later.
(Polyb. 1. 5. p. 385, 405.)

2892. Attalus king of Pergamus had a son born by Apollinis of Cyzicum called Attalus
Philadephus who lived 82 years according to Lucian. (in his Macrobiis) About the same time,
Antiochus had a son born to him, called Seleucus and surnamed (as it seems) Philopator.

3785 AM, 4495 JP, 219 BC

2893. Jubilee 25

2894. After Antiochus' son was born, he planned at attack Ariobarzanes, who had obtained the
kingdom of the Atropatians and the other counties in that area. Ariobarzanes feared the coming
of the king. He was now old and decrepit and made peace with the king on the best terms he
could get. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 399, 400.)

2895. While the war went on between Antiochus and Ariobarzanes, Achaeus besieged Attalus in
his capital city of Pergamus and took all the places around there. He made a league with
Ptolemy Philopator of Egypt and planned to capture Syria before Antiochus could return to
defend it. With the help of the Cyrrhestians, who had revolted from Antiochus, he planned to
take over that kingdom. Therefore with his whole army, he left Lydia and marched toward there.
When he came to Laodicea in Phrygia, he there placed a crown on his head and began to assume
the title of a king. He did this when he received ambassadors from other princes. When he had
the opportunity of writing to them, he entertained Siveris, who was banished from his own
country. Siveris was the main one who urged him on to be a king. He continued his journey
toward Syria. When he came near Lycaonia, his army began to rebel complaining that they were
fighting against Antiochus who was their natural king. Thereupon when Achaeus saw that his
plans incited such a response, he abandoned them and went no farther. Moreover he told the
army that he never planned to lead them into Syria against Antiochus but only to waste the
country of Pisidia where he was leading them. That they did and when they enriched themselves
with its spoil they returned home again as loyal as ever to him. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 271, 314, 315. &

5. p. 401, 402.)

2896. After the war between Antiochus and Ariobarzanes was over, Apollophanes a physician
of Seleucia greatly feared Hermias. He figured out a way to bring him into disfavour with the
king. Thereupon, the king feigned to be sick and had Hermias taken from his house and
murdered by some men he had assigned the task to. It happened at the same time, the wives of
Apamea took Hermias' wife and children from her house and stoned them all to death. (Polyb. 1.
5. p. 400,401.)

2897. When Antiochus returned home and sent his soldiers to their winter quarters, he sent
messages to Achaeus that contained many threatening words. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 401, 402.)

2898. The Jewish high priest Onias the 2nd died and was succeeded by his son Simon the 2nd.
(Joseph. 1. 12. c. 4.) He is said by Seal. (In Grac. Euseb.) to have been high priest for 20 years.

2899. At the beginning of spring, Antiochus called all his army to Apameas. Apollophanes his
physician persuaded him to go to Seleucia which is called Pieria. He sent Diognetus his admiral
there with his fleet. He sent Theodotus Hermiolius with a suitable company of troops to take
over the passes into Coelosyria. He had information from some informers of the Seleucians in
the town whom he had won over to him by large amounts of money and greater promises. He
captured one of the suburbs and then the city opened their gates to him. When he was inside, he
treated the inhabitants very kindly but put garrisons into their citadel and port. (Polyb. 1. 5. p.
402-405.)

2900. While the king was busy in settling matters there, he received letters from Theodotus the
Eolian, to ask him to go into Coelosyria. He was now ready to turn it over to the king.
Thereupon the king marched toward there. Nicolaus, a captain of Philopator's, discovered this
plot and besieged Theodotus in Ptolemais. He was unable to get out to carry out his plans. He
sent Lagoras, a Cretian, with Dorymon of Etolia, with troops to hold the pass that entered to
Coelosyria near Berytus. Antiochus easily defeated these troops. When Theodotus and
Panaetolus saw the siege raised from before Ptolemais where they and their friends were
confined, they went and met Antiochus on the way. They turned over Tyre and Ptolemais and all
that was in them to Antiochus. They found in both ports, 40 ships which were turned over to
Diognetus the admiral. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 405, 406. with 1. 4. p. 305.)

2901. Antiochus was told that Philopator had gone to Memphis, all Ptolemy's forces were met at
Peleusium and the sluices of the Nile were all opened to let the sea in to spoil all the fresh water
there. He changed his plans of marching to Peleusium and went into Coelosyria. He went from
one place to another and sought to subdue them all. Some he took by force and others
surrendered based on the reasonable conditions he offered them. The weaker places mainly
yielded to him the first time he asked. The rest remained loyal to Philopator their king and
Antiochus spent much time besieging them. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 405.)

2902. Meanwhile, Philopator took no care for anything. However Agathocles and Cosibius, who
managed everything under him, prepared for war. They kept everything as secret as they could
so Antiochus would not know what was happening. They secretly solicited help from the states
of Cyzieum, Byzantium, Rhodes, Etolia and others to mediate for a peace between the two
kings. In the interim, they made all provisions for the war they could. They trained and

exercised their men in all kind of feats of chivalry and martial discipline to the best of their
ability. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 405, 407. 1. 4. p. 305.)

2903. There was at this time a new war between the Byzantines and the Rhodians. The cause of
the war was that the Byzantines were forced to pay a heavy tribute to the Gauls. Hence they
charged a toll on every ship that passed by them into the Pontus Sea. (Polyb. 1. 1. p. 158. & 1. 4.
p. 305, 306, 314.)

2904. Thereupon the Rhodians sent to Prusias, king of Bithynia. (That is Prusia who in Excerpt.
Memnon. c. 29. is surnamed the Lame.) They made an alliance with him. Previously, he was
normally their enemy. The Byzantines where trying to form an alliance with Attalus and
Achaeus who were hostile to Prusias. Therefore he came to this agreement with the Rhodians.
They would take the charge of the war at sea and he would conduct the war on land. He
immediately seized Hieron which was a port of theirs on the Asian side. This place was
previously owned by the merchants who traded into the Pontus but the Byzantines had recently
bought them out. They used it for themselves together with all that portion of Mysia in Asia
which they had controlled many ages before. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 314-316.)

2905. When the Byzantines saw what the Rhodians had done with Prusias, they tried to get help
from Attalus and Achaeus. Attalus wanted to help but Achaeus was pressing so heavily on him,
he could offer very little help. Achaeus, whose dominions stretched far and near on this side the
Taurus Mountains and who had recently assumed the title of king, promised them all the help
that he could give. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 314.) They also sent for Tibites from Macedonia to be their
general in this war against Prusias. It was thought that the whole kingdom of Bithynia, belonged
as well to Tibites as to Prusias the nephew of Tibites. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 316.)

2906. Prusias feared the coming of his uncle Tibites and pulled down all citadels and places of
any strength that were in the kingdom. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 318.)

2907. The Rhodians tried to draw away Achaeus from helping the Byzantines. They sent to
Ptolemy and desired him to give them Andromachus, who was at that time a prisoner in
Alexandria. They wanted to present him as a gift of their own to his son Achaeus. When this
was done along with some other deeds of honour done to him by the Rhodians, the Byzantines
lost their main supporter in the war. When Tibites was being escorted from Macedonia, he died
in the way. This greatly thwarted their purposes. Cavarus was a petty king of those Gauls who
were in Thrace, (according to Polybius, in Excerpt. Balesii p. 26. and Athenaus 1. 6. c. 6.) He
came at that time to Byzantium and mediated a peace between them, Prusias and the Rhodians.
The Byzantines agreed to stop charging any more tolls on their ships and Prusias was to restore
what he had taken from Byzantium. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 317, 318.)

2908. At the same time, Mithridates king of Pontus made war on the people of Sinope, who
borrowed 140,000 drachmas from the Rhodians. They used the money to fortify their city and
all that peninsula on which their city was located. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 323.)

3786a AM, 4495 JP, 219 BC

2909. Antiochus besieged Dura in Phoenicia, a city which CI. Ptolemey calls Dora. Because the
place was naturally well fortified, he could not take it. Nicloaus, a captain of Philopater's sent

them relief. Because winter was coming, he was contented to make a truce with them for 4
months. Some ambassadors sent by Philopator persuaded him to do this. He would not grant a
longer truce, nor spend more time there than necessary away from his own dominions. It was
obvious that Achaeus intended to invade his kingdom and there was no doubt that Philopator
was helping Achaeus. Therefore he sent away the ambassadors and put garrisons in suitable
places. He left the care of all things there to Theodotus and he returned to Seleucia. He sent his
army to their winter quarters but took no care of keeping them in military condition. He thought
that the rest of the cities would submit to him without any great deal of fighting because he had
already gotten a part of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. He thought he could win the war with words
rather than by fighting. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 409.)

3786 AM, 4496 JP, 218 BC

2910. However in the spring, events did not unfold as he planned. He took his army from their
winter quarters and planned to attack his enemies by sea and land and by force to subdue the
remainder of Coelosyria that withstood him. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 411.)

291 1. Pilopator committed the charge of all his wars to Nicolaus the Etolian. He made Gaza the
storehouse for the war effort and place all his provisions for the war there. He sent his armies by
sea and land. He appointed Perigemes the admiral of his naval forces. He had only 30 fighting
ships but had 400 cargo ships. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 411.)

2912. Antiochus marched as far as Marathos when ambassadors came to him from the isle of
Aradus. They desired his friendship. He agreed to this and also settled the differences between
them and their neighbours who dwelt on the continent and made them good friends after that.
Antiochus entered by the way of Theu-prosopon into Phoenicia and came to Berytus. On his
way he attacked the Botrys and took it. He burned Treres and Calamus to the ground. (Polyb. 1.
4. p. 411.)

2913. Before the main battle, he divided his army into 3 parts. He gave one part to Theodotus,
the other to Menedemus and the 3rd he reserved for the sea under the command of Diocles. He
had made Diocles the governor of Parapotamia that bordered on the Euphrates River. He had his
bodyguards around him for protection. He went to see how the battle was going and to help if
needed. Diognetus prepared the naval forces for Antiochus and Perimenes did the same for
Philopator. Each kept as close to the land as they possibly could. At last when a general signal
was given, the battle was joined on land and sea. At sea neither side won and parted on even
terms. On land after a strong fight, Theodotus routed Nicolaus. In the chase, 2000 of his men
were killed and at least that many taken prisoner. The rest fled into Sidon. When Perigines saw
that the land battle was lost, he retreated at sea and came to Sidon. Without delay, Antiochus
came there with his whole army and besieged it. He did not attack it because there were many
men inside it and they had many provisions to keep them alive. (Polyb. 1. 4. 412, 413.)

2914. When P. Cornel. Scipio and T. Sempronius Longus were consuls at Rome, Hannibal made
a difficult crossing of the Alps and came down into Italy in the summer of this year. (Livy 1. 21.)
This was in the latter end of the 2nd year of Olymp. 140 and from that time we indicate the start
of the second Carthaginian war or the war of Hannibal. This is described in detail by Polybius
and Livy. Silius Italicus describes it in poetry and Appianus Alexandrinus, in his Hannibalica.
This war enhanced the fame of the Carthagenians and Romans all over the world. The effect was

first felt in Greece, then in Asia, properly so called, and its islands. All men began to look to
them and not to Philip, Antiochus or Ptolemy any longer. (Polyg. 1. 4. p. 443.)

2915. In the same summer that Hannibal came into Italy, Antiochus attacked Palistine. He
ordered Diognetus his admiral to take his foot soldiers to Tyre. Antiochus marched with his
army to Philoteria, a city seated upon the Lake of Tiberias into which the Jordon River flows.
From there the river runs through the country adjoining the city of Scythopolis, which Josephus
calls Bethshan in the tribe of Manasseh. When he had captured both of these cities and left
garrisons to hold them, he crossed the mountains and came to Atabyrium. This is the city called
Tabor and is located on a hill whose top is almost 2 miles in circumference. Antiochus drew
them out in small skirmishes. He had his vanguard go close to the walls and then feign to flee.
This they did. When the townsmen came out and pursued them, they were attacked by those
who lay in ambush. Many were killed. With the rest of the army, Antiochus attacked and
captured the city. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 413.)

2916. At the same time, Keraeas, a commander of Ptolemy Philopator, defected from him to
Antiochus. Antiochus received him so graciously that Hippolochus a Thessalian with his 400
cavalry all defected. Antiochus left a strong garrison in Atabysium. He went and subdued Pella,
Camus and Gephrus which surrendered to him. After this great success, the Arabians who
bordered on those parts, unanimously joined their forces with those of Antiochus. Antiochus
was encouraged by these events and trusted in the resources of Arabia. He marched into the
country of Galatis and subdued the area and took the city Abyla. All those, who were under the
command of Nicias, came to help them. There remained only Gadara to be taken and was
reputed to be by far the strongest city in all that region. Therefore Antiochus came and showed
himself before it. He began to cast up his works against them. The very sight of this terrified the
inhabitants and they surrendered to him. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 414.)

2917. In the same summer in Pamphylia, the Pednelissenses were besieged by the Slegenses and
were in danger of being taken. They sent and asked for help from Achaeus. He immediately sent
6000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry under the command of Garsieres. He planned to enter the
town by the way of Mylias but found that the passes were controlled by the Selgenses.
Thereupon, he feigned as if he would leave. When the Selgenses saw him go, they went their
way too. Some went to the camp and others to their harvest which was ready to be gathered.
When Gasieres knew this, he turned back quickly and crossed the pass of Mylias near Climax
without any opposition. He left a strong guard there and then committed the whole war and
defence of Pednelissa to Phaylus. He was going to Perga and stirred up all the people of
Pamphylia and Pisidia to come and help the distressed. Thereupon the people of Aspendus sent
them 4000 foot soldiers, those of Etenna sent 8000 men. The Slegenses by there rash actions
were badly defeated and lost 10,000 men. They fled home to Selga. Phaylus closely persuaded
them. They were so afraid that they immediately sent Logbasis to sue for peace. Instead, he
betrayed them. When a truce was declared, the enemy soldiers came freely into Selga. The
town's people sent secretly to Achaeus and put themselves at his mercy to deal with them as he
thought best. Meanwhile, Logbasis plotted to betray the town to their enemies. When things
were now ripe to do this, his plot was discovered. They executed him, his fellow conspirators
and all the enemies in the area. Then, Achaeus seriously began to negotiate a peace between
them. The men of Selga were agreeable to this. Thereupon they were to pay 400 talents of
current money and 300 more later. The Pednelissens were to restore to them all their prisoners
without ransom. When Achaeus had gotten Mylias and the greater part of Pamphylia into his
hands, he immediately marched to Sardis. After constantly harassing Attalus in war, he began to

threaten Prusias. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 415-420.)

2918. While Achaeus was busy in making war against the men of Selga, Attalus was not idle.
He enlisted the Gauls, called the Tectosagi of Europe. He sent for them from Europe to fight
against Achaeus because of their reputation for valour. He marched through the cities of Eolis
and other nearby cities. They had all submitted to Achaeus out of fear. All Cuma, Smyrna and
Phocaea voluntarily yielded to Attalus. Those of Egea and Lemnos yielded to him from fear at
his first approach. Ambassadors came to him from the Teians and Colophonians. When they had
given hostages, he controlled them subject to the conditions they had before. He continued on
and crossed the Lycus River. He came into the country inhabited by the Mysians. He went
through that and came to the borders of the Carsenses. He so frightened these people and those
who kept Didyma-tiche and Themistocles whom Achaeus had left to hold them for him,
surrendered them to Attalus. He left there and ravaged all the region of Asia. He passed the hill
of Pellicante and camped on the bank of the Megistus River. While he was there, the moon was
totally eclipsed. The Gauls were weary of so long an expedition with their wives and children in
their company. They pretended that this eclipse was a bad omen and would go no further.
(Polyb. 1. 4. p. 240.) On September 1st, near the beginning of the of the night, the moon was
eclipsed for more than an hour.

2919. Attalus feared lest his Gauls would defect to Achaeus and would attack his countries.
They would not do this because of his word that they came from Europe to Asia. He escorted
them all back safely to the Hellespont where they first landed. He gave them lands to live on and
promised that if at any time later they needed his help he would be ready to aid them. He
summoned those of Lampsacus, Alexandria and Ilium to him. He commended them for
remaining loyal to him. After this he returned with his army to Pergamos. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 421.)

3787a AM, 4496 JP, 218 BC

2920. Antiochus was told that a large enemy army was assembled in the Arabian city of
Rabatamana or Rabbath-Ben-Ammon. After Antiochus had plundered all the country around
there, he marched toward the city. He came near to the little hills where the city stood and went
and viewed the enemy. He learned that there were only two ways to get into the city. Therefore
he located his batteries against those two places to break down the wall. Nacarchus was in
charge of the one site and Theodotus the other. When they breached the wall, much to their
surprise the inhabitants quickly repaired the breaches. Antiochus' men laboured day and night
without stopping with all the might they possibly could to get into the city. They were unable to
because the damage was repaired as fast as they could inflict it. At last, one of the prisoners in
the camp showed them an underground way the inhabitants used to get their water. He quickly
sealed it up and the city was forced to surrender for lack of water. When the king had captured
the place, he left Nicarchus with a sufficient garrison to hold it. He sent Hippolochus and Kiras
who had defected from Ptolemy, with 5000 foot soldiers to the country adjoining Samaria to
govern that province. They were to protect his friends in those parts. He went with his army to
Ptolemais to winter there. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 414, 415.)

3787b AM, 4497 JP, 217 BC

2921. Cn. Servilius started his consulship at Rome on the ides, or 7th day of March. Among the
omens that happened when the senate did this was, that in Sardinia, the sun was dimmer than it

normally is. In Arpi the sun and the moon seemed to fight with each other. Ca. Flamminius the
other consul, who was with the army in the spring of this year was disastrously defeated by
Hannibal at Lake Trasimene in Etruria. He and 15,000 of his men were killed. (Livy 1. 22.) On
Feburary 1 1 there was an eclipse of the sun in Sardinia.

3787c AM, 4497 JP, 217 BC

2922. Polybius (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 442.) states that as well as that great battle at Trasimene another
battle was fought in the east between Antiochus and Philopator over Coelosyria. This was
fought toward the later end of the 3rd year of the 150th Olymp. at a place called Raphia. He
describes it thus:

vv In the beginning of this spring, Antiochus and Ptolemy had made final preparations for war.
The fate of Coelosyria was to be decided in the next battle. Therefore, Ptolemy with 70,000 foot
soldiers, 5000 cavalry and 73 elephants, left Alexandria. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 421.) First, he camped at
Pelusium, where he stayed until the rest of his army came to him. When he had given every man
his allowance of grain, he marched on through a desert country near the Casius Mountains and
the Barathra and came to Gaza. After a five day march, he came to his planned destination and
camped within 6 miles of Raphia. This is the first city of Syria, except for Rhinocorura, which a
man meets when he leaves Egypt for Coelosyria." (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 422.)

2923. At the same time Antiochus came there with his army of 72,000 foot soldiers, 6000
cavalry and 102 elephants. After he passed the walls of Raphia, he camped the first night about
1 1/4 miles and the next day came within 5/8 of a mile of Ptolemy's camp, (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 422.)

2924. At that time, Theodotus the Etolian, who was previously well known in Ptolemy's court
and knew well his daily routine tried to kill Ptolemy. He and two others about break of day,
came inside his trenches. The next night they got into the king's pavilion, hoping to kill him
alone. However, Dositheus, who was a Jew by birth but no longer observed the Jewish religion,
had moved the king to another tent. He had common men occupy the king's bed that night.
When Theodotus broke into the kings tent that night, he wounded two of the guards and killed
Andraeas, the king's chief physician. So the king returned untouched to his own tent again.
(Polyb. 1. 5. p. 422. & /RAPC 3Ma 1:2,3)

2925. After the armies had camped there for 5 days, the battle was joined. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 422.)
When Antiochus appeared to be winning, Arsinoe, Ptolemy's sister, went among the soldiers
with her hair hanging about her ears and cried to them that they should fight bravely and defend
their own wives and children. She promised them that if they won, they would each be given
two pounds in gold. This revitalized the army and they killed many of the enemy and took many
prisoners. (Polyb. 1. 5. 424, 425 & /RAPC 3Ma 1:4,5)

2926. In that fight, Antiochus lost almost 10,000 foot soldiers and more than 300 cavalry. 4000
were taken prisoner. 3 elephants were killed in the fight and 2 died later from their wounds.
Ptolemy lost 1500 foot soldiers and 700 cavalry. 16 of his elephants were killed and the rest
were captured. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 427.)

2927. When Antiochus had buried his dead he returned home with the rest of his army. Ptolemy
went back again to Raphia and the rest of the places which had been taken from him. They

voluntarily surrendered to him and strove to see who would be the first at recognising his
kingship. This was particularly true of the Coelosyrians because they were always inclined to
serve the Ptolemys. On this occasion, they exceeded all others in honouring him with crowns,
sacrifices, altars and other such expressions of their affection. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 427, 428.) Ptolemy
visited the cities adjoining that place and bestowed gifts on their temples. By this he encouraged
the people to remain loyal to him. (/RAPC 3Ma 1:6,7)

2928. The Jews sent some of their sanhedrin and elders to offer him their service and to present
him with gifts. They congratulated him after so great a victory. It happened that he was more
anxious to visit and honour their city with his presence. When he came, he greatly admired the
beauty of their temple and would have gone into the Holy of Holies. Only the high priest could
enter there and that once a year. When the Jews refused that request, the king wanted all the
more to enter it. He went into the temple and all the temple was filled with crying and howling
and the city in a tumult. Then Simon the high priest knelt down in the temple, that is between
the temple and the altar and prayed to God for help in this time of trouble. Thereupon, the king
fell into such a horror of mind and body that he was unable to speak and was carried half dead
from the temple. (/RAPC 3Ma 1:8-2:33)

2929. As soon as Antiochus was returned to Antioch, he sent Antipater, his brother's son, and
Theodotus Hemiolius as his ambassadors to Ptolemy to sue for peace between them. Ptolemy
was content with this surprise victory and with the recovery of Coelosyria. After a few sharp
words with the ambassadors and complaining about the unjust dealings of Antiochus, he granted
a truce for a year. He sent Sosibius to ratify it with Antiochus. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 428, with Justin 1.
30. c. 1.)

3787d AM, 4497 JP, 217 BC

2930. When Ptolemy had spent three months in Syria and Phoenicia in settling matters there, he
left Andromachus from Aspendus in Asia, to govern all that country. He with his sister Arsinoe
and his friends returned to Alexandria. His subjects knowing how he lived, marvelled at how he
had ended this war against Antiochus. Antiochus ratified the truce in the pretence of Sosibius.
Antiochus began a war on Achaeus as he formerly planned to do. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 428.)

3788 AM, 4498 JP, 216 BC

2931. Antiochus spent the winter in making his provisions with all possible care. The next
spring he crossed the Taurus Mountains and made a league with Attalus. He started his war on
Achaeus. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 444-446.) He besieged Achaeus in Sardis. Daily there were skirmishes
between the two sides as each side tried to get the upper hand by any means they could. (Polyb.
1.7. p. 506.)

2932. When the Gauls, whom Attalus had settled in Hellespont, besieged the city of Ilium, the
Alexandrenser, who dwelt in Troas sent their captain Themistas with 4000 men. He expelled
them from all the territories of Troas. He kept all the provisions from them and attacked them
everywhere. When the Gauls could no longer stay there, they went and took over the city of
Arisba and the territories of Abidus. They used that as a base to take over the rest of the
surrounding country. Thereupon Prusias, king of Bithynia, went out and attacked them. After he
had defeated them, he attacked their camp and slaughtered their wives and children and all the

rest of them. He gave their spoil to the soldiers for their reward. (Polyb. 1. 5. p. 447.)

2933. When Ptolemy returned to Egypt, he resumed his old lifestyle and wallowed in all manner
of gluttony and luxury. (Polyb. 1. 14. in Excerpt. Hen. Vales p. 62.) He grew more and more
mad by this kind of living. He indulged himself with uncleanness and lechery. He also vexed the
Jews of Alexandria with infamous and false reports spread against them. He tried by all means
to turn them away from the true worship of the living God. Those that refused, he commanded
to be slain. He expelled them from all offices of dignity. He branded them with hot irons in the
face with the sign of an ivy leaf because that was the sign of Bacchus. Those that abandoned
their religion, he allowed to enjoy equal rights and privileges with the native Macedonians in
Alexandria.

2934. Many abandoned their religion and others bought their peace with money. They saved
their lives and escaped having their faces branded. Those who continued in the religion of there
forefathers, remained loyal to the king but excommunicated and had no dealings those who had
apostatized from their religion. By this action, their enemy assumed that they really opposed the
king and tried to make his subjects defect. Philopator became very angry with the Jews in
Alexandria and throughout all Egypt. He ordered that they be gathered into one place so he
could destroy them all. The king's officers were allowed 40 days to do this, from the 25th day of
the month Pachon to the 4th day of the month Epiphi, according to the fixed year of Alexandria.
Some later historians assume without any basis that this calendar was never used until after the
naval battle at Actium between Augustus and Anthony. This period was from May 20th to July
29th. Three days were allotted for the massacre. That is from the 5th to the 7th of Epiphus,
inclusively.

2935. Upon the appointed time, the Jews of Alexandria were all brought into the hippodrome.
They were first reviled and set at naught by all that passed by. Then the king called for Hermon,
the master of the elephants. He ordered him before the next day to make his 500 elephants to
drink with wine mingled with myrrh or frankincense. This would make them grow more fierce
and stark mad. He would let them go and drive them on the Jews to tear and trample them all to
pieces. The next day, the king fell into a dead sleep and did not awake until dinner time. By that
time all the people that came there to see the event had gone home again. On the 3rd day, when
the elephants were all prepared and ready to attack them, 2 angels appeared who were very
terrible to look at. They came down from heaven and so amazed all the people who were there
that they stood still and did not move. The king fell into a trance and relented of his fury toward
those poor prisoners. Most interestingly, the elephants did not attack the Jews. They turned
around and attacked and trampled the soldiers behind them.

2936. Then the king commended the Jews for their loyalty and released their fetters. He
acknowledged that their God had delivered them. For 7 days long, from the 7th to the 14th of
Epiphus (July 2-9th) he feasted them. After this the Jews obtained permission from the king to
execute those Jews who had apostatized from their religion. They said that those who, for their
belly's sake, had forsaken the laws and commandments of their God would never prove loyal to
their king. They killed 300 on the way as they went and came at last to Ptolemias on the Nile
River in Arsinoise Nomo. It is called Rhodophorus from the abundance of roses that grew there.
Their fleet attended them for 7 days. There they altogether made a feast of thanksgiving. The
king himself gave every man a generous allowance for his homeward expenses. Thereupon they
returned home joyfully. Some went by land, others by sea and some by the river. This is
described in detail in /RAPC 3Ma 1:1 - 7:23. Phlostorgius in the beginning of his Ecclesiastical

History, calls it the "Librum portentosum", that is "A book of miracles".

2937. The Egyptians grew insolent and proud with their success at the battle of Raphia against
Antiochus. They never liked Philopator after that. They sought a captain of their own with
enough power to quell the like of him. This they did shortly after. (Polyb. 1. 5. c. 444.)

3789 AM, 4499 JP, 215 BC

2938. Philopator was now forced to make a war upon his rebelling subjects. (Polyb. 1. 5. c. 444)
His recent actions ensured the loyalty of the Jews. From Eusebius and Jornandes his Chron. that
about this time there were about 60,000 Jews killed in a battle. Such a large slaughter has caused
Demetrius, who wrote a book of the Kings of the Jews, to think it reasonable to record the years
from the captivity of Babylon or the carrying away of the Jews into Assyria down to the reign of
this Philopator as recorded by Clemens Alexandrinus. (1. 1. Stromat.) From there we gather that
this Demetrius the historian, wrote after the days of Philopator but before that vast desolation
brought upon the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes. If he knew of the latter he would have
described it in the same terms he did of the former calamities of the Jews.

2939. The city of Sardis except the citadel, through the work of Lagoras the Cretian, was taken
by Antiochus in the 2nd year after he besieged it. (Polyb. 1. 7, p. 506-510.)

2940. Sosibius managed all matters in Egypt under Philopator. He confirmed with Bolis, a
Cretian, how to deliver Achaeus, who was besieged in the citadel at Sardis from this danger.
Bolis arranged with Cambylus, the captain of the Cretians, who served under Antiochus and got
Achaeus out of the citadel but delivered him alive into Antiochus' hands. Antiochus first had his
hands and his feet cut off. Then he had his head chopped off and sown in an asses belly. His
body was hung on a cross. In the citadel, some held with Ariobazus the governor of Sardis,
others with Laodice, the widow of Achaeus and daughter of Mithridates king of Pontus. They
were at odds with each other but quickly resolved to surrender themselves and the citadel to
Antiochus. (Polyb. 1. 8. p. 522, 529.)

3790 AM, 4500 JP, 214 BC

2941. Lacydes of Cyrenia, was the master of the new academy for 26 years. He was the only
man who resigned the position while he was alive. He turned it over to Telecles and Evander
both of Phocaea. (Laert. in Lacyde.)

3792 AM, 4502 JP, 212 BC

2942. Antiochus attacked Media and Parthia and other provinces which had revolted from his
ancestors. (Appian. in Syriac. in Mitio.) He made an expedition against Arsaces, who was the
main founder of the Parthian Empire. This is described in detail in the 10th book of Polybius.
(Polyb. 1. 10. p. 597-602.)

3793 AM, 4503 JP, 211 BC

2943. When P. Sulpitius and Cu. Fulvius, were consuls of Rome, the praetor, Laevius made a

league with the Etolians in Greece and Attalus king of Pergamus in Asia. (Livy 1. 27. Justin, 1.
29. c. 4. Eutrop. 1. 3.) Attalus kept the agreement with the Romans until he died. (Polyb. p. 820.)

3794 AM, 4504 JP, 210 BC

2944. M. Attalus and Manius Acilius were sent as ambassadors from Rome to Ptolemy and
Cleopatra in Egypt at Alexandria to remind them of the league and to renew it. They gave him a
gown and a robe of scarlet with a throne all made of ivory. She received an embroidered gown
and a scarlet fur coat. (Justin 1. 30. c. 1.& 4.)

3795 AM, 4505 JP, 209 BC

2945. Ptolemy Epiphanes was born to Ptolemy Philopator by Euridice, his wife who was also
his sister. When he was 5 years old, he succeeded his father in the kingdom of Egypt. (Justin 1.
30 c. 1, 2.) His birthday was first solemnly celebrated by all the great men and others of Syria
and the country in his dominion. Every man made a journey to Alexandria to congratulate him
on the birth of his son. Among these was Joseph the Jew, the son of Tobias and of the daughter
of Simon the Just, the high priest. Joseph was the collector of his tributes throughout Syria,
Phoenicia, and Palestine. He sent his youngest son Hyrcanus who was born by the daughter of
Solymius, his older brother, to kiss the king's hand. He sent letters to his agent Arion, who had
the managing of all his money at Alexandria. He had over 3000 talents there. Arion was to
supply him with money to buy the most expensive present for the king that the place had. The
most expensive present the king had received was not worth more than 20 talents. Hyrcanus
brought with him 100 beautiful boys and as many maidens. He gave them 1000 talents to offer
to the king. The boys were a gift for the king and the girls a gift for Cleopatra the queen. The
king greatly admired this so great and unexpected a present. He royally entertained the young
man with all honour and royal gifts. He wrote royal letters of commendation to his father and
brethren and to all his commanders and chief officers in those parts. The king dismissed him in a
most honourable fashion. However, his brethren (who were 7 in number but begotten by another
wife) were jealous of the great honour the king had given him. They met him on the way and
planned to murder him. His father knew of this and did not care because he was angry with him
for the extravagant cost of the gift he gave to the king. When his brothers attacked him, he killed
two of them and various others in their company. When he came to Jerusalem, no man there
would look upon him. He feared the worst, and exiled himself to the regions beyond Jordan.
(Joseph. 1. 12. c. 4.)

3796 AM, 4506 JP, 208 BC

2946. Philippus, king of Macedonia, fought two battles against the Etolians. Although they were
helped by Rome, from Attalus the king, and ships from Prusius, king of Bithynia, they were
defeated both times. Attalus and P. Sulpitius the proconsul in those parts, wintered that year in
the isle of Egina, (Livy 1. 27. & Polyb. 1. 10. p. 612, 613, 851.)

2947. In the beginning of the spring, Sulpitius and Attalus joined together and sailed to Lemnos.
From there they came into Eubaea and captured Oreum and Opus. When Attalus heard Prusias
had invaded his kingdom, he left the Romans and the war in Etolia and sailed into Asia.
Philippus came to Etolia, where he had arranged for the ambassadors from Ptolemy and from
the Rhodians to meet him. While they tried to end the war in Etolia, news arrived that

Niachanidas the tyrant of Lacedemon, was ready to attack the Eleans while they were busy
about their solemn games at Olympus. (Livy. 1. 28.) This summer began the 143rd. Olympiad.

3797 AM, 4507 JP, 207 BC

2948. Polybius (1. 15. p. 719.) states that Arsinoe the queen and sister of Ptolemy was murdered
by Philammon as arranged for by Sosibius. See also (Hen. Vales. Excerpt, p. 65.) In Justin, (1.
30. c. 1.) we find that Philopator slew Eurydice who was his wife and sister. It seems that
Polybius' Arsinoe, Justin's Eurydice and Livy's and Josephus' Cleopatra were all the same
person. (See notes on 3794 AM & 3795 AM.)

2949. When she was dead, whatever her name was, Philopator fell in love with Agathoclia, a
female musician and with her brother Agathocles in a homosexual way. To everyone's
amazement, he put Agathocles in charge of his kingdom. He did not know the ways of the court
or the state affairs. These two arranged to have their mother Oenauthe taken care of too. She
endeared herself into the king's affection also. Agathocles always stayed near the king and ruled
the whole state. The women gave all the offices and military positions of the state to whomever
they pleased. The king himself, who was now in their hands, could do the least of any man in his
own kingdom. (Polyb. 1. 15. p. 720. & in Excerpt. Vales, p. 65. Justin, 1. 30. c. 1, 2, Plut. in
Erotico & in Cleom. Athena. 1. 6. c. 6. 1. 13. c. 13. Hieronym. on Da 11.)

2950. The people wanted a man to execute their anger on Agathocles and Agathoclia. They were
forced to bide their time for the present and placed their hopes on Tlepolemus. (Polyb. p. 66.
Excerpt. Vales.) This young man behaved himself well and had done military exploits. At that
time, he was managing the king's treasure. He used the funds not as an officer but rather like a
young heir. He soon disliked and hated the court. Ptolemy the son of Sosibius, (of whom I spoke
earlier) returned from Philippus in Macedonia with the other ambassadors. It seems they had
been sent there the previous year. He began to speak his mind rather freely about Tlepolemus.
He found that every man at court agreed with him. (Polyb. 1. 16. p. 82, 85. & Excerpt. Vales.)

3798 AM, 4508 JP, 206 BC

2951. This discontent was fanned when the courtiers in an public assembly complained about
Tlepolemus. Tlepolemus on the other side planned to accuse them all to the king. Sosibius heard
this. He had both the keeping of the king's seal and custody of his person. He gave the seal to
Tlepolemus who did all things after this in the state as he wished. (Polyb. 1. 16. p. 85, 86.)

3799 AM, 4509 JP, 205 BC

2952. During the consulship of P. Cornel. Scipio and P. Licimus Crassus, the college of the
Decemviri found this written in the books of the Sibylla which they kept. It said:

vv Whenever a foreign enemy should make war on Italy, he might be driven out again and
overcome if the image of the mother of the gods at Ida, which fell from heaven, were sent for
and brought to Rome."

2953. Thereupon, 5 ambassadors were sent to king Attalus to desire the image from him and to

bring her by sea to them. These 5, each had a ship of five tiers of oars for the journey. To obtain
a favourable reply, as soon as they arrived they were to ingratiate themselves and to promote a
good opinion of the Roman name and majesty of their state. Attalus received and entertained
these ambassadors at Pergamus very kindly. He led them to Pessinuntis in Phrygia and turned
over to them that sacred stone which the people who lived there said was the mother of the gods.
He asked them to carry it to Rome as they desired. (Livy 1. 29.)

2954. In the prologue to the 30th of Tragus, it is noted that Antiochus' expedition subdued all
the upper provinces of Asia as far as Bactria. There he spent a long time trying unsuccessfully to
expel Euthydemus from that province. He was finally forced to come to an agreement and make
a league with him. To ratify this, Euthydemus sent his own son, Demetrius, to Antiochus.
Antiochus saw his behaviour and judged him a man worthy to be a king. First he promised to
give him one of his daughters to marry. Then he gave his father permission to assume the title of
king. Lastly, they subscribed to the other articles of the league between them. He took his oath
for the true observance of them. Antiochus distributed provisions generously among his soldiers
and moved his camp. Euthydemus had given him all the elephants which he had with him.
(Polyb. 1. 11. p. 651.)

2955. Antiochus crossed the Caucasus Mountains and re-entered India. He renewed the league
and friendship he had made previously with King Sophagasenus. He gave Antiochus more
elephants. He distributed more grain among his army and so returned. He left Androsthenes of
Cyzucum, to bring him later the treasure which Spophagasenus had promised him. (Polyb. 1. 1 1.
p. 652,)

3800 AM, 4510 JP, 204 BC

2956. He then came to Arachosia. He crossed the river Erymanthus and went through the
country of Drangia and came into Carmania. Since winter was coming, he placed his troops
about the country. Polyb. 1. 11. p. 652.)

2957. The Romans made a peace with Philippus king of Macedonia. The parties to the league
were Philippus, Prusias the king of Bithynia, the Romans, the state of Ilium and Attalus the king
of Pergam. (Polyb. 1. 11. p. 652,)

2958. Philopator died at Alexandria. Ptolemy surnamed Epiphanes, that is the "noble" succeeded
him. Appianus in his Syriac, surnames him also Philopator, after his father's surname. He
assumed the throne when 4 years old according to Hieronym. on Da 11. Justin says he was 5
years old. He reigned 24 years. (CI. Ptolem. in Reg. Can. Clemens Alexandr. Porphys. Euseb.
and Jerome)

2959. Philopator's death was concealed for a long time, while Agathoclia and Oenanthe her
mother, rifled the king's treasury. They got all his money and put the affairs of state under the
control of their lewd companions. (Justin 1. 40. c. 3.) Finally, Agathocles assembled the leaders
of the Macedonians. He came with his sister Agathoclia and the young king. He told them that
when the king was dying he committed the care of the child to his sister. He produced the
testimony of Critolaus, who said that Tlepolemus was about to invade the kingdom and become
the next king of Egypt. He said the same things wherever he went. The people scorned him. To
make his disagreement with Tlepolemus more obvious to everyone, he took Danae, Tlepolemus'

mother-in-law, from the temple of Ceres. He dragged her through the open streets and put her in
prison. He laid hands on Moeragenes, one of the guard, because he gave information of all these
things to Tlepolemus and favoured him. (He could do no less, in regard of that friendship that
was between him and Adaeus, the governor of Bubastis.) Agathocles turned him over to his
secretary Nicostratus to be tortured. However, he mysteriously escaped the rack and got away
stark naked. He fled to the Macedonians and stirred them up against Agathocles. (Polyb. 1. 15. p.
712-714.)

2960. When all the people came flocking to the court in a tumultuous manner, Agathocles took
the king with him and went and hid himself in a place called Syringes. This was a gallery or
walkway which had on all sides 3 walls and gates to go through before one could come to it.
The Macedonians forced him to deliver the king to them. When they had received him, they
brought him out to the people and put him on a royal throne. This was a great joy and comfort to
all who saw him. Shortly after this, they brought out Agathocles who was well fettered. The first
person that met him, cut his throat. Then Nico was brought and then Agathoclia with her sisters
and all that generation of them. Finally Oenanthe was hauled from the temple. They were all
stark naked and placed on a jade and were brought into the Piatsoe. They were all turned over to
the people to do with as they liked. Some started tearing them with their teeth, some lanced them
with their knives and others pulled out their eyes. Any who were killed were pulled to pieces
until there wqs nothing left. At the same time also, the maidens who attended Arsinoe while she
lived, heard that Philammon was come from Cyrene to Alexandria. He was mainly responsible
for her murder. They broke into his house and slew him with staves and stones. They found and
strangled his little child. They dragged his wife stark naked into the street and cut her throat.
(Polyb. 1. 15. p. 716, 718, 719.) When the fury of the people was spent, the management of the
affairs of the kingdom was committed to Aristomenes, who was born in Acarnania. (Polyb. 1.
15. p. 717, & 1. 17. p. 771, 772.) He was made governor of the king and kingdom and
administered its affairs with a great deal of moderation and wisdom. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt.
Vales, p. 294.)

2961. When Antiochus the king of Syria and Philippus the king of Macedonia, heard of the
death of Philopator, they plotted how to get and divide his kingdom between them. They
encouraged one another and planned to murder the young king. (Polyb. 1. 15. p. 705, Livy, 1. 31.
Justin, 1. 30. c. 3.) Polybius (1. 3. p. 159.) says this:

vv When Ptolemy the king was died, Antiochus and Philippus agreed together to share the estate
of the young king between them. Philip started this wicked deed by capturing Egypt and Caria
and Antiochus took over Coelosyria and Phoenicia."

2962. Jerome on Da 11 says:

""Philippus, king of Macedonia and Antiochus the Great, conspired together and made war on
Agathocles, (he should have said, Aristomenes) and the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes. The
condition was that each would take his dominions which bordered his own kingdom."

2963. Josephus (1. 18. Antiq. c. 3.) gives us more information where he says:

vv When Antiochus Magnus reigned in Asia, both Judea and Coelosyria lived in a continual state
of trouble. There was a constant war going on. First Antiochus fought with Philopator and later

with Epiphanes his son. Whether he won or lost these countries were blighted by him and were
tossed and tumbled between his prosperous and adverse fortunes like a ship in the sea between
contrary waves. Finally Antiochus had the upper hand and added Judea to his dominions. When
Philopator was dead, Epiphanes sent a large army into Coelosyria under his general Scopas. He
recovered both Coelosyria and our country for him again, &c."

2964. He basically said that Antiochus after a long war with Philopator and Epiphanes over of
the land of Judea took it finally from Epiphanes. Epiphanes by his general Scopas, recovered it
from him again. However he lost it a second time to Antiochus. Eusebius missed this and says
that in the 10th year of Philopater:

vv Antiochus had overcome Philopater and added Judea to the rest of his dominions."

2965. In the first year of Epiphanes, Eusebius in his Chron. says:
vv Ptolemy Epiphanes, by his General Scopas, took Judea."

2966. However after Antiochus' defeat at Raphia, we do not find anywhere that he made war on
Philopater again. The league, which was made after that battle, was first broken by Antiochus in
the very first year of Epiphanes. Scopas was not in charge of that war as appears later. This is
shown by Jerome on Da 1 1 where he says:

vv When Ptolemy Philopator was dead, Antiochus broke the league he made with him. He led an
army against Ptolemy' son, who was then only 4 years old and was surnamed Epiphanes."

3801 AM, 4511 JP, 203 BC

2967. When Cn. Servilius Caepio and Cn. Servilius Geminus were consuls in Rome, at Frusino
the sun seemed to be surrounded with a little circle and then that circle again was surrounded by
a greater body of the sun, (Livy 1. 30.) This seems to have been the total eclipse of the sun that
happened on May 6th according to the Julian Calender.

2968. The Carthaginians were worn down with the continual victories of P. Scipio and gave up
hope of defeating him. They recalled Hannibal from Italy to help them. After Hannibal was 16
years in Italy, he left and returned to Africa. (Livy 1. 30.)

2969. Philippus, king of Macedonia, sent Heraclides a Tarentine, and a most vicious fellow to
Rhodes to destroy their fleet. He then sent ambassadors to Crete to stir them up to a war against
the Rhodians. (Polyb. 1. 13. p. 672, 673.)

2970. There was a naval battle between Philippus king of Macedonia and the Rhodians near the
Isle of Lada. He captured 2 of their ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece. The rest of their fleet fled
into the open sea. They were beset by a bad storm and driven ashore, first on Myndia and the
next day on Cos. The Macedonians followed the ships which they had taken at their sterns and
went into Lada which is opposite Miletus. They refreshed themselves in the Rhodian camp
which they had left. When the Milesians knew of this, they gave Philippus and Heraclides
crowns when they entered Miletus. (Polyb. 1. 13. p. 672, 673., in Excerpt. Vales, p. 70, 73. from

Zeno and Antisthenes, two Rhodian historians.)

3802 AM, 4512 JP, 202 BC

2971. Philippus needed grain and continued to waste all Attalus' country, even to the very walls
of Pergamus. He could not take any one of his cities because they were so well fortified. Neither
could he get grain or other spoil from the country because Attalus had anticipated his actions.
Then he attacked the temple and altars and destroyed them. He broke the very stones of them in
pieces so that they might never be put together again. He utterly destroyed the Nicephorian
Grove planted near the city of Pergamus and levelled to the ground many temples and shrines in
the area. Phillipus left there and went first towards Thyatira but then turned back again. He went
to a field called Thebes and hoped to get some booty there. He was unsuccessful and went to a
place called Hiera-Come. He sent messengers to Zeuxis, the governor of Lydia under Antiochus
and asked him for provisions for his army according to the peace treaty between Antiochus and
Philippus. At first Zeuxis acted as if he would honour the treaty. However he resolved to do
nothing to help Philippus. (Polyb. 1. 16. in Excerpt. Vales, p 66, 69. with Diod. Sic. ib., p 294.)

2972. Philippus had another naval battle against Attalus and the Rhodians near the isle of Chios.
60 Rhodians and 70 men of Attalus were killed. Philippus lost 1200 of his Macedonians and
6000 of his confederates. 2000 Macedonians and 700 Egyptians were taken prisoner. Even
though Philippus was defeated, he maintained his honour in two ways. He forced Attalus to flee
to Erythrae. He had captured his admiral and chased the ships to their port. (??) Secondly, when
he landed on the shore at Argenaum, a cape in Ionia, he made his stand to recover what he could
of his navy. (Polyb. 1. 16. 723-730.)

2973. When Philippus besieged Prinassa, a city of Caria, he was unable to take it by force.
However, he captured it finally by a stratagem. (Polyb. 1. 16. p. 730, 731) He put garrisons into
Iaslus, Bargyllis and the city of Euromenses. (Polyb. 1. 16. p. 731 & 1. 17. p. 744.)

3803 AM, 4513 JP, 201 BC

2974. P. Cornelius Scipio utterly defeated Hannibal in Africa in the last battle of the second
Carthaginian war. We read in Zonaras that the Carthaginians were amazed by a total eclipse of
the sun which happened at this time. However, there was no total eclipse. Livy, (1. 30.) says that
indeed the body of the sun at Zama seemed to be somewhat darkened. By the astronomical
tables we know that there was a very small eclipse of the sun this year upon the 19th of our
October. Some say that Hannibal fled from the battle and came to the sea side where he found a
ship ready for him. He sailed directly into Asia to king Antiochus. When Scipio demanded
Hannibal from the Carthaginians, they replied that he was no longer in Africa. (Livy 1. 30.)
Others more correctly say that Scipio never demanded him at all from them. (Plutarch in T. Q.
Flamonino.)

2975. When Philippus came toward Abydus, they shut their gates against him. They would not
even let his messengers in whom he sent to them. He besieged the place for a long time. So they
could be delivered from him, they wanted Attalus and the Rhodians to hurry to help them.
Attalus sent them only 300 men and the Rhodians who with their whole fleet anchored at
Tenedus, sent them only one ship of four tiers of oars to help. The walls of the city were
surrounded with engines of war. At first the men in Abydus kept Philippus' men off very

manfully. They were unable to get in by land or sea. Later a breach was made in the main wall
and they had cast up another within it. The Macedonians went to undermine that wall also. Then
they were forced to send to Philip, to conditionally surrender. They wanted safe conduct for the
Rhodian ship with the soldiers and mariners and for Attalus' men that were in the town. Lastly
that they might leave with only their clothes on their backs. They could get no answer from him,
unless they surrendered themselves wholly and absolutely to his mercy. Therefore in indignation
and despair they became very angry. They made 50 of their leaders swear publicly that if they
saw the inner wall taken by the enemy, they would go and kill every man's wife and children
and throw his silver, gold and jewels into the sea. When that was done, the soldiers agreed that
either they would vanquish their enemies or die fighting for their country. (Livy 1. 31. Polyb. 1.
16. p. 736,737,738.)

2976. About the same time Attalus and the Rhodians sent ambassadors to Rome. They
complained of the wrongs done to them by Philippus and his Macedonians. They were told that
the senate would take care of the affairs of Asia. (Livy, 1. 32. with Justin 1. 30. c. 3.)

2977. Three ambassadors were sent from Rome to Ptolemy and Antiochus to put an end to all
differences between them. The ambassadors were, C. Clau. Nero. Mar, Emil. Lepidus and P.
Sempronius Tuditanus. They came to Rhodes and heard of the siege of Abydus. They wanted to
talk with Philippus. However, they followed their orders and continued on their journey to
Ptolemy and Antiochus for the present time. They sent Emilius the youngest of the three, to
Philippus. He met with him at Abydus and told him that the senate of Rome wanted him to stop
making war on any Greek city. He was not to lay hands on anything that belonged to Ptolemy
king of Egypt. If he did, he might live in peace. If he did not, he should know that the Romans
were resolved and ready to make war on him. Philippus returned this reply:

vv Thy age, good appearance and above all the name of a Roman makes thee speak thus boldly.
However, I would tell you to remember the league and to keep peace with me. If not, I am also
resolved to do my best and to make you know and feel that the power and name of a
Macedonian is in no way inferior to or less noble than that of a Roman." (Livy 1. 32. with Polyb.
p. 738, 739, 787, 788.)

2978. Justin, (1. 30. c. 3.) states that M. Emil. Lepidus also was sent by the Romans into Egypt to
govern the kingdom of Egypt on behalf of this young Ptolemy Epiphanes. There may be one of
two reasons why this happened. They may have received an embassy sent to them from
Alexandria to take over the guardianship of the young king and to defend the kingdom of Egypt.
Antiochus and Philippus were said to have already divided the kingdom between them. (Justin 1.
30. c. 2.) Another possibility is that the father on his death bed committed to them this charge.
(Justin 1. 31. c. 1.) Concerning this Valer. Max. (1. 6. c. 6.) says this:

vv The king Ptolemy had left the people of Rome as the guardian of his son while he was under
age. Therefore the senate sent M. Emil. Lepidus, the High Pontiff and one that had been then
twice consul to Alexandria. He was to take care of the child's estate. He was a very honest and a
most upright man. He was well versed in their own affairs and exercised his duty for the benefit
of Egypt, not himself."

2979. For he thought that this man had executed the office of a guardian in Egypt while he was
High Pontiff and when he had been already twice consul in Rome. However Epiphanes died

before that happened. The reason for the error is this. He had seen some coins containing both
the titles of Lepidus' position and his office as a guardian in Egypt. For to this day, there are still
some silver coins to be found with this inscription. On the one side it says, "Alexandrea". On the
other it has, "S. C. M. Lepidus Pont. Max. Tutor Reg." On the image side is a picture of a man
putting a crown on a young man's head who is standing on his right with a sceptre in his hand.

2980. When the Athenians saw their territory wasted by Philippus, they sent and asked aid from
all parts, from the Romans, from the Rhodians, from Attalus and from Ptolemy. (Livy 1. 31.)

2981. Thereupon the ambassadors of the Romans and Rhodians met with Attalus in Athens. By
common consent they agreed to help them. For this the Athenians presently decreed excessive
honours, first to Attalus and then to the Rhodians. They went so far as to call one of their own
tribes after his name and added it to their ten that they had before. (Livy 1. 30. Polyb. Legat. 3. p.
786, 787.)

2982. While the Romans were busy preparing for war against Philippus, ambassadors from
Ptolemy or rather from his guardians arrived in Rome. They were informed that the Athenians
had needed help from the king against Philippus. Although they were confederates both of the
kings and the Romans yet Ptolemy would not send any military support without the consent and
authority of the people of Rome. They said that if the Romans would help the Athenians, Egypt
would keep out of it. If the Romans did not want to get involved, he could easily supply the
Athenians enough forces to overcome Philippus. The senate decreed that the king should be
thanked for his kindness and to tell him that the Romans planned to defend and maintain their
own friends and confederates themselves. If they needed anything for the war, they would tell
him. They knew very well that the king's military forces were very great and were needed for
the defence of his own state. The senate ordered presents to be sent to the king's ambassadors.
Each received 5000 pieces of brass money. (Livy 1. 30.)

2983. In the year 54 for so it is in the Greek manuscript at Lambeth, (not 52, as in the common
edition of the second period of Calippus,) 547. of Nabonassar, the 16th day of the month Mesor,
the 22nd of our September, 7 hours after noon, the sun was eclipsed at Alexandria. (CI. Ptol. 1. 4.
c. 11.)

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3804 AM, 4514 JP, 200 BC

2984. Toward the later end of autumn, Consul P. Sulpitius Galba, crossed over with an army
into Macedonia against Philippus. He was met by ambassadors from Athens who desired that he
would raise the seige. Thereupon he sent C. Claudius Cento with a certain number of ships full
of soldiers to relieve Athens. Philippus himself did not besiege it but was engaged with the siege
of Abydus. (Livyl. 31.)

2985. The men of Abydus recalled their oath and fought so hard that when the night should have
ended the fight between them, Philippus was amazed at their courage or rather at their rage in
fighting. He was forced to withdraw and to sound a retreat. Glaucides and Theognetus conferred
with some of the elders of the town. These had the hardest part to play in this tragedy. They saw
that after the fight, there were but few of their men left and these were wearied with wounds and
blood which they had lost. As soon as it was day, they sent their priests, in their robes to
surrender the town to Philippus. When the town people knew of this, they immediately were so
desperate with rage that each man ran to kill his wife and children. They then killed each other.
The king was amazed at their fury and ordered his soldiers to stay away. He said that he would
give the Abydenians 3 days to die. In that time they did more barbarous acts of cruelty on
themselves than they would have expected from an enraged enemy. None was taken alive by the
enemy that was not in prison and who was free to kill himself. The king seized their wealth
which they had brought all into one place to destroy it. He left a garrison in the place and
departed. (Livy 1. 31. Polyb. 1. 16. p. 738. 739.)

2986. When he came to Bargyllii, he was very troubled to see the Romans, Rhodians and
Attalus allied to make war against him. When his army was almost famished, Zeuxis the
governor of Lydia and the cities of Mylassa, Alabanda and Milesia sent him some small
provisions to relieve them. Against his nature, he flattered any that brought him supplies. When
they stopped, he plotted against them. Philocles advised a plan to take Mylassa. When it failed
through his own folly, Philippus went and wasted the territory of the Alabandi. These were his
good benefactors but he treated them like public enemies. The only reason he gave was that his
soldiers needed food. (Polyb. 1. 16, in Excerpt. Vales, p. 86, 89.)

2987. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the
9th of the month Machir about midnight, in the beginning of March 20th, there was a total
eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (CI. Ptol. 1. 4. c. 11.)

2988. The next summer the Romans, with the help of Attalus and the Rhodians made war on
Philippus and his associates in Macedonia. (Livy 1. 31.)

2989. Scopas, the head man of all Etolia, was sent from Alexandria by Ptolemy, with a great
quantity of money. He hired 6000 foot soldiers in addition to cavalry and shipped them away to
Egypt. He would have left no one who could serve in the military if he had his way. However,
Damocritus reminded them of the war which they were ready to engage in and of the weakness
of the country if they all went. For this reason a large number of the men that were going
changed their minds and stayed home. It is uncertain whether he did this out of a true zeal for
his country or if Scopas did not bribe him as he did with others. (Livy 1. 31.)

2990. About this time Josephus, the son of Tobias, died. The people of Jerusalem were thrown
into an uproar by the quarrel of his sons. The older brothers tried to make war on their youngest
brother Hyrcanus, of whom I spoke before. Many of the Jews favoured the older brothers
including, Simon the high priest because of his family ties. (Josephus 1. 12. c. 5.)

2991. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the
5th of the month Mesor, at three o'clock after midnight, on September the 12th there was a total
eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (CI. Ptol. 1. 4. c. 11.)

2992. Before the autumnal equinox, Oreum surrendered to Attalus. He was present at the feast
of Eueusis in Athens. When he had sent home Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians, he returned into
Asia. (Livy 1.31.)

3805 AM, 4515 JP, 199 BC

2993. After Simon the 2nd died, his son Onius the 3rd succeeded him in the high priesthood of
the Jews. (Josephus 1. 12. c. 4, 5.) He was a good man. He was gracious, well respected, meek
and very cautious in his speech. From his youth he behaved in a very virtuous manner. /APC
2Ma 15:12 In the Fasti Siculi (for here Scaliger's Greek Eusebian Fragments fail us,) he is said
to have been high priest for 24 years.

3806a AM, 4515 JP, 199 BC

2994. Ptol. Epiphanes sent a large army under the command of Scopas into Coelosyria. By
force, he recovered many cities for Ptolemy including Jerusalem. (Josephus Antiquit. 1. 12, c. 3.)
Polybius adds: (1. 16.)

vv Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, marched into the upper regions and subdued the
country of the Jews in the winter season:"

2995. Jerome on Da 11 says this:

vv When Antiocus held Judea, Scopas the Etolian was sent as general of Ptolemy's forces. He
fought valiantly against Antiochus and captured Judea and returned into Egypt."

2996. Meanwhile Antiochus invaded Attalus' kingdom which at that time was undefended
because its forces were employed for the Romans in the Macedonian war. (Livy 1. 32.)

3806b AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC

2997. When the senate of Rome had entertained complaints made by Attalus, they sent their
ambassadors to Antiochus. They told him that the Romans at that time made use of Attalus'
military forces against the Macedonians, a common enemy to both of them. The Romans would
be pleased if he did not meddle with the kingdom of Attalus. It was befitting that the kings that

were in league and friendship with the people of Rome should also live in peace among
themselves. When Antiochus heard this, he withdrew and ceased from any further war against
Attalus. Attalus sent his ambassadors to the senate of Rome to thank them for this great favour
they did for him. He gave them a crown of gold of 246 pounds for the capitol. (Livy 1. 32.)

3806c AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC

2998. At this time, two fleets from Asia, the one under Attalus the king, consisting of 24 ships
of 5 tiers of oars a piece and the other from Rhodes of 20 fighting ships commanded by
Agesimbrotus joined the Roman fleet. They pursued Philippus as fast as they could. (Livy 1. 32.)

3806dAM,4516JP, 198BC

2999. That summer, Antiochus took in all the cities of Coelosyria which Ptolemy controlled.
(Livy 1. 33.) When Antiochus defeated Scopas in a battle, he recovered all the cities of Syria and
grew friendly and favourable to the Jewish nation. (Chron. Euseb.)

3000. Antiochus met Scopas at the head of the river Jordan, where the city Paneas was later built
and defeated him. When he had recovered the cities which Scopas had taken from him along
with Samaria, the Jews voluntarily submitted to him. They received his whole army with his
elephants into their city and supported and helped them, in the siege of the citadel where Scopas
had put a garrison. Josephus (Antiqu. 1. 12. c. 3.) confirms this from a letter which Antiochus
wrote to Ptolemy, the captain of the garrison. He states from Polybius (1. 16.) that after the
defeat of Scopas, Antiochus took in Batanea, Samaria, Abila and Gadara. The Jews who lived at
Jerusalem where the famous temple was, surrendered to him. Antiochus took and destroyed
Gaza which withstood him and sided with Ptolemy. All this is written also in the same book of
Polybius. See Vales. Excerpt, (p. 77. & 86.)

3001. Zeno Rhodius, in his Local History, mentioned by Laertius (1. 7.) has described in detail
this battle between Antiochus and Scopas at Panias near the source of the Jordan River. This
with other excerpts of his from Polybius, the most learned Henry Valesius has given us. (p. 77,
78, 81.) Antiochus routed Scopas and pursued him to Sidon. He besieged him with 10,000
troops. Ptolemy sent to rescue him, 3 famous captains, Eropus, Menocles and Damozenus. They
were unable to raise the siege. Finally Scopas surrendered from hunger and he and his troops
were allowed to leave the place, stark naked. (Jerome on Da 1 1)

3807a AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC

3002. By that victory at Panias, Antiochus recovered all Phoenicia, Coelosyria and the other
cities of the country. Although Syria belonged rightfully to the kings of Egypt, (Justin. 1. 31. c.
1.) he left them to be held after this by the kings of Syria. (Polyb. Legat. 72. p. 893.) Antiochus
returned to winter in Antioch. (Livy 1. 33.)

3003. In the 551st year of Nabonassar and the 3 years proceeding, the 17th day of the month
Athyr, which is unmoveable, to the 21st, as Plutarch in his book, De Iside & Osyride, tells us,
the Egyptians celebrated the feast of Isis. This was on December 28th as we have shown in the
7th chapter of our book, "De Macedonum & Asianorum, anno Solari." Eudoxus placed the

winter solstice at this time. When Dositheus notes this in his Octaeris, (which, Censorinus tells
us was attributed to Eudoxus) or in his Parapegma annexed to it which he published at Coloniae
near Athens, (or rather at Coloni in Eolia). Hence it came to pass that the Greeks were of the
opinion mentioned by Geminus (c. 6. of his astronomical work), that the feast of Isis was always
kept on the winter solstice. This was the shortest day of the year. He there also shows this error
was formerly noted in Eratosthenes, in his commentary De Octtaeride.

3004. In this winter season, Philippus came to talk with the Roman consul, Ti. Quinctius
Flaminius. He wanted to know the conditions of peace. Among the conditions that Flaminius
mentioned was that Philippus should restore to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, all the cities which he
had taken since the death of Ptolemy Philopator, his father. (Polyb. 1. 17. p. 43, Livy 1. 32.)

3807b AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

3005. In the same year there was an earthquake between the two islands of Theramene (or
Thera) and Therasia, in the middle of the sea between them. This created a new island with hot
springs. The same day in Asia an earthquake shook Rhodes and many other cities and destroyed
many houses there. Some cities were completely swallowed up whole. Thereupon their priests
and soothsayers predicted that the rising Roman Empire would swallow up and devour the
kingdoms both of Macedonia and Asia. (Justin, 1. 30. c. 4.)

3807c AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

3006. In the beginning of spring, Flaminius sent for Attalus to come to him to Elatia. He went
with him to Thebes to try to persuade the Boeotians to join the league with the Romans. Attalus
made a speech to them and spoke with more force than his voice could endure. He was now
grown old and he suddenly became speechless and fell down. He was sick in Thebes and one
side of his body was paralysed. Quintius saw that he was in no danger of dying but needed time
to recover from the weakness of his body. He left him there and returned to Elatia from where
he came. (Livy in the beginning of 33rd book, printed at Rome, from the manuscript of Bamberg
and at Paris 1616 AD with Plutarch in the life of Quinc. Flamin.)

3007. At the same time, Antiochus sent his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, ahead of him by
land and wanted them to wait for him at Sardis. He set sail with 100 fighting ships and other
smaller vessels and planned to try to do what he could with the cities of Caria and Cilicia which
were controlled by Ptolemy. He hoped to assist Philippus by sea and land. He first took over
Zephyrium, Soli and Aphrodisias. He rounded the cape of Anemurium, a foreland of Cilicia.
Selinus and other towns, cities and citadels all along that coast surrendered without resistance to
him either from fear or to court his favour. At last he came to Coracesium, which much to his
surprise, shut their gates to him. (Livy, 1. 33.)

3008. While Antiochus besieged Coracesium, Rhodes sent him ambassadors to him. They told
him that if he did not stay on the other side of Nephelis, a cape of Cilicia, they would oppose
him. This was not for any grudge they had against him but to keep him from joining with
Philippus and that he might not interfere with the Romans who had now undertaken to procure
and maintain the liberty of Greece. When he heard this, he controlled his anger. He told them
only that he would send his ambassadors to Rhodes to deal with this matter. They had
instructions to renew the leagues formerly made between them and him and his forefathers.

They were to tell them not to fear his coming to them for he would do no harm to them or any of
their friends. He would not infringe on his friendship with the Romans. His reply satisfied them.
(Livy 1. 33.)

3009. The Rhodians laid claim to Peraea, opposite Rhodes on the continent of Asia. It had been
always in the possession of their ancestors but was now invaded and occupied by Philippus. At
this time Pausistratus, the Rhodian general had routed Dinocrates and the Macedonians. Had he
followed up on the victory and marched straight to Stratonicea, it was his for the asking.
However, they returned to their camp and this gave Dinocrates with the rest of his army time to
get into the city. The Rhodians were unable to take it. This story is described in more detail by
Livy. (1.33.)

3010. Attalus was carried sick from Thebes to his city Pergamus by sea and died there. (Livy 1.
33. Polyb. p. 820. Plut. in Quin. Flamin.) He lived 72 years and was king for 44 years. (Livy 1.
33. Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 102. and in Suidas, in the word Attalus:) Strabo says he reigned
only for 43 years. (1. 13. p. 624.) He was survived by his wife Apollonius of the city of Cyzicum
and 4 children, Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaetes and Athenaeus. (Livy 1. 33.) Eumenes, who was
the oldest, succeeded him in the kingdom. (Strabo, 1. 13. p. 624. & Plut. in his book of brotherly
love) Plutarch states that the two younger brothers though both brave and lusty spirits, yet lived
in deep respect of Eumenes. They were like guards about him for the preservation of his crown
and dignity. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 169. and Suidas, in the word Attalus.) Thereupon it
was that their mother would often say that she was a happy woman not because of her wealth or
that she was a queen but because she saw her 2 younger sons to be excellent guards of the oldest
son. The two sons always had their swords with them, yet Eumenes lived in the midst of them
without the least dread or fear of them. (Plut. in his book of brotherly love) The filial duty and
respect which they all bore to Apollonis or Apollonias, his mother is described in more detail in
Polybius (in Excerpt. Vales, p. 113, 114.) and in Suidas. (in the word Apollonias.)

3807d AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

301 1. Philippus' army of foot soldiers and cavalry were defeated in the battle fought at
Cynoscephalas, in the country of Thessalia as mentioned in /APC IMa 8:5,6 Flaminius offered
him a truce because he understood that Antiochus was marching from Syria with an army to
come into Europe. Thereupon he made a truce with him for 4 months that in that time Flaminius
might send to Rome and submit all to the will and pleasure of the senate. (Polyb. in Legat. 6. p.
792. Livy, 1. 33. editio. Roman. & Paris.)

3012. When the Rhodians heard of the defeat of Philippus, they still defended the cities that
were allied with Ptolemy and were in danger of being invaded by Antiochus. To some they sent
help and to others a letter telling them they would defend them from the aggression of
Antiochus. Letters were sent to the Caunians, Myndians, Halicarnassions, and Samians. (Livy 1.
33.) However this was not sufficient. Antiochus, in spite of them, surprised Coracesium,
Coricos, Andriace, Limyra, Patara, and Xanthus which belonged to Ptolemy. Lastly, he took the
city of Ephesus. (Jerome on Daniel, c. 11.)

3808a AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

3013. Antiochus spent his winter at Ephesus and tried to subdue all of Asia into the empire his

forefathers once had. He knew that the rest of Lampsacus in Hellespont planned to fight. He
advised them to surrender like the rest. He threatened them in case they would not, fearing lest
the rest would follow their example in opposing his plans. When this did not work, he sent some
companies from Ephesus to besiege Smyrna and others from Abydus to besiege Lampsacus.
(Livy 1. 33.) Thereupon both cities as well as others that joined with them, sent their
commissioners to Flaminius to ask for help against Antiochus. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 87.)

3014. When CI. Marcellus assumed his office of consul, ambassadors arrived at Rome to ask for
a league to be made with Philippus. Thereupon the senate passed this decree:

^Everywhere the Greeks in both Europe and Asia should be free and live after their own laws.
Those that were under Philippus' dominion or had any garrisons of his in them, should before
the celebration of the next Isthimian games, turn them over into the hands of the Romans. Those
that were in Asia, as Euronius, Pedasa, Burgylia, Iassus, Abydus, Thasus, Myrrina and
Perinthus, Philippus should withdraw his garrisons and leave them free. He should not renew his
war with the new king, Eumenes, (for Valerius Antias observes, that special notice was taken of
him) who was the son of Attalus. Concerning the enfranchising of the Cyani, Ti. Quin.
Flaminius should write letters to Prusias that the will and pleasure of the senate was, &c."

3015. To ensure the execution of this decree, the senate sent 10 commissioners into Greece.
(Polyb. Legat. 7. p. 793. & Legat. 9. p. 792. Livy, 1. 33.)

3808b AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC

3016. After the Isthmian games were over, the general liberty of Greece was proclaimed by the
public crier. Ti. Flaminius and the ten commissioners who came from Rome, listened to
Hegesianactes and Lysias who were ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius. They were told
to tell Antiochus that he must not meddle with any free city in Asia, much less make war upon
them. He must get out of such places as he now controlled which were formerly belonged either
to Ptolemy or Philippus. He was ordered not to personally enter Europe and not to send any of
his forces there. They added that they would soon journey to Antiochus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p.
798. 799. Livy 1. 33.)

3017. When the assembly was dismissed, the 10 commissioners divided the work they had to do
among them. Every man went to see his assigned region to be liberated according to the decree.
P. Lentulus went by sea to Bargylia in Asia and freed that city to live according to their own
laws. L. Stentinius did the same at Hephaestia, Thalus and the cities of Thracia and wherever he
went. P. Villius and Lu. Terentius journeyed to Antiochus and Cn. Cornelius went to king
Philippus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p. 977. Livy 1. 33. Plut. in Flamin.)

3808c AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC

3018. At the beginning of spring, Antiochus went by sea from Ephesus and came to Hellespont.
He crossed with his land army from Abydus and joined them with his naval forces. He landed in
Chersonese. He took over any cities that surrendered to him from fear. From there he went to
Lysimachia, which was utterly destroyed a short time earlier by the Thracians. He began to
rebuild it and to make it the capital of his son Seleucus' kingdom in those regions. (Livy 1. 33.
Appian. in Syria, p. 86, 87.)

3019. Everything was going as well as Antiochus could imagine. However, L. Cornelius, who
was sent by the senate of Rome to make peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy, came to
Selymbria. P. Lentulus from Bargylia, L. Terentius and P. Villius from Thasus were three of the
commissioners who went to Lysimachia. P. Cornelius came from Selymbria and met them there
at Lysimachia. A few days later Antiochus came there from Thracia and met them. Hegesianax
and Lysias, who had previously been sent as ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius,
happened to be there at the same time. In the conference, P. Cornelius said that he thought it
reasonable that Antiochus should restore to Ptolemy all the cities and places of Ptolemy's
kingdom that he had recently taken from him. Further, he should withdraw his garrisons from all
the places which belonged to Philippus because the Romans had now defeated him. They
warned him not to meddle with any free state. Antiochus replied that he wondered first, by what
right the Romans quarrelled with him about the cities in Asia any more then he questioned them
what they did in Italy. He was content that the cities in Asia should enjoy their liberty but should
thank him and not the Romans for it. Concerning Ptolemy, they were good friends already and
that he was about to make an alliance with him. (Polyb. p. 800. 769, 770. Livy 1. 3. Appian. in
Syriac. p. 87, 88.)

3020. P. Cornelius continued and told him that it was reasonable that the ambassadors of
Lampsacus and Smyrna should be called and allowed to speak for themselves. They were
summoned. Parmenion and Pythodorus represented the city of Lampsacus and Coeramus spoke
for Smyrna. They spoke boldly and freely for their own cause. Antiochus stormed to see that he
was being called to account for what he had done in Asia to the Romans as if they were his
judges. He ordered Parmenion to hold his peace and said that he moved that the controversy be
decided before the Rhodian judges and not the Romans. So that conference broke up and
nothing was done. (Polyb. 1. 17. p. 770.)

3021. Polycrates, who was governor of Cyprus, was in charge of collecting the the king's
revenue. He handed the government over to his successor, Ptolemy of Megalopolis and returned
to Alexandria. He turned over to the king Epiphanes, a great sum of money. Epiphanes was glad
to receive this and Polycrates was thought highly of by all. (Polyb. 1. 17. p. 773.)

3022. Shortly after this, the Etolians revolted under their captain Scopas who had a large
company of soldiers under him. Since the king was but a child, he could do what he liked. While
he dawdled his time away, his plans were cut short. When Aristomenes knew that his friends
went to him in his own house and used to sit in council together, he sent a company of the
guards and summoned him before the king's council. Scopas was surprised and grew so wild and
void of reason that he did not carry out his plans neither did he obey the summons of the king as
he should have done. Aristomenes knew what state he was in and sent a company of soldiers
and surrounded the house. Ptolemy the son of Eumenes brought him before the king. (Polyb. 1.
17.771.)

3023. He was brought before the council. First the king charged him and then Polycrates and
Aristomenes did. He was quickly found guilty and condemned by the king's council and by all
the ambassadors of foreign nations who were there. For Aristomenes intended to accuse him and
had purposely brought there various illustrious personages of the Greeks and the Etolian
ambassadors. They were at that time sent there to work out a peace between the king and them.
Dorymachus, the son of Nicostratus was one of the ambassadors. After these all spoke, Scopas
with his cohorts were all cast in prison. The next night Aristomenes had him and all his family

poisoned. He had Dicaearchus who was a most impious wretch, racked to death. Dicaearchus
was the admiral of Philippus' navy and harassed the Cycladian Isles. He erected two altars in a
certain port there, the one to Impiety and the other to Iniquity. He sacrificed to them both as to
two gods. The rest of the Etolians who wanted to return, the king gave them permission to do so
and take what belonged to them with them. (Polyb. 1. 17. p. 772.)

3024. When this business of the Etolians was settled and all was quiet, then the whole court
started their solemn revels which they used to have when anyone is made king. This event is
called Anaclateria. The king was not then old enough to run the government. However, the court
thought, that if it known abroad that the king was come now to rule in his own person, things
would go better and be more peaceful in the kingdom. Therefore they made all provisions they
could do to perform this solemnity for the honour of the kingdom. (Polyb. 1. 17. p. 773.)

3025. While the conference at Lysimachia was going on between Antiochus and the
commissioners from Rome, it was reported by an unconfirmed source what had happened to
Scopas at Alexandria and that Ptolemy was dead. Hence that conference came to naught for
neither party would act until they knew exactly what happened. L. Cornelius, whose proper
errand was to make peace with both the kings, desired some time to talk directly with Ptolemy.
He wanted to get there as soon as possible before anything could be resolved there after the
king's supposed death to help establish the state. Antiochus made no doubt of his intentions. If
the king were indeed dead, Egypt would be his. Therefore, he sent away the commissioners and
left his son, Seleucus with his army to continue rebuilding Lysimachia. He with his whole fleet
sailed to Ephesus and from there sent ambassadors to Flaminius to desire him to continue the
league and friendship between them. He sailed again and stayed close to coast of Asia until he
came to Lycia. At Patara he was told for certain that Ptolemy was living and thereupon he
abandoned his journey for Egypt. (Livy 1. 33. Appian. in Syria, p. 88.)

3809a AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC

3026. Antiochus hurried toward Cyprus which he certainly hoped to get. When he had rounded
the cape of the Chelidonian foreland, his sailors mutinied and he was forced to stay for a while
in Pamphylia at the mouth of the Eurymedon River. From there he sailed to a place called the
head of the Saris River. A severe storm almost drowned him and all his fleet. Many of his ships
were driven on shore and many sank in the sea with all hands. A number of sailors, common
soldiers and his nobles and leaders died in that storm. He salvaged what he could from the
wreck. Since he was in no position to go on to Cyprus, he sailed to Seleucia in Syria and there
started to rebuild his navy. He married his two children, Antiochus and Laodice to each other.
He set to sea again for Antioch because winter was approaching. (Livy 1. 33. Appian. in Syria, p.
88.)

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3027. The Decemviri or 10 commissioners returned to Rome and told the senate about
Antiochus and his return into Syria. (Livy 1. 33.) Hannibal's enemies at Carthage, informed the
senate of Rome that he and Antiochus daily sent letters to each other. Although this was false,
those who fear these men believed the false report. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the
council at Carthage and complained to them that Hannibal was working with Antiochus and told
them to get rid of Hannibal by any means. (Livy 1. 33. Justin, 1. 31. c. 1,2.)

3028. Flaminius' reply to Antiochus' ambassadors when they asked for a league was that he
could do nothing now that the 10 commissioners were gone. The ambassadors would do well to
go after them and make their address to the senate at Rome. (Livy 1. 34.)

3029. Thereupon Hannibal stole away from Carthage and came safely to Tyre. He was there
received by the founders of Carthage as in a second country of his own. After he rested there for
a few days, he sailed to Antioch. When he found that Antiochus had left, he there spoke with his
son who was celebrating a solemn festival in Daphne. When he had been courteously
entertained by him, he sailed again and followed Antiochus overtaking him at Ephesus.
Antiochus was trying to decide if he should make war on the Romans or not. He was completely
taken by surprise when Hannibal came to him. From now on he thought not as much of the war
itself as of what great things he should get by conquering the Romans. (Livy in the end of his
33rd book, Justin, 1. 31. c. 1,2. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib.)

3030. Phormio, a philosopher of the Peripatetic text, had disputed a long time in his school
concerning the duty and office of a commander of an army and of the military art and the
ordering of a battle. Hannibal could contain himself no longer and cried out that he had heard
many a doting fool in his days but a bigger fool than this Phormio was, he had never heard.
(Cicer. de Oratore, lib. 2.)

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3031. T. Quinctius Flaminius joined with Eumenes and the Rhodians and fought very
successfully against Nabis the tyrant of Lacedemon. (Liv. 1. 34.)

3032. When M. Porcius (Cato) was consul, the city of Smyrna began and built a temple to the
city of Rome. (Tacit. Annal. 1. 4.) By their example, the Alabandenses, not only built another
temple to her but instituted some anniversary plays and games in honour of her as a proper
goddess. (Livy. 1. 34.)

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3033. Eratosthenes of Cyrene, the son of Aglaus, died. He was not only a grammarian, though
that were his chief profession, but also a poet, a philosopher and a geometrician, for he excelled
in all these areas. (Lucia, in Macrobiss) Apollonius Alexandrinus succeeded him in managing
the library at Alexandria. He was a scholar of Callimachus who wrote the Argonautica. Since he
lived many years at Rhodes, he was surnamed Rhodius. (Swidas in Apollonius.)

3034. Antiochus knew of the loyalty of the Jews for him. He conferred great favours on them
again and by his letters he highly commended them. (Eusib. Chron.) His letters are preserved in
Josephus. (1. 14. Antiq. c. 3.) In an address to Ptolemy's government, he mentioned many gifts
of his and immunities granted both to the city and also the temple at Jerusalem. In another letter
to Zeuxis, he ordered 2000 families of the Jews, who lived in the provinces of Babylonia and
Mesopotamia, to be settled in of Phrygia and Lydia. He hoped their presence would keep order
there.

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3035. Antiochus prepared to make a war in Greece and to begin his war against the Romans
there. He told Hannibal what he purposed who told him that the Romans could only be
conquered in Italy. Hannibal asked for 100 of his warships with 16,000 cavalry. With that fleet
he first would sail into Africa so that he knew he could instigate a fresh rebellion among the
Carthaginians. If that failed, he would land in some part of Italy and there begin the war anew
against them. When he had persuaded the king to let him do this, he did not personally go to
Africa (as Emil. Probus, in the life of Hannibal thinks) but sent Aristo, a Tyrian born at Ephesus
under the guise of a merchant to trade at Carthage. He was to prepare their minds for a revolt
against the Romans. Hannibal's enemies laid hold of Aristo at Carthage. They spent many days
in consultation trying to determine what to do with him and if they should send him to Rome to
justify their innocence in this matter. However, Aristo escaped and sailed back to Hannibal
again. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the consuls and senate at Rome to tell them what had
happened. (Livy 1. 34. Justin, 1. 31. c. 3, 4. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89, 90.)

3036. Meanwhile Antiochus sent Lysias, Hegesianactes and Menippus as his ambassadors to
Rome to determine the feelings of the senate. They went under the pretence of trying to arrange
a league and friendship between him and them. They told the senate that the king wondered why
they should bid him to get out of the cities of Eloia and Ionia, to forego his tributes due to him
from other places and not to meddle with matters in Asia and countries of his ancient inheritance
in Thracia. These were not commands to be given to friends of theirs as he was, but to
conquered enemies. They were told that they should go and ask Flaminius and the 10
commissioners who were formerly sent into Greece. When they came, the commissioners
pressed that Antiochus should either stay out of Europe or allow the Romans to take care of
what they had already in Asia and acquire more there if they could. The ambassadors told them
plainly that they could neither negotiate a deal by which the king's rights and dominions might
in any way be impaired. So that matter was left unsettled and the ambassadors were sent away.
(Livy 1. 34. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89.)

3037. Scarcely had the ambassadors left, when news came from Carthage that Antiochus was
busy preparing for war against the Romans and that Hannibal was his general. They were afraid
lest a fresh war would start from Carthage. (Livy 1. 34.)

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3038. Antiochus gave his daughter in marriage to Ptolemy at Raphia, in Phoenicia or rather in
Palestina and returned to Antioch. (Livy 1. 35.) He was now fully resolved to make war against
the Romans and thought it best to league himself by marriages and alliances with as many kings
and princes in the area as he could. Therefore he sent his daughter, Cleopatra, surnamed Syra, to
Egypt to marry Ptolemy. He gave him a dowrie with her of all Coelosyria which he had
formerly taken from him. He did this to pacify Ptolemy and to keep him from joining with the
Romans in this war. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 88.) Jerome on Da 11 says, that Antiochus, planned
to get Egypt for his dominion and espoused his daughter Cleopatra, in the 7th year of the young
Ptolemy's reign according to Eucles of Rhodes. However Jerome follows Eusebius' Chronicle
which said it was the 13th year. According to our calculations it was in the 12th year that he sent
her to him. Ptolemy received a dowry of all Coelosyria and Judaea. Antiochus did not get Egypt.
Ptolemy and his council perceived his plans and were more cautious in their affairs. Cleopatra
took her husband's side rather than her father's. Josephus, (Antiq. 1. 12. c. 3.) writes that
Antiochus gave his daughter Cleopatra to wife to Ptolemy along with her dowry of Coelosyria,

all Phoenicia, Judaea and Samaria. The tribute was equally divided between them from these
places. The head men in each of these countries gathered the tribute for them and paid it to
them.

3039. He offered Antiochis, another daughter, in marriage to Ariarathes, the king of
Cappadocia. He sent his 3rd daughter to Eumenes, the king of Pergamus. When Eumenes saw
that he planned to make war against the Romans and that this was the reason for the marriage,
he refused the offer. When his two brothers, Attalus and Philetaetus wondered why he should
refuse such an offer made to him by so great a neighbouring king as Antiochus, Eumenes told
them how great a war was now at hand. He said that if the Romans win as he truly thought they
would, he would be able to hold his own by them. If Antiochus won then his fortune would be
either to be turned out of his kingdom by a powerful neighbouring prince or be forced to live
under him. Concerning this, see Eumenes, his own Oration, (in Polyb. Legat. 25. & Livy 1. 37.)

3812b AM, 4522 JP, 192 BC

3040. Antiochus crossed the Taurus Mountains and marched through Cilicia. At the very end of
winter, he came to Ephesus. (Livy 1. 35.)

3041. From there at the beginning of spring, he sent back his son Antiochus into Syria. He was
to take care of matters there and in the remote parts of his eastern dominions while he was busy
in the west. Antiochus with all his army went to invade the Pisidians who lived around Selga.
(Livy. 1. 35.)

3042. At that time, ambassadors from Rome arrived at Elaea to see Antiochus. They came under
the pretence of an embassy, but were there to see first hand what preparations he had made.
They spoke often with Hannibal to try to cool Hannibal's anger toward them. If that failed they
hoped to make Antiochus jealous of Hannibal because he spoke frequently with the Romans.
The names of the ambassadors were, P. Sulpitius and P., Villius, who among others had met
with Antiochus at Lysimachia. (Livy 1. 34, 35. Justin, 1. 31. c. 4. Fronti. Stratag. 1. I.e. 8. Appia.
inSyriac. p. 90, 91.)

3043. The ambassadors went up from Elaea to Pergamus where Eumenes' palace was. Their
instructions were first to confer with Eumenes before they went to Antiochus. Eumenes did the
best he could to have them make war on Antiochus. Sulpitius remained sick at Pergamus but
when P. Villius heard that Antiochus warred against Pisidia, he went to Ephesus. During those
few days he stayed there, he made it a point to speak to Hannibal as often as he could. He
wanted to know his intentions and to mitigate his anger toward the Romans by assuring him that
they intended him no further harm. (Livy 1. 35.)

3044. Claudius Quadrigarius who followed the account of the Greek History of Acilius, states
that P. Scipio Africanus was in this embassy and that he was the one that spoke with Hannibal at
Ephesus. He mentions one talk of theirs in particular. Africanus asked Hannibal whom he
thought to have been the greatest general in the world? Hannibal replied that Alexander the
Great was. When asked whom he thought was second?, he answered Pyrrhus. When asked who
was then third?, he replied, myself. At that, Scipio burst out laughing and said what would you
have done if you had defeated me? Hannibal replied that he would have counted himself before
both Pyrrhus and Alexander and all others that ever were. His perplexing and intricate answer

was but a trick of Punic wit. Scipio was taken in by it as with a pretty kind of flattery. He was
not counted better than all the generals yet he had vanquished a better man than Alexander.
(Livy 1. 35. with Plutarch in T. C. Flaminino, and Appian. in Syriac. p. 91, 92.)

3812c AM, 4522 JP, 192 BC

3045. Villius went from Ephesus to Apamea and there Antiochus heard of the coming of the
Roman ambassadors to meet them. They discussed almost the same points which were discussed
between Flaminius and the other commissioners on one side and his ambassadors on the other at
Rome. When news came of the death of his son Antiochus, who was recently sent into Syria, the
conference was suspended. Villius did not want to be there at this sad time and went to
Pergamus, when the king and court were all in mourning. The king stopped all preparations for
the war and went to Ephesus. (Livy 1. 35.)

3046. The Roman ambassadors were told to come to Ephesus. They met in conference with
Minio, a principal counsellor and favourite of the king. In his discourse Minio blamed the
Romans that under a pretence of setting Greece at liberty, they intended to make war against
Antiochus. The Romans held so many famous countries in their subjection and made them pay
tribute to Rome. These formerly lived free and according to their own laws. Sulpitius replied for
the Romans for he was now recovered from sickness. He called the ambassadors of the other
states present there as witnesses for the Romans as they had been instructed to do by Eumenes.
Then the conference degenerated into a brawl. (Livy 1. 35.)

3047. When Antiochus had heard the embassy of the Rhodians, he told them that if he and the
Romans came to an agreement and a league, all they, as well as those of Byzatium, Cyzicum
and other Greeks living in Asia would be free. The Eolians and Ionians would still be under the
control of the kings of Asia. Therefore the Roman ambassadors returned to Rome when they
could get nowhere with the king. For indeed that was the least part of the errand since they came
primarily to spy on him. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92.)

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3048. After this, the Etolian ambassadors came to the king. They offered to make him
commander of all the forces which they raised and persuaded him by all means to go over to
Greece. They said it was ready to receive him. He should not stay until his armies came down to
him from the remote and inner parts of Asia. This made Antiochus all the more eager to go into
Greece as soon as possible. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92, 93. with Polyb. 1. 3. p. 159. & Justin, 1. 30.
c. 4&1. 32. c. 1.)

3049. Before he sailed, he went up to Ilium and sacrificed to Minerva. He returned to his fleet
and sailed with 40 fighting ships, 60 barges and 200 cargo ships. These were loaded with all
kinds of provisions and sailed in the rear of the fleet. His whole army consisted of 10,000 foot
soldiers and 500 cavalry with 6 elephants. This was barely enough to take over Greece if no one
was there to fight with him. How inadequate were these forces to stand up against the Roman
military might. (Livy 1. 35.)

3050. Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome to let them know that Antiochus had crossed
over the Hellespont with his army. The Etolians were ready to rise up in arms as soon as he

landed. The senate thanked Attalus and his absent brother, Eumenes. Attalus was housed at the
public expense and given presents. (Livy. 1. 35.)

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305 1 . About the middle of winter, Antiochus consulted with Demetrias how to carry on the war.
Hannibal gave sound advice if it had been followed. It was not except that Polyxenidas was sent
to bring the rest of the fleet and army from Asia. (Livy 1. 36. Justin, 1. 31. c. 5, 6. Appian. p. 93,
94.)

3052. Antiochus fell in love with a young maiden of Chaleis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, his
host. Even though Antiochus was almost 50, he set aside the matters of the war and thought only
of marrying her. He called her by the name of Eubaea and spent all the next winter in
banqueting and revels. Likewise his army spent all that season in luxury and pleasure. (Polyb. 1.
20. in Athenaus, 1. 10. c. 12. Diodor. Sic. & Dio. in Excerpt, Vales, p. 296. and 609. Liv. 1. 36.
Appian. p. 96, 98.)

3053. M. Acilius Glabrio, the consul, left Rome in a rich coat of armour to go against
Antiochus. This was on the 5th day before the Nones that is May 3rd. We deduce this year by an
eclipse that happened the following January. (Livy 1. 36.)

3054. About the same time, ambassadors came to Rome from two kings, Philippus of
Macedonia and Ptolemy of Egypt. Both offered their help against Antiochus with money and
grain. Ptolemy brought in ready money, 1000 pounds in gold and 20,000 pounds in silver.
Nothing was taken and the senate thanked them for their good will. When both of them offered
to come in person with their armies into Etolia, the senate answered that they would not trouble
Ptolemy. The senate and people of Rome would be happy if Philippus would assist M. Acilius,
their consul, in whatever he needed. (Livy 1. 36.)

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3055. Antiochus was defeated at Thermopylae in a battle against M. Acilius the consul and Cato
a general in that army. (This battle is described by Livy, 1. 36. by Plut. in Cato, Major, by Appia.
in Syriac. & Fron. 1. 2. Stratag.) He was forced to flee back to Asia and came to Ephesus with
his new wife. (Livy, Justin, Appian, and Polyb. in Athenaus 1. 10. c. 12.) In Tully's book "De
Senect. Cato", Cato speaking of himself, said that he fought at Thermopylae under M. Acilius
Glabrio in the 4th year after he had been consul. Plutarch in his life and Livy (1. 36.) affirm this
that he was sent by the consul Acilius to Rome with the news of that victory. Antisthenes the
historian reports to have followed this account and been written by Buplagus the Syrian. That
Publius a Roman captain after this battle at Thermopylae, is gathered from Phlegon of Tralles, in
his book De Mirabilibus. (c. 3.)

3056. When Antiochus was at Ephesus, he became careless and not afraid of the Romans. He
thought that they would never cross over into Asia. When Hannibal had roused him from those
idle thoughts, he sent for his forces from the inland countries to come down quickly to the
seaside. He prepared his navy and made Polyxenidas, an exile of Rhodes his admiral. He
crossed over again into Chersonesus and fortified it. He put garrisons into Sestus and Abydus
where he thought the Romans would try to cross over into Asia. (Livy. 1. 36. & Appia. p. 99.)

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3057. C. Livius Salinator was sent to succeed Attalus in the navy. On his way to Asia, Eumenes
routed Polyxenidas, Antiochus' admiral. He sank 10 of his ships and captured 30 more losing
only one ship and that one was from Carthage! They pursued Polyxenidas as far as Ephesus.
Then they sent back the Rhodian fleet of 25 ships which arrived after the battle. Eumenes with
his ships, came to Canas, a town of Lycia. Because the winter was coming, they drew their ships
to land and fortified the place where they stayed with works for their defence. (Livy 1. 63.
Appian. p. 99, 100.)

3058. When this naval battle was fought at Coricus, Antiochus was gone to Magnesia near the
mountain of Sipylus to gather his land forces together. When he heard of his naval defeat, he
began to prepare a new navy so that he might not appear to be vanquished from the sea. He sent
Hannibal into Syria to get ships from the Phoenicians. He ordered Polyxenidas to repair his
ships that were damaged in the battle and to build new ones to make up his fleet again.
Meanwhile, he made his winter quarters in Phrygia. He sent for help from all parts, even from
Gallograecia. (Livy 1. 36, 37 Appian. p. 100.) Using fear and his money, he convinced them also
to join in arms with him. He thought their height and courage would terrify the Romans.
(Appian. p. 89.)

3059. Ambassadors arrived at Rome from Ptolemy and Cleopatra to congratulate them for
driving Antiochus out of Europe. He persuaded them to cross into Asia even as far as Syria. He
showed that they were ready to do, whatever the Romans would request. The senate sent thanks
to the king and queen for their good will and gave each of the ambassadors, 4000 pieces of brass
money. (Livy. 1. 37.)

3060. Antiochus left his son Seleucus with the army in Eolia, to hold the sea coast there in order.
The Romans on the one side and Eumenes on the other were meddling with them everywhere.
Seleucus spent all that winter partly in helping his friends and partly in plundering those whom
he could not draw over to his side. (Livy 1. 37.)

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3061. About the middle of winter, Eumenes with a company of 2000 foot soldiers and 100
cavalry came to Canas where the Roman fleet wintered. There he told them that if they wanted
to, they could get much spoil from the country around Thyatira. He did not leave until he had
persuaded Livius the admiral, to let him have 5000 men. He went with these and in a short time
brought them back again loaded with an enormous amount of booty. (Livy 1. 37.)

3062. In the interim, a rebellion happened in Phocaea. There were some who tried to draw the
common people to Antiochus. The wintering of the Roman navy there had taxed them very
heavily. They were required to furnish them with 500 sea clothes and coats. Grain became
scarce so that the ships and garrison were forced to move from there and quarter elsewhere. The
faction who sided with Antiochus were no longer afraid after this. However, the elders and chief
men of the city stood firmly for the Romans. The leaders of the faction for Antiochus prevailed
with the common people. (Livy 1. 37.)

3063. Therefore, the magistrates of Phocaea, feared the opinion of the common people. They
wisely sent their agents to Seleucus to ask him not to come near their city because they were
resolved to do nothing until they saw the outcome of the war. When Seleucus was told that the
common people were wholly for his father and that they were short of grain, he did not reply.
He immediately marched toward them with his army. (Polyb. Legat. 18.)

3064. At Rome, both the new consuls, Lu. Scipio and Ca. Laelius Nepos, were ambitious to go
into Greece. P. Scipio, on the behalf of his brother Lusius said that if they wished to send his
brother there, he would go with him as his lieutenant. His words carried the day. They said who
was more befitting to fight against Hannibal, as Scipio Africanus who had already vanquished
him? (Cic. Philip. 11. Livy 1. 37. Valer. Max. 1. 5. c. 5. Justin 1. 31. c. 7.)

3065. In those days, when Lu. Scipio was on his way against Antiochus and while the
anniversary games in honour of Apollo were being celebrated, on the 5th of the Ides or the 9th
of June, an eclipse occurred. On a very clear day it grew suddenly dark by an eclipse of the sun.
(Livy 1. 37.) This eclipse of the sun at Rome is confirmed by the astronomical account. To
which if 95. Idus Quintiles, that is the 9th of our July corresponds then it follows that the 1st of
January of the next year started on the 29th day of our August. So great was the confusion of the
Roman calendar in those days.

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3066. About the beginning of spring, Pausistratus with 36 Rhodian ships, Livius with 30 Roman
ships and Eumenes with 7 of his, sailed to the Hellespont. Livius first sailed into the port which
was called, Portus Achaorum. From there they went up to Ilium and sacrificed to Minerva. They
made a good impression and speech to the ambassadors of some the neighbouring cities, Eleus,
Dardanus and Rhetteus. These all came and voluntarily surrendered themselves to him. He left
10 ships to blockade Abydus and went with the rest to the other side to besiege Sestos. After
they surrendered, he prepared to return to the Asian side to besiege Abydus. (Livy 1. 37. Appian.
p. 101.)

3067. While these things happened in the Hellespont, Polyxenidas, the admiral of king
Antiochus, told Pausistatus, the admiral of Rhodes, that he would betray the entire of Antiochus'
fleet or most of it into his hands. He believed him and went to Samos. He did not keep a proper
watch as he should have done. He was killed and lost the 29 ships which he had under his
command. There escaped of all his fleet, 5 ships of Rhodes and 2 of the Isle of Cos. (Livy 1. 37.
Appian. p. 101.)

3068. At the same time Seleucus recovered Phocaea after a gate of the city opened to him. He
and his army got in that way. While these things were happening in Eolia, Abydus had endured
the siege for a number of days and by the valour of the king's garrison continued to hold out.
Finally all grew weary of the business and the chief magistrates of the city with the good
consent of the captain of the garrison sent to Livius to ask for conditions of surrender. At that
very time, Livius heard of the destruction of the Rhodian navy. Livius would no longer stay to
take in Abydus and to keep Hellespont. He with all his fleet set sail for Phocaea. When he found
it held by a strong garrison of the king and that Seleucus was not far off with his army, he
started wasting the sea coast. He took what spoil he could find in the area. He stayed only until
Eumenes could overtake him with his fleet. Then he planned to go to Samos. He finally arrived

badly weather beaten. He joined his fleet with the Rhodians which consisted now of 20 ships
under the command of Eudamus. (Livy 1. 37.)

3069. After Livius had added the Rhodian ships to his fleet, he sailed immediately to Ephesus.
He arranged his ships in order of battle before the very mouth of the port. When none came out
against him, he divided his fleet into two parts. One part anchored in the very haven of the
enemy and the other landed their men. They had ranged there far and near and gotten
exceedingly much spoil. As they were returning with it to their ship, Andronicus a Macedonian,
(Appian. calls him Nicander) captain of the garrison in Ephesus, sallied out against them and
forced them to their ships. They abandoned most of their booty and returned immediately to
Samos. L. Emilius Regillus the Praetor met them there. He was to succeed Livius in the charge
of the navy. As Regillus was coming there from the Isle of Chios, Livius sent to meet him, 2
good ships of Rhodes of 4 tiers of oars a piece along with Eumenes himself in person with 2
more ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece. (Livy 1. 37. & Appian. p. 102.)

3070. After sitting at Samos in council about naval matters, Emilius sailed with all his fleet to
the very mouth of the port of Ephesus to terrify the enemy. Livius went to Patara in Lycia.
Emilius was driven from Ephesus by a storm and so returned to Samos. The cities which Livius
passed by Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus and Cos readily accepted him. Lycia did not
welcomed him for he encountered both a storm at sea and the enemy at land. Therefore he
returned to Greece again. After this, he spoke with the two Scipios who were at that time in
Thessaly that he might then return to Italy. (Livy 1. 37.)

3071. At Samos, Emilius the Praetor and Eumenes received letters from the Scipios. There was
a truce with the Etolians and they were to march towards Hellespont. Also the Etolians said the
same to Antiochus and his son Seleucus. (Polyb. Legat. 19.)

3072. Eumenes sent his agents into Achaia to make an association with them which the
commons in a general assembly had ratified and sent to him a company of tall young men to
assist him. (Polyb. Legat. 20.)

3073. L. Emilius with all his fleet passed by Miletus and the other cities of that coast and landed
in the Bay of Bargillia. They went to Iassus, the city was held by a garrison of Antiochus' men.
They sent to the magistrates and other chief men of the city to persuade them to surrender. They
were told that they would do nothing. Therefore he drew up to the walls in order to besiege it.
However, the exiles of Iassus who were among the Rhodians, prevailed with them and through
Eumenes' mediation, they drew off and left the siege. (Livy 1. 37.)

3074. Those of Heraclea in Pontus sent ambassadors to Emelius. He sent them a very kind and
favourable answer in writing purporting that the senate of Rome would be their good friends.
Further, neither their counsel nor concerns would be ignored whenever they should have an
occasion to use them. (Memnon Excerpt, c. 28.)

3075. While Eumenes was away helping the Romans and Rhodians attack the sea towns of
Lycia, Seleucus and his army invaded his country. They first came in an hostile manner to
Elaea. When they were unable to take the city, they wasted all the country around it. From there
he marched with all his forces to Pergamus itself, the capital city of this kingdom. Attalus,
Eumenes' brother drew out and pitched his camp before the city walls. He had many skirmishes

with the enemy. He was too weak to fight them so he stayed within the walls and the city was
besieged. (Memnon Excerpt, c. 28.)

3076. About the same time, Antiochus went from Apamea and camped first at Sardis, not far
from his son Seleucus near the head of the Caicus River. He had with him a huge army made up
of various nations. In it, the strongest most frightening squadron was the Gallograecians who
had 4000 soldiers. With these and a few others, he went to ravage and waste all the country
about Pergamus from one end to the other. (Memnon Excerpt, c. 28.)

3077. At Samos, Eumenes heard this and he was called away to take care of his own affairs at
home. He sailed ship and with all his men and came to Elaea. From there he went to Pergamus
before the enemy heard of his arrival. He sailed out from there often and made some small
skirmishes with the enemy. A few days later both the Roman and the Rhodian fleet came from
Samos to Elaea to help him. (Memnon Excerpt, c. 28.)

3078. Antiochus heard that there were so many fleets come together into the same port. A
consul with his army was all ready in Macedonia and making provisions at Hellespont for his
crossing into Asia. Antiochus thought it a good time to try for a peace with the Romans,
Eumenes and the Rhodians all at once. Therefore he moved his camp and came to Elaea. After
taking a little hill opposite the city, he left all his foot soldiers and with his cavalry (who were
about 6000 men) and went down into a plain close to the walls of the city. He sent some
commissioners into the city to ask for peace. Thereupon L. Emilius sent for Eumenes from
Pergamus to come there to him. He advised what was the best course of action. Eudamus and
Pamphilidas, the commanders of the Rhodian fleet, were also there giving advice. They said the
Rhodians were not against a peace. Eumenes said that it was not for their honour to make a
peace treaty. However they could not settle the matter at that time. Therefore Emelius sent
Antiochus word that before the coming of the consul no peace could be made. When he had this
reply, Antiochus started wasting the country all about Elaea. He leaf Seleucus to continue the
siege before Pergamus and marched away in a rage with the rest of his army. He did not stop
until he came into that rich country which was called Thebe's Campus, that is, the plain of
Thebes. He made all manner of havock there and greatly enriched all his army for that present
time. (Polyb. Legat. 21. Livy 1. 37.)

3079. At the same time, the Acheans sent Diophanes of Megalopolis with 1000 foot soldiers and
100 cavalry came to Elaea for Eumenes. (Livy 1. 37. with Polyb. Legat. 20.) These were old
veterans and their captain was trained under Philopoen, the most famous commander of all the
Greeks in his time. (Livy 1. 37. Appian. p. 201. with Polyb. Legat. 20. p. 810. & in Excerpt.
Vales, p. 110.)

3080. As soon as they were landed, Attalus sent some to show them the way and brought them
to Pergamus. As soon as these Achaeans arrived, they made continual sallies against Seleucus to
make him withdraw and leave that country. (Livy 1. 37. and Appian. p. 102, 103.) However,
Seleucus stayed in the area and annoyed his foes and helped his friends in those parts. (Livy 1.

37.)

3081. While Antiochus marched in an hostile manner to Adramyteum, Emilius and Eumenes
came by sea to rescue it. Thereupon Antiochus did not attack the town, but started plundering
the country around it. He captured Peraea, a colony of the Mitylenians. Likewise he took Cottos,

Corylenus, Aphrodysians and Crene on the first assault. He then returned by Thyatira to Sardis.
(Livy 1. 37.)

3082. The Roman fleet with the Rhodians and Eumenes went first to Mitylene and from there
returned to Elaea. They sailed to Phocaea and anchored at Baccius, an island very close to the
city of Phocaea. They plundered their temples and monuments which they had spared before.
When they came to the city, they found a company of 3000 of Antiochus' foot soldiers who had
gotten in their before they came. Hence they did not besiege the place and returned again to the
island where they were before. After they first ravaged the country around there, the Roman
fleet returned to Elaea and Eumenes and the Rhodians to Samos. (Livy 1. 37.)

3814b AM, 4524 JP, 190 BC

3083. About midsummer, the Rhodian fleet fought with Antiochus' navy. The Rhodian fleet had
32 ships of 4 tiers of oars and 4 others of 3 tiers of oars. Hannibal brought this fleet of 37 ships
from Syria. Some were of an extraordinary size. The battle happened at Sida, a cape of
Pamphylia. The Rhodians routed Hannibal but could not pursue him because their sailors were
weak and sickly. However, to prevent him from joining with the old fleet, they sent Chariclitus
with 20 ships to Patara and the port Megistus. A little after this, they sent Pamphyulidas with 4
more ships. (Livy. 1. 37.) So Hannibal was blockaded in Pamphylia. (Appian. p. 104. see Emil.
Prob. in Hannibal)

3084. When Antiochus came to Sardis, he sent ambassadors with letters to Prusias king of
Bithynia who was surnamed Cynegus, that is the Hunter. He wanted Prusias to join with him
against the Romans. This worried Prusias for the present. However, other letters came to him
from the two brothers, Lu. and Pub. Scipio. These told him not to fear the Romans. This was
especially true, when shortly after this, an embassy was sent to him from Rome. The leader of it
was C. Livius, who recently commanded their fleet. When he spoke with them, he resolved to
side with the Romans and to break off entirely with Antiochus. (Polyb. Legat, 22. p. 811, 812.
Livy 1. 37. Appian. p. 101.)

3085. When Antiochus saw no further hope of getting Prusias on his side, he moved from Sardis
to Ephesus. There he viewed his fleet, which had been in preparation for a long time. He saw no
other way to prevent the Romans from moving their land army into Asia. He had to make
himself absolute master of the sea. He resolved to do what he could and to risk a naval battle.
(Polyb. and Livy 1. 37.)

3086. Therefore he immediately went to see whether he could take Notium, which was a town
of the Cloephonians not far from Ephesus where he was. He hoped then when the Romans came
to relieve their confederate town by land, admiral Polyxenidas would have an opportunity for a
major naval victory. Polyxenidus had at that time under his command 89 or 90 good ships.
Emilius and the Rhodians fought with him at Myonesus. Livy says that Emilius had 58 ships
and the Rhodians, 22. Appianus says the Rhodians had 25. Polyxenidas was defeated and having
a good wind on his back fled quickly back to Ephesus. He lost 42 ships (not 29 only, as Appian
has it) of which 13 came quickly into the enemy hands with all the men in them. The Romans
had only two leaking ships and a few others damaged. Polyxenidas captured a Rhodian ship and
took it with him to Ephesus. This fight was made in December, (as the year went then at Rome).
This appears by Macrobius, (1. 1. Saturnalium,) has written:

vv that 1 1 Calend. January, &c. upon the 21st of December, was a feast dedicated to their Lares (i.
e. their household gods). At this time, L. Emilius Regillus, praetor, in the war against Antiochus,
vowed to build a temple in Campo Martio."

3087. Livy (Livy 1. 40.) tells us his vow was performed 1 1 years later. There is also a copy, (but
most falsely written) of a table, containing the manner of this victory, hung up by him on the
doors not only of his new temple but also in that of Jupiter's in the capitol.

3088. Antiochus was disturbed by the news of this defeat. He was poorly advised to withdraw
his garrison from Lysimachia lest they should fall into Roman hands. He raised his siege from
Colophos and retired to Sardis. He sent letters to Ariarathes, his son-in-law in Cappadocia, to
bring him troops from there and everywhere else that he could find men. (Livy 1. 40.)
Meanwhile he lay idly at Sardis wasting his time which might have been better spent in ordering
his affairs elsewhere. (Polyb. Legat. 23.)

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3089. After this naval victory, Emilius sailed straight to Ephesus and arranged his ships in battle
formation before the very mouth of the port. This publicly showed that Antiochus had lost the
mastery of the sea. Emilius sailed to Chios and repaired his ships damaged in the battle. He
sailed to Phocaea which had recently revolted from the Romans. He tried first to take it directly,
but it later surrendered to him. He could not prevent his soldiers from plundering it. He returned
to them their city, lands and their laws. With the approach of winter, he stayed there because the
place had two ports. (Livy 1. 37.)

3090. About the same time Lysimachia, which was well supplied with all kinds of provisions,
welcomed the Roman generals and the two Scipios when they came. The Romans continued
through the Chersonde to the Hellespont. They found everything already prepared by Eumenes
for their crossing. They crossed over as if into a friend's country. No man hindered their journey.
(Livy 1. 37.)

3091. Antiochus was at his wits end and did not know what to do. He sent Heraclides of
Byzantium to sue for peace with the Romans. He had instructions both in general to the council
of war there and in particular to P. Scipio Africanus. The council replied to him that he must pay
the cost of this war and surrender all Asia on this side the Taurus Mountains to the Romans.
Antiochus could not imagine anything worse than if he were utterly defeated. He abandoned any
attempts for peace and prepared for war. (Polyb. Legat. 23. Diod. Sic. Legat. 6, 7. published by
Fulvi. Ursinus, Livy 1. 37. Appian. p. 105.)

3092. L. Scipio the consul, journeyed to the Hellespont or Dardanus and Rhetaeus. All the
people of both places came joyfully from their cities to greet them. He went from there to Ilium
and pitched his camp in the plain which lay beside the walls there. He went up into the city and
the citadel. He sacrificed to Minerva as the president and protectrix of that place. There was
much joy and mutual congratulations between the men of Ilium and the Romans. They
recounted how Aeneas and his captains that went from Troy to eventually found Rome, were

their country men. The Romans were just as proud that they were descended from them. They
were like parents and children who had been separated by a long absence and now were joyfully
reunited. (Livy 1. 37. & Justin, 1. 31. c. 8.) Demetrius Scepsius says of himself, that when he was
a boy and came to Ilium, that he saw their houses lying in such a poor state that they had not so
much as roof tiles to cover them with. (Strabo. 1. 3. p. 594.)

3093. Scipio left there and after a 6 day march came to the head of the Caicus River. Eumenes
met him with his forces. They made provision for food to carry with them for many days. They
planned to attack Antiochus and settle the business before winter came. (Strabo. 1. 3. p. 594.)

3094. P. Scipio Africanus became sick and was carried to Eleaea. He left his substitute, Cn.
Domitius to take over his responsibilities. Antiochus intercepted Scipio in a plain near Thyatira
not far from the enemy. He sent the young P. Scipio home to his father without a ransom. This
was to ease his mind and to help him get well again. (See Polyb. Legat. 23. Livy 1. 37. Justin, 1.
31. c 7. Appian. p. 105, 106. Aurel. Vict, de Vir. Illustr. p. 609.)

3095. The senate and people of Heraclea in Pontus sent an embassy to the Scipioes and desired
that they would ratify and confirm that league which Emilius had previously made with them.
This was done. They also prayed that Antiochus might be taken into the favour and friendship of
the people of Rome. They drew up a general decree of the people at Heraclea and sent it to
Antiochus. They advised him to abandon the war against the Romans. (Memnon, Excerpt, c.
28.)

3096. Floras, (Histor. Roman. 1. 2. c. 8.) tells us that Antiochus had equipped his army with very
large elephants all clad and glittering with gold, silver, scarlet and ivory from elephants. In /
APC IMa 8:6 we read that he had 120 elephants. This is likely correct for he had 102 when he
fought with Ptolemy and 150 later, (see notes on 3787 AM & 3799 AM from Polyb.) Livy says
he had only 54 elephants, 70,000 foot soldiers and almost 12,000 cavalry. Appian tells us that he
only had 70,000 troops in all. However, Floras greatly exaggerates when he says:

vv He had 300,000 foot soldiers and as many cavalry and iron chariots in the field that day."

3097. Appian affirms that the Romans had only 30,000 foot soldiers. Livy says that of these,
about 2000 Macedonians and Thracians were left to defend the camp.

3098. This battle was fought near to Magnesia at the foot of the Sipylus Hill. Hannibal was not
there since he was still bottled up in Pamphylia with his fleet which he brought from Syria. P.
Scipio Africanus was not there either because he was sick and in the city of Elaea. The day of
the battle was misty. Antiochus, with so large an army, could not see both wings of his army at
once. The dampness ruined the strings of the bows and thongs which they threw their darts with.
Nevertheless they forced the right wing of the Roman army to run and flee to the camp. When
Emilius who was on the left wing, saw them coming, he sent out his men to meet them. They
threatened to kill them with their swords unless they returned into the battle. Thereupon, they
found themselves hemmed in with their friends ahead of them and the enemies behind. Emilius
also offered himself and 2000 of his men to go with them. They turned around and ran
desperately into the throng of the enemy and made a vast slaughter of them. This was the
turning point in the battle. Antiochus lost 50,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Livy 1. 37.
Eutrop.) Livy says 1400 were taken prisoner, Justin says 11,000. A few of the elephants were

killed and 15 were taken with their masters. A few of the Romans were wounded. They lost not
more than 300 foot soldiers and 24 cavalry. Eumenes lost 25 men.

3099. Antiochus escaped with a few in his company. More joined him as he went and he came
to Sardis with a reasonably sized army about next midnight. He heard that his son Seleucus and
various of his friends fled to Celaenae near which there was a new city of Apamea built. Before
day, he went by horse with his wife and daughter and came there to him. He left Zeno to hold
Sardis. He made Timon the governor of the province of Lydia. The next day he went to Syria.
He left some of his captains there to salvage what they could from this disaster. (Livy 1. 37.
Appian. p. 110. & Zonaras, from Dion.)

3100. When Polyxenidas, Antiochus' admiral, heard of this defeat he left Ephesus and sailed as
far as Patara in Lycia. For fear of the Rhodian fleet which lay not far from Megistle, he went
ashore with a few in his company and came by land to Syria. (Livy 1. 37.)

3101. After this victory, ambassadors flocked in from all parts to Scipio. They firts came from
Thyatira and Megnesia. then they came from Sardis, Trales, Magnesia upon the Maeander and
Ephesus. They all surrendered themselves to him. After this all the cities of Asia did likewise.
They submitted themselves wholly to his mercy and the sovereignty of the people of Rome.
(Livy 1. 37.)

3102. The consul then went to Sardis and his brother P. Scipio came from Elaea to meet him as
soon as he was able to travel. About the same time Musaeus was sent as an herald from
Antiochus. Through the mediation of P. Scipio, he obtained permission for him to send
ambassadors to the consul to sue of peace. Shortly after this Antiochus sent ambassadors from
Zeuxis the governor of Lydia and Antipater's brother's son came to him. They first talked with
Eumenes who was not friendly toward them because of former quarrels between Antiochus and
Eumenes. The ambassadors worked through P. Scipio to address the consul directly. The consul
called a full council and listened to them. Thereupon, he offered the king the same conditions as
he sent him from Hellespont before the battle at Magnesia. P. Scipio publicly proclaimed that
the Roman custom was not to be humiliated by defeat nor become haughty in victory. Therefore,
Antiochus must leave Europe and part with all Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains. He
must pay the cost of this war. He must pay 15,000 Euboic talents, 500 now 2500 when the
senate and people of Rome had ratified the peace and 1000 talents a year in 12 instalments over
12 years. He must pay 400 talents to Eumenes for his damages and the surplus of grain which
was owing to his father. He must surrender to the consul, Hannibal the Carthaginian and Thoas
the Etolian and some others who had been the first instigators of this war. Lastly he must deliver
20 hostages to ensure compliance with these conditions. When Antipater and Zeuxis had
accepted these conditions, it was unanimously agreed to send ambassadors to Rome for the
ratification of this. The meeting adjourned. (Polyb. Legat. 24. Diod. Sic. Legat. 9. Livy 1. 37.
Justin, 1. 31. c 8. Appian. p. Ill, 112.)

3103. After this, the consul divided his army and sent them away to their winter quarters. Some
went to Magnesia, some to Tralles and Ephesus. (Polyb. & Livy. 1. 37.)

3104. The consul went to Ephesus and Anitiochus sent him 500 talents as agreed as a down
payment as well as the hostages whom he was to give. (Livy 1. 37.) Among them was Antiochus,
the king's youngest son. (Appian. p. 112, 113.) Although Zonaras (from Dion.) states that

Manlius Vulso, who succeeded Scipio, was the first who demanded him for a hostage.
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3105. M. Aurelius Cotta was sent by the consul to Rome with the king's ambassadors. Eumenes
with the ambassadors from Eumenes, Rhodes, Smyrna, and almost of all the cities and states on
this side of the Taurus Mountains went too. (Livy 1. 37.)

3106. Manius Acilius Glabrio entered Rome in a triumph over Antiochus and the Eolians. (Livy
1. 37.)

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3107. Cn. Manlius Vulso went as the consul in Asia. He was to take over the army which L.
Scipio had. He brought with him 4000 foot soldiers and 200 cavalry from Rome. The Latins sent
8000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. At almost the same time as Manlius the consul had landed in
Asia, Q. Fabius Labro came as praetor to take charge of the fleet. (Livy. 1. 37.) When the new
consul arrived at Ephesus in the beginning of the spring, L. Scipio turned the army over to him.
When he had reviewed the troops, he made a speech to incite them to prepare for a war against
the Gauls or Gallograecians. (Livy 1. 37.) Fabius with the fleet, set sail for Crete to liberate any
Romans and other Italians who were slaves there. He returned from there to Ephesus and sent 3
ships to Thracia. He ordered Antiochus' garrisons to withdraw from Enus and Maronea and then
they were restored to their original liberty. (Livy. 1. 37. in fi.)

3108. About the beginning of summer, Eumenes with the ambassadors came to Rome. Cotta
first told the senate and later the common people what had happened in Asia. Then Eumenes
was asked to speak by the senate. He told them what he had done in their service and what his
request was to them. He was very moderate in his presentation. However, the Rhodians opposed
him because of their own interests and that they sought the liberty of the Greek cities and states
there. After both parties were heard, the Senate decreed that all the regions on this side of the
Taurus Mountains which belonged to Antiochus, should be given to Eumenes. However Lycia
and Caria, as far as to the Maeander River was given to the Rhodians. The rest of the cities in
Asia which had been tributaries to Attalus, should pay tribute to Eumenes. Those that were
tributaries of Antiochus should be free, and pay no tribute at all. (Polyb. Legat. 25. & 36. Diod.
Sic. Legat. 10. Livy 1. 37. & 38. Appia. in Syriac. p. 116.)

3109. Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors of Antiochus, had a session in the senate and
obtained a confirmation of peace for Antiochus upon such conditions as Scipio had given him in
Asia. A while later, the people also ratified the same. Then they made a solemn league with
sacrifices made with Antipater, chief of the embassy for Antiochus in the capital to confirm the
agreement. (Polyb. Legat. 25. Livy 1. 37.) This league was etched in brass and solemnly hung up
in the Capitol as other leagues were. A copy of it was sent to Manlius Vulso, the consul, who
succeeded Scipio in Asia. (Appian. p. 113.)

31 10. We read /APC IMa 8:7 that among other things, in this treaty it was agreed, that
Antiochus himself and his successors would pay a large tribute to the Romans. He would give
hostages for security and a part of his kingdom. By this agreement, Antiochus was to pay 12,000
talents over 12 years. These were Euboic talents not Attic talents as Livy seems to have

misunderstood from Polybius. These were of the purest Attic silver and weighted 80 Roman
pounds each. In addition he had to give 540,000 bushels of grain and 20 hostages. The hostages
would be changed every 3 years. Even though he lost part of the kingdom he still controlled
Comagena, Syria and Judea, as in (Excerpt. Memnon.) In addition he had all the upper provinces
beyond Euphrates, as Babylonia, Assyria, Susiana, and the rest. In the lower Asia he had Cilicia,
although he was forbidden to come with his ships into the ports of Cilicia west of the
Calycadnus River and the cape of Sarpedon. Also he could not wage war there. (Polyb. Legat.
27. & 35. Livy 1. 37, 38. Appian. p. 112, 113.)

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3111. When the senate heard from the ambassadors of Smyrna and the other states of Asia, they
sent 10 commissioners, as was their ancient custom, to settle all matters in Asia and to compose
all differences between the states. (Polyb. Legat. 25. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Livy 1. 37.)

3112. When there was peace between the Romans and Antiochus, there was a riot in Rome. Cn.
Manlius in Asia did what he could to stir up trouble in Asia. He tried to get his hands on
Antiochus if he could, but failed. Antiochus knew the consul's real intentions. Although he was
often asked to come to a talk with the consul, he kept himself aloof and would not come to him.
The consul was desirous to get him and came with his army to the divide on the top almost of
the Taurus Mountains. He was unable to pick any quarrel against him or his allies. Therefore the
consul attacked the Gallograecians, under the pretence that they had previously helped
Antiochus in his war. There was no point driving Antiochus beyond the Taurus Mountains
unless these fierce and warlike people were subdued also. Because Eumenes was at that time out
of the country at Rome, the consul sent for Attalus, Eumenes' brother from Pergamus to come to
him. The consul had moved from Ephesus to Magnesia. When Attalus received this summons,
he came to him with 1000 foot soldiers and about 200 cavalry. They went together to the
Harpalu River. Atheneus, another brother of Eumenes and Attalus, came to him with Leusus of
Crete and Corragus, a Macedonian. Between them they brought an additional 1000 foot soldiers
from various countries and 300 cavalry. (Livy. 1. 38.)

3113. Ambassadors from the state of Alabanda came to the consul. They requested help in
subduing a citadel that had recently revolted from them. The consul helped them recover the
citadel. The consul continued on to the city of Antioch on the Meander River. Seleucus, the son
of Antiochus, came there also as he might legally do by the articles with Scipio. He came to
supply grain for the Roman army. The inhabitants of Taba, a city of Cilicia, bordering upon
Pisidia, attacked the army of the Romans and paid for their pains 25 talents and 10,000 bushels
of wheat. The inhabitants asked for mercy. The third day later they came to the back of the
Chaus River and came to attack the city Eriza. They took it on the first assault. (Livy 1. 38.)

31 14. Moagetes the tyrant, who had under him three cities, Cybara, Syleum and Alymne or
Alnida, was a cruel and subtle man. He could barely be made to purchase his peace at the price
of 130 talents and 10,000 bushels of grain. (Livy 1. 38. Polyb. Legat. 30,)

3115. When the consul had crossed the Colobatus River, ambassadors came to him from
Isiodenes asking for help. The men of Termessa, a city in Pisidia, had joined with the inhabitants
of Philomelia and plundered their country and city. They had besieged their citadel into which
all their citizens with their wives and children had fled for safety. The consul took control of the

situation and marched towards Pamphylia. He raised the siege from before Isiodenes and
pardoned the men of Termessa after they paid 50 talents of silver. The people of Aspendus and
of Pamphylia were treated likewise. (Polyb. Legat. 32. Livy 1. 38.)

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3116. The consul returned from Pamphylia to start his war against Gallogrecia or Galatia. He
captured the city Cormasa and found a great deal of booty there. He left and as he proceeded on
his way by the marshes of that country, ambassadors came to him from the city of Lysinoe and
submitted to him. When he granted them his mercy, he came to the plain of Salagessa, in
Pisidia. From there he took away a rich prey of cattle. Ambassadors came to him and presented
him with a crown of gold of 50 talents in weight and with 20,000 bushels of barley and as many
in wheat. Therefore he made peace with them. (Polyb. Legat. 32. Livy 1. 38.)

31 17. He went from there to the source of the Obryma River and camped at a place called the
Aporis-town. The next day Seleucus came to him from Apamea. The consul sent away his
soldiers that were sick or otherwise unserviceable to Apamea. He was supplied with guides. He
found the cities abandoned everywhere by the inhabitants for fear of his coming. His army had
so much spoil that they were barely able to march 5 miles a day. At that rate they came to the
old Bendos and on the 3rd day after that into the country of Galatia. (Livy 1. 38.)

31 18. He had his camp there for a few days. In that time he sent his ambassadors to
Epossognatus, who alone of all the kings of that country had remained loyal to Eumenes and had
never helped Antiochus against the Romans. Thereupon, Epossognatus went to the rest of the
kings of that country and asked them to submit to the Romans on fair and reasonable terms.
(Livy 1. 38. with Polyb. Lega. 33.) There were at that time, three kings of these Gauls, still called
by their old names of Tolistobogians, Tectosagians and Trochmians. There names were,
Ortiagon, Combolomarus and Gaulotus. (Livy 1. 38.) Of the three Ortiagon was a man of great
reputation for his bounty, prudence and martial valour. He was thought at that time to be
ambitious of controlling the whole country. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 114. & Suidas in
Ortiagon.)

3119. Meanwhile, ambassadors came to the consul as he camped in a village called Tyscon from
Oroanda. They wanted his friendship which he finally gave to them for 200 talents of ready
money. (Livy 1. 38.)

3120. While the Romans besieged the citadel of the Galatians, called Cuballus, the enemy's
cavalry came and attacked in a disorganized manner, some of the Roman army and killed them.
The consul repelled the attack and killed some of them in their flight. He came with his army,
without stopping any where on the way to the Sangarius River or Sagaris, which is a river in
Galatia running through Phrygia into the Pontic Sea. (Livy 1. 38.)

3121. Since the river was too deep to ford, he made a bridge and crossed the river on it. Some
Balli or eunuchs of Cybele the mother of the gods sent by Attis and Battacus her priests from
Pessinute and met him there with ornaments and other trinkets on them. They prophesied in a
fantastic way and told him that the mother of the gods sent them to offer the Romans the victory
and sovereignty of that country. The consul replied that he accepted the offer. He pitched his
camp in the same place. (Livy 1. 38. & Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 209.)

3122. The next day he came to Gordium. It was abandoned by the inhabitants but full of all
kinds of provisions. While he was there, Epossognatus came to him and said that he had spoken
with the kings of the Gauls but could not bring them to listen to reason. They with their wives
and children and their main wealth were all retiring to the Mount Olympus. They planned to
defend themselves and trusted in their arms and the location of the place. (Livy. 1. 38. & Polyb.
Legat. 33.) Those of the tribe Oroanda came soon after with more detailed news. The
Tolistobogians had already taken the Mount of Olympus and the Tectosagians had taken another
hill, called Magana. The Trochmians had left their wives and children with the Tectosagins and
had joined forces with the Tolistobagians. (Livy 1. 38.)

3123. The camp of these Gauls that were on Mount Olympus was attacked and taken by the
consul and Attalus. Claudius Quadrigarius says that they fought twice in Mount Olympus.
40,000 men were killed. However, Valerius Antias says only 10,000 were killed. There is no
doubt that 40,000 were killed since they had all sorts of people, young and old, of either sex in
the mount. It was more like a colony than an army to fight with an enemy. The consul burnt all
their arms in one fire and had all the spoil of them brought to him. He either sold all that was to
be sold or equally divided it among his soldiers. (Livy 1. 38.)

3124. Yet there still remained the war with the Tectosagians. The consul therefore marched
towards them and came to a place called Ancyra, which was a great city there. They camped less
than 10 miles from the enemy. There Chiomaris, Ortyagon's wife, was taken prisoner. A certain
centurion had ravished her and when she got her chance she cut off his head and sent it to her
husband who had gone home from Olympus. (Livy. 1. 38. Floras, 1. 2. c. 11. & Victor. De Vir.
Illustr. c. 55.) This story is more fully told by Polybius, who says that he spoke with Chiomaris
herself at Sardis. He added that he wondered at the wisdom of the woman. (Plutarch, De Clar.
Mulier, i.e. of famous women.)

3125. While the consul camped at Ancyra, some ambassadors from the Tectosagians came to
him asking him to move his camp further from there. They wanted this done before their kings
agreed to a treaty with him about a peace. They, under the pretence of a parlay, ambushed a
party of the Romans. Since they outnumbered the Romans, they killed many of them. They
would have done more, had not some who were abroad foraging, heard their cry and came to
their rescue. (Polyb. Legat. 34, Livy. 1. 38.)

3126. The Romans were enraged by this. The next day the whole army marched and came
where they were. They spent two days in viewing and considering the situation of the hill where
they were. On the third, the consul drew out his army and divided them into three brigades. The
main force of the enemy was in the Tectosagians and Trochmians who numbered 50,000 foot
soldiers plus the cavalry. They could make no use of their cavalry in that craggy ground. They
joined with the foot soldiers to the number of 10,000. The Cappadocians sent from Ariarathes
and others from Morzes in the left wing and added 4000 more troops. When the battle was
started, the Gauls were defeated and the Romans made a huge slaughter of them. The rest fled
and every man shifted for himself. In the chase, the Romans slew 8000 more of them and the
rest escaped over the Halys River.

3127. The next day the consul viewed the spoil as well as the prisoners. The men were gnawing
the chains they were tied to with their teeth and offered themselves to be choked by each other.
The spoil was very great. This was a most greedy and rapacious nation which had had the spoil

of all Asia on this side the Taurus Mountains for so many years. Later the Gauls that escaped
came together naked and wounded, having lost all they had. They agreed among themselves to
send to the Romans and sue for peace. The consul wanted them to follow him to Ephesus. It was
past mid-autumn and he was desirous to get out of that cold air near the snowy Taurus
Mountains and go to the sea side to winter his army. (Livy 1. 38. with Appian. in Syriac. p. 1 15.
&Flor. 1. 7. c. 11.)

3128. At Rome, on the 1st of February, (according to their year, September 27th by ours,) L.
Emilius Regillus held a triumph over Antiochus for the victory which he won at sea. (Livy 1.

37.)

3129. About this time, the ten commissioners left Rome for Asia accompanied by those
ambassadors and others who came from Asia. They came to Brundusium. L. and P. Scipio came
from Asia to land in Italy. A few days later they entered Rome with a triumph. (Polyb. Legat.
25.) L. Scipio held a triumph over Antiochus on the last of February which was a leap year or
the 16th of our November. This was almost a year after his consulship had expired. So that he
might not seem inferior to his brother Africanus in any point, all men surnamed him Asiaticus.
(Livy 1. 38.)

3130. C. Manlius Vulso remained in Asia as a pro-consul for another year after his term as
consul expired. (Livy 1. 38.)

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3131. In the 4th year of the 147th Olympiad, ambassadors came to Manlius the proconsul while
he was wintering at Ephesus. They came from all the cities, states and countries in Asia on this
side of the Taurus Mountains to congratulate his victory over the Gauls. They presented him
with crowns of gold. He entertained them all with so much respect and favour that he sent them
away more glad and joyful than when they came. Ambassadors from the Gauls came to him as
he had arranged to know on what conditions they might have their peace. He said that he would
hear them about that matter when Eumenes came and not before. Ambassadors also came from
Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, to ask his pardon and to redeem his offence with money in that
he had assisted Antiochus, his father-in-law, in his war. He was fined 600 talents of silver,
although Livy and Appian say only 200. Musaens also came to him from Antiochus. Manlius
answered that he would meet with him at the borders of Pamphilia. He would take the 2500
talents and the grain which he was to pay according to the agreement made with L. Scipio by
him. (Polyb. Legat. 35. Livy 1. 38.)

3816c AM, 4526 JP, 188 BC

3132. At the beginning of the spring the consul reviewed his army. He and Attalus left Ephesus
and on the 8th day came to Apamea. After he spent 3 days there, they left and in 3 days came
with his army into Pamphylia to the place which he had appointed for his meeting with
Antiochus. He stayed 3 days, and distributed wheat among his army which Antiochus had sent.
The money Antiochus sent was consigned to one of the officers to be conveyed to Apamea.
From there he went to Perga which was the only place in all that country which was defended by
a garrison. When he was near it, the captain of the garrison came out to meet him and asked for
40 days, to ask Antiochus and to receive his answer as what to do concerning the surrender of

the place to him. This was granted and on the set day, the garrison left the place. (Livy 1. 38.)

3133. About the same time near the beginning of summer, the 10 commissioners with Eumenes
arrived at Ephesus. They stayed for only 2 days to settle their stomachs after the voyage. They
left and came to Apamea. When the proconsul heard of their coming, he sent his brother L.
Manlius with 4000 soldiers to Oroanda to demand from them the money that was in arrears. The
proconsul wished for the ambassadors of Antiochus to follow him and returned with his army to
Apamea. He found Eumenes there with the 10 commissioners and held a meeting with them as
to what should be done. First, all agreed to ratify the peace previously made with Antiochus for
its observance according as it was drawn up by the senate. (The details of the agreement are
accurately given by Polybius and Livy.) Manlius the proconsul, in the presence of the king's
ambassadors took a solemn oath to observe the agreement. After that he sent to Antiochus, Q.
Minucius Thermus a colonel and his own brother, L. Manlius, who had just returned from
Oroanda with the money which he was sent for. They were to take the same oath from
Antiochus and to ratify all its conditions. (Livy 1. 38. with Appian. p. 113.)

3134. The proconsul wrote his letters to Q. Fabius Labeo, who commanded the navy to come
away immediately to Patara. He was to burn or destroy all the king's ships that were there.
(Polyb. & Livy 1. 38.)

3135. Labeo left Ephesus and came to Patara. There he burned or destroyed 50 ships of the
king's. On the same journey, he recovered Thelmessus. The men there were surprised by the
sudden coming of the Roman fleet. He sailed from Lycia. He sent word to Ephesus for those
who were left there to follow him. He came through the middle of the islands on his way into
Greece. He stayed a few days at Athens until his ships from Ephesus came. Then the whole fleet
sailed for Italy. (Livy 1. 38.)

3136. According to the peace treaty, the proconsul received the elephants from Antiochus which
were at Apamea, according to Polybius. He gave them all to Eumenes. He then heard the
disagreements between the cities and states resulting from the war and the new peace. Ariarathes
king of Cappadocia had half his fine removed for Eumenes' sake, to whom he had then recently
betrothed his daughter. (Livy 1. 38.)

3137. At Apamea, the proconsul and the 10 commissioners heard all that came. They selected
neutral places by the consent of all parties, to hear about the differences between city and city
with respect to boundaries, revenue and the like. The proconsul and the commissioners for ever
relieved the Colophonians who lived in Notium, the inhabitants of Cyma and Mylassa from
paying tribute. The Clazomenae were freed from tribute and the Drymussa Island opposite their
city was assigned to them. The Milesians were restored the place called Sacer Ager: that is, the
holy country. They had abandoned it from fear of their enemies. For their zeal and readiness to
help in the war, the peoples of Chios, Smyrna and Erythrae were given all the lands they wanted
to have. They were given a singular recommendation for their actions. They of Phocaea had
their laws and liberties fully restored to them along with all the territory which they possessed
before the war began. (Polyb. Legat. 36. Livy 1. 38.)

3138. They gave to Ilium, the cities and lands of Rhaetaeus and Gergithus. This was not so
much for any great service which they had done but because these peoples were all related from
the distant past. (Livy 1. 38.)

3139. Before there where a few places, belonging to Pergamus and its jurisdiction, that is, only
to the sea side near Elais and Adramyttium according to Strabo. (1. 13. p. 627.) They gave to
Eumenes, Lysimachia and the Chersonese of Thracia on the European side. In Asia he received
all Lycaonia, Myllus, Phrygia the greater and the less and all the countries of Lydia and Ionia.
The towns which were free when the battle was fought with Antiochus were exempted. They
also gave him Thralles, Ephesus and Telmessus in Lycia. Since he had previously controlled
Mysia and king Prusias had captured it, this land was restored to him. They deferred the
allocation of Pamphysia to the senate. Eumenes' ambassadors said it was on this side of the
Taurus Mountains and the ambassadors of Antiochus said it lay beyond it. (Polyb. Legat. 35.
Livy 1. 37, 38.)

3140. The two Rhodian ambassadors Theaetaetus and Philophron, desired that they might have
Lycia and Caria, according to a former decree of the Senate. Hipparchus and Satyrus, the
ambassadors from Ilium, most earnestly asked the commissioners to consider the blood ties
between them and the Lycians and to pardon the Lycians. The commissioners tried to satisfy
both parties as best they could. They did not fine the Lycians as a favour to those from Ilium.
However, they assigned the whole country of the Lycians to the Rhodians to satisfy their wishes
too. The city of Telmessus and its forts and the country belonging to Ptolemy of Telmessus were
not given to Rhodes. Caria and all beyond the Meander River was given to the Rhodians except
for those places, which were free the day before the battle at Magnesia against Antiochus.

3141. The Lycians protested publicly that they would risk anything rather than be subject to
Rhodes. They claimed that they were assigned by the commissioners friends and associates to
them not as subjects.

3142. The commissioners according to the articles of the peace, demanded Hannibal from
Antiochus. When Antiochus told Hannibal this, he fled from there and went to Gortyna in Crete.
(Justin 1. 32. c. 4. & Emil. Prob. in Hannib.) Yet the story is that when Antiochus was defeated
by the Romans, Hannibal first fled to Artaxras in Armenia. Hannibal gave him much good
counsel. He told him to build the capital city in Armenia, which was named after him and called
Artaxata or Artaxiasata. (Plut. in Lucullo, Strabo, 1. 11. p. 528.) Artaxias and Thariades or
Zariadres were two captains in Antiochus' army. By his consent they previously ruled over all
Armenia. The one man ruled over Greater Armenia and the other over the lesser. After
Antiochus' defeat, they joined with the Romans and from them each obtained the title of a king
in his own dominions. (Strabo Ibid. p. 531, 532.) It is most likely, that at the time when they
made friends with the Romans, Hannibal escaped from there also and fled into Crete.

3143. When Antiochus had lost all of Asia, he said that he was very grateful to the Romans, for
taking that troublesome area from him and confining him to a more mangeable estate. (Cic. pro
Dejotaro. Valer. Maxim. 1. 4. c. 1.)

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3144. When Cn. Manlius and the 10 commissioners had now settled all things, they went with
the whole army toward the Hellespont and planned to settle matters in Galatia on the way.
(Polyb. Legat. 36. c. 1.)

3145. They summoned those petty kings to them and gave them conditions of peace as they

thought fit. The substance of it was this. They should keep peace with Eumenes and warned
them to stop their warring customs and stay within their own lands. (Livy 1. 38.) These lands
were that part of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia, where it borders on the mount Olympus and
Cappadocia. This was occupied before by them and was now called Galatia, (Zonar ea Dione.)
We read /APC IMa 8:2 that the Romans imposed a tribute on them. When the Romans had
chastised the Galatians for their insolence towards them, they assumed the entire sovereignty of
Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains. They made the mountains the eastern boundary
empire for that time. They spared the inhabitants there from that terror which they were
formerly in from those fierce and barbarous Gauls. (Polyb. 1. 3. p. 159. with Manlius his
Oration, in Livy 1. 38.)

3146. Manlius gathered all the ships which he could get in all that coast. Eumenes with his ships
came to him. He used them to cross into Europe with his army. (Livy 1. 38.)

3147. Antiochus marched with his army into his upper provinces (or as Jerome on Da 1 1 speaks,
going to the remotest cities of his dominions.) He proclaimed his son Seleucus Philopator to be
his successor. /APC 2Ma 9:23

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3148. Whether Antiochus felt over burdened with the heavy tribute imposed by the Romans or
was just greedy and used the Roman tribute as an excuse, he committed sacrilege on his gods.
He heard that the temple of Jupiter Belus in Elimaiis had large quantities of silver, gold and
other precious jewels that were offered there. He planned to seize it all. He came into Elemaiis
and pretended that the inhabitants of that place had revolted from him. At night, his army raided
the temple and took an enormous amount of wealth from there. When the people heard of this,
the peasants of the country came in and attacked his army and slew both him and them. (Diod.
Sic. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 292, 298. Strabo, 1. 16. p. 744. Justin, 1. 32. c. 2.) Jerome on Da 11 says
that he was slain in a fight against the inhabitants of Elemaiis. However, Arel. Victor, (de Vir.
Illustr.) tells us, that he was slain by his drinking companions. Some of these he had beaten in a
drunken fit and misused at a feast. Zonaras notes correctly from Dion, that this happened in the
year when C. Flaminius and Emilius Lepidus were consuls of Rome.

3149. After his death Seleucus, surnamed Philopator, or as Josephus, (1. 12. c. 4.) Soter (which
was indeed the surname of his son Demetrius) succeeded him in the kingdom. He reigned 12
years and was a lazy man and not powerful because of his father's great defeat by the Romans.
(Appian. in Syriac. p. 131. with Porphy. Euseb. & Severns, Sulpitius.) When he assumed the
kingdom, he had a son called Demetrius whose surname was Soter. According to Polybius
(Legat. 107.) he was 23 years old when his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes, died. It is this Seleucus
who is referred to in /APC 2Ma 3:1-3.

vv When the Holy City lived in all peace, its laws were excellently well executed by reason of the
piety of Onias the high priest. He was an utter enemy to all ungodliness. It came to pass that
even kings themselves honoured this place and adorned the temple with many rich offerings.
Seleucus himself, king of Asia, furnished all the cost out of his own coffers for the public
ministry of the sacrifices."

3150. When Philopoemen was praetor or chief magistrate of the Achaeans, Demetrius of Athens

came as an ambassador of Ptolemy from Alexandria to renew his league with the Achaeans.
They were very glad for this and sent to him their ambassadors, Lycortas, father to Polybius the
historian, Theodoridas and Rhositeles of Sicyone. They were to take their oath to the king and
also to receive his oath to them. (Polyb. Legat. 37.)

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3151. Cn. Manlius Vulso, contrary to the votes of the 10 commissioners, held a triumph in
Rome over the Gauls in Asia, on the 5th day of March. (Livy 1. 38. & 39.) Hannibal, having
nothing else to do, wrote a book in Greek about the consul's deeds in Asia. He learned Greek
from Sosilus, a Lacedemonian at Ilium who wrote the deeds of Hannibal in 7 volumes,
according to Diod. Sic. ( 1. 26. Eclog.)

3152. When Aristaenus was praetor or chief magistrate in Achaia, the ambassadors returned
home who were sent from there to king Ptolemy. The general assembly of that country met at
Megalopolis. Before it Lycortas declared that according to their commission they had taken their
oath to the king and received his oath to them. He added that they had brought a present from
the king to the people of Achaia. They received enough brass arms to furnish 6000 targateers
and 200 talents of brass in ready coin. (Polyb. Legat. 41.)

3153. Eumenes also sent his ambassadors to that meeting, to renew the league with them which
had formerly been between them and his father. He promised to give them 120 talents to loan at
interest, so that its income would help defray the cost of those who periodically came to their
assemblies. They were all tempted by his generousity, but declined it. (Polyb. Legat. 41. &
Diod. Sic. Legat. 13.)

3819 AM, 4529 JP, 185 BC

3154. Eumenes' ambassadors came to Rome, to request the ownership of the cities of Thracia,
Enus and Maronaea which they claimed belonged to Eumenes which the Romans had given to
him. They complained that Philippus, King of Macedonia had seized them by force and put
garrisons in them. He had taken from there some inhabitants and settled them in Macedonia. To
settle the matter, the senate sent Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Baebius and Tib. Sempronius as a
commission to Thessalonica to hear both sides of the dispute. (Polyb. Legat. 40, 42, Livy 1. 39.)

3820 AM, 4530 JP, 184 BC

3155. When they returned to Rome, the ambassadors on either side said there was nothing but
what they had already said before the commissioners at Thessalonica. The senate decreed a
second commission, under Ap. Claudius, with instructions to expel all garrisons from Enus and
Maronaea and to take all the sea coast of Thracia from the jurisdiction of Philippus and his
Macedonians. (Polyb. Legat. 43, 44. & Livy 1. 39.)

3156. At the same time, Arcus and Alcibiades, the two head men of Sparta came to Rome. In the
senate they complained bitterly about Achaeans. Thereupon the senate thought fit to refer that
cause to the same commissioners. (Polyb. Legat. 42. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3157. Lycortas of Megalopolis, Polybius' father, the praetor of Achaia, called an assembly of the
country. At it, Arcus and Alcibiades, who went to complain of them at Rome, were condemned
to die for that act. (Livy 1. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3158. A while after, the Roman ambassadors came into Achaia and the common council of
Achaia met before them at Clitore in Arcadia. (Livy 1. 39. Polyb. Legat. 43.) Their coming did
not please the Achaeans especially when they saw Arcus and Alcibiades (whom they in a recent
assembly had condemned to death) come with the ambassadors. Lycortas, like a magistrate,
pleaded and upheld the cause of the Achaeans very boldly. However, the commissioners did not
pay much attention to what he said and declared publicly and with joint consent that Arcus and
Alcibiades were honest men. They had done the Achaeans no wrong at all and prevailed so far
as to have the sentence against them reversed. (Livy 1. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3159. When Hannibal had lived a long time very quietly at Gortyna in Crete, many envied him
because of his great wealth. He filled some large chests with lead and deposited them in the
temple of Diana as a treasure for safe keeping. (??) Thereupon the people, having such a pledge
as that from him, were less envious of him. In the meantime he stole away to Prusias, surnamed,
as I said before, the Hunter, king of Bithynia. He melted his gold into hollow statues of brass
which he carried away with him. (Justin, 1. 32. c. 4. & Emil. Probus, in Hannibal.)

3160. A little later Prusias broke his league with Eumenes, king of Pergamus now that he had
Hannibal to manage his war for him. (Justin, 1. 32. c. 4.) There was a fierce war between them
on both land and sea. However, Eumenes with the help of the Romans, over-powered him. Since
Prusias was poor and weak, Hannibal procured for him the help of some other kings and states
and those from very warlike countries. (Emil. Prob.) Among them, he got the help of Philippus,
king of Macedonia, who sent him Philocles his general with a large army to help him. (Polyb.
Legat. 46.)

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3161. In the 149th Olympiad when M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo, first entered
into their consulship, an embassy from Eumenes carried by Athenaeus his youngest brother
came to Rome. He brought with him a crown of gold of 15,000 talents. He complained that
Philippus had not withdrawn his garrisons from Thracia and that he sent help to Prusias, king of
Bithynia, who had wilfully broken his league and made war on Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 46.
Livy 1. 39.) With the other ambassadors from Lacedemon, Arcus and Alcibiades came to the
senate. (Polyb. Legat. 46.)

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3162. After Prusias was defeated by Eumenes on land, he tried to defeat him at sea but was too
weak for Eumenes. Hannibal advised him to try to accomplish by craft what he could not do
through plain force. Therefore, he put a number of all sorts of snakes into earthen vessels. In the
middle of the fight these were to be hurled aboard the enemy's ships. He ordered his soldiers and
sea-men, to attack only the ship that Eumenes was in and defend themselves from the rest as
well as they could using these snakes. So that they would most certainly know what ship
Eumenes was in, Prusias sent beforehand a letter to him by a herald. It was full of contempt and
abuses against Eumenes. Therefore, when the battle was started, Prusias' men fought only

against the ship which Eumenes was in. Thereupon he was forced to flee. He would have died
had he not landed on a shore where he had placed beforehand a company of troops for such
emergencies. When Eumenes' other ships pressed close to the enemy, they threw their earthen
pitchers full of snakes at them. These landed on the decks and broke releasing the snakes. At
first this seemed ridiculous to them. When they could not move anywhere in the ship for the
snakes and found themselves as bothered by their bites as with the arrows of their enemy, they
abandoned the fight, and fled to their sea camp on the shore. (Justin 1. 32. c. 4. Emil. Prob. in
Hannibal.)

3163. Hannibal's tricks defeated Eumenes in that battle. In various other engagements Hannibal
used various tricks to overcome Eumenes. Once when he advised Prusias to fight he would not
because he said the entrails of the beasts forbid him to. Hannibal replied:

vv What, will you rely more on a little piece of flesh in a calf than on the judgment of an old
experienced captain in the field?" (Cic. De Divinae. 1. 2. Plut. in his Treatise, De Exile, Valer
Max. 1. 3. c. 7.)

3164. Now when news of these doings came to Rome, ambassadors were sent immediately by
the senate,to make a peace between the two kings and to demand Hannibal from Prusias.
Polybius (Legat. 47.) tells us that Ti. Qu. Flaminius was sent ambassador at that time to both
Prusias and also to Seleucus, king of Syria. Livy (1. 39. from Galerius Antias) says that Lu.
Scipio Asiaticus and P. Scipio Nasica were sent as a commission with him to Prusias.

3165. Agesipolis, who before his legal age of maturity was king of Sparta, was sent with others
to Rome from those who were banished from Lacedemon. On the way he was killed by pirates.
(Polyb. Legat. 49.) Agesipolis was the son of Cleomenes the king of Sparta, who was slain in
Alexandria. (See note on 3784 AM) He was legally taken for their king by the Ephori but was
turned out again by those usurping tyrants who took over that state. They were Lycurgus,
Machanidas and Nabis. (Polyb. 1. 4. p. 304) Now that the lawful king was dead, Arcus, (of
whom I spoke before from Polybius, Livy and Pausanias) was a most earnest and strong
defender of his country's liberty against the Achaeans now that their power was now controlled
by the Romans. He seems to have acquired the title of a king among them. Both writer
(Josephus Antiq. 1. 12. c. 4 & Euseb. in Chron.) state that Arcus the king of Lacedemon sent an
embassy with his letters to Onias the 3rd., the son of Onias, the high priest at Jerusalem. These
letters are preserved in Josephus. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 12. c. 5. /APC IMa 12:1-23) This book was
translated from the Hebrew, (for that book was originally written in Hebrew, as Jerome shows)
and retains everywhere the brevity and Hebrewisms of it. In these letters, mention is made of the
blood relationship between the Jews and Lacedemonians. This seems to have been taken from
the mythological writings of the Greeks. An example of Claudius Iolaus in Stephanus
Byzantinus in the word "Judea". That name of the Jews came from Judeus Sportones, a fellow
soldier of Bacchus in his wars. Although Pausanias in his Corinthiaca, (p. 58.) assures us that
the names of Sportones was completely unknown to the Spartan or Lacedemonians of his time.

3166. Eumenes started to make war with Prusias king of Bithynia and Ortyagon, one of the
kings of the Gauls. (Prolog. Trogi, 1. 32. with Polyb. 1. 3. 1. 159.)

3167. 1 think the death of Hannibal, happened in the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and Cn.
Baelius Pamphilus, for Polybius and Valerius Max. state that. It was not in the year before as

Atticus and Livy, who copied him, state. Nor was it in the following year as Sulpitius and in
Emil. Probus, (in Hannibal.) write. Livy describes how he died. (Livy 1. 39. in Justin 1. 32. c. 4.
in Plut. in the Life of I. Q. Flaminius to Dion. Quoted by Zonaras, in Emil. Brob. in Hannibal,
and in Appianus in his Syriaca, p. 91.)

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3168. Hannibal stayed in a little citadel Prusias had given him. He made 7 doors which did not
look like doors from the outside. If anyone came to attack the place, they would not place any
guards there because they appeared not to be doors. Therefore when he heard that the king's
soldiers were in the porch to break in on him, he went to get out at one of those blind back
doors. When he found that contrary to his expectation, men were there to take him and the place
was totally surrounded, he poisoned himself with the poison he always carried with him. He
died at the age of 70 years. Concerning his death it is said that there was this oracle long before
uttered.

vv The land of Lybia, Hannibal's corpse shall cover."

3169. The word Lybia or Lybyssa, he always understood of Lybia in Africa. However, it was a
little village in Bithynia near the seaside also by the same name. Pliny says: (1. 5. c. 22.)

vv There was in those parts, a little town called Lybyssa, where is now nothing worth seeing, but
only Hannibal's tomb."

3170. Pharnaces king of Pontus suddenly attacked the city of Synope and captured it. It
remained the possession of his and his successors from that time on. (Strabo. 1. 12. p. 545, 546.)

3171. In the second year of the 149th Olympiad ambassadors came to Rome from the two kings,
Eumenes and Pharnaces who were at war with each other. Ambassadors came from Rhodes and
complained of the injustice done to them at Synope, by Pharnaces. Thereupon Marius and others
in commission with him were sent as ambassadors to examine the case of Synope and to
compose all differences between the two kings. (Polyb. Legat. 52, 53. & Livy 1. 40.)

3172. Hyrcanus (the son of Josephus, and nephew of Tobias) was sent to Seleucus to gather his
tributes on the east side of the Jordan River. He built a good and most fortified citadel all of
white marble which he called Tyros. It was located in the regions of Arabia and Judea on the
other side Jordan not far from the land of Heshbon. He was governor of all that region during
the last 7 years of Seleucus' reign. All that time there was a constant war with the Arabians and
he made large slaughters of them, besides taking many prisoners and slaves. (Joseph. Antiq. 1.
12. c. 4, 5.)

3173. Marcius and his commissioners returned to the senate after they investigated the situation
between Eumenes and Pharnaces. They reported to the senate what they found. They said that
Eumenes was fair and temperate in all his ways. However, Pharnaces was very greedy and hot
tempered. (Polyb. Legat. 53.) They said he was the most violent and dangerous king they ever
saw. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 130.)

3823 AM, 4533 JP, 181 BC

3174. Ariarathes king of Cappadocia joined in with Eumenes of Pergamus to make war on
Pharnaces, king of Pontus. All three at the same time sent their ambassadors to Rome. When the
senate had heard them all, they said that they would send commissioners once more into those
parts with power to hear and determine all matters between them. (Id. id. with 1. 3. p. 159. Livy
1.40.)

3175. Pharnaces scorned the Romans and sent Leocritus in the middle of winter with an army of
10,000 men, to harass and ravage all the country of Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3176. The next spring, Pharnaces in person, mustered all his forces as if he would have attacked
Cappadocia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3177. Eumenes was grieved to see him transgress all bounds of law and honesty as he did. He
and his brother Attalus who had recently returned from Rome, marched into Galatia against
Leocritus. They did not find him there. When Carsignatus (or rather Epossognatus, as Fulvius
Ursinus thinks it should be) and Gazotarius sent their ambassadors to desire them not to harm
them for they were ready to do whatever they were told to do. Eumenes rejected them as men
who had previously falsified and broken their faith and word to him. They went on against
Pharnaces. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3178. At the end of the 5 day march, Eumenes with his brother came from Calpito or Calpia, a
city of Bithynia to the Halys River. On the 6th day they came to Amisus, a city in Cappadocia.
Here Ariarathes the king of that country, had joined his army with theirs. They all came into the
plain of Amisus and they pitched camp. They were barely settled when news came that the
commissioners came from Rome to make a peace between them. Thereupon Eumenes sent away
his brother Attalus to welcome them into those parts. In the meantime he doubled his army and
put them all into the best shape he could. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3179. The commissioners arrived and asked both parties to be at peace. Eumenes and Ariarathes
replied with all their hearts they wanted peace and to do whatever else they would be pleased to
ask. When the commissioners asked that during the treaty they would withdraw their forces
from the enemy's country, Eumenes readily assented and the next morning ordered his forces
back into Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3180. The commissioners then talked with Pharnaces and could not get him to come to any
conference if Eumenes would be there. After much adieu, they persuaded him to send his
ambassadors to some place by the sea side with full power there to make an agreement and that
he would abide by the agreement. When his ambassadors came to the appointed place the
conference began. Eumenes was ready to yield to any conditions but the ambassadors of
Pharnaces behaved in such a way that the commissioners easily knew that Pharnaces had no
intention of coming to any agreement. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3181. So the conference broke off and no peace was made between them. When the
commissioners left Pergamus and Pharnaces' ambassadors departed, the war went on between
them as before. Eumenes started to prepare all things necessary for it on his part. However, at
the earnest insistance of the Rhodians, who desired his help against the Lycians, he let

Pharnaces alone for that time and went to help them. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3182. Leocritus, the general of Pharnaces' Forces, besieged Pius (or rather Teios) a town in
Pontus. He forced the garrison which consisted of all mercenary soldiers, to surrender the town
to him on the condition that they were granted safe conduct. Later Leocritus received an order
from Pharnaces to kill them all because they had previously offended him. He pursued them on
the way and killed them all. (Diod. Sec. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 302.)

3183. When Seleucus had assembled a reasonably sized army, he went to help Pharnaces. He
was ready to cross the Taurus Mountains and then remembered that he was breaking the peace
agreement with the Romans. He followed good advice, stopped the expedition and returned
home again. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3824 AM, 4534 JP, 180 BC

3184. After this, Pharnaces entered an agreement with Attalus and the rest. They entered into a
solemn league between them. Eumenes at that time was sick at Pergamus but was now well.
When all was ratified that Attalus had done, he returned to Eumenes. He then sent him and the
rest of his brothers to Rome. Everyone who knew what service they had done for the Romans in
the wars in Asia, welcomed them heartily. The senate provided lodgings and a generous
allowance for them at the public expense. Attalus complained to the senate of the wrongs that
Pharnaces had done to them. He desired them to chastise him according to the severity of his
offence. They answered him graciously and promised to send commissioners there, who would
make a final accord between them. (Polyb. Legat. 56. Diod. Legat. 14.)

3185. Ptolemy Epiphanes desired a closer alliance with the Achaeans. He sent his ambassadors
to them and promised them 10 ships, each of 50 oars a piece fully outfitted. The Achaeans
considered that the offer was too good to be refused, as it amounted to the value of almost 10
talents. They willingly accepted it. They sent him their ambassadors, Lycortas with his son
Polybius, (that is, the historian) even though he was legally too young to be an ambassador.
They sent with them, Aratus, the son of Aratus the Sicyonian, with instructions both to thank the
king for the arms and money, which he had previously sent them through Lycortas. They were
to receive from him the 10 promised ships and to bring them into Peloponese. However, the
embassy never went further than Achaia because they received news that Ptolemy had died.
(Diod. Legat. 57.)

3186. When Ptolemy laid a trap to take Seleucus in, he sent on foot an army to go against him.
One of his captains asked him, where he would get money to go through with what he planned
to do. He replied:

vv His friends were his treasure:"

3187. This saying spread quickly and his friends and captains in the army heard it. They thought
it meant that he planned to enrich himself by impoverishing them. So they poisoned him.
(Jerome on Da 1 1) Ptolemy Epiphanes, in Priscian the grammarian, is said by Cato to have been
a most excellent and bountiful king. The truth is that for a long time, he carried himself very
nobly and well. Later he was influenced by some followers of the court. He had Aristomenes
whom he had formerly honoured as a father, to drink hemlock which killed him. He did more

acts of violence and cruelty and ruled his people more like a tyrant than a king. By these actions,
he was so hated and despised by his subjects that they were ready to depose him. (Diod. Sic. in
Excerpt. Vales, p. 294, 297.)

3188. At his death, he left two sons who were not of legal age. The oldest was called,
Philometor, the younger, Physcon, (Josephus, 1. 12. c. 5.) Ptolemaeus Philometor (whom
Epiphanius incorrectly calls him Philopator) reigned after his father, 35 years. (Clan. Ptolemaus,
in Can. Reg. Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius,) Others tell us the same less three months only.

3825 AM, 4535 JP, 179 BC

3189. Pharnaces found himself out powered by this unexpected and violent coming on of the
enemy. He sent his ambassadors to Eumenes and Ariarathes and sued for peace. So this war
between Eumenes and Ariarathes on the one side and Pharnaces and Mithridates the king of
Armenia on the other concluded on these conditions. Pharnaces would not enter Galatia. He
would break off all former agreements and leagues made with the Galatians. He would likewise
leave Paphlagonia. The inhabitants he deported from there, he would now return home again
with their arms. He would restore to Ariarathes, all the places which he had taken from him
along with any hostages he had received from him. He would restore all the prisoners which he
had taken without a ransom. He would turn over those who had left their king and defected to
him. He would restore to Morzias and Ariarathes the 900 talents which he had taken from them
and 300 more to Eumenes for his war expenses. Mithridates the king of Armenia would pay 300
talents for making war on Ariarathes which broke the league which he had made with Eumenes.
This league, included all the important men of Asia and Artaxias, a petty king of the greater part
of all Armenia and Acusilochus. On the European side, Gatalus of Sarmatia, and the free states
of Heraclea, Mesembrya, Chersonesus, and Cyzicum were part of this league. As soon as the
hostages came from Pharnaces, the armies broke up and every man went to his own home.
(Polyb. Legat. 59.)

3826 AM, 4536 JP, 178 BC

3190. Teius was a town in Pontus which Prusias was to restore to Eumenes according to the
league. Eumenes freely gave it back to him again and Prusias thanked him for that. (Polyb.
Legat. 59.)

3191. After the death of Philippus, king of Macedonia, his son Persius, or Perseus succeeded
him in the year when Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius, were consuls at Rome. He reigned 1 1 years
(Livy 1. 45.) or rather 10 years, 11 months as Porphyry more exactly says. (Seal, in Grac. Euseb.
p. 229.)

3192. This begins the third period of Calippus.

3193. The Lycians sent their ambassadors to Rome to complain of the cruelty of the Rhodians.
They were made subject to them by L. Carnelius Scipio. He said that the bondage which they
endured under Antiochus in comparison to this was an excellent kind of liberty and freedom.
They said there was now no difference between them and the very slaves whom they bought in
the market. The senate was moved with this piteous complaint and gave them their letters to
carry to the Rhodians. They had the Rhodians remember that the Romans put the Lycians under

their rule and protection. However, they were still to be free states under the sovereignty of the
people of Rome. (Livy 1. 41.)

3827 AM, 4537 JP, 177 BC

3194. Prusias married the sister of Perseus and Perseus the daughter of Seleucus called Laodice.
The Rhodians with their fleet received and conveyed her into Macedonia to her husband. (Livy
1. 42. Polyb. Legat. 60. Appia. Legat. 25.)

3195. The Rhodians persisted in their ways and now made an open war on the poor Lycians.
The men of Xanthus sent their embassies for help to the Achaeans and to the people of Rome.
Nicostratus headed up the embassy. (Polyb. Legat. 60.)

3196. The Lycians were already subdued by the Rhodians before their ambassadors could get an
hearing with the senate of Rome. It was not until Tiberius and Claudius the consuls of that year
had gone out against the Istrians and Agrians, that they saw the senate. When they were
admitted, they plainly showed them the cruelty and oppression of the Rhodians against the poor
Lycians that they prevailed with the senate to send ambassadors to Rhodes. They were to let
them know, that when the senate had perused the acts and records which the 10 commissioners
drew up in Asia, they found this. The Lycians, were by the Romans consigned to the Rhodians
not as a gift to do with as they liked but to use them as friends and associates. This message was
liked by the common sort in Rome who were offended with the Rhodians for their officiousness
in bringing home Perseus' wife to him. They would have been content, to have seen the
Rhodians and the Lycians fight it out so that the Rhodians might have some opporuniuty to
spend their treasure and provisions which they had so much of. (??) (Polyb. Legat. 60.)

3828 AM, 4538 JP, 176 BC

3197. When the Roman commissioners came to Rhodes, the inhabitants were in an uproar. They
said that since all things were now well settled in Lycia, why did they want to give an
opportunity for more trouble there? When the Lycians heard what declaration the senate had
made on their behalf, they began to revolt and protest publicly that they would endure anything
to recover their just rights and liberty again. The Rhodians thought that the senate had been
misinformed and abused by some false accusations from the Lycians. They sent Lycophron their
ambassador, to Rome. When the senate had heard his errand they gave him an immediate
answer. (Polyb. Legat. 61, 62.)

3198. Simon was a man of the tribe of Benjamin, and the head keeper of the temple. He had a
disagreement with Onias the 3rd. the high priest. When he could not get his way, he went to
Apollonius the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. He told him, that there was am enormous
amount of money in the treasury of the temple which the priests made no use of. Therefore it
would be better in the king's coffers. When Apollimus told Seleucus this, he sent away his
treasurer Heliodorus to Jerusalem to get the money from there. When he came, Onias the high
priest told him, that it was true that there was some money in the temple, but that was the money
of widows and orphans, who deposited it there for safe keeping. Some of the money belonged to
Hyrcanus, the nephew of Tobias. (See note on 3812 AM.) and was a most honourable person.
All that was there amounted to less than 400 talents of silver and 200 of gold. Such was the
holiness of the place and of the thing itself that no man should take the money. When

Heliodorus disregarded the words of Onias and the tumult of the people who lamented the
profaning of their temple, he was struck down by the angel of God in the very place. He was
carried to his lodging half dead by his own servants that were around him. After he was restored
to his health by the intercession and prayers to God made by Onias the high priest, he returned
to Seleucus. He magnified the holiness of the temple and the power of God that dwelt there.
This story is recorded in /APC 2Ma 3 and by Josephus in his book, psqi awtohratoroslogotnou.
Josephus writes Apollonius for Heliodotus (Likewise do the Fasti Siculi.) This shows that this
event happened a little before the death of Seleucus. By the articles between Antiochus and the
Romans, Antiochus was to change his hostages and send new ones instead of the old at the end
of every three years. To replace Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger son of the former Antiochus
who was then a hostage at Rome, /APC IMa 1:10 Seleucus sent his son Demetrius. (Appian. in
Syriac. p. 116.)

3 199. Simon the Benjamite, that traitor of his country and the one who told of the money
deposited in the temple, accused Onias the high priest. Onias was a man who was well respected
by the city and country of the Jews. Simon said Onias had incited Heliodorus against the Jews
and plotted all the evil against him and the king. When matters went so far that many murders
were committed by Simon and his faction in the city, Apollonius grew very angry and backed
him up in what he did. Onias went to Seleucus. /APC 2Ma 4: 1-6. The writer of Jason of Cyrenia
seems to say, that Seleucus was dead before he came. Although Eusebius in his Chron. says, that
he found him alive and had Simon banished by the king.

3200. So I have I brought this chronicle of Asia and Egypt to the beginning of the time of
Antiochus Epiphanes and the history of the Maccabees. I shall continue it until the time of the
utter destruction of Jerusalem under the Emperor Vespasian. This together with the Annals of
the New Testament and a brief history of the church during that time until the beginning of the
fourth century after Christ, I plan to make after this, if God grant me life and health.

Glory be to God on High.

FINIS

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The Latter Part
of

THE ANNALS

of

JAM ES USSHER,

A rchbishop of A rm agh:

C ontaining besides that of the

M ACCHABEES

AND

NEW TESTAM ENT

The History of all the rem ark able Occurrences transacted during the

ROM AN EM PIRE

which began under C. Julius, and Octavian:

W ith the m ost considerable Passages in all A sia and Egypt:

CONTINUED

From the beginning ofthe Reign of A ntiochus Epiphanes,

to the beginning ofthe Empire of V espasian, and the utter

D estruction and A b olition

oftheTempleand Commonwealth ofthejews.

LONDON,

Printed by E . Tyler, for F.Crook,

and G. Bedell, 1658.

THE EPISTLE TO THE READER

3201. You have here the other volume of my annals, which you will find more fully the history
of Rhodes and the isles between Asia and Europe. For although formerly, to make the work
more manageable, I resolved to associate them with Greece. Yet considering, that in the division
of the Eastern Empire, the province of the isles is attributed to the Asian part, I also thought
good later to place them with Asia. Those things which I produce concerning this history, you
have on the authority of the authors who relate them. I have left the judgment of such things to
those learned men, who make it their business to deal with them. In the citing of Cornelius
Tacitus, I have observed the edition of Bereggerus and Freinshemius since it is divided into
chapters. Concerning the history of the apostolic times, it does not seem adequate. I shall (if God
Almighty affords me life and strength to finish that work) give you an account in my Sacred
Chronology.

James Ussher

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A CHRONICLE

OF

The Asiatic and Egyptian Affairs, carried on from the

beginning of the times of the MACCHABEES,

until the Destruction of the Jewish Commonwealth under Vespasian.

3829 AM, 4539 JP, 175 BC

3202. Antiochus, son of Antiochus the Great, returned from Rome (where he was held hostage)
and came to Athens. His brother Seleucus, by the treachery of Heliodorus was murdered.
However, Eumenes and Attalus expelled Heliodorus, who planned to take over the kingdom of
Syria. They gave Antiochus that kingdom. They hoped by this good turn, they might oblige him
to be their friend. They began to grow jealous of the Romans through some small injustice they
received. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 116, 117.)

3203. Demetrius, son of Seleucus, to whom the kingdom rightly belonged, was 10 years old and
was held hostage at Rome at this time. Apollonius was raised with him and was a good friend of
Seleucus. After the death of Seleucus, he left the court to Miletum. (Polyb. Legat. 1 14.) The
Syrians called their new king Antiochus, "Epiphanes", or "Illustrious", because when strangers
tried to take over the kingdom, he appeared bravely to his people in vindication of his ancestor's
title. (Appia. in Syriac. p. 177.) Polybius thought he should be more correctly called "Epimanes"
or "the frantic" because of his wild behaviour, (apud Atheneum 1. 2. c. 2. 1. 5. c. 4. & 1. 10 c. 12.)

3204. When he became king of Syria, he behaved most unusually for a king. First he secretly
left his royal palace and his servants knew nothing about it. He unadvisedly wandered about the
city with only one or two companions with him. Moreover, he was pleased to talk and drink
with the common people and with aliens and strangers of the lowest estate. If he heard of any
young men that had a merry party, he came with his wine and music to the revels. This so
startled those there at the strangeness of the action, that they either fled when he came or from
fear sat still in silence. Lastly, he set aside his royal garment and put on a coat like the ones
worn by the officials of Rome. He greeted every ordinary man that he met with and sometimes
asked for a position of the edile or to be a tribune of the people. At last, by the will of the
people, he obtained the place of a magistrate. According to the Roman custom, he sat in his
ivory chair and gave judgment. He settled the law suits and disputes of the citizens with that
industry and diligence that everyone who was wise, doubted his actions. Some think he was
indiscrete, some imprudent and others mad. (Diod. Sic. in Excertp. Vales, p. 305, 306.)
Atheneus also says the same things. (in the previously cited 1. 5 c. 14. & 1. 10. c. 12. from
Polybius' histories, 1. 26.) Livy also translated this into his 41st book, as one may see in that
fragment, which Charles Sigonius falsely attributes to of Perseus.

3205. Antiochus began his reign in the 137th. and died in the 149th year of the kingdom of the
Greeks (or of the Macedonians, from the time of Seleucus.) /APC IMa 1:10 6:16 Johannes
Malela Antiochenus, in his Chronicle says he ruled 12 years but Porphyrie, Eusebius, Jerome,
Sulpitius Severus and others say only 1 1 . To reconcile this we must say that at the end of the
137th year Antiochus began to rule and at the beginning of the 149th year (from the spring of
the season, as this author uses to reckon) he ended his reign, (viz.) 1 1 years plus a few months.

3206. Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged king by those that favoured Ptolemy
Philometor. Some time later he obtained the title under the pretence of clemency, as Jerome
states in his commentary upon the 1 1th chapter of Daniel. He made an alliance with Eumenes
and powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations. The government of Babylon was
committed to Timarchus but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas' brother. The two brethren
were united together by immoral commerce. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 117.)

3207. Hyrcanus, the son of Joseph, and grandchild of Tobias saw Antiochus become very
strong. He feared least he come under his kingdom and would be punished for what he had done
against the Arabians. He killed himself and Antiochus seized his whole estate. (Josephus, 1. 12.
c. 4.)

3208. Jason, son of Simon the 2nd, high priest, was weary of the high priesthood of Onias the
3rd, his brother. So that he might obtain the priesthood himself, he promised Antiochus 360
talents of silver and 80 talents from other sources. Moreover he added 150 more talents if he
was given authority to set up a gymnasium to train the youth at Jerusalem and subdue those of
Jerusalem into the same conditions of the citizens of Antioch. The covetous king readily agreed
to these conditions. Jason removed his brother Onias and became the high priest. When he had
taken over the government, he began to treat his own country men like Greeks and he eliminated
the royal privileges granted of special favour to the Jews obtained through John the father of
Eupolemus who later went to be an ambassador to Rome. He put down the governments which
were according to law and he brought in new customs which were contrary to the law. /APC
2Ma 4:7-1 1 Josephus affirms this that Onias the 3rd who died about the time was removed and
replaced by his brother Jesus who wished to be called Jason. After 3 years, Jason was removed
from the high priesthood, by the actions of Menelaus, the new high priest and Tobais' sons (or
grandchildren of Hyrcanus' brother.) The Greek customs were introduced. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 12.
c. 5.) However, the same writer, in his small treatise of the Maccabees, states the matters
differently and close enough to the Maccabian account (except for the error in the annual
tribute):

""Antiochus removed Onias from the high priesthood and substituted Jason his brother. He
promised to pay him yearly 3660 talents. When he became priest and leader of the people, he
subdued the nation and abandoned their ancient manners and institutions and led them into all
iniquity. He established a gymnasium in the fortress of our country and abolished the care of the
temple."

3830 AM, 4540 JP, 174 BC

3209. In the 7th year of Philometor, 574th year of Nabonasser and the 27th Phamenoth
according to the Egyptians, (May 1st) the moon was eclipsed 2 hours after midnight at
Alexandria. (Ptol. 1. 6. c. 5.)

3210. The Greeks made a 6 month truce in their hostilities. Later a more serious war started.
However, when Q. Minutius the legate came with 10 ships from the Romans to settle their
disputes, they again hoped for peace. (Livy, 1. 41.)

321 1. About the same time, Eumenes incited the Lycians to revolt from the Rhodians. Eumenes'
garrisons attacked certain citadels and lands located in the utmost bounds of the opposite

continent of the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Livy 1. 41, 42.)

3212. Certain apostate Jews who agreed with Onias the false high priest, procured the authority
from king Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles and erected a
gymnasium beneath the very tower of Sion. They forced the main young men to submit to the
laws of the school, by wearing an hat and by concealing their circumcision. When they were
fighting naked they would still look like Greeks. So popular were the Greek fashions and the
increase of heathen customs, that the priests had no courage to serve any more at the altar. They
despised the temple and neglected the sacrifices. They eagerly became involved in the games. /
APC IMa 1:11,15 2Ma 4:12,15 cf. (Josephus, 1. 12. c. 6.)

3213. When Antiochus attended the games that were held every 5th year at Tyre, the impious
Jason sent special messengers there from Jerusalem who were inhabitants of the city of Antioch,
to carry 300 or (as it is much more correctly in the manuscript book of the Earl of Arundel's
library ) 3300 drachmes of silver to the sacrifice of Hercules. However, the bearers of the money
used it to build ships. /APC 2Ma 4:18-20

3831 AM, 4541 JP, 173 BC

3214. The ambassadors sent from king Antiochus came to Rome. The head of the delegation
was Apollonius whom the Roman ambassadors who were in Syria said was highly regarded by
the king and most friendly to the Roman people. When they came into the senate, the brought
the tribute due from the king. They excused the late payment of it. They also brought as a gift
vessels of gold weighing 500 pounds. Apollonius added:

vv The king requested that the society and friendship which was with his father, should be
renewed with himself. The Roman people should lay such injunctions on him as were to be
imposed on a faithful and confederate king. He would in no wise be lacking in any service to
them. He noted that the attitudes of the senate were so great toward him while he was at Rome
and such the civility of the youth that he was treated by all as a king and not as an hostage."

3215. The ambassadors received a kind answer and A. Attilius, mayor of the city, was asked to
renew with Antiochus that league which was with his father. The treasurers of the city received
the money, the censers and the golden vessels. It was committed to their charge to distribute to
such temples as should be thought fitting. The ambassador was sent a reward of an 100,000
pieces of coin. His lodging was given to him gratis and his expenses paid while he stayed in
Italy. (Livy 1. 42.)

3216. Antiochus had a son, Antiochus Eupator born to him. He died at the age of 9 years.
(Appian. Syriac. p. 117. & 131.)

3217. Cleopatra, the beloved mother of Ptolemy Philometor, the daughter of Antiochus the
Great and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes died. She had received from her father as a dowry,
Coelosyria, (or at least a great part of it.) Eulaius the Eunuch, foster-father of Philometor and
Lomus was governing Egypt. He demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes since he
claimed it was fraudulently seized. This was the basis of the war between the uncle and the
youth, as Porphyrie relates from the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius, (in Jerome on
Da 11) The justification for Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria, was that Antiochus the

Great, father of Epiphanes, unjustly took away Coelosyria from Ptolemy Epiphanes, father of
Philometor, when he was under age. Later Antiochus restored it to him with his daughter
Cleopatra as her dowry. Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserted that from the time when
his father overcame the father of Philometor at Parium, Coelosyria was always subject to the
kings of Syria and firmly denied that it was given by his father to Cleopatra the mother of
Philometor for her dowry. (Polyg. Legat. 72. & 82.)

3218. At that time Philometor began to reign and the coronation ceremonies were performed. /
APC 2Ma 4:21 Ptolemy, son of Dorymenis surnamed Macron, displayed his wisdom. When he
had received the government of the island of Cyprus when the king was a child, he gave nothing
of the king's money to the stewards. When the king became of age, he sent an enormous amount
of money to Alexandria. The king and all the courtiers very highly commended his former
parsimony. (Polyb. 1. 27. in the collections of Valesius, p. 126.)

3219. Antiochus sent to Egypt Apollonius, son of Menestheus, to the coronation of Philometor
the king. When he knew that he was in disfavour with Philometer, he fortified himself against
him. When he came to Joppa, he took his journey to Jerusalem. He was honourably received by
Jason and the city. He entered the city by torch light and with great shoutings. From there
Antiochus went into Phoenicia with his army. /APC 2Ma 4:21,22

3832 AM, 4542 JP, 172 BC

3220. Three years after Jason was made the high priest by Antiochus, he sent Menelaus, the
brother of Simon the Benjamite a traitor, that he might bring to the king the promised money
and advise him of necessary affairs. Menelaus used the opportunity of his embassy for his own
advantage in the same way Jason usurped his brother Onias, Menelaus usurped Jason. He
promised the king 300 talents of silver more than what Jason promised so that he would be the
high priest instead of Jason. (/APC 2Ma 4:23-25 Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. 1. 2.) Josephus
states that Menelaus was first called Onias and was brother to Onias the 3rd and to Jason himself
and the youngest son of Simon, the second, the high priest. (Antiq. 1. 12. c. 6. cf. 1. 15. c. 3.)

3221. When Menelaus secured the government of Judah, he expelled Jason into the country of
the Ammonites. He did not pay any of the money which he had promised to the king. /APC 2Ma

4:25-27

3222. When Cius Popilius Lenas and Publius Aelius Ligur were consuls, Valerius Antias states
that Attalus, the brother of Eumenes came to Rome. He accused Perseus, the king of the
Macedonians of crimes and wanted to know who was backing his war effort. The Annals of the
most, and such to whom you would give the better credit, affirm that Eumenes came in person to
Rome. Eumenes was entertained with the highest honour and brought into the senate. He said
that the reason he came to Rome, besides the desire of seeing the gods and men by whose
benefit he was in such a good state was that he might publicly advise the senate to oppose the
actions of Perseus. (Livy 1. 42. Appian. Legat, 25. a Fulv. Ursino, edit.) This matter was kept so
secret that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner, it was not known what
Eumenes said or what the senate replied. (Livy 1. 42. Valer. Maximus, 1. 2. c. 2.)

3223. Some days later, Satyrus a leader of the ambassadors of the Rhodians, accused Eumenes
before the senate. He said Eumenes had stirred up the country of the Lycians against the

Rhodians and was more troublesome in Asia than Antiochus. Although he made a good speech,
Eumenes was still held in high regard by the Romans. He was given all honours, most generous
gifts with a chariot of state and an ivory staff. (Livy 1. 42. Diod. Sic. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Ursino,
edit.)

3224. Eumenes, returned from Rome into his kingdom. He left Cirra for the temple of Delphi
that he might sacrifice to Apollo. On the way he was ambushed by men hired by Perseus. They
tumbled down two vast stones on him. One bruised the king's head and the other injured his
shoulder. They heaped many stones on him after he fell from a steep place. The next day, when
he revived, his friends brought him to the ship. From there they sailed to Corinth. From Corinth,
their ships were carried over the neck of the isthmus to Aegina. His recovery was kept so secret
that the news of his death was reported to Asia and Rome. (Livy 1. 42. Appian. Legat. 25.)

3225. Attalus gave more credit to these reports than he should. He did not confer with the
governor of the citadel of Pergamos as to who should be the next king. He assumed the kingdom
and married Stratonice, his brother's wife, the daughter of Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians.
He rushed too quickly into her embraces. Not long afterwards, he heard that his brother lived
and was coming to Pergamos. He set aside his diadem. He with the guard, according to custom,
went to meet Eumenes and carried an halberd. Eumenes greeted him in a friendly and
honourable manner. He cheerfully greeted the queen. However he whispered nevertheless into
his brother's ear:

Until thou seest that I am dead, Approach not rashly to my bed.

3226. Eumenes treated Attalus with the same friendship as before for the rest of his life in spite
of these events. (Livy 1. 42. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 306. Plutarch in Apophthegm & 1.
pei fladelfia

3227. For the recent wickedness of Perseus against him and for ancient hatred between their
countries, Eumenes prepared a war with all his strength. Ambassadors came to him from Rome
and congratulated him on his escape from so great a danger. (Livy 1. 42.)

3228. After that, Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians, had by his wife Antiochis, daughter to
Antiochus the Great, two daughters, and one son. The son was first named Mithredates and then
called Ariarathes. His wife thought she would be barren and had procured two other sons for
him. The king sent Ariarathes the older with a good estate to Rome. The younger was called
Olophernes or Orophernes and was sent into Ionia. He did not want them to contend with his
genuine son about the kingdom. (Diod. Sic. 1. 31. in Photii. Bibliothec. cod. 244.) This year
therefore he sent Ariarathes his genuine son to be educated at Rome and that from a child he
might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome. He requested that they would permit
him to be not under the custody of hosts as is the custom of private individuals. He wanted him
under the charge of public care and tuition. The embassy of the king was well received by the
senate. They decreed that Cieius Sicinius the mayor, should appoint a furnished house where the
king's son and his retinue might live. (Livy 1. 42.)

3229. The Romans sent ambassadors to their confederate kings, Eumenes, Antiochus,
Ariarathes, Masanissa and Ptolemy, king of Eygpt. Others were sent into Greece, Thessalie,
Epirus, Acarnania and the islands. They were to unite in a war against Perseus. (Appian. Legat.

25.) T. Claudius Nero and M. Decimius were sent to verify the loyalty of Asia and the islands.
They were commanded also to go to Crete and Rhodes to renew their friendships. They were to
discover whether the minds of their confederates had been courted by king Perseus. (Livy 1. 42.)

3833a AM, 4542 JP, 172 BC

3230. When delegates that had been sent to the confederate kings had returned from Asia, they
stated that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in Syria and Ptolemy in
Alexandria. All of them had been solicited by the embassies of Perseus but had remained loyal
to the Romans and promised to do what the Romans thought best. Likewise they reported that
the confederate cities remained loyal with the possible exception of Rhodes who were inclined
toward Perseus. The Rhodian ambassadors came to clear themselves of these charges which
they knew were circulating as rumours. It was thought fitting that when the new consuls entered
their office that a senate should be convened for them. (Livy 1. 42.)

3833b AM, 4543 JP, 171 BC

3231. The consuls, P. Licinius, and C. Cassius, with all the kings and cities in Asia and Europe
now turned their attention to the pending war between Macedonia and Rome. Eumenes was
eager for the war because of ancient animosities between the two peoples and because Perseus
had almost killed him at Delphi. Prusias king of Bithynia, resolved to stay out of the conflict. He
did not think it proper to fight with the Romans against his wife's brother. If Perseus should win,
he could easily obtain pardon through his wife who was the sister to Perseus. Ariarathes king of
the Cappadocians promised to help the Romans. He had an alliance with Eumenes and joined all
councils of war and peace. Antiochus eyed the kingdom of Egypt for he despised the youth of
the king and the sloth of his tutors. He thought the dispute over Coelosyria would be a good
reason for the war against Egypt. He could fight this war while the Romans were busy in the
Macedonian war. However, he generously promised help to all the kings through his own
delegates to the senate and to their ambassadors. The young Ptolemy was still controlled by his
tutors. They prepared for war against Antiochus to retake Coelosyria. They also made generous
promises for the Macedonian war. (Livy 1. 42.) Ptolemy king of Egypt, Ariarathes of
Cappadocia, Eumenes of Asia and Masanissa of Numidia all helped the Romans. (Oros. 1. 4. c.
20.)

3232. Three ambassadors, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Decius and A. Licvinius Nerva, were sent
from the Romans to the Greeks who sent archers for the war. (Livy 1. 42.)

3233. Three other ambassadors, T. Clausius Tiberius, P. Posthuminus and M. Junius were sent
into the islands and the cities of Asia. These were to urge their confederates to help fight against
Perseus. They concentrated their efforts on the larger cities first for they knew that the smaller
cities would follow the lead of the larger ones. The Rhodians were judged to be the wealthiest
and have the most business interests in that region. They supplied 40 ships by the authority of
Hegesilochus who was at that time in the Prytanis or head of the government. As soon as he
knew the Romans planned to wage war with Perseus, he exhorted his citizens that they should
ally themselves with the Romans. They should send the same help to the Romans they gave in
the war with Antiochus and before that, with Philip. The Rhodians should enlist the help of their
naval allies to assemble this fleet. They should eagerly do this to effectively kill the rumours
spread by Eumenes against them. As a result of this when the ambassadors from Rome came,

the Rhodians showed them a fleet of 40 ships prepared and equipped for war. Their action had a
great influence on the rest of the cities of Asia. (Livy 1. 42. Polyb. Legat. 64.)

3234. After Perseus had a conference with the Romans, he wrote all the reasons supporting his
position and what the other side alleged. This was so contrived to put him in a favourable light.
This was copied and sent by couriers to the other cities. However, he ordered Antenor and Philip
to go as ambassadors to Rhodes. When they came there, they gave the letters to the magistrates.
After a few days the senate received a request from the Rhodians that for the present they would
not get involved in this war on either side. If the Romans should undertake against the laws of
the league to war with Perseus and the Macedonians, that they should endeavour to bring them
to terms of the agreement which was in everyone's interest. The Romans should be more intent
than others on preserving law and liberty since they were the guardians of the liberty of Greece
and Rhodes. Therefore they ought to enforce the compliance of those who were not so inclined.
When the ambassadors had spoken these things, their speech seemed reasonable to all. However
the opposing side prevailed. On the other points, they yielded courteously toward the
ambassadors. As a reply they requested Perseus, not to demand anything that would be against
the will of the Romans. Antenor did not accept this and used the courtesy of the Rhodians to
return into Macedonia. (Polyb. Legat. 65. Livy 1. 42.)

3235. While the navy stayed around Cephalenia, Caius Lucretius the Roman praetor sent letters
with the Romans requesting the ships to be sent to him. He gave that letter to Socrates the
anointer of the wrestlers, to deliver. This came to Rhodes at the same time, when Strutocles was
president of the counsel or Prytanis, for the later half of the year. When the matter was debated,
it seemed fitting to Agathagetus, Rhodophon, Astymedes and many others that the Rhodians
without any further delay should send those ships and ally themselves with the Romans.
However, Dino and Polyeratus who did not approve of those things which had before been
decreed in favour of the Romans, argued that the letter was not sent from the Romans but from
Eumenes, the enemy of the Rhodians. Eumenes was determined to get them into the war and
engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles. They said that the letter was brought by
an obscure person, an anointer of wrestlers to Rhodes. However the Romans use great care to
pick out men of the choicest rank for such a task. Strutocles, the chief officer or Prytanis
opposed these men and spoke much against Perseus and generously commended the Romans.
He prevailed with the Rhodians that a decree of sending the ships should be made. Therefore of
the 6 ships that were ready, they sent 5 under the command of Timagoras to Chalcis and one to
Tenedos, under the command of the other Timagoras. This man could not take Diophanes
himself whom he found at Tenedos when he was sent from Perseus to Tenedos. However, he
took the ship with all its equipment. (Polyb. Legat. 67.)

3236. The Romans heard from the embassy that came from Asia about the state of the Rhodians
and the rest of the cities. They convened a senate for the ambassadors of Perseus. (Livy 1. 42.
Legat, 68.) At that time therefore, Solon and Hippias endeavoured to relate all the affairs and to
lessen the tension. However, they defended the crime and treachery against Eumenes with
special zeal because the matter was well known. When they had finished their speech, the
senate, who had before decreed the war, denounced them and whoever else had happened to
come from Macedonia to Rome. They should immediately depart from the walls of Rome and
within 30 days be out of Italy. (Legat, 68. Diod. Sic. Legat. 17. Livy 1. 42.)

3237. Notice was sent to Eumenes that he should with his uttermost strength help in the war
against Perseus. (Justin, 1. 33. c. 1.) He came to Chalcis in Baeotia by sea with Attalus and

Atheneus, his brothers. His brother Philetaetus stayed at Pergamos to safeguard the kingdom.
From there with Attalus and 4000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry, he came into Thessalia to
Licinius the consul. Atheneus was left at Chalcis with 2000 foot soldiers. When Marius
Lucretius came there with an army of 10,000 sea soldiers, he took these troops with him to the
siege of Holiartus. (Livy 1. 42.)

3238. About the same time, warships arrived at Chalcis from their other confederates, 2
Phoenician ships of 5 tiers of oars, 2 from Heraclea from Pontus of 3 tiers of oars, 4 from
Chalcedon and as many from Samos. Moreover, Rhodes sent 5 ships of 4 tiers of oars. (Livy 1.
42.) C. Leucretius, the praetor and brother of Marcus, returned the ships to the confederates
when he saw there would be no naval war. (Livy 1. 42. Polyb. Legat. 67. fin.) However, the
praetor with his brother attacked Haliartus. After it surrendered to him, he levelled it to the
ground and then, without any opposition, took Thebes. (Livy 1. 42.)

3239. While these affairs were happening in Baeotia, Licinius the consul, Eumenes and Attalus
in Thessalia, engaged Perseus. In the first conflict no one won a clear victory. About 38 men
were killed of Eumenes' side, including Cassignatus, the captain of the Gauls. In the second
battle Perseus won. (Livy 1. 42.) Even though he won and asked for peace from Livinius, he did
not get it. (Livy 1. 42. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian. Legat. 26.)

3240. Perseus sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the captives that sailed with
Diophanes. In this business, there was a long discussion by them, who governed the country
about what ought to be done. It seemed best to Piplophron and Theueretus, that the Rhodians
should not entangle themselves in the affairs of Perseus. However Dinon and Polyaratus wanted
to. At last they came to an agreement with Perseus concerning the captives. (Polyb. Legat, 70.)

3241. When Antiochus clearly saw Egypt preparing to wage war for Coelosyria, he sent
Meleager as an ambassador to Rome. Through him he declared to the senate that he was
wrongly invaded and Ptolemy was an ally of Rome as he was. Allies should not be fighting with
each other. (Polyb. Legat. 70, 71.)

3242. When the war started between Antiochus and Ptolemy because of Coelosyria, the
ambassadors of both kings came to Rome. Antiochus sent Meleager, Sosiphanes and Heraclides.
Ptolemy sent Timothy and Damon. Meleager came that he might tell the senate that Ptolemy
first wrongly provoked Antiochus and wanted to put him from a country that was rightfully his.
Timothy was sent to renew the friendship with the Romans and to watch Meleager's dealings
with the Romans. When he had renewed the friendship and received answers agreeable to his
requests, he returned to Alexandria. The senate told Meleager that they would have Quintus
Marcius write to Ptolemy about those matters as he should see expedient for the interest of the
people of Rome and his own trust. (Polyb. Legat. 72. Diod. Sic. Legat. 18.)

3243. Between Peleusium and Mount Casius, Antiochus defeated Ptolemy's commanders. He
spared the king because of his youth and pretended to be his friend. He went up to Memphis and
took over the kingdom. He said that he would be careful about the affairs of the land. So with a
small company of people, he subdued all of Egypt. (Porphyries ex Callinco Sutorio, apud
Jerome on Da 1 1) At this time, Ptolemy Macron the son of Dorymenes, to whom Philometor
had committed the government of Cyprus seems to have defected to Antiochus and surrendered
to him the island. /APC 2Ma 10:13 Thereupon the care of Cyprus was committed to Crates. /

APC 2Ma 4:29 He made Ptolemy the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. (/APC 2Ma 8:8)
and admitted him into his inner circle of friends. /APC IMa 3:38

3834a AM, 4543 JP, 171 BC

3244. Jubilee 26.

3245. Perseus was defeated by Lycinius the consul, Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes, duke of
the Numidians. When Perseus came to Pella, he sent his army into their winter quarters. The
consul returned to Latissa and sent Eumenes and Attalus home. He placed Misagenes with his
Numidians and the rest of his army in their winter quarters throughout Thessalie. (Livy 1. 42.)

3246. Sostratus, the governor of the citadel of Jerusalem was in charge of collecting the king's
revenues there. When he requested the money promised to Antiochus by Menelaus both of them
were summoned by the king to Antioch. Menelaus left his brother Lysimachus in charge of the
high priesthood. Sostratus left in his place, Crates, who was governor of the Cypriotes. /APC
2Ma 4:27-29.

3247. In Cilicia, the men of Tarsus and Mallos revolted because Antiochus had given the
revenue of their cities to Antiochis, his concubine. The king quickly came to appease them and
left Andronicus in charge at Antioch. /APC 2Ma 4:30,31

3248. Menelaus took advantage of the king's absence. With the help of Lysimachus, the king's
deputy, he stole some gold vessels from the temple at Jerusalem. Some he gave to Andronicus
and some he sold in Tyre and the surrounding cities. When Onias the 3rd and the legal high
priest knew of this, he impeached Menelaus for this sacrilege. He hid himself in a sanctuary at
Daphne that lies near Antioch. (/APC 2Ma 4:32,33) There was in the middle of the woods a
sanctuary dedicated to Apollo. (Strabo 1. 16. p. 750.) This spacious facility was built by
Antiochus. (Ammia. Marcellin. 1. 22.)

3249. Andronicus, at the request of Menelaus, had Onias leave the sanctuary and promised him
his safety. However, he had him murdered. /APC 2Ma 4:34

3250. When Antiochus returned from Cilicia to Antioch, the Jews which were in the city and
many of other countries, complained to him of the unjust murder of the most holy old man.
Antiochus was deeply moved to tears and commanded Andronicus to be disrobed and lead
around the city. He was slain in the same place where he had murdered Onias. (/APC 2Ma 4:35-
38)

3834 AM, 4544 JP, 170 BC

3251. After many sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus with the consent
of Menelaus, the people assembled against Lysimachus since many gold vessels were already
taken away. To protect himself, he gathered 3000 troops under Tyrannus. He was an old and
foolish man. In the riot, some picked up stones, some large clubs, some picked up dust and
threw this on Lysimachus and his soldiers. In the uproar, many were wounded, some were killed
and the rest fled. Lysimachus was killed near the treasury. (/APC 2Ma 4:39-42)

3252. When Antiochus came to Tyre, three men were sent from the elders at Jerusalem to testify
against Menelaus as a partner in the sacrileges and wickedness of Lysimachus. However even
though Menelaus was convicted, the king freed him when he was promised large sums of money
by Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes. Through Ptolemy, he was acquitted and allowed to continue
as the high priest. The three innocent persons who pleaded for the city, people and the holy
vessels were condemned to die. The men of Tyre gave them a magnificent funeral. (/APC 2Ma
4:44-50)

3253. About that time, Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt. It happened at
Jerusalem that for 40 days, strange visions of armed horsemen and of foot soldiers in battle were
seen in the air portending their future problems. /APC 2Ma 5:1-4

3254. Antiochus planned to add the kingdom of Egypt to his own. He entered Egypt with a
numerous company, with chariots, with elephants, with horsemen and a great navy. He made
war against Ptolemy, king of Egypt who turned and fled away. Many were killed. Afterward
they seized the fortified cities in the land and Antiochus took the spoils of Egypt. /APC IMa
1:16-19

3255. A false rumour of Antiochus' death was circulated. Jason took with him no less than 1000
men and made a surprise attack on the city of Jerusalem. Menelaus fled into the citadel, but
Jason slaughtered his own citizens and was not ashamed of this. However, he could not take
over the government but fled away in shame. He returned back into the country of the
Ammonites. He was accused before Aretus, the king of the Arabians and dared not show his
face there. He was forced to flee from one city to another and was hated by all men because he
forsook their laws. He was made a public enemy of his own country. /APC 2Ma 5:5-8

3256. Antiochus heard in Egypt that the rumour of his death made the people of Jerusalem very
glad. He suspected by the rebellion of Jason that Judea would revolt and was very angry. (/APC
2Ma 5:11 Josephus in Libello de Maccabais) After that he had subdued Egypt in the 143rd year
of the Greeks or Seleucus, he went up against Israel and Jerusalem with a great multitude. /APC
IMa 1:20,21

3257. Josephus (Antiq. 1. 12. c. 7) writes that in the 143rd year of the Seleucians, he took the
city without a battle. The men of his own faction opened the gates to him. However, in /APC
2Ma 7 the city is said to have been taken by force of arms. Josephus in his first book and first
chapter of the wars of the Jews, says that he took the city by force and adds that he was enraged
with the memory of those things which he had endured in the siege. Moreover, while Antiochus
besieged the city, the men of Jerusalem made an attack against him and were slain in the
conflict, as Josephus affirms, in the sixth book of the same works, (p. 929.)

3258. When the city was captured, the soldiers were ordered to kill anyone they met. Cruelly,
they slew all sorts regardless of age or sex. In three days, 80,000 men were missing, 40,000 of
whom were killed and the rest sold into slavery. /APC 2Ma 5:11-14

3259. Antiochus was not content with this and he went into the temple. Menelaus who betrayed
their laws and country was his guide. He wickedly seized the holy vessels, and whatever else
was dedicated by other kings to the glory and honour of the place. /APC 2Ma 5:15,16 He took

the golden altar, the candlesticks of light with all its vessels, the table of the shewbread, the
pouring vessels, the vials, the censers of gold and the vail. He removed the crowns and the
golden ornaments that were fastened to the temple doors. He pulled off the gold from everything
that was covered with gold. He stole all the silver, lovely vessels and all the hidden treasures
which he found. /APC IMa 1:23,24

3260. Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo Cappadox, Nicolaus Damascenus, Timagenes Castor
Chronographus and Apollodorus, wrote that Antiochus was short of money and broke his
league. He assaulted the Jews, his confederates and friends and plundered the temple that was
full of gold and silver and spared nothing of value. (Josephus contr. Apion. 1. 2.) His huge
tribute to the Romans, forced him to gather money by pillaging and not to miss any opportunity
of plundering. (Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. 1. 2.) Those who were the enemies of the Jews affirm
that many other things were done by him because he hated the Jews and had contempt for their
religion. In the 34th book of Diodorus' Bibliotheca and from there in Photii. Bibliotheca (cod.
244.) this is stated:

vv When Antiochus Epiphanes had overcome the Jews, he entered into the holy Oracle of God
where the priests only might lawfully go. He found there a stone statue of a man with a long
beard, holding a book in his hand and sitting on an ass. He thought him to be Moses who built
Jerusalem, founded the nation and established those laws that are hated in all nations. He desired
to remove this reproach to the nations and endeavoured to abrogate the laws. Therefore he
sacrificed a great sow to the statue of the founder, Moses. He poured blood on the altar of God,
that stood in the open air and on the statue. He seethed the flesh and commanded the holy books
that contained their laws to be marred and obliterated with the broth. He commanded the eternal
flame which always burned in the temple to be put out. He compelled Menelaus the high priest
and other Jews to eat swine's flesh."

3261. However, in the light of these actions we disagree with the testimony of Strabo the
Cappadocian, in the 16th book of his Geography, where he commends the Jews, as just and
religious persons, (dikaiopzanp eg zxosebxid pd dlhqpj ontxr p. 761.)

3262. When Antiochus captured the city, he sacrificed swine on the altar and with the broth of
its flesh he sprinkled the temple. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 13. c. 16.)

3263. Antiochus carried 1800 talents from the temple and quickly returned to Antioch. He
appointed governors to vex the country, at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian, by manner a
barbarian, at Gerizim in Samaria, Andronicus. In addition to these he left Menelaus who was
worse than all the rest to rule the citizens with a heavy hand and had a most malicious attitude
against the Jews. /APC 2Ma 5:21-23.

3264. The ambassadors of Asia were heard in the senate at Rome. The Milesians remembered
that they had done nothing and promised that they were ready to do whatever the senate should
command them to help the war against Perseus. The Alabandenses remembered that they had
erected the temple of the city of Rome and instituted anniversary games to the goddess. They
brought a golden crown weighing 50 pounds as a gift to Jupiter which they might place in the
capitol. They also gave 300 shields for horsemen which they would deliver to whom they would
command them. The Lampsaceni brought an 80 pound crown and requested:

vv How that they defected from Perseus when the Roman army came into Macedonia. They were
under the jurisdiction of Perseus and before of Philip. In respect to this and for turning all things
over to the Roman commanders, they requested only that they might be received into the
friendship of the Roman people. If a peace should be made with Perseus, they wished to be no
longer under Perseus' authority."

3265. There was a civil answer returned to the rest of the delegates. Quintus Moenius the
praetor, was commanded to enrol the Lampsaceni after the manner of associates. Rewards were
given to them all, amounting to more than 2000 pieces of coin to each of them. The
Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields to A. Hostilius the consul in
Macedonia. (Livy 1. 43.)

3835a AM, 4544 JP, 170 BC

3266. It was decided by the common consent of the Achaeans that all the honours of Eumenes
which were unseemly and repugnant to the laws should be taken away. Sosigenes and Diopithes
from Rhodes were there about private legal matters. They were offended by Eumenes and
destroyed all his honours in the city of Peloponnesus. (Polyb. Legat. 74.)

3835 AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC

3267. While A. Hostilius the proconsul with his forces wintered in Thessalie, Attalus who
wintered at that time at Elatia, was informed that his brother, Eumenes took it most grievously
that by a public decree they had taken away his most splendid honours. After telling the matter
to Archon, the praetor of the Achaei, he sent ambassadors to the common council of the country.
He was to negotiate with them concerning restoring the honours to the king again. Thereupon by
the persuasion of Polybius (the historian) a decree was made that the magistrates were
commanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honour of Eumenes. Those honours that
did not well agree with the common interest of the Achaeans or were repugnant to the laws were
not to be restored. Therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly
committed at Peloponnesus concerning his brother Eumenes' honour. (Polyb. Legat. 74. & in
Excerpt. Valesi. p. 130, 133.)

3268. At the beginning of the spring, Q. Marcius Philippus, the consul, was sent against Perseus.
(Livy 1. 44. init.)

3269. A decree was published by the Achaeans, concerning the sending of auxiliaries to Marcius
the consul, which was brought to him by Polybius. Theoeritus an ambassador was sent from
them to Attalus. He was to bring to him that decree whereby the honours of Eumenes were
restored to him. At the same time, the Achaeans heard that the Anacleteria had been celebrated
in honour of Ptolemy the king, as is the custom for the kings of Egypt when they come to the
legal age. As a token of their joy in this, they sent ambassadors for the renewing of that
friendship which was between the Achaeans and the kings of Egypt. Alcithus and Persidas were
chosen to do this. (Polyb. Legat. 78.)

3270. About that time there was a wicked act and most abhorrent to the institutions of the
Greeks done in the island of Crete. Between the Cydoniates and Apolloniates there was a
common bond of friendship and a league of peace. When the tables of that league were ratified

on each side by oath there were fastened to the image of Jupiter Idaeus for all to see. In spite of
this, Cydoniates in the time of peace when they were treated by the Apolloniates as friends,
broke the league. They surprised their city, killed all the men with the sword, spoiled their
goods. They divided among themselves their wives, children and all their land. (Polyb. & Diod.
Sic. in Excerpt, in Valesib, edit. p. 133. & 310.)

3271. The Cydoniates were afraid of the Gortynians. Previously their city was almost taken by a
surprise attack by Nothocrates. They sent ambassadors to Eumenes asking for help based on
their league with him. The king chose Leon as captain, whom he sent speedily there with a band
of 300 soldiers. When those forces came, the Cydoniates delivered the keys of the gates to Leon
and put the whole city under his control. (Polyb. Legat. 79.)

3272. When by the urging of Eulaius the eunuch, Ptolemy started a new war to recover
Coelosyria. Antiochus made his third expedition into Egypt and subdued it. (Polyb. Legat. 80-
82.) When the Egyptians fled, Antiochus could have killed them all with his cavalry. Antiochus
restrained his troops and ordered that they should be taken alive. For this kindness, he gained
both Peleusium and a little later all of Egypt. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 320.)

3273. While the opposing factions at Rhodes daily increased, after they had heard that at Rome
it was decreed by the senate that from now on those things were to be done according to the
dictates of the senate and not their own magistrates. Philophron and Theaetetus persuaded them
to send ambassadors to Rome. At the beginning of the summer, Hegesilochus, son of Hegesias
and Nicagoras son of Nicander, were sent as ambassadors to Rome. Agesipolis, Ariston and
Pancrates were sent to the consul, Q. Marcius Philippus and to C. Marcius Figulus the admiral
of the fleet. All these were commanded to renew the friendship with the Roman people and to
answer the accusations of some against Rhodes. Hegesilochus was moreover ordered to request
permission to send grain. Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius who was camped at Heraclea in
Macedonia. When he had delivered his commands, the consul said he gave no credit to those
who slandered the Rhodians and asked the ambassadors not to put up with anyone that did those
things. He treated them very kindly and wrote concerning this to the Roman people. Agesipolis
was overwhelmed with the courtesy of the consul. Marcius took him into a private meeting. He
said he admired that the Rhodians did not try to reconcile the kings that fought for Coelosyria
for it was not in their place to do so. Later Agesipolis went unto Caius, the admiral of the fleet
and was more favourably entertained by him than he was by Marcius. He returned to Rhodes a
short time later. He related what had happened and how well he was treated by both of the
Roman commanders. All the Rhodians were encouraged and taken with a vain hope but not in
the same way. Most of the older ones were very pleased for the friendship of the Romans. The
younger ones were troubled by these actions. They thought that this excessive kindness of the
Romans was a sign that they were terrified with the imminent danger and matters were not
unfolding as they should. Later Agesipolis sided against them and was secretly taking orders
from Marcius to make a proposition in the senate of the Rhodians of making a peace treaty
agreement between the kings. Dinon made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a
most dreadful mess. Therefore ambassadors were sent to Alexandria to conclude the war
between Antiochus and Ptolemy. (Polyb. Legat. 80.)

3274. Towards the end of the summer, Hegesilochus and other ambassadors from Rhodes came
to Rome and were very graciously entertained. It was well known the Rhodians were divided
with civil disputes. Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon and Theaetetus, placed all their hopes
in the Romans. On the contrary, Dinon and Polyaratus trusted in Perseus and the Macedonians.

It frequently happened that when the matters were debated equally well on either side and with
different conclusions, the senate ignored the internal differences at Rhodes although they were
well aware of them. They granted a licence to them to export 100,000 bushels of wheat from
Sicily. (Polyb. Legat. 64, 73. & 80.)

3275. After Egypt was subdued by Antiochus, Comanus and Cineas discussed with king
Ptolemy what they should do. It was decided that a council be composed of the chief captains
who would be in charge of settling the matters. The council decided that any Greeks who should
be found there, should go as ambassadors to Antiochus to negotiate with him concerning a
peace. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)

3276. At that time two ambassadors arrived from the country of the Achaei. Alcithus, son to
Xenophon of Aege, was to renew the friendship with the king. Pasiadas was sent about the
matter of the war between Ptolemy and Antiochus. The Athenians sent ambassadors headed by
Demaratus concerning a certain donation. Moreover these men brought up two religious matters.
The first concerned the feast of Minerva, called Panathenaea, was mentioned by Callias the
Pancratiast, or conqueror at the games. The other concerned the mysteries which was handled by
Cleostratus. In the discussion he made a speech to the king. Miletum was represented by
Eudemus and Icesius, from Clazomenae, Apollonides, and Apollonius. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)

3277. Together with these, Ptolemy the king sent his own ambassadors, Tlepolemus, and
Ptolemy the teacher of rhetoric. They sailed and came to Antiochus who received them
courteously and invited them on the first day to a sumptuous feast. The next day he gave them
the liberty of a personal conference and commanded them to declare their purpose. The
ambassadors of the Achaeans spoke first with him. After this Demaratus spoke who was sent by
the Athenians. He was followed by Eudemus of Miletum. All affirmed that the war was started
through the instigation of Eulaius the eunuch. After they said how young Ptolemy was, they all
deplored the war between the kings. Antiochus agreed with the their speeches and more fully
explained himself and defended his rights. He endeavoured with great earnestness to prove that
Coelosyria belonged to the kings of Syria. He denied what the ambassadors from Alexandria
alleged, that Coelosyria was given for a dowry with Cleopatra, mother of Philometor who now
reigned. After much discussion, he proved his point to all that were present. For that time he
sailed to Naucratis. There he spoke kindly and treated the citizens well. He gave to each Greek
who remained there, pieces of gold, valued at 16 shillings 8 pence to each man. (Valued in 1650
AD. Editor) He journeyed to Alexandria and promised to reply to the ambassadors after
Aristides and Theris had returned. He desired that the Greeks should know and witness his
actions. (Polyb. Legat. 82.)

3278. Philometor was taught by Eulaius the eunuch, in pleasure and effeminate ways. He
became so slothful that since he was so far removed from all danger and separated from the
enemy by a great distance, he surrendered his large and wealthy kingdom without fighting for it.
(Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesil. p. 310. 313.)

3279. Antiochus took the crown from Philometor after he had reigned 1 1 years. The
Alexandrians committed management of affairs to Euergetes, his younger brother. (Porpohyr. in
Grec. Eusebeian. Scalig. p. 54 & 225.) They later nicknamed him Cacergetes or the malefactor.
(Athena. 1. 4. c. 24. & 1. 12. c. 27.) Howbeit, from the huge size of his body and the largeness of
his paunch, he was nicknamed Physcon or the Gore-belly. This was added after his name and is
read on his coins. PTOAEMAIOGFGSKWNOSEGERGETOG

3280. Epiphanius, in his small book of weights and measures, called this Ptolemy, Ptolemy
Philologus for his love of knowledge. He was one of Aristarchus' scholars and he wrote
historical observations which are frequently cited by Atheneus. (Athena. 1. 2. cap. 33.) This
second Euergetes wrote the things we took from Atheneus and Galen concerning the first, (See
note on 3761 AM. «2855>) from this since at that time Eumenes, son of Attalus reigned in
Asia. Strabo affirms that he furnished Pergamos with libraries. (1. 13. p. 614.) I suppose these
things refer to this Ptolemy which are read in Vitruvius' Preface of his seventh book:

vv The Attalian kings were inclined to the wonderful delights of learning when they had erected
for the common enjoyment of all a famous library at Pergamos. Ptolemy was zealous to do the
like at Alexandria."

3281. In Pliny, (1. 13. c. 11.) we read:

vv Through the ambition of the kings, Ptolemy and Eumenes over libraries, Varro wrote that at
Pergamos parchments were found because Ptolemy withheld the use of the Egyptian paper."

3282. Ptolemy Philometor was driven from his kingdom and fled to his younger brother Ptolemy
Euergetes at Alexandria. (Justin 1. 34. cap. 2.) Since Alexandria was not under the power of
Antiochus, they made him co-ruler with his brother in the kingdom. This was in the 12 year of
Philometor's reign and the 4th year of Euergetes' reign. (Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebeian.) Although
after awhile, they expelled Philometor and banished him. (Polyb. Legat. 84, & 89.)

3283. Antiochus seized on that occasion and undertook the government of the banished prince.
He made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again to justify his Egyptian war.
This is what he told the ambassadors he sent into all the cities of Asia and Greece. (Livy 1.
44,45.)

3836a AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC

3284. Antiochus, through the pretence of bringing back the older Ptolemy to his kingdom fought
a war with his younger brother, who at that time possessed Alexandria. He defeated him at the
naval battle at Pelusium. He went over the Nile with his army on a bridge which he quickly built
and besieged Alexandria. Thereupon Ptolemy the younger and Cleopatra his sister sent
ambassadors to Rome. They were to ask the senate to send assistance to the kingdom and those
princes who were friends to the empire. This was the obligation of the people of Rome to
Antiochus. So great was their authority with all kings and nations that if they should but send
ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the senate that a war was fought between their allies,
Antiochus would immediately depart from Alexandria and withdraw his army into Syria. (Livy
1.44.)

3285. When Antiochus was unable to break down the wall of Alexandria he left. (Livy 1. 45.) In
spite of this, Meleager, Sosiphanus and Heraclides were sent as ambassadors to Rome. They
were given 150 talents. 50 was to be spent on a crown to be given to the Romans. The rest was
to be divided among certain cities of Greece. (Polyb. Legat. 83.)

3286. About that time, the ambassadors of the Rhodians headed by Prutio arrived at Alexandria
to negotiate a peace. Shortly after this they went to the camp to Antiochus. They were allowed
to see the king. They had a long discourse about the mutual alliances between both the kings and
what advantages would accrue to each if peace were made. However, the king interrupted the
ambassador in his speech and said that there was no need of any more discussion. The kingdom
belonged to the older Ptolemy and he had long since made a peace with him and was his friend.
If the Alexandrians would recall him from banishment, he would be content. (Polyb. Legat. 84.)

3287. Antiochus left the older Ptolemy at Memphis. Antiochus pretended to fight for his
kingdom and gave him the rest of Egypt. After that he left a strong garrison at Pelusium and
withdrew his army into Syria. He thought it prudent to allow the civil war in Egypt to continue.
He could always use it as a pretence to reenter Egypt with his army to help the older brother.
(Livyl. 45.)

3288. King Eumenes came from Elaea with 20 covered ships into the coasts of the
Cassandrenses and met with Marcius Figulus, the praetor and admiral of the Roman fleet.
Prusias sent 5 ships there. At the same time, Prusias tried in vain to take the city Cassandrea,
Toron and Demetrius. It was reported that Cydas the Cretian and Antimachus, governor of
Demetrius negotiated a peace between Eumenes and Perseus. Cydas, who was one of Eumenes'
intimate friends, was previously seen talking at Amphipolis with Chimarus, a certain county
man of his. At Demetrius he was seen talking with Menecrates, a certain captain of Perseus and
again with Antimachus under the very walls of the city. Eumenes left Demetrius and sailed to Q.
Marcius the consul and congratulated his arrival into Macedonia. He left for his own kingdom to
Pergamos. Marcius Figulus the praetor sent part of the fleet to winter at Sciathum and went with
the rest of the ships to Oreum in Boeotia. (Livy 1. 44.)

3289. Reports vary concerning Eumenes. Valerius Antias said that the praetor was not helped by
a fleet from him. After that he had often sent for him by letters and he did not go with favour
from the consul into Asia. He was incensed that he was not allowed to march into the same
camp. He could not be persuaded to leave behind any of the cavalry of the Gauls whom he had
brought with him. Attalus his brother, remained with the consul and was loyal to him throughout
the war. (Livy 1. 44.) Velleius Paterculus wrote that king Eumenes was indifferent to that war
and lent no assistance to his brother. (Histor. 1. I.e. 9.)

3290. At Rome, the ambassadors of Pamphylius brought into the senate a golden crown made of
20,000 Philipeans. By their request, they were allowed to put the crown in the temple of Jupiter
and to sacrifice in the capitol. Their desire of renewing friendship was graciously granted and a
gift of 2000 pieces of coin was given to each of them. (Livy 1. 44.)

3291. At that time, the ambassadors came from king Prusias to help make a peace with King
Perseus. They received an audience with the senate. Prusias said that at that time he stood for the
Romans and that he would stand for them during the war. However, when the ambassadors had
come to him from Perseus to end the war, he had promised them to intervene on their behalf
with the senate. He desired that if they could be persuaded to end their displeasure of him that he
might be used by them in making a peace with both parties. (Livy 1. 44.)

3292. The embassy from Rhodes was more arrogant concerning the same business. They related
the deeds which they had done for the Roman people and how they were mainly responsible for

the victory over Antiochus. They added, that when there was peace between the Macedonians
and the Romans, then they had an alliance between themselves and King Perseus. They had
broken this against their will not through any provocation of his against them but because it
pleased the Romans to draw them into the war. In the third year of the war, they were feeling the
brunt of it. Because of naval blockades, their island was reduced to poverty for they lost their
revenues that came by sea and their food supply was cut off. When they could no longer endure
this, they had sent ambassadors into Macedonia to Perseus who told him that the Rhodians
would be happy if he would make peace with the Romans. They would sent to the Romans and
signify this. Rhodians would consider what ought to be done against those who failed to end the
war. Claudius Quadrigarius said that there was no answer given to these persons. There was
recited a decree of the senate in which the Roman people announced that the Carians and
Lycians were free and that letters should immediately be sent to both countries to inform them
of this. When they heard this, the head of the Rhodian delegation, whose magniloquence just a
little before the senate house had scarcely been able to contain, fell down astonished. Others said
that they replied that the Roman people from the beginning of the war had been told by
reputable persons that the Rhodians had secret talks with King Perseus against Rome. If this had
been doubtful before, yet the delegates words a little before had made it certain. That fraud for
the most part was exposed that was secret in the beginning. What the Rhodians were about to
consider they themselves knew. Assuredly the people of Rome, when Perseus was defeated,
which they hoped would be soon, would appropriately reward each city for its part in the war.
However, a gift of 2000 pieces of coin was sent to each of the ambassadors which they refused.
(Livyl. 44. c. 14,15.)

3293. Dion gave this account of the matter. King Perseus requested peace from the Romans and
had obtained it. Rhodians, feared least the Romans should have wanted an adversary had joined
their ambassadors with the ambassadors of Perseus. The delegates from Rhodes were anything
but moderate and most unsuitable for those who were purported to be looking for peace. They
had not so much requested a peace for Perseus as given it to him. They proudly spoke of other
things and at last threatened that they would attack those who failed to make peace. By this it
happened, that although the Romans suspected them of siding with Perseus, they became more
odious in the sight of the Romans and hindered Perseus' chances for peace. (Dion Legat. 19. or
20.)

3836 AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC

3294. About the beginning of the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and C. Licinius, the
Alexandrian ambassadors from Ptolemy and princess Cleopatra were called into the Senate.
They were dressed in dirt stained white clothing and had long straggling beards and hair. When
they had entered into the senate with olive branches, they prostrated themselves and requested
the senate that they would help their kingdom and princess that were their allies. (Livy 1. 44. c.
19.)

3295. The senate was told by them that Antiochus had seized the rest of Egypt and still
remained there and hoped to conquer Alexandria too. The senate was concerned with the power
this king, and decreed to send an embassy to help make peace and determine first hand what was
happening there. (Polyb. Legat. 90.)

3296. Therefore, they immediately sent C. Popillius Laenas, D. Decimius and C. Hostilius as
ambassadors to conclude the war between the kings. They were ordered to go first to Antiochus

then to Ptolemy. They were to say that if they did not stop this war they would no longer be
considered allies of Rome. (Livy 1. 44. c. 19)

3297. These men accompanied the ambassadors from Alexandria and left on their journey in
three days. Ambassadors from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the Quinquatria, that is, of
the feast of Minerva's birthday. They said that Eumenes and his fleet both came and went like an
unpredictable storm. The king was not constant in his loyalties. Although they said many things
against Eumenes, they declared the extraordinary loyalty of Attalus. (Livy 1. 44. c. 19.)

3298. At the time when the ambassadors sent to Egypt left Rome, this is found written in an
ancient diary of this year: (which Pighius has inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the
585th year of the city)

vv The third day before the Nones of April, C. Popillius Leans, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius
were sent as ambassadors to the kings of Syria and Egypt to discuss the war between them.
These ambassadors with a number of their clients and kindred, sacrificed early in the morning in
the temple of Castor, to the household gods of P. R. They offered a bull and so ended their
sacrifice."

3299. However, the third day before the nones of April, as the year at Rome then stood, was
January 23rd according to the Julian account as we deduce from the eclipse of the moon which
happened five months later.

3300. After Antiochus and his army had returned into Syria, Ptolemy Philometor wisely
considered the danger he was in and sent ambassadors to Alexandria to his sister, Cleopatra first
and then to his brother Euergetes and his friends. He confirmed a peace with them. His sister
helped him greatly by her advise and intersession on his behalf. After a peace was made, by the
public common consent, he returned from Memphis and was received into Alexandria. He
reigned together with his brother and the common people accepted this. In the war, they had no
supplies from Egypt during the seige nor after it was lifted. Their condition was brought very
low. (Livy 1. 45. Polyb. Legat. 89.)

3301. This should have been reason for Antiochus to be glad if he had brought his army into
Egypt to restore Ptolemy to the throne. However, he was so offended, that he more eagerly and
maliciously prepared for war against them both than he had done against them individually.
Thereupon he sent his fleet to Cyprus and defeated the Egyptian ships and the captains of
Ptolemy. (Livy 1. 45. c. 11. Polyb. Legat. 92.)

3302. Both Ptolemy's brothers shared the throne and were militarily quite weak. They sent
ambassadors to Eumenes, Dionysiodorus and to the country the Achaeaus, to request 1000 foot
soldiers and 22 cavalry. They wanted Lycortas to be captain of all the auxiliary forces and his
son Polybius of the cavalry. They wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian, to hire 1000
mercenary soldiers. (Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91.)

3303. Perseus, king of the Macedonians and Gentius, king of the Sclavonians, were united in
league together by giving pledges to each other. They decreed that ambassadors should be sent
to Rhodes, hoping that the city which was the major naval power at that time might by the
authority of two kings go to war against the Romans. The ambassadors were sent to

Thessalonica and ordered to be ready to sail. Metrodorus was there who came recently from
Rhodes and affirmed that by the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, principal men of the city,
the Rhodians were prepared for war. Among the Coans, Hippocritus, Diomedon brethren and
the Romans, Dinon and Polyaratus were bold to speak for the Macedonians and accuse the
Romans and publicly advise an alliance with Perseus. Metrodorus was made the leader of this
confederate embassy with the Sclavonians. (Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis, Valesii. p. 137.
Livy 1. 44.)

3304. When Perseus had sent Teremnastus the Cretian as ambassador to Antiochus, he advised
him not to miss the opportunity nor to think that the proud and insolent injunctions of the
Romans pertained only to him. Rather he should know that the Romans would shortly treat him
the same. This was unless he help Perseus settle the matters between the Romans and the
Macedonians. If that could not be, then at least he could help Perseus against the Romans.
(Polyb. Legat. 85. Livy 1. 44.)

3305. At the same time, Perseus sent Cryphontes (for so the Collections of Polybius name him,
whom the printed copies of Livy call Eropontes) as ambassador to Eumenes who had been on
two embassies to Eumenes. (Livy 1. 44.) He hoped that by offering money, he could solicited
Eumenes that he should either side with Perseus or reconcile him to the people of Rome or
remain neutral. He hoped that he should obtain one of these things or at least by that solicitation
procure (which indeed he attained) that Eumenes would become suspect to the Romans.
However, Eumenes despised the friendship of Perseus. For making peace, he demanded 1500
talents and to remain neutral to both, 1000 talents. Perseus promised to give the sum required for
his help in getting a peace but not before it was done. However, he would deposit it in the
temple at Samothracia until the peace was concluded. (Appian. Macedonic. in Excerpt. Valeisi.
p. 562.) Since that island was in his own jurisdiction, Eumenes saw that it signified no more
than if the money had been at Pella and insisted that he should bring part of the money for the
present. This did not happen either. Cryphontes returned home and the negotiations were kept
secret. To avoid suspicion, both sides said that the negotiation had been concerning the
redemption of captives. Eumenes told the same to the consul. (Livy 1. 44.)

3306. The Rhodians disagreed among themselves. The party which favoured Perseus prevailed.
It seemed good that ambassadors should be sent to settle the war between Perseus and the
Romans. Therefore the chief presidents of their counsels immediately sent Agesipolis and
Cleombrotus as ambassadors to Rome. They sent Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and
Telephus to the consul and Perseus. They also sent ambassadors to Crete to renew friendship
with all the Cretians. They were to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times and
the imminent danger. They should be friends with the people of Rhodes and they should esteem
the same as foe and friend. There were sent also to each city, to entreat with them concerning
the same matters. (Polyb. Legat. 86.)

3307. The ambassadors of the Ptolemys, the kings came into Peloponnesus while it was still
winter. After that in an assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth, they had renewed their
ancient friendship after much discussion. They presented their view of the afflicted condition of
the kings and requested aid. The multitude were ready to give their assistance, not with a part of
their forces, but if need should require, with all their strength. However, Callicrates, Diophanes
and Hyperbatonus opposed this decision. Against these debated Lycottas and Polybius who
exhorted the Achaeans to remember their engagements and courtesies but especially of their
oath that they should keep the laws of confederacy. When the multitude had again jointly agreed

that assistance should be given, Callicrates frustrated that debate by terrifying the magistrates
because the laws gave no liberty in such assemblies to commit auxiliary troops. (Polyb. Legat.
89.)

3308. A little later, a council was called in the city of the Sicyonians. In it the magistrates were
present and all that were older than 30 years of age. After much discussion, a courier who was
brought by Callicrates, immediately after his arrival directly into the theatre. He brought forged
letters from Q. Marcius the proconsul in which he was supposed to exhort the Achaeans. They
were to comply with the desire of the Romans and endeavour to reconcile the kings. Thereupon
ambassadors were sent from the Achaeans, Archon of Aegira, Arcesilaus and Aristo
Megapolitanes, to make a peace between the Ptolemys and Antiochus. By this action King
Polybius was incensed with indignation and withdrew from the care and administration of
affairs. The ambassadors from Alexandria lost all hope of help and returned home. (Polyb.
Legat. 89, 91.)

3309. Perseus had his winter quarters at Bila. He drew his forces into Ionia where he might
intercept the wheat that was conveyed from there to the Romans. (Appian. ut. sup. p. 565.)
Antenor and Callippus were the admirals of the navy. He sent them with 40 small boats and 5
larger vessels called Pristes (because they resembled Pristes) to Tenedos. From there they
dispersed by the Cycladas Islands so they might capture the ships that came with wheat into
Macedonia. The ships sailed to Cassandrea. After that they came first to the havens which lie
beside the Mount Athos and from there they sailed in a calm sea to Tenedos. They sent away the
Rhodian's open vessels under Eudemus their captain with out any harm and treated them very
civilly. They were later told that 50 cargo ships of their friends were blockaded by the warships
of Eumenes under the command of Damius at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos.
They dispersed their enemies and let them out. They escorted them with 10 small ships into
Macedonia. (Livy 1. 44.)

3310. Nine days later, those small vessels returned to the fleet lying at Sigaeum. From there they
sailed to Subota which is an island lying between Elaea and Athos. However, the following day
35 ships arrived which they call Hippagogi or vessels for the conveyance of horses. Ferry boats
came from Elaea with the cavalry of the Gauls and horses sent from Eumenes to Attalus. These
were bound for Phanes, a cape of the Chians, from where they might sail over into Macedonia.
Antenor set sail from Subota between the cape of Erythrae and that of Chios where the sea is
most narrow and suddenly attacked these ships. When there was no hope of resisting, part of
them who were near the shore of the continent swam into Erythraea. Part of them hoisted sail
and beached their ships on Chios. They left their horses behind them and fled to the city. The
small vessels had delivered their armed men to the city. At a more convenient place of landing,
the Macedonians defeated the Gauls and killed some as they fled in the way and others were
intercepted before the gate and killed. 800 Gauls were killed (700 as Grater's edition has it) and
200 taken alive. Some of the horses drowned in the sea when the ships sank and some were
houghed by the Macedonians on the shore. Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he
had sent before, to convoy 20 of the best horses with the captives to Thessalonica and as soon as
possibly to return to the fleet. He would meet them at Phanae. The navy stayed almost three
days at the city. From there they went to Phanae and were transported in the 10 vessels which
returned before they were expected and they passed through the Aegean sea to Delos. (Livy 1.
44.)

3311. While these things were happening, the Roman ambassadors, C. Popillius, C. Decimius

and C. Hostilius, came from Chalcis after they had sailed from Delos with 3 ships of 5 tiers of
oars. They found 40 ships of the Macedonians and 5 ships from King Eumenes with 5 tiers of
oars. The sanctity of the temple and the island, gave security to all persons. Therefore the
Romans, the Macedonians and the naval allies of Eumenes all intermingled and talked together
in safety. The respect for the temple made this place a safe haven. (Livy 1. 44.)

3312. Antenor, Perseus' admiral, received word from the watch-towers that cargo ships were
seen at sea. He pursued them with some of his ships and the rest he sent around the Cyclades.
He either sank or plundered all the ships except those bound for Macedonia. Popillius and the
navy of Eumenes, helped as many as they could. They conveyed them by night in groups of two
or three vessels and deceived the Macedonians. (Livy 1. 44.)

3313. About that time, Parmenio and Morcus, the ambassadors of Gentius, king of the
Sclavonians, along with Metrodorus, the ambassador of Perseus came to Rhodes. Perseus'
authority had increased by the sight of the warships which passed up and down by the Cyclades
and the Aegean Sea and by the large number of the horsemen which were slain. His prestige was
further enhanced by the alliance between Gentius and himself and the rumour that large
numbers of the Galatian's cavalry and foot solders were coming to help him. These things
encouraged Dinon and Polyaratus, who were for Perseus but depressed Theaetetus who was not
for Perseus. Therefore the Rhodians decreed to give a friendly answer unto both the kings and to
signify to them that they had resolved to use their authority to put an end to the war. Therefore
they admonished them to be agreeable to a peace. Moreover the ambassadors of Gentius were
entreated with much civility in their public place of assembly. (Livy 1. 44. Polyb. Legat. 87.)

3836c AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC

3314. At the beginning of the spring, Antiochus with his army, marched for Egypt and came into
Coelosyria near to Rhinocolura. He met the ambassadors of Ptolemy Philometor who thanked
him for restoring him to his kingdom. He asked that Antiochus would maintain his own right
and rather say what he wanted done instead of turning from an ally to an enemy by taking
military action. Antiochus replied that he would under no other terms revoke his fleet and
reduce his army unless Ptolemy would surrender to him all Cyprus, Pelusius and the land that
was adjacent to that mouth of the Nile, called Pelusiack. He appointed a day to receive an
answer by. (Livy 1. 45. c. 11.)

3315. Antiochus sent Apollonius, the overseer for the collection of his tribute (called meridarciw
Joseph. Antiq. 1. 12. c. 7. or mwsarciw in /APC 2Ma 5:24) with an army of 22,000 into the cities
of Judea. This was 2 full years after he had plundered the temple at Jerusalem. They were
ordered to kill all the mature young men and sell the women and young ones. /APC IMa 1:30
2Ma 5:24

3316. After that Apollonius came to Jerusalem without any sign of hostility. He restrained
himself until the sabbath day. Then he killed all that cAme to perform religious duties. He
marched with his forces about the city and killed a great number of people. After he had
plundered the city, he set it on fire and pulled down the houses and the walls. He led away
captive the women and children and seized on the cattle. /APC IMa 1:31,34 2Ma 5:25,26
Josephus, (Antiq. 1. 12. c. 7) attributes to Antiochus himself the things that were done by his
officers. He affirms that:

"After the sacking of the whole city, partly to have killed the inhabitants and partly to have led
them away captive together with their children and wives to the number of 10,000."

3317. Judas Maccabeus left with 9 others and spent his life in the mountains foraging like wild
beasts. They fed on herbs lest they should be partakers of the pollution /APC 2Ma 5:27 or of the
prohibited meats or of the idolatry or of the contamination and the desolation of the sanctuary
which now happened. /APC IMa 1:39-41 It was 3.5 years before the restitution and purification
of the temple was later made by the same Judas Maccabeus. /APC IMa 4:43-54 During this
time, Josephus implies that the city of Jerusalem was oppressed by Antiochus. (Josephus, in the
preface of his books concerning the Jewish war) Josephus states that the service of the daily
sacrifice ceased (1. I.e. 1.) and the sanctuary was desolate in the sixth book of the same work,
(p. 929.) He mentions the length of the time of this desolation of the sanctuary as Hippolytus
affirms. (Caten. Grac. in Daniel Da 8:11-14)

3318. Later they built in the city of David or Zion, a great wall, secured with strong towers
which was to form a citadel for them. A garrison of wicked persons held the place. They
deposited the spoils of Jerusalem there. Those Jews who visited the temple often risked their life
in so doing. Much innocent blood was shed and the sanctuary defiled. The inhabitants of
Jerusalem fled and the city became an habitation of strangers and foreign to her own citizens. /
APC IMa 1:35-40.

3319. The ambassadors of the Rhodians came to the camp of the Romans with the same
instructions concerning peace which at Rome had so highly incensed the senators. They were
heard with much more discontent by the counsel of war. However, when some would have had
them violently expelled from the camp, the counsel declared that it would give them an answer
after 15 days. In the meantime, so that it might appear at what value they placed on the authority
of Rhodians to broker for peace, they began to plan how to prosecute the war. (Livy 1. 44. c. 35.)

3320. The day before Perseus was defeated, C. Sulpicius Gallus, the tribune of the soldiers of
the second legion, assembled the soldiers with the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the consul.
He told them that on the next night they should not be alarmed by an eclipse of the moon. It
would happen from 2 am until 4 am. This eclipse is a natural event that can be predicted and is
not a sign or evil omen. (Livy 1. 44. c. 37.) Pliny writes concerning eclipses (1. 2. c. 12.) that
Gallus was the first of the Romans who discovered the reason of the sun and moon's eclipses.
Concerning him, Cato in Cicero's book, "of old age", says:

"We did behold Scipio Gallus, the intimate acquaintance of your father (Emilius Paulus) even
to greatly weary himself almost to death in his endeavours of measuring almost the heavens and
the earth. How often did the morning surprise him, when he began to observe anything at night?
How oft did the night come on him, when he began to observe in the morning? How was he
delighted when he foretold to us the eclipses of the sun and moon, a great while before they
happened?"

3321. The night before the day before the Nones of September, when the moon was eclipsed at
the appointed hour, seemed to the Roman soldiers to be almost a divine thing. The Macedonians
took it as a sad omen portending the fall of their kingdom and the disaster of their nation. (Livy.
1. 44. c. 37. cum Justin, 1. 33. c. 1. Valer. Maxim. 1. 8. c. 11. Jul. Frontin. Straghemat. 1. 1. c. 12.)
The astronomical account shows that the eclipse of the moon was on the 21st day of June,

according to the Julian account in the 8th hour after noon, this year in Macedonia when the
soldiers would normally have been sleeping according to Plutarch in his Paulus Emilius. It is
added that the Ides of March, in this year, when Paulus entered into his second consulship,
happened on January 4th according to the Julian reckoning.

3322. The day following Perseus' defeat /APC IMa 8:5 the kingdom of the Macedonians ended.
From the time of Caranus it had stood for 626 years. However, while the Roman empire was
rising, the remains of the Macedonian empire survived in the Seleucus' of Syria and the
Ptolemy's of Egypt.

3323. The 3rd day after the battle, Perseus with about 500 Cretians fled to Amphipolis in
Thracia. They were not allowed to enter by the Amphipolitans. Their money of gold and silver
was brought to the ships which stayed in Strymon. Perseus came to the river. He gave the
Cretians that followed him only for his money, 50 talents from his own treasure. He sent cups
and goblets, with other gold and silver vessels and placed them on the bank. He left them to be
scrambled for by them while they went on board in a disorderly manner. One ship was
overloaded and sank in the very mouth of the river. On that day he came unto Galipsus or
Alepsus. On the next day he came the island of Samothrace with 2000 talents. He humbly
sought refuge in the temple of Castor and Pollux. (Livy. 1. 45. c. cum Plutarcho, in Paulo
Emilio.)

3324. When the news of the Roman victory had come into Asia, Antenor, who with a fleet of
ships waited at the Phanae, sailed from there to Cassandria. (Livy 1. 45. c. 10.)

3836d AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC

3325. C. Popillius was anchored at Delos to safeguard ships bound for Macedonia. After he had
heard of the victory in Macedonia and the departure of the enemy's ships from that area, he
dismissed the Attic ships. He set sail for Egypt to take the embassy there whom he had with
him. He wanted to meet with Antiochus before he captured Alexandria. After the ambassadors
had crossed Asia, they came into Loryma. This is an haven about 20 miles from Rhodes and
directly opposite the city. The leaders of the Rhodians met them and asked them to put in at
Rhodes. The rumour of the Roman victory had reached even Rhodes. They said that it
concerned the honour and safety of the city, that they should understand all things which had
before been done and were then in agitation at Rhodes. They could tell at Rome what was
known to themselves not what was learned by rumour. Although the ambassadors at first
refused, after a time, the Rhodians forced them to take a short interruption of their voyage for
the safety of a confederate city. When they arrived at Rhodes, the same persons by their urgings,
had them come into their public assembly. (Livy 1. 45. c. 9.)

3326. The arrival of the delegates increased rather than diminished the fear of the citizens.
Popillius repeated all things which anyone had spoken or done in a hostile manner during the
time of the war. Since he was a man of a sour disposition, he aggravated the grievousness of the
things that had been spoken with a stern countenance and incriminating voice. Since there was
no basis for his personal displeasure with the city, they concluded by the bitterness of one single
Roman senator, how the whole senate felt toward them. The speech of C. Decimius was more
mild, who in most of the things alleged by Popillius said that the fault was not of the people but
of a few rebellious men who had stirred them up. These men whose tongues were for sale had

produced decrees full of flattery of the king and had sent such embassages about which the
Rhodians were no less ashamed than repentant for. The people greatly approved of this speech
because it laid the blame on a few guilty parties and not on the people in general. Therefore
when the leader replied to the Romans, their speech was in no way as popular who endeavoured
to mitigate the charges brought by Popillius, as theirs, who agreed with Popillius in singling out
for punishment the persons responsible for the crimes. Thereupon those Rhodians, who before
were so haughty as if they had conquered Philip, Antiochus and were stronger then Romans,
were terrified in the presence of the ambassadors. A decree was quickly passed that whoever
should be guilty of favouring Perseus and saying anything against the Romans, should be
condemned to death. When the Romans came, some left the city and others committed suicide.
The ambassadors did not stay more than 5 days at Rhodes and went to Alexandria. When they
left the Rhodians were no less zealous in carrying out this decree. The cause of the action was
mainly do to the clemency of Decimius. (Livy 1. 45 c. 9. Dione. Legat. 20. or 21.)

3327. After the news of Perseus' flight had been brought to Rome, it seemed good to the senate
that the Rhodian ambassadors who came to make up peace with Perseus, should be called before
their assembly. The ambassadors, of whom Agesipolis was the leader, entered into the senate.
They said that they were sent to make an end of the war which would be grievous and
incommodious to all Greece and costly and harmful to the Romans themselves. Now, since it
was concluded in a way the Rhodians always desired, they congratulated the Romans on it.
When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words, he left the assembly. The senate, made use of
that occasion since they purposed to disgrace the Rhodians publicly and make an example of
them. They replied that the Rhodians dispatched that embassy, neither for the benefit of Greece
nor for the expenses of the Roman people but on behalf of Perseus. If their care had been as it
was claimed, ambassadors would then have been sent denouncing the war when Perseus' army
entered into Thessalie and for two years, partly besieged and partly terrified the cities of Greece.
At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians. But after they had heard, that
the woods were crossed and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia and that Perseus was
hemmed in, the Rhodians sent their embassy. Their purpose was to deliver Perseus from his
imminent danger. Therefore the senators judgment was that they ought not to bestow the
accustomed rewards, or any benefit, nor a courteous answer to the ambassadors. (Polyb. Legat.
88. Livy 1. 45. c. 20.)

3328. Thoas was sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as courier and had often sailed into
Macedonia. With the turn of affairs in Rhodes, he fled for fear into Cnidus. The Cnidians
granted him safe custody. After the Rhodians granted him safety, he was returned again to
Rhodes. When examined, he confessed to all. He fully consented to all the notes of the letters
which had been intercepted and to the letters sent each way from Dinon and Perseus. Thereupon
Dinon was convicted and as for an example to others, was executed. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesi.
p. 137, 138.)

3329. Cn. Octavius, managed the Macedonian war with Paulus Aemilius. When Octavius' fleet
came to Samothrace, he honoured the sanctity of the temple of Castor and Pollux and left
Perseus alone. However, he kept him from the sea and prevented him from escaping. (Plutarch
in P. Aemilio.) All the while he endeavoured to have him surrender, sometimes by threatenings
and sometimes by hopes. Whether accidental or contrived by plan, this business was assisted by
L. Attilius, an illustrious young man. When he saw the people of Samothrace assembled
together, he addressed them with the permission of the magistrate. He complained that the
supposed sanctity of the island was violated by the presence of Evander the Cretian. It was he

who almost murdered Eumenes at Delphos and now together with Perseus sought refuge in the
temple. Theondus, who was the chief magistrate among them (whom they called king) saw that
the whole island was in the power of the Romans. He demanded from Perseus that Evander
surrender for trial. Perseus did not want to do this because he saw that the crime would also
involve him. He had Evander murdered and bribed Theondus to tell to the people that Evander
had committed suicide. However, by killing his only friend that remained and had been involved
with him in so many enterprises, he alienated the affections of all that were with him. When
everyone for his own safety defected to the Romans, he was forced to think how to escape.
(Livy 1. 45. c. 5,6.)

3330. Therefore Perseus secretly arranged an escape with Oroandes the Cretian, to whom the
coast of Thrace was well known because he had used to trade in that country. He boarded a ship
which was anchored at the cape of Demetrias, so that he should convey him to Cotys, the king
of the Thracians. About the time of sunset there was as much money brought to the ship as could
be secretly transported. When it was on board, Oroandes sailed as soon as it was dark for Crete.
Later about midnight the wretched Perseus let himself down , his children and his wife. They
were not accustomed to travel and wandered from a straight window by a wall. When the ship
was not found in the harbour he walked awhile on the shore. Finally fearing the approach of
dawn, he hid in a dark corner in the side of the temple. (Livy 1. 45. c. 6. & Plutarch, ut supra.)

3331. After that, by the command of Octavius the praetor, it was proclaimed by the crier that if
the royal children of the princes that were chosen to wait on the king and other Macedonians
who were of Samothrace, would come over to the Romans, they would be safe. They would
have their freedom and all that they had with them or left behind in Macedonia would be theirs.
They all came over and gave their names to C. Posthumius the tribune of the soldiers. Ion, the
Thessalonian, surrendered the young children of the king, who had been committed to his trust
to Octavius. No children were left with the king except Philip the oldest. Thereupon Perseus
surrendered himself and his son to Octavius. He blamed fortune and the gods in whose temple
he was in, because they did not help him. He was ordered to be put aboard on the flagship and
what money that remained was brought there. The fleet sailed back to Amphipolis immediately.
(Livy 1. 45. c. 6.)

3332. Antiochus came to take over Pelusium. When he had crossed over the Leusines River,
which is 4 miles from Alexandria, he met the Roman ambassadors. When they approached he
greeted them and put out his right hand to Popillius. He gave to Antiochus the tables which he
held in his hands that contained that decree of the senate. It said he was to immediately end the
war against Ptolemy. He urged him that before he did anything else, he should read it. When he
had read the tables, he said that he would consult with his friends as what he ought to do.
Popillius with a vine twig which he had in his hand, drew a circle around the king and demanded
his answer before he left the circle. The king was astonished with that unusual and imperious
action. After he had thought a while, he said:

VV I will do what the Romans command."

3333. Thereupon Popillius put out his right hand to the king as to a confederate and friend.
Antiochus was quite chaffed in his mind but withdrew his forces from Egypt into Syria on the
appointed day. (For instead of agrian, in Polybius we suppose surian ought to be substituted
from Livy) He esteemed it expedient to gave place to the times for the present. (Polyb. Legat.
92, & Livy 1. 45. c. 16. cum Ciceron, in Philippica 81. Velleio Paterculo 1. I.e. 10. Valeri.

Maximo. 1. 6. c. 4. Justin. 1. 34. c. 3. Appiano in Syriac. p. 131. Plutarch in Apophthegmat. c. 32,
&c.)

3334. When the Samaritans saw the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus, they claimed
to be descendants of the Sidonians. By this they obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius,
the king's governor and Nicanor the king's steward that they should not be subject to the same
oppression as the Jews were. Since the temple at Gerizim was not yet honoured with the title of
any god, it should from this time on be called by the name dids emhnin, or of the Greek Jupiter.
This is discussed by Josephus in (Antiq. 1. 12. c. 7.) The letter and the reply from Antiochus is
given. It is dated in the 46th year (but I know not from what epoch the account is determined
from) the 18th day of the month Hecatombaeon.

3335. After Antiochus had left Egypt, the Roman ambassadors by their authority confirmed the
union between the two brethren who were scarcely yet well agreed. (Livy 1. 45.) C. Popillius
requested as a favour from the king, the bequest of Menalcidus, the Lacedemonian, who
benefitted from the distress of the kings for his personal gain. He commanded them to send
Polyaratus, who had been the chief supporter of Perseus at Rhodes and Rome. Menalcidus was
dismissed by Ptolemy but he hesitated to send Polyaratus to Rome. He had great respect for
Polyaratus and Rhodes. Therefore, he sent him to Rhodes and delivered him into the custody of
one of his friends, Demetrius. He sent him to Rhodes with letters for the Rhodians concerning
his journey. However, Polyaratus arrived at Phaselides. He took with him herbs for the strewing
of the altar and priestly ornaments. He fled to the common tutelary god of the city. (Polyb.
Legat. 92, & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii. p. 138.)

3336. When Popillius had settled affairs at Alexandria, he sailed to Cyprus and from there sent
the fleet and army of Antiochus to Syria. They had recently captured the place from the
Egyptians. (Polyb. Legate. 92. Livy 1. 45.)

3337. The kings of Egypt were delivered from the war against Antiochus. One of the first things
they did was to send Numenins, one of their friends, as an ambassador to Rome to thank them
for the favours which they had received from them. (Polyb. Legat. 95.)

3338. When the Phasellites had sent to Rhodes to take Polyaratus from them, the Rhodians did
indeed send a ship. However they forbad Epichares the captain of the ship to let him aboard the
vessel because the Alexandrians were ordered to set the man ashore at Rhodes. Therefore, the
ship came to Phasellites. When Epichares refused to allow Polyaratus onto his vessel and on the
other side Demetrius into whose custody he was entrusted by the king, ordered the man to get
on. The inhabitants of Phasellites urged him to go lest they might become obnoxious to the
Romans. Polyaratus was grieved and went aboard with Demetrius on the ship again. However,
at the first opportunity at his landing, he quickly fled directly to Caunus. He complained of his
state of affairs and begged their assistance. They refused because they were tributaries to the
Rhodians. He secretly sent to the Cibyrates, requesting admission into their city. He asked for
someone to come and escort him safely there. He was known to the Cibyrates, because the
children of Pancrates the tyrant were educated with him. The Cibyrates consented and
Polyaratus was brought to Cibyra. (Polyb. Legat. in. Excerpt. Valesi. p. 138, 141.)

3339. Popillius and the embassy returned from Antiochus to Rome. They reported of the
differences they had settled between the kings and that Antiochus' army had left Egypt for Syria.

Later the ambassadors of the kings themselves came. The delegates of Antiochus declared that
the peace which was approved by the senate, seemed more suitable to the king than any victory.
Also he obeyed the commands of the Roman ambassadors as if they had been direct commands
from the gods. After this, they congratulated them on the conquest of Perseus. Had they asked
the king for anything, he would have gladly given it. The delegates of Ptolemy, in the name of
the king and Cleopatra thanked them also. They said that they were more indebted to the senate
and the Roman people than to their parents or to the immortal gods. They had been delivered
from a most miserable siege and received their paternal kingdom back which they almost lost.
The senate replied that Antiochus had acted correctly in obeying the ambassadors and that it was
acceptable to the senate, the Roman people and to the princes of Egypt. If any benefit and
advantage happened to Ptolemy and Cleopatra because of Rome, the senate was glad for it. They
wished that the best way to preserve their kingdom was to maintain the friendship with the
Roman people. C. Papinius the praetor was commanded to take care of the gifts that is sent to
the ambassadors according to the custom. (Livy 1. 45.)

3340. A joint embassy came both from Eumenes, Attalus and from Athenaeus to Rome to
congratulate them on the overthrow of Perseus. (Livy 1. 45. c. 19.)

3837 AM, 4547 JP, 167 BC

3341. By a public edict, Antiochus ordered all the countries that were subject to him to observe
the same way of divine worship and set aside their peculiar customs. They were all to adopt the
same religion as the Greeks under the punishment of death of those that refused. He appointed
overseers over every country who should compel them to do this. /APC IMa 1:43-52,63

3342. Antiochus sent an old man of Athens into Judea and Samaria that he might force the Jews
to stop observing the divine law and defile the temple at Jerusalem. He called their temple
Jupiter Olympus and the temple at Gerizim, Jupiter Hospitable or the "protector of strangers".
He thought this was a more appropriate name for the Samaritans since they were strangers in the
Jewish land. /APC 2Ma 6:1-6

3343. The king sent proclamations by ambassadors to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah that they
should follow the rites of the Gentiles and take away the sacrifices from the temple. They should
not keep the sabbaths and feast days. They should pollute the sanctuary and its priests. They
should erect altars, groves and temples to idols. They should sacrifice swine and other unclean
beasts. They should allow their children to remain uncircumcised. They were to defile
themselves with every impure thing so that they might forget the law and change all the
ordinances of their God. /APC IMa 1;46-51 It would be a crime to observe the Jewish religion. /
APC 2Ma: 6:6

3344. A decree also came to the neighbouring cities of the Greeks on the suggestion of Ptolemy,
the son of Donymenes. /APC 2Ma 4:45 They should proceed in like manner against the Jews
and compel them to partake of the sacrifices. Those who did not adopt Greek customs were to
be executed. /APC 2Ma 6:8,9

3345. The other countries followed the words of the king. Many Israelites consented to his
religion and sacrificed to idols and profaned the sabbath. /APC IMa 1:44 2:18 For many of the
people that forsook the law were gathered together to them and they made the Israelites hide

themselves in dens and in places of their refuge. /APC IMa 1:51-53 Others were brought by
bitter constraint on the king's birthday every month to eat of the sacrifices. When the feast of
Bacchus was kept, they were compelled to be in a procession to Bacchus carrying ivy. /APC
2Ma 6:7

3346. The temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles who riotously spent their
lives with harlots and in the holy circuit of the temple defiled themselves with women. They
brought in things that were not lawful and the altar also was filled with profane things which the
law forbids. /APC 2Ma 6:4,5

3347. On the 15th day of the month Casleu (which is part of our November and part of
December) in the 145th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they erected the abomination of
desolation, the detestable idol of Jupiter Olympus on the altar. They built altars for idols
throughout the cities of Judah and burnt incense at the doors of their houses and in the streets. /
APC IMa 1:54-56

3348. When they had cut in pieces the books of the law which they found, they burnt them in the
fire. By the king's command, they executed anyone they found with a book of the testament or if
he approved of the law. /APC IMa 1:56,57 By the title of books of the law, we do not mean just
the Mosaic Pentateuch. With the later Hebrews, who from hence derive the origin of that
Petaroth or ordinary lecture after which the people were dismissed (according to Elias Levita,
for his Tirchbl, in the word too.) The whole Scripture of the Old Testament is meant. Joh 10:34
15:25 ICo 14:21 Josephus on the same occasion says: (1. 12 c. 7.)

vv Wherever any holy book was found as also the law and they with whom it was discovered,
both did miserably perish."

3349. Severus Sulpicius, (Sacr. Histor. 1. 2.) is of the same opinion and writes:
vv The holy volumes of the law and the prophets were consumed in our fires."

3350. On the 25th day of the month Casleu, sacrifices were offered on the idol altar which was
erected on the altar of God. /APC IMa 1:59 This was 145th year of the Seleucia's reign in
olympiad 153. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 12. c. 7. & 11.)

3351. At the same time, two women who had circumcised their children, were accused. Their
children were hanging about their necks. After they had been publicly led through the city, they
threw them down headlong from a wall. Their families and those that had circumcised the
infants were killed. /APC IMa 1:61 2Ma 6:10

3352. The Galatians under Advettas their leader, attacked the kingdom of Eumenes and made
quite a disruption. A truce was made for the time of winter. The Gauls went home again and the
king withdrew to Pergamos to his winter quarters where he fell sick of a serious disease. (Livy 1.
45. with Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3353. When Antiochus saw that his edicts were despised by the people, he forced everyone by
torture to eat unclean meats and to renounce Judaism. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) Howbeit,

many of the Israelites were fully resolved not to eat any unclean thing and they chose to die that
they might not be defiled with those meats and not profane the holy covenant. /APC IMa
1:62,63.

3354. Therefore Antiochus sat in an imminent place, as president with his assessors and his
army with their weapons around them. He ordered every Hebrew to be snatched away and to eat
swine's flesh and such things as had been offered to idols. If any should refuse the profane meat,
they were to be executed after being racked on wheels. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.)

3355. Of the many that were taken, a leader, Eleazar was captured. He was a 90 year old priest
who was a famous scribe and most expert in the knowledge of the laws. He was well known to
many of the followers of Antiochus and was brought before them. He refused to eat swine's
flesh nor did he pretend to have eaten it. He chose rather to undergo the most cruel torments
than to violate the law. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) /APC 2Ma 6:18-31.

3356. After him, seven young brothers with their most courageous mother were brought before
Antiochus. They refused to taste swine's flesh. After they had been tortured to death with newly
invented torments handled in a most cruel manner. The most noble martyrdom of these persons
is found described in /APC 2Ma 7 and in the small treatise of Josephus, touching the
Maccabees, entitled "Of the Empress Reason". In the Latin paraphrase of it written by Rufinus,
these persons are reported to be brought from their citadel named Sasandrum to Antioch to the
king. Their names were Maccabeus, Aber, Machir, Judas, Aelias, Areth, Jacob, and the mother's
name is said to be Solomona. However, the later Hebrew historians call her Hannah.

3357. In Judah, about this time, Rhazis an elder of Jerusalem gave a notable example to others.
He risked his body and soul for the defence of the Jewish religion. For this love to his country
he was termed, "The Father of the Jews." /APC 2Ma 14:37,38

3358. The king's officers, who in Judea forced men to this apostasy, came to the town called
Modin. They planned to compel the Israelites to sacrifice to idols. /APC IMa 2:15 Modin was a
village near Diospolis, as Eusebius relates in his book. Mattathias son of Jonathan, which was
the son of Simeon, lived there at that time. He was a priest of Jerusalem of the family of
Jehoiarib, who was the first among the 24 courses. ICh 24:7 He had five sons, John called
Caddes or Gaddes, Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar called Abaron or
Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus. /APC IMa 2:1-5 Those seven martyrs who died at
Antioch are called Maccabean brethren from their older brother Maccabeus. So the custom
prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus, if not the first of Mattathias' five sons in age (as Josephus
thinks in his first book of the war, chapter one.) By the account of prowess and glory they
achieved, /APC IMa 2:66 3:4,9 4:25 they all received the common name of Maccabees.
However, their father Mattathias or Matthias is called by Josephus (Bellum 1. I.e. 1. as also in
the Chronicle of Eusebius, and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews) the son of Asamonaeus.
In (Antiq. 1. 12. c. 8) he is called the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Assamoneas.
The ordinary Hebrews think Mattathias to have been called Hasamoneus and that from him that
surname descended to his posterity. R. David Kimchi thinks this is based on Ps 68:5-32 where
he denotes the word -ynsfx, "princes."

3359. Antiochus' officers earnestly exhorted Mattathias when he was brought to them to set an
example and yield obedience to the king. The city of Modin was fortified with his sons and

brethren. This he refused to do and killed a certain Jew whom he saw sacrificing on the heathen
altar and at the same time killed the king's commissioner also (called by Joseph. Antiqu. 1. 12. c.
8, Apelles) who forced men to sacrifice there. He threw down the altar and after that exhorted all
who were zealous of the law to follow him. He with his sons fled into the mountains and left all
their goods in the city. /APC IMa 2:16-28

3360. Then many, that sought after justice went down into secret places and together with their
children and wives and cattle lived in caves. When this was known by Philip, (that Phrygian
whom Antiochus had left governor at Jerusalem) /APC 2Ma 5:22 the king's commanders with
the garrison of the citadel of Jerusalem pursued after them. When they could not persuade them
to obey the king's commandment, they threw fire into the cave on the sabbath day. They killed
about 1000 people including their wives and children with the cattle. Those who were trapped
there, made no resistance and honoured the sabbath day. (/APC IMa 2:29-38 2Ma 6:11 Joseph.
Antiq. 1. 12. c. 8.)

3361. When Mattathias and his friends were told of this, they grieved for them. They decided
that from then on they would attack the enemy to drive him out. (/APC IMa 2:39-41 Joseph.
Antiq. 1. 12. c. 8.)

3362. The company of Asideans joined them. They were religious men who voluntarily offered
themselves for the defence of the law by arms, and all who were compelled to flee from the
wicked. They set up an army and killed some of the impious men and forced others to flee to
other countries. However, Mattathias and his friends marched up and down the country and
threw down altars. They circumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the land of
Israel. They chased the enemy and had good success. /APC IMa 2:42-48

3363. Fearing the Romans, the Cibyrates did not want Polyaratus the Rhodian, among them.
They were unable to take him to Rome because they were not skilled sailors. They sent an
embassy to Rhodes and also into Macedonia to L. Emilius Paulus the proconsul asking them to
take the man. The proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates that they should keep Polyaratus in custody
and bring him to Rhodes. He ordered the Rhodians that he should secretly be brought to Rome
by sea. So this was done and Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome. (Polyb. in Excerptis
Valesi. p. 414.)

3364. King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome for the help to settle the invasion of the
Galatians. He was also to congratulate the senate about the victory over Perseus. Attalus
cheerfully lead this embassy because he had assisted the Romans in that war and exposed
himself to all dangers as a willing and devoted confederate. He might by some testimony of
favour and benevolence, try to find out how acceptable that service was to the senators. Lest he
should be tempted also to procure the kingdom, Eumenes sent after his brother to Rome, Stratius
the physician. He was a person of most trusted and of great authority with him. He was to be a
faithful spy of the things that were done by his brother and a trusty monitor if he should see him
depart from his fidelity to Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy 1. 45.)

3365. When all men kindly received Attalus at Rome for they knew him and his actions for
them in the war and considered him a friend. When a larger number came to honour him than he
expected, he became proud not knowing the true reason for which he was so kindly entertained.
Most of the Romans did not like Eumenes for they believed that he acted deceitfully in this war,

had conferences with Perseus and was waiting to take advantage of any difficulty the Romans
may have. Some high officials were eager to draw Attalus into a private discussion and
encourage him to lay aside the mission he had undertaken for his brother and to entreat for
himself. They said the senate was alienated from his brother and desirous to give him his
brother's kingdom. Hence it came to pass that Attalus' mind was so puffed up that he even asked
some of these officials to bring the matter to the senate for debate. However Stratius the
physician, a person of outstanding prudence and powerful eloquence persuaded him otherwise.
He told him that he indeed did now reign with his brother and in the future, he would be left the
undoubted successor to the kingdom. This may not be too far off since Eumenes was quite sick
and expected to die at anytime. The new disruption in the kingdom from the insurrection of the
Gauls, could scarcely be handled by both of them acting together much less if their was civil
war in the kingdom. Therefore when Attalus came into the senate, he first expressed joy for the
overthrow of Perseus. Then he talked of his active part in that war. Lastly, he requested the
senate to send ambassadors to the Galatians. By their authority they should make them stop this
war and return to their own lands. He also spoke of the cities of Enions and Maronites which he
requested might be given to him. Concerning the accusation against his brother and the division
of the kingdom, he said nothing. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy 1. 45. c. 19.)

3366. The senate thought that Attalus would come to them again and discuss the matter of the
kingdom so they promised him to send ambassadors. They were very generous in the gifts they
gave to him which were given according to custom. Moreover they promised to give him those
cities he asked for. After all this had been done for him, Attalus left the city and the things the
senate hoped for did not happen. The senators were frustrated and while Attalus was still in
Italy, they declared Aenum and Maronea to be free and reneged on the promise which they had
made to Attalus. However, the embassy headed by Publius Licinius was sent to the Galatians.
(Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3367. Among the many embassies of Asia and Greece, after Attalus the ambassadors of the
Rhodians drew the most attention. They had at this time a two fold mission. First they turned
over Philocrates and the later Philophron and Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy 1. 45. c. 20.)
When the Rhodians received the reply that was given to Agesipolis shortly after the battle with
Perseus, they knew the anger of the senators was against them. When they heard their threats,
they immediately sent those embassies. (Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3368. The delegates appeared first in white clothing as a sign of rejoicing over the Roman
victory. If they had come in dirty clothes, they might have looked like mourners for the
misfortune of Perseus. The senators had consulted with Marcus Junius the consul while the
ambassadors stood in the public assembly. They wanted to determine if they would give to them
the place, rewards and a hearing. They decided that no rite of hospitality should be given to
them. The consul left the senate and the Rhodians told them they came to congratulate them on
their victory and clear the accusations against their city. They requested that they might appear
before the senate. They were told that that the Romans usually gave their confederates and
friends hospitality, lodging, entertainment and also a senate. However the Rhodians in that war
were not considered confederate friends. When they heard this, they all prostrated themselves on
the ground and begged the consul and all that were present that they would no more look upon
new and false incriminations to their harm than on their previous service to which the Romans
were witnesses. They immediately put on mourning clothes and went up and down with prayers
and tears to the houses of the chief persons. They entreated them that they would first
understand their cause before they were condemned. (Livy 1. 45. c. 20.)

3369. Marcus Juventius Talua the praetor, whose job was to oversee the affairs between the
citizens and foreigners, stirred up the people against the Rhodians. He set a dangerous precedent
of not going though the senate nor the consuls. He made a motion that Rome should declare war
on Rhodes and one of the magistrates of that year should be sent with a fleet to manage the war.
He hoped that he would be the one to lead the force. M. Antonius and Marcus Pomponius, the
tribunes of the people opposed this motion. The praetor and tribunes disputed this matter. The
tribunes succeeded in persuading the assembly to defer the matter until Aemilius the general
arrived. (Livy 1. 45. c. 21.) Antonius violently removed the praetor from the desk. The
ambassadors of the Rhodians were brought by him to the senate and made their speeches.
Philophron spoke first and then Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diod. Sic. Legat. 19. & in
Photii Bibliothecca, cod. 244.) The later part of the speech of Astymedes is found in Livy but
the first part is missing. Polybius states that Astymedes put his speech among his letters and
gave them to the public. However, the same author observes about that speech that it was not
liked by the more prudent persons because (perhaps in the first part of it which is missing in
Livy) he undertook the defence of his own country in such a manner by accusing the rest of the
Greeks.

3370. After the speech was over, they all fell down on their faces and in a humble manner cast
down the olive branches. At length they got up again and left the assembly. When the vote was
held, those who held the office of consuls or praetors or ambassadors in Macedonia or were
involved in the war, were most enraged against the Rhodians. However, Marcus Portius Cato
advanced their cause who in spite of his naturally stern disposition, at that time showed himself
a gentle and meek senator. He added the speech which he spoke for them in the senate to his
fifth book of his Origines, or Derivations. (Livy 1. 45. c. 25.) Finally the senators severely
upbraided the Rhodians with many things. The reply given to the Rhodians was so phrased that
while they were not turned into enemies they did not continue to be allies. (Polyb. Diod. Sic. &
Livy 1. 45 c. 25.)

3371. When the answer was given, Philocrates immediately went to Rhodes and Astymedes
remained at Rome so that he might know what things were going on and notify his country men
accordingly. The Rhodians were relieved that the fear of war had past and took the rest of the
news sadly but were content. (Polyb. & Livy 1. 45. c. 25.)

3372. P. Licinius and the rest of the ambassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war
between the Gauls and King Eumenes arrived at Synnas. At this time Eumenes, who was now
recovered, in the beginning of the spring, was up and around and had gathered his army from
various places to Sardis. At Synnas, the Roman delegates conferred with Solovetius, the captain
of the Gauls and Attalus went along with them. He would not enter into the camp of the Gauls
lest his presence should inflame the situation. P. Licinius, talked with the captain of the Gauls
and found him more fierce after his talk. So much so it seemed strange that the words of the
Roman delegates should prevail so much among those rich kings of Antiochus and Ptolemy that
they should make peace. However they held no weight with the Gauls. (Livy 1. 45)

3373. Toward summer, the Rhodians sent Theatetus (the copies of Livy have Theodotus) the
admiral of the fleet, with a crown of the value of 10,000 or, as we read it in Livy, 20,000 of
gold, (at the rate of 16 pounds a piece) that they might by all means procure the friendship with
the Romans. They desired that this might so be requested from the Romans that no vote of the
Rhodian people should be made concerning it should it be committed to writing. They feared

that if they should not obtain it in addition to the failure of their embassy, they would be more
disgraced after this refusal. However the truth is that although before this, the Rhodians had
assisted the Romans for over 40 years. They continued in their friendship that they never bound
themselves to them by a league of amity. They did not want to cut off from the kings the hope
that the Rhodians might come to their help if the need arose. Neither did they want to deprive
themselves of the chance of profiting from the goodwill and good fortune of these kings.
However, now with most earnest desire they endeavoured to procure this honour not that they
were in love with new confederates or stood in fear of any save only the Romans themselves.
They hoped to reduce Rome's suspicion of them. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy 1. 45. c. 25. Dio, Legat.
21. or 22.)

3374. Theaetetus had barely arrived at Rome from Rhodes when the Caunians revolted from
them. The people of Mylassa occupied the towns of the Euromenses. The Rhodians quickly sent
Lycus with an army and forced the Caunians with the help the Cibyrates, to submit to their
government. In a battle near Orthesia, they defeated the Mylassens with the Alabandens who
had taken away the province of the Euromenses. (Polyb. & Livy 1. 45. c. 25.)

3375. At the same time the senate published a decree granting liberty to the Carians and
Lycians. After this war the Rhodians were fearful. They thought they had wasted the money
giving the crown and vain were the hopes of friendship with the Romans. Thus the Rhodians
lost Lycia and Caria, after they had been forced to endure their wars to gain them. (Polyb. Legat.
93. & 140. Livy 1. 45. c. 25. Appian. Syriac, p. 116.)

3376. When a senate was granted to Theaetetus, he entreated them concerning the entrance into
a league with the Rhodians. While the senators made delays, he died at the age of 80 years.
Later the Caunians and Stratonicians, that were in exile, came to Rome. When they were heard
by the senate, the senate decreed that the Rhodians must withdraw their garrisons from Caunus
and Stratonicea. When the answer was known, Phylophron and Astymedes quickly returned to
their country. They feared that if the Rhodians should not recall their garrisons, new calamities
would befall their city. (Polyb. Legat. 99.)

3377. About the same time, the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians. They
made a league among themselves which they confirmed by an oath that they would not end the
war before they had taken Raucus by force. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)

3378. When the Rhodians were notified about the Caunians, they knew the Romans were still
angry with them. They obeyed the decree of the senate. (Polyb. Legat. 100.) Thus they lost
Caunus which they had bought from the commanders of Ptolemy with 200 talents. They also
lost Strotonicea, which they had received as a generous gift from Antiochus and Seleucus. Both
cities paid 120 talents yearly to their city. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)

3379. The Rhodians sent an embassy to Rome headed by Aristotle. They were to earnestly ask
for friendship with the Romans. About mid-summer the ambassadors arrived and were heard
before the senate. They said the Rhodians had obeyed all the things they were asked and they
urged the senators with many reasons to grant them amity. The senate's reply contained no
mention of amity for the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)

3838a AM, 4547 JP, 167 BC

3380. At the beginning of autumn, L. Aemilius Paulus appointed C. Sulpitius Gallus, to oversee
the army. Paulus went with a small retinue to view Greece. His son Scipio and Athenaeus,
brother of Eumenes the King, were his bodyguards. He granted liberty to Macedonia and
enacted laws suitable for confederates. After settling his serious affairs, he instituted at
Amphipolis games which he had been long preparing for. He had sent messengers into the cities
of Asia and notified the kings of it. However, in Greece he visited the cities personally and
notified the governors of it. In that great gathering of Europe and Asia, a multitude came from
every quarter. Some came to congratulate the Romans. Others came to see the sight of such
large army and naval forces. Provisions were abundant and cheap. Most received gifts of food
for their need and enough to take back home. (Livy 1. 45. c. 32,33)

3381. Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa in the island Lesbos and for the
resettling of the Larysseans to Methymna. When Antenor, Perseus' admiral had sailed about
Lesbos, they received and furnished him with supplies. (Livy. c. 45.)

3382. Prusias (Venator), king of Bithynia, with his son Nicomedes, came to Rome. The senate
sent L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer, to meet him at Capua and decreed that a most excellent
house should be rented for him at Rome. Provisions were to be charged to the public account for
himself and all his retinue. He was entertained and treated like a good friend by the whole city
of Rome. (Livy 1. 45. c. 44. Valer. Maxim. 1. 5. c. 1.)

3383. After he entered the city with a great train, he went from the gate and the judgment seat of
Q. Cussius the mayor, to the forum. A large crowd was on every side. He said, that he came to
worship the gods who dwelt at Rome as also to greet the senate and Roman people. He
congratulated them on their victory over Perseus and Gentius the king. They increased their
empire by subduing the Macedonians and Sclavonians. When the mayor had told him that if he
pleased, he would hold a senate for him that day. He requested a two day delay so that he might
visit the temples of the gods, the city and his friends. L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer was
appointed to him for a guide. The third day, he came to the senate and congratulated them on
their victory. He mentioned his part in that war and requested that he might be allowed to
perform his vow by offering 10 large sacrifices in the capital at Rome and one at Praeneste to
Fortune. These were his vows for the conquest of the people of Rome and that his friendship
with the Romans would be renewed. He wanted the land that was taken from King Antiochus
and was occupied by the Gauls, although the Romans had given it to no one. Last of all, he
entrusted his son Nicomedes to the senate. He was supported by all those who had been
commanders in Macedonia. Therefore the rest of his requests were granted. Concerning the
land, they said they would send ambassadors to inquire whether it belonged to the Roman
people and was assigned to no one. They willingly accepted Nicomedes. Ptolemy, king of Egypt
whose kingdom was preserved by the Romans when Antiochus invaded it, testified to the care
the Roman people took of the children of their confederate kings. Moreover, it was commanded,
that beasts and other things that were needed for sacrifices, whether he would offer them at
Rome or at Praeneste, should be given to the king, as to the Roman magistrates at the public
expense. 20 long ships should be given to him from the fleet which lay at Brundusium. He could
use these until the king came to the fleet that assigned to him. Also L. Cornelius Scipio should
accompany him and should pay all his expenses until they should take sail. It is reported, that
the king was overjoyed by the kindness of the Roman people. He refused the gifts that were
given to him but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people. These things the
Roman writers relate of Prusias. (Livy. 1. 45. c. 44.)

3384. Polybius and other Greek authors write, that when he came into the senate, he bowed low
and kissed the threshold of the senate and called the senators, his tutelary gods. He spoke not so
honourably to the hearers as unbecoming to himself. For this extraordinary action, he received a
more courteous answer from the senate, (Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diod. Sic. Legat. 22. or 23.)
However, after he stayed in the city about 30 days, he left for his kingdom. (Livy 1. 45. c. 44.)

3385. About this time, news arrived that Eumenes was on his way to Rome. If he were excluded
from Rome, he might be thought to be an enemy because he remained neutral in the Macedonian
war. If he were admitted, people would think he was exonerated. There was a general law made
that no king should be permitted to come to Rome. (Polyb. Legat. 97. Livy c. 46.) After it was
known that Eumenes had arrived at Brundusium in Italy, they sent to him the treasurer, to bring
this decree to him. He was to ask whether he had to address the senate about anything. If he had
no request to make to the senators, then he should tell the treasurer and quickly leave Italy. After
the king had met with the treasurer and understood the pleasure of the senate, he said nothing
about business with him and assured him that he needed nothing. By this means the Romans
prevented Eumenes' arrival at Rome and procured something else that was of great concern to
them. The kingdom of Pergamos was in great danger from the Galatians. There was no doubt
that by this disgraceful rejection of Eumenes, the courage of all his friends would be abated. The
Galatians would be twice as courageous in waging war. This happened at the beginning of
winter. (Polyb. Legat. 97.)

3838 AM, 4548 JP, 166 BC

3386. Mattathias exhorted his sons to the study of piety and to defend the law of God. He
commended Simon to them, as a counsellor and father, but Judas Maccabeus, as the commander
of their wars because from his youth he was very brave. After this, he blessed them and he died
in the 146th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. He had governed the miserable and banished
troops one year. His sons buried him in the sepulchres of their fathers at Modin and all the
Israelites bewailed him with a great lamentation. (/APC IMa 2:49-70 Joseph. 1. 12. c. 8. 9.)

3387. Judas Maccabeus' brothers and all who followed his father helped him. He succeeded in
his father's place. /APC IMa 3:1,2 He went secretly into the villages and exhorted their kinsmen
and took those with them who remained loyal to the Jewish religion. They gathered 6000 men
and called on the Lord that he would take pity on his profaned temple and the ruined city. He
would hear the blood that cried to him and remember the unjust death of the innocent infants
and the blasphemies that were committed against his name. They asked that he would show his
hatred against the wicked. /APC 2Ma 8:1-4

3388. In the meantime when Antiochus heard of the games held by Emilius Paulus in
Macedonia he planned to have more magnificent games than Paulus held. He sent delegates and
observers into the cities who declared that at Daphane near Antioch, games would be held by
him. His intent was that from all Greece (as Polybius) or from all parts of the world (as
Diodorus states) famous men might eagerly come to that show. Polybius in the 31st book of his
history thus describes the games.

3389. First there were 5000 men in their prime dressed like Roman soldiers, with clubbed
brigantines. After these followed just as many Mysians. Next came 3000 lightly armed
Cilicians, harnessed with golden crowns. After this came 3000 Thracians and 5000 Galatians.

Some had silver shields. After this came 240 pairs of gladiators. They were followed by 1000
riding on Pisaean or rather Nisaean horses. (The most learned Casaubon has corrected this
error.) 3000 were riding on common horses and most had gold or silver crowns. These were
followed by about 1000 cavalry by their confederates and friends who were all furnished with
golden trappings. With these followed 1000 more cavalry of their associate friends adorned in
the same way. Besides these marched 1000 choice men who were excellent horsemen. They
were followed by about 1000 called by the Greeks, Agema or the company. Lastly came 1500
horsemen in complete armour from head to toe called by the Greeks, Cataphracti because both
men and horses were covered with arms. All these persons had purple coats. Some of the coats
were interwoven with gold and had with the image of live beasts. After these marched 100
chariots with six horses abreast and 42 wagons with four horses abreast. There was a chariot
drawn with a pair elephants, and another with two horses. After these followed 36 single
elephants in no particular order.

3390. Next came about 800 youths with golden coronets and almost 5000 fat oxen with 300
tables for holy uses plus 800 elephants' teeth. Then men carried whatever they said or believed
to be gods or Genii. Some carried images of their heroes, Some of them were gilded over and
others were clothed in golden robes. Each one gallantly adorned with his eulogy and motto
according to the legend written about him. To these were added the images of the night, of the
day, the earth, of the heavens, of the morning and of the noon. 1000 pages belonging to
Dionysius, the king's secretary, went in this pompous train, carrying silver vessels none of
which weighed less than a 1000 drachmas. These were followed by 600 more of the king's pages
carrying vessels of gold. Then came about 200 women whose job was to sprinkle the spectators
with their sweet ointments from their golden chalices. In the rear came 80 women gloriously
clothed and adorned with costly clothes who were carried in litters with golden legs. 500 came
in litters with silver legs. These things were most remarkable in the pageantry.

3391. After this, a great number of contests of sports, fencing and hunting were held for 30 days.
All this time a variety of ointments was provided by the king for all who played for any prize.
For this purpose 15 golden jars were brought full of ointments of saffron. An equal number
contained cinnamon and spikenard. These ointments were given freely for the first 5 days. For
the rest of the games ointments of olive oil, marjoram, and lilies were given freely. For the
guests, sometimes 1000 other times 1500 tables were most richly spread. All these things were
magnificently performed. He paid for these from what he had cheated king Philometor out of in
Egypt while he was still a minor. Other funds came from the spoils of those many temples
which he had plundered. (Polyb. in Athenaus, 1. 5. c. 4. & 1. 10. c. 12.)

3392. But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy actions the
king did personally. For he went riding up and down on a little riding horse ordering as he
pleased, some to stand, others to pass. He did this in such a way that except for his diadem no
one would have thought him a king who barely qualified as a servant. All the times of the feast,
he stood at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept. He conducted some in, others he
placed at the tables. He ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes. Sometimes he walked
around, sometimes he sat down and sometimes he lay on the floor. Often he would run around to
remove a dish or a cup from the table. In drinking with his guests, he now and then drank to
those who drank to him. He sported and jested with such as were so inclined. Moreover, many
had left because the feast went on for a long time, he came in a disguise brought in by the actors
and laid along on the ground as if he had been one of their company. Finally, he was roused by
the sound of music, he got up and started dancing and acting his part with ridiculous gestures.

All were so ashamed of the king's behaviour, they left the feast. (Polyb. ibid. & cum secutus
Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 321.)

3393. The show finally finished. Tiberius Gracchus, was sent as an ambassador by the senate to
Antiochus. He was to determine what the king was up to and spy on his affairs. The king
entertained him with such cheerfulness and alacrity that he did not suspect a plot or discover the
least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria. Tiberius opposed those
who wanted to impeach him. Antiochus gave his royal palace to the ambassadors of Rome
which was as good as his very diadem. Notwithstanding all this ceremony, his will and affection
was most irreconcilably alienated against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sic. in
Excerpt. Vales, p. 322.)

3394. While Antiochus was at leisure in the games at Daphne, Judas Maccabeus was busy in
Judea. He was greatly helped by his brothers. He drove out the enemy, killed his apostate
countrymen and purged the land from its uncleanness. (Joseph. 1. 12. c. 9.) He attacked cities
and villages by surprise and burned them. He controlled the most strategic places. He routed
large numbers of his enemies. He usually attacked by night to get the element of surprise. The
fame of his valour spread everywhere. /APC IMa 3:8,9 2Ma 8:6,7

3395. Ambassadors were sent from the Galatians in Asia to Rome. The senate granted them
freedom to rule themselves as long as they stayed in their land and did not attack other lands.
(Polyb. Legat. 102.)

3396. Pytho was sent on a mission from Prusias, king of Bithynia to Rome. He complained to
the senate about Eumenes. He had pillaged Prusias' territories and seized some places for
himself. He charged also that Eumenes would not stop his encroachment on Galatia nor submit
to the decrees of the senate. He only advanced his own interests. On the contrary, Prusias
obeyed the desires of the Roman people and desired that his country be governed by the
precepts of the senate. Likewise, others came from the Asiatic cities with fresh accusations,
hinting at an alliance between Eumenes and Antiochus against the Romans. When the senate
had heard these things, they did not refute the accusations or say what they would do. They kept
everything secret and watched carefully the actions of Eumenes and Antiochus with increasing
jealousy. In the meantime, they satisfied the Galatians in some matters and helped them affirm
their freedom. (Polyb. Legat. 104. Livy 1. 46.)

3397. Astymedes the Rhodian delegate, pleaded his country's cause at Rome before the senate.
He was now more moderate and not so hot in his speech as in his former ambassage. He omitted
all recriminations and made it his only business at present to show that his countrymen had
suffered sufficiently and far beyond the degree of the offence. His main complaint was that the
Rhodians had lost the revenue from their harbour. In regard to that, the Romans had discharged
Delos from paying tribute and had also taken from the people the liberty which they formerly
enjoyed in determining tariffs and other matters of public concern. The custom duties which in
former times netted a million drachma now barely amounted to 150,000. The senate knew that
only a few were engaged in criminal behaviour and these had been punished by the people. He
requested that they would not show their displeasure against those who were not involved in any
way but to receive them into their grace and favour as they did before. Their country stood more
in need of friends in peacetime than an ally for war. His speech seemed so suitable to the present
condition of the Rhodians that when Tiberius Gracchus (who was recently from Asia where he
was an ambassador) said this. The Rhodians had submitted themselves to the decrees of the

senate and all were executed who had anything to do with bringing the Rhodians into disfavour
with the Romans. He silenced his adversaries and prevailed with the Romans that they would
take the Rhodians into their alliance. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)

3398. Tiberius could not tell any more to the Senate about the plans of Eumenes and Antiochus
than that they know before Tiberius had left Rome. The kings had entertained him most
graciously. (Polyb. Legat. 105.)

3399. Apollonius, governor of Samaria raised a large army from the Gentiles and Samaritans
and attacked the Jews. However, Judas Maccabeus killed him and many others. The rest fled.
Judas took the spoil including Apollonius' own sword which always used in the war after that. (/
APC IMa 3:10-12 Joseph. 1. 12. c. 10.)

3400. Seron who governed Coelosyria heard how that Judas was well equipped with an army
and large numbers from all parts were coming to him. Seron mustered all the forces under his
command including the renegade Jews and camped near the way up to Bethhoron. Judus routed
his whole army and 800 of them were killed. The rest fled into the land of the Philistines near
the sea coast. (/APC IMa 3:13-24 Joseph. 1. 12. c. 10.)

3839a AM, 4548 JP, 166 BC

3401. As soon as the news of this defeat came to Antiochus, he was so furious that immediately
levied all the troops of his kingdom. He gave them a year's pay and ordered them to be ready for
service. After this salary was paid, he saw his treasury was empty.The Jewish revolt deprived
him of 300 talents of silver each year. Also intense persecution raged in the Greek cities and
many regions thus reducing his revenues. He did not spare the Gentiles while he try to make the
forsake their ancient superstitions and conform to his worship. Insomuch, that he feared that he
would not find enough to defray his expenses and gratuities. In this he was very generous and
surpassed all the kings that came before him. He determined to go into Persia to get money
there. /APC IMa 3:27-31 (Joseph. 1. 12. c. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. 1. 2.)

3402. Before he left, he put Lysias of Syrian royalty, as governor over all the regions from the
river Euphrates to the borders of Egypt. He entrusted him with the care of his son Antiochus.
(Eupator) He committing to him, half of all his forces and his elephants. He was ordered to
utterly to root out the name of the Jews and to give their country to strangers. Antiochus left
with the rest of his sons from Antioch near Daphne in the 147th year of the kingdom of Greeks.
He crossed over the Euphrates River and marched into the high countries. /APC IMa 3:32-37

3403. Philip, whom Antiochus had appointed over Jerusalem /APC 2Ma 5:22 saw how Judas
Maccabeus grew stronger and stronger every day. He wrote to Ptolemy (son of Dorymenes) the
governor of Coelosyria for help. Ptolemy immediately sent Nicanor son of Patroclus, a most
trusted friend, with more than 20,000 soldiers from all nations. He was to exterminate the Jews.
Ptolemy also sent Gorgias as a joint commander. He was a captain who was quite experienced in
military affairs. /APC 2Ma 8:8,9

3404. Lysias also sent Ptolemy as a reserve to them. Under these three commanders, Ptolemy,
Nicanor and Gorgias, were 40,000 foot soldiers and 7,000 cavalry. They marched with their
entire army and camped by Emmaus in the plain country. /APC IMa 3:38-40

3405. Since Antiochus was 2000 talents in arrears to the Romans, Nicanor settle the account
from the sale of the captive Jews. For that purpose, he invited from the cities near the seacoast
1000 merchants. He promised them 90 slaves for one talent. /APC 2Ma 8:10,11,14,34,36. No
sooner was this known but the merchants of the country with their attendants came to the camp
to purchase the Jews for slaves. Large numbers also came from Syria and the Philistines to
barter for slaves. /APC IMa 3:41

3406. Jerusalem being now abandoned by its inhabitants and the temple was profaned. In these
distressing times, Judas Maccabeus moved with his army to Maspha or Mizpa. Before the
temple was built, the Jews used to worship there. Jud 11:11 20:1 21:5,8 ISa 7:5,6 10:17 He
proclaimed a fast and with most fervent prayers asked the Lord's protection of his small army.
He had only 6000 (7000 in the Latin edition) against this huge force. After this, such as had
betrothed wives or planted vineyards or were afraid he sent away according to the law.De 20:6-8
He divided his army into four squadrons of 1500 men and each squadron to one of his brothers.
The army moved and camped on the south side of Emmaus opposite to the enemy. Judas
earnestly exhorted them to behave valiantly even to die for their country and the laws of their
God. He ordered them to be ready for the battle the next day. /APC IMa 3:42-60 2Ma 8:12-22

3407. That night Gorgias planned a surprise attack. He took 500 foot soldiers and 1000 choice
cavalry and came toward the Jew's camp. He had the garrison soldiers of Fort Sion for his
escort. When Judas found this out, he wisely used this opportunity to attack the enemy while
they were divided. He marched immediately to Emmaus against Nicanor while Gorgias their
normal commander away. When Gorgias came by night to the Jew's camp and no one was there.
He thought they had fled and searched for them in the mountains. At the break of day Judas
showed himself in the plains of Emmanus with 3000 men. These had neither armour or swords. /
APC IMa 4:1-6

3408. Judas encouraged his soldiers to the battle and given the word to fight. By the help of
God, he led the troops against Nicanor and killed more than 9000 and wounded and maimed the
most of Nicanor's army. They were all routed. The Jews pursued some of them from Emmanus
as far as Gazara (as the Greek copy of the Maccabees, in the end of Arundel's library reads it) or
Gadara (as Josephus). Other fled to the plains of Idumea, others as far as Palestine, Azotus, and
Jamnia. About 3000 stragglers were killed. /APC IMa 4:8-15 2Ma 8:23,24

3409. Among those that fled were the merchants, who were certain of victory and of getting a
good bargain on slaves. They became targets themselves. The Jews seized their money which
the brought to buy them with. When they had long pursued them they sounded a retreat. For the
evening, on which the sabbath began, was drawing near. After that they had gathered up the
arms of the vanquished host and taken the spoils from them, they prepared for the observation of
the sabbath,. They magnified the mercy of God for this so marvellous a deliverance. /APC 2Ma
8:25-27

3410. Judas has his Jews who were eager for plunder to stop. He feared of an encounter with
Gorgias who was now returned from his fruitless expedition. Those forces were in the
mountains. The enemy knew what had happened by the smoke of the burning tents and the other
division of their army was routed. When they saw Judas on the plain, standing in battle array
ready to engage them, they all scattered into the land of strangers. The land was thus cleared of
the enemy. Judas returned to the spoil where he found plenty of gold, blue silk, purple of the

sea, which the Phoenician merchants had left behind them and much wealth. /APC IMa 4:16-23
All this the soldiers shared among themselves, having first set aside a portion for the maimed,
widows and orphans. Then together they beseeched the Lord that he would continue to be
gracious and favourable to his servants. /APC 2Ma 8:28,29

341 1. After this the Jews fought with Timothy and Bacchides and slew in that battle more than
20,000 of the enemy. They took over the forts, and divided among themselves much spoil. They
set aside some for the maimed, orphans, widows and aged persons into equal portions with
themselves. When they had gathered up the arms and disposed of them into the most convenient
places, the remainder of the spoil they carried to Jerusalem. They also slew Philarches, one of
Timothy's men. He was a most wretched fellow and a notorious persecutor of the Jews, and in
the midst of their solemn festival, which they had instituted For their recent victory, they burnt
Callisthenes alive after he had taken sanctuary in a little house. He had burned the holy gates.
Nicanor stripped himself of all his glorious clothes so to be less noticed. He came like a solitary
fugitive through the midland country to Antioch. He confessed that the Jews were utterly
unconquerable because they had God for their Protector. /APC 2Ma 8:30-36

3412. Lysias was told by one who esacped what had happened. He was counfounded because
the things which he wanted happened to Israel did not occur and the king's ordered were
thwarted. /APC IMa 4:26,27

3839b AM, 4549 JP, 165 BC

3413. Therefore the next year which was the 148th of the kingdom of the Greeks, Lysias hurried
into Judea through Idumea with 60,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry. Judas Maccabeus
marched toward him as he was camped at Bethsura on the borders of Judea. First he implored
publicly the help of God and started the battle. Lysias saw how the Jews like so many mad men
contemning death, broke through their enemy's ranks. His men fled and 5000 were killed there.
He returned to Antioch and planned a new expedition after he had gathered a larger army. /APC
IMa 4:28-35

3414. Antiochus Epiphanes had taken an expedition against Artaxias king of the Armenians,
who marched from the eastern parts. Antiochus killed most of his army and took Artaxias
prisoner. (Appian. Syriac. p. 117. & 131. Porphyr. apud Jerome in Da 11)

3415. Prusias, king of Bithynia, strongly condemned Eumenes, king of Pergamos, who was
already suspected of the Romans. Letters were intercepted that intimated an alliance with
Perseus against the Romans. Prusias had also prevailed with the Galatians, Selgenses and many
other people of Asia, to do the same. Attalus and Athenaeus were sent to Rome by their brother
Eumenes. They had an audience with the Senate and cleared him of all crimes he was accused
of. They returned to their country with many honours conferred on them. However, for all this,
the senate still suspected an alliance between Eumenes and Antiochus. They sent C. Sulpitius
Gallus and Marius Sergius as ambassadors with instructions to examine closely the affairs of
Antiochus and Eumenes. They were to see if there were any preparations made for war and if
there was any alliance between them against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 106. Diod. Sic. Legat.
21.)

3416. When C. Sulpicius Gallus entered Asia he unwisely made a proclamation through the

chief cities there. He asked anyone who had anything accusations against king Eumenes, to
come to Sardis at a set time. When he arrived, he sat on the bench made for that purpose, and
spent 10 days hearing all sorts of things against Eumenes. He was looking for something to
impeach him with. Gallus was a vain person and hoped to be honoured by finding fault with
Eumenes. (Polyb. 1. 31. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 145.)

3417. When they had some relief from their enemies, Judas Maccabeus and his brothers with all
their forces came up to Jerusalem. They retook the temple and the city except the citadel of
Sion. They demolished the altars and shrines which the Gentiles had built in the public streets.
Judas commanded some men to attack those who were in the citadel of Sion. He spent most of
his time in cleansing the temple. His spirit was stirred up by the desolations he saw. /APC IMa
4:36-41 2Ma 10:1,2

3840a AM, 4549 JP, 165 BC

3418. Judas assigned the priests who knew the Law to cleanse the sanctuary and move the
defiled stones into an unclean place. They pulled down the altar of burnt offerings which was
profaned by the Gentiles. Its stones were stored in the mount of the temple until the time when a
prophet came who might tell them what ought to be done with them. They built another of
whole stones on which no iron tool had been lifted according to the spirit of the law. De 27:5,6
They repaired the Holy and the Holy of Holies. They hallowed the courts and made new holy
vessels. They brought into the temple the candlestick, the altar of incense and the table. They
burnt incense on the altar, lit the lamps which were on the candlestick. They placed the
shewbread on the table, spread the viols, and finished whatever they started. /APC IMa 4:42,51
2Ma 10:3

3419. On the 25th day of the 9th month, called Cisleu, or Chasleu, in the 148th year of the
kingdom of the Greeks. They rose early in the morning and started a fire by striking stones one
against the other. They offered sacrifice according to the law on their new altar of burnt
offering. /APC IMa 4:52,53 2Ma 10:3 This was 2 years after Judas succeeded his father
Mattathias in the government but 3 whole years since the Gentiles first sacrificed in that place.
For on that very same day of the same month on which they profaned the old altar, Judas
consecrated the new one. (/APC IMa 4:54 2Ma 10:3-5 Joseph. 1. 12. c. 11.)

3420. This dedication was joyfully celebrated with songs, hymns, citherns, harps, and cymbals.
All the people fell prostrate on the ground and worshipped and blessed the God of heaven who
had given them good success. They beseeched him that he would not allow them to fall any
more in such calamities. If at any time they provoked him, they prayed that he himself would
chasten them in mercy and that they might not be delivered up to the blasphemous and
barbarous Gentiles. They kept the dedication of deliverances or peace offerings and of praise.
They decked the fore front of the temple with golden crowns and shields. They repaired the
gates and chambers on the sides of the temple and made doors for them. /APC IMa 4:54-58
2Ma 10:4-6

3421. Then Judas and his brethren and all the congregation of Israel, ordained that through the
whole country of the Jews, the days of the dedication of the altar should be observed annually
with mirth and gladness for 8 days starting with the 25th day of the month Chisleu. /APC IMa
4:59 2Ma 10:8 After they had kept the 8 days, they kept the feast of tabernacles. They recalled

how not long ago they kept that feast while living about the mountains and caves like wild
beasts. Now they carried green boughs, fair branches and palms. They sang praises to him who
had brought the purification of his holy place to such a good conclusion. /APC 2Ma 10:6,7
Hence it was, that in the letters which the council at Jerusalem wrote to the Jews in Egypt, these
days are called the days of tabernacles of the month Chisleu. /APC 2Ma 1:9,18 In the gospel Joh
10:22 they are called the feast of dedication of the Jews or the feast of lamps. This was either
from the sudden eradiation of their religion and liberties, as Josephus intimates (Antiq. 1. 13. c.
2.) or from the lighting of the lamps because both at that time and the lighting of the lamps in
the temple was restored. /APC IMa 4:49,50 2Ma 10:3 Also, to this very day, the Jews in their
synagogue still continue their custom of celebrating this feast with the lighting of lamps.

3422. When they had repaired the temple, they fortified mount Sion with high walls and strong
towers to contain the enemy. They feared that those who were garrisoned in that fort would sally
out against those worshipping at the temple. They fortified Bethsura which was about a half
mile away /APC 2Ma 10:5 so that the people might have a garrison for defence against Idumea. /
APC IMa 4:60,5 14:7-26

3840b AM, 4550 JP, 164 BC

3423. When the surrounding countries heard of the building of the altar and the dedication of the
sanctuary, they were much displeased by this. Thereupon, they plotted how they might destroy
all the Jews and they began to massacre all those that lived in any of their quarters. /APC IMa
5:1,2

3424. Antiochus Epiphanes crossed the high country beyond Euphrates. He heard that the city of
Elymais in Persia, (called Persepolis /APC 2Ma 9:2) was a very wealthy city. In its temple,
(which Appian reports to be dedicated to Venus, (Elymais in Syriac. p. 131.) but Polybius and
Diod to Diana, in Elymais, (in Josephus, 1. 12. c. 13. & Jerome in Da 11 with Excerptis Valesii.
p. 141.)) was richly appointed and had gold coverings, breast plates and arms left there by
Alexander the Great, Philip's son. When he greedily tried to plunder the city, the citizens rose up
in arms against him. He was defeated and forced to retreat with much dishonour ./APC IMa 6:1-
4 2Ma9:l,2

3425. When he arrived at Ecbatana, he was told of the defeat of Nicanor and Timothy in Judea.
He left there for Babylon. Near the borders of Persia, he heard also of the great defeat given to
Lysias' army, how the image of Jupiter Olympius was cast out of the temple at Jerusalem, and
that the sanctuary and Bethsura were fortified. Therefore full of fury, he thought to be avenged
upon the Jews for the disgrace he recently received by them. He ordered his chariots to go with
all speed to hasten the journey home. He proudly bragged that as soon as he arrived at
Jerusalem, he would make that city a common burying place for the Jews. /APC IMa 4:4-7 2Ma
9:3,4 The passage of Tacitus (1. 5. Histor.) relates to this:

vv King Antiochus endeavoured to reform their religion and to bring in the cities of the Greeks.
He was hindered by the Parthian war in his plan of destroying that most base nation."

3426. Scarcely were these proud words out of Antiochus' mouth, when he was struck with an
incurable disease in the bowels and extreme pains. Although his body was quite sick his mind
was still sharp. He still breathed out his threats against the Jews. He ordered his chariot man to

increase his pace. It happened on this fast journey that he fell out of his chariot. He was badly
hurt and his whole body was bruised and his limbs put out of joint. After he was taken up from
the ground, he carried about in an horse litter. Worms bred so fast in his body that whole streaks
of flesh sometimes dropped from him. While he was still alive in such pitiful state and because
of the stench, none could endure to carry him. Thereby he became offensive to his whole army. /
APC 2Ma 9:5-10 He was forced to stop his journey to Babylon and to stay at Tabis, a town of
Persia. (Polybius, in Excerpt, his Valesii, p. 144. & Jerome, Da 11) He continued bed ridden
many days /APC IMa 6:8,9 and pined away. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 131.)

3840c AM, 4550 JP, 164 BC

3427. From the beginning of the spring, began the 149th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. /
APC IMa 6:16 Antiochus Epiphanes gave up any hope of recovering. He called his friends and
publicly acknowledged all those miseries to have happened to him for the harm he had done to
the Jews. He must now, to his great grief, die in a strange land. /APC IMa 6:10-13 When he
could no longer endure his own smell, he said:

""It is fitting to submit to God, and for man who is mortal, not to set himself in competition with
God."

3428. In this prayer to God, he vowed that he would allow those of Jerusalem and all other Jews
everywhere, the free use of their own constitutions and that in the future, they should enjoy the
liberty of their own laws and customs. He promised he would beautify the temple with most rare
gifts, restore all the holy vessels. He would defray the costs of the sacrifices from his own
treasury and that he himself also would become a Jew. He promised to go through the whole
habitable world and declare the power of God. When he saw no lessening of his pains, he wrote
most courteous letters to the Jews and earnestly entreated them, that they would remain loyal to
him and to his son. While Antiochus lived he had appointed his son to be the next king as was
the normal custom. /APC 2Ma 9:11-27

3429. He called Philip to him who was his close friend and raised with him. /APC 2Ma 9:29 He
appointed him over the whole kingdom and committed to him his crown, his robe and his signet.
His purpose was that after he had taken back his son Antiochus from Antioch, where he had left
him with Lysias, he should raise him up to be the next ruler of the kingdom. He was only 9
years old as had been previously hinted from Appian. Thus Antiochus died in 149th year of the
kingdom of the Greeks of a miserable death in a strange land on the mountains /APC 2Ma 9:28
of Parata, near Babylon. Grotius writing on this from the 5th book of Curtius, stated that the
town Tabis was located here. Polybius (in Excerpt. Velesii, p. 144.) said that he died at Tabis in
Persia and Jerome on Da 1 1 tells (from Polybius and Diodorus) how Antiochus was frightened
by certain phantoms and visions. He went mad and at last had a disease which killed him. He
attributed his calamity to his sacrilegious designs on Diana's temple. However, Antiochus
professed in the presence of all his friends that the basis of all his misery was:

vv He robbed the temple at Jerusalem and sent forces to destroy the Jews without any cause." /
APC IMa 6:12,13

3430. His dead corpse was carried out by Philip. He feared Antiochus' son and withdrew himself
into Egypt to Ptolemy Philometor. /APC 2Ma 9:29 He planned to raise forces against Lysias.

When Lysias had heard of Antiochus Epiphanes' death, he set up his son Antiochus in his place
on the throne who was under his guardianship during his minority years and he called him
Eupator. /APC IMa 6:17 Appian reports, that the Syrians gave him that surname in honour of
his father and confirmed that Lysias was his guardian in his upbringing, (in Syriac. p. 1 17.)

3431. Antiochus Eupator was now in actual possession of the crown and preferred to let Lysias
manage the realm. In particular he gave him control of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. Ptolemy
Macron, Dorymenes' son, who had that honour formerly under Antiochus Epiphanes, /APC 2Ma
8:8 IMa 3:38 poisoned himself when he was accused to Eupator as favouring the Jews. He saw
the great injustices that were done to them and endeavoured that justice might be done to them
and their affairs might be managed in a peaceable manner. He had been called a traitor for
turning over Cyprus which was committed to his trust by Philometor, to Antiochus Epiphanes. /
APC 2Ma 10:11-13 Polybius gives him this commendation: (in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 126.)

vv Ptolemy Macron, the governor of Cyprus behaved himself like an Egyptian in nothing, but was
prudent and valiant among the first."

3432. But Gorgias who had the command of all parts about Judea, hired soldiers and continually
pressed the war against the Jews. The Idumeans were allied with him and got control of the best
places. They accepted the Jerusalem renegades and attacked the Jews and did what they could to
keep the war going. /APC 2Ma 10:14,15

3433. Thereupon Judas Maccabeus at Acrabbates, a region of Idumea, attacked the sons of Esau,
who had besieged the Jews. He stormed their garrisons and took control of them. Over 20,000
were killed and he seized on all their spoils. /APC IMa 5:3 2Ma 10:16,17

3434. He recalled the injury done to the Jews by the children of Baean. They had hid themselves
in secret ambushes along the way sides, by which the Jewish army was to pass. After their last
defeat, the Baeanites had escaped with 9000 to 2 very strong citadels and were provided with all
things necessary to endure a siege. Therefore Judas Maccabeus left his brother Simon with
Joseph and Zacchaeus to besiege them. He marched away to relieve some other places which
stood in more need of his help. Those who were with Simon were greedy of money. They made
a deal with the besieged for 70,000 drachmas and allowed some to escape. As soon as
Maccabeus knew this, he convened the governors of the people and in their presence executed
as many of them as where involved in this treachery. He took both the garrisons with little
trouble and he burned them to the ground and utterly destroyed more than 20,000 of them. /APC
IMa 5:4,5 2Ma 10:16-23

3435. From there he passed over to the Ammonites, where he found a very large force with
many people under Timotheus' command. He often fought them and defeated them. He took
Jazer and its towns and returned to Judea. /APC IMa 5:6-8

3436. After his last defeat, Timotheus recruited multitudes of foreign forces and cavalry from
Asia. He returned confident of the conquest of Judea. Maccabeus and those that were with him,
after a serious humiliation and supplication to God, marched from Jerusalem and fought the
enemy a great distance from the city. They were encouraged by visions of some horsemen in the
heavens fighting for them. They killed 20,500 of the enemy's foot soldiers and 600 cavalry.
Timothy escaped to a very strong garrison called Gazara where his brother Chereas was

governor. Finally the garrison was taken. He and his brother with Apollonius were found hiding
together in a pit and all three were killed with the sword. /APC 2Ma 10:24-38

3437. The Trocmians, a people of Galatia, tried to get a foothold in Cappadocia. When this
failed they sent letters to the Romans hoping to make King Ariarathes odious to them. The
Romans soon sent an embassy headed by M. Junius there. (Polyb. Legat. 108.)

3841a AM, 4550 JP, 164 BC

3438. The autumn began the year of the "account of the contracts" or Dhilkarnain as noted by
the writer of 2nd Macabees, year 149. The Chaldee account used in the king's edicts, (/APC
2Ma 11:21) and in Ptolemy's great Syntaxis, (1. 9. c. 7. & 1. 11. c. 8.) 148 is used. This was also
a sabbatical year.

3439. The heathen about the region of Gilead assembled against the Jews who were near their
borders and planned to exterminate them. They killed 1000 Jews who lived in the land of Tob.
Jud 11:3 They led away their wives and children as captives and took their goods and household
belongings. Timothy hurried with an army to besiege those Jews of Gilead who took refuge in
the garrison in Dathema. This was not the same Timothy who was killed with his brother
Chereas, but another man with the same name. At the same time, others from Ptolemais, Tyre,
Sidon and all Galilee of the Gentiles held a meeting to wipe out the Galilaeans. /APC IMa 5:9-
15

3440. The Gileadites and Galilaeans sent letters to Judas and his brothers and earnestly asked
them to hurry to help them. Thereupon after Judas consulted first with those at Jerusalem, he
divided his whole army into 5 brigades. He sent his brother Simon with 3000 men to help the
Galilaeans. He and his brother Jonathan, took along with them 8000 to help the Gileadites. He
left the rest of the army with Joseph, son of Zacharias and with Azaria for the defense of Judea.
He strictly charging them that they should not on any condition fight with the heathens until
they returned back. /APC IMa 5:16-20

3441. As soon was Simon entered Galilee, he attacked the heathens and chased them to the very
gates of Ptolemais. They killed 3000 men there and took their spoil. After he had rescued the
Galilaeans and those of Arbattis in the plain with their wives, children and all they had, they
brought them into Judea with great joy. (/APC IMa 5:21-23)

3442. Before Judas could get to the Gileadites, many of them were besieged in Bossora, Bosor,
Alemis, Caspher, Maged, Carnain and other cities in Gilead. (/APC IMa 5:26,27)

3443. By that time, Judas and his brother had crossed the Jordan River and had gone on a 3 day
march through the Arabian Desert. The Nabathites met him and told what had happened to the
Gileadites. In addition, they said that on the next day, the enemy planned to attack the garrisons
and as fast as they captured them to kill them all in one day. With this news, Judas with his army
turned aside by the way of the wilderness to Bozor. After they captured the city they killed all
the males, pillaged the city and then burned it to the ground. He left at night and marched
toward the fortress where he found the enemy about day break. They were placing the battering
rams against the place. Those within the city prayed to God for help. Those that were with Judas
marched in three divisions to the rear of the enemy. They blew trumpets and lifted up their voice

in prayer. Timothy's camp knew that it was Maccabeus who was so near to them. They fled
from him as fast as they could. In the pursuit, he killed 8000 of the enemy. After this, he went to
Maspha and took it by storm. He killed all the males and after they had plundered the place, they
set it on fire. From there he went and took Chasphon, Maged, Bosor, and the other cities of the
country of Gilead. (/APC IMa 5:24-36)

3444. While Judas and Jonathan were in Gilead and Simon in Galilee opposite Ptolemais,
Joseph, the son of Zacharias and Azarias, who were left behind to hold Judea, heard of their
gallant achievements. They were ambitious to get themselves a name as great as the others.
Contrary to orders, they took their army as far as Jamnia and planned to fight the heathens.
However, Gorgias assembled all his forces from the city against them and drove them back to
the very borders of Judea. That day 2000 Jews were killed. (/APC IMa 5:55-62)

3841b AM, 4551 JP, 163 BC

3445. Lysias was the protector and kinsman of the young king Eupator. Lysias effectively ran
the kingdom. He was greatly upset at what had happened and mustered almost 80,000 men with
all his own cavalry and 80 elephants. He marched against the Jews and planned to make
Jerusalem a Greek city, the temple a tributary and to sell the office of the high priest every year.
Thereupon, when he entered Judea, he besieged Bethsura, which was a strong place about half a
mile from Jerusalem. However, Maccabeus' army were guided by an angel and killed 1 1,000 of
the enemy's foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry. All the rest including Lysias fled. Many were badly
wounded and others threw away their arms and shifted for themselves. /APC 2Ma 11:1-12

3446. Lysias thought about his defeat and God who fought the battles for the Jews. He sent
ambassadors to them to sue for peace and said that he would agree to all reasonable terms. He
said he would use his influence to gain favour with the king. Judas Maccabeus agreed and wrote
what he thought would be in the best interest of the Jews. This letter was sent by the hands of
John and Absalom and contained what Lysias should ask the king for on the behalf of the Jews.
The king granted every request. (/APC 2Ma 11:13-15) The letters from both King Antiochus to
Lysias and from him to the Jews are found in (/APC 2Ma 1 1:22-26) These are dated in the year
(of the Chaldee account) 148, the 24th day of the month Dioscorinthius as it is in the Greek
copies. In the Latin copy (/APC 2Ma 11:16-21) this month in the Chaldee year seems to be
intercalated between Dyster and Xanthicus (in which are written, the following letters of the
King, and the Romans to the Jews, concerning this peace.) Therefore this is called in the Greek
edition of the book of Esther, (now seen in the noble Earl of Atundel's library) the month Adar-
nisan and Dysterxanthicus, and by the modern Jews, Veadar or the other Adar. Although our
Syriac interpreter of the second book of the Maccabees has substituted in its name the Syrians,
"latter Tisri."

3447. In the same 148th year, (of the Chaldee account) the 15th day of the month Xanthicus
according also to the Chaldean reckoning, there are letters sent to the Jews from King
Antiochus /APC 2Ma 11:27-33 and from Quintus Memmius and Titus Manlins (otherwise
called Manius or Mamlius) the ambassadors from Rome. At that time they came to the king at
Antioch. (/APC 2Ma 1 1:34-38) After this Lysias came to the king after the covenants were
drawn up. /APC IMa 12:1

3841c AM, 4551 JP, 163 BC

3448. About the beginning of the spring, began the 150th year of the kingdom of the Greeks
which the writer of the first book of the Maccabees uses.

3449. Demetrius, son of Seleucus Philopator was held many years hostage at Rome and was
now 23 years old. He requested the senate that with the help of the people of Rome, he might be
restored to his own kingdom which was unjustly usurped by the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, his
uncle. He said that he should always look on Rome as his native country consider the senator's
sons as brothers and the senators as fathers. Notwithstanding all this flattery, the senate
esteemed it more expedient for them to have Syria governed by a child rather than a man. They
voted that Demetrius should be detained at Rome and the kingdom be confirmed to the child
which Antiochus left behind him. However, they presently sent Cn. Octavius Spurius, Lucretius
and Lucius Aurelius as delegates to run that kingdom according to the pleasure of the senate.
They thought no one would oppose them since the king was yet a child, and the princes of the
court would be favourable to the senate since the Romans did not turn over the kingdom to
Demetrius. The princes had greatly feared that this might happen. The senate was told that
Antiochus had gotten elephants in Syria and many more ships than they allowed him. They
ordered their delegates to burn the ships and hough the elephants. In other words, they should do
what they could to bankrupt the king's treasury. (Polyb. Legat. 107, Appian, Syriac. p. 117.
Sonor. ex Dione. Justin. 1. 34. c. 3.)

3450. The delegates also received instructions to visit the Macedonians. They were not
accustomed to a democratic government and had made no use of a common council. There were
factions and seditions among them. They were ordered also to make a diligent enquiry into the
affairs of the Galatians and the kingdom of Ariarathes. (Polyb. Legat. 107.) However,
Ariarathes, by his great civility in a conference with Junius and the former delegates, sent them
away with a good opinion of himself. (Polyb. Legat. 108.)

3451. The peace between Eupator and the Jews was no sooner made than it was broken by those
who had command in the adjacent lands. Timothy Apollonius, son of Genneus, Hieronymus,
Demophon and Nicanor, the governor of Cyprus, would not allow the Jews to live in peace. The
citizens of Joppa tricked more than 200 Jews who lived among them onto their ships. They
sailed from shore and threw them all overboard. /APC 2Ma 12:2-4

3452. When Judas Maccabeus heard of this piece of treachery, he came by night to Joppa. He
burned their port and their ships. He killed all those who had fled there. When he knew that the
Jemnites plotted against those Jews that lived with them, he did the same by night to their port
and fleet. The flames of the fire appeared as far away as Jerusalem which was 30 miles away. /
APC 2Ma 12:5-9

3453. When Judas' army had gone about a mile from there on their march against Timothy, the
nomads of Arabia attacked them with at least 5000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry. After a fierce
battle, the Arabians were defeated. They agreed to supply them with cattle and other needs and
hence made peace with Judas. /APC 2Ma 12:10-12

3454. Judas' soldiers stormed the city of Caspis and took it. The city was fortified with a bridge
and surrounded with walls and inhabited by people from various countries. So great was the
slaughter of the citizens, that an adjacent lake, a quarter mile wide, was red with blood. /APC
2Ma 12:13-16

3455. They left there and travelled about 94 miles to Characa to the Jews who were called
Tabiani because they lived in the land of Tob. Timothy had left the place, although he had not
finished his business there. He left behind a very strong garrison. Dositheus and Sosipator, two
of Judas' captains, attacked them and killed about 10,000 of the men which Timothy had left to
hold it. /APC2Ma 12:17-19

3456. After this defeat, Timothy raised a new army of 120,000 foot soldiers and 2500 cavalry
from all the surrounding countries with mercenaries from the Arabians. He sent away the
women and children and other supplies to Carnion or Carnaim. This place was hard to besiege
and difficult to approach because of the narrowness of the entrance. Timothy camped opposite
Raphon on the other side the brook. Judas with all his forces, putting himself in the vanguard,
crossed the brook toward the enemy. He totally routed that Gentile army. Some flew this way
and others that way, in such a great disorder that they were often harmed by their own men and
wounded by the points of their own swords. Judas eagerly pursued them and he slew nearly
30,000 men. /APC IMa 5:37-43 2Ma 12:20-23

3457. Timothy was captured by Dositheus and Sosipater. He craftily persuaded them to let him
escape with his life because he had in his power many of the Jews' parents and brothers. If they
put him to death, they would likewise be killed. When he agreed for their safe return, they let
him go for their brethrens' sake. /APC 2Ma 12:24,25

3458. Judas marched on to the city of Carnaim and to the temple of Atargata which was located
there. Many of the enemy had fled there for refuge. Judas burned the temple along with
everyone in it. He demolished the city and killed 25,000 men. /APC IMa 5:43,44 2Ma 12:26

3459. Judas brought back all the Israelites which were in Gilead with their wives, children and
all their belongings. He planned to bring them into Judea. They came as far as Ephron, which
was a very great and well fortified city and stood in their way. It was inhabited by people from
many countries. The walls were well manned and had in it a good supply of engines and
ammunition. When Judas and his army had to pass through it, the citizens closed their gates
against them and barricaded them up with the stones. However, they forced their way through
after a day and a night's battery and demolished the city to the ground. They took all the spoil,
killed all the males numbering almost 25,000 and marched over the dead bodies through it. /
APC IMa 5:45-51 2Ma 12:27,28

3460. After this, they passed over Jordan into a great plain before Bethshan, /APC IMa 5:52
which the Greeks called Scythopolis, (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 12. c. 12.) about 75 miles from
Jerusalem. As soon as they entered the town, the Jews, who lived among them, met them and
told them, how friendly the Scythopolitans had always been with them. They said how kindly
they had treated them in their adversities. Thereupon they returned them thanks and requested
the continuance of their friendship to their country in times to come. /APC 2Ma 12:29-31

3461. Judas brought up the rear of his army and encouraged them all the way until he came to
Judea. /APC IMa 5:53 They arrived at Jerusalem about the feast of Pentecost /APC 2Ma 12:31
and went up to Mount Sion with joy and gladness. They offered burnt offerings because they
had not lost a man and all returned home in peace. /APC IMa 5:54

3462. After Pentecost, Judas and his brothers with 3000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry marched
against Gorgias who commanded Idumea and planned to fight with him. /APC 2Ma 12:32,33
IMa 5:65

3463. In that battle few of the Jews were killed. Dositheus, one of the Bacenor's troops, a strong
man had taken Gorgias prisoner and grabbed him by his coat of mail and led him away. A
Thracian soldier came to him and cut off his shoulder and rescued Gorgias. He escaped into
Marissa. They that followed Esdris, one of Judas' captains, were wearied with the long battle.
When Judas had called on the Lord and sang psalms and hymns in his mother tongue, he
attacked Gorgias' forces suddenly and made them flee. /APC 2Ma 12:33-37

3464. After the victory, he called together his army and withdrew to the city of Adullam. When
the sabbath was come they purified themselves and kept that day. The next day, Judas' soldiers
had gathered up the bodies of those that died in the battle and planned to bury them. They found
under everyone's coat, things consecrated to the idols of the Jamnites which was prohibited by
the Jewish law. De 7:25,26 It was clear to all what was the reason for their death. Thereupon
they prayed and beseeched God that the sin might be utterly rooted out. Arundel's book and the
Aldin edition states that they beseeched God that they might not be utterly destroyed for that sin.
Moreover, they made a contribution of 2000 or 3000 (as the Greek Arundel and my own Syriac
book, or 12,000 as the Latin copies have it) drachmas of silver and sent it to Jerusalem to make a
sin offering. /APC 2Ma 12:38-43

3841dAM,4551 JP, 163 BC

3465. Then Judas with his brethren went against the sons of Esau and attacked them in the south
of Judea and smote Hebron and its villages. They dismantled the fortifications and burned the
towns around the area. From there, he went through Samaria and planned to go into the land of
the Philistines. At that time some priests were killed who were desirous to show their valour and
acted unwisely in a skirmish. Judas went down toward Azotus into the land of the Philistines.
After he had overturned their altars, burnt their graven images and took away the spoils of the
cities, he returned into Judea. /APC IMa 5:65-68

3466. Antiochus' soldiers who were garrisoned in the tower at Jerusalem, had shut up the Jews
around the temple and always tried to find ways to annoy them and strengthen the heathen.
Judas and all the people besieged them in the 150th year of the Greeks. He placed his battering
rams and engines against them. However, some of the besieged escaped, to whom also some
wicked Jews allied themselves. They prevailed with Antiochus Eupator the king to quickly
subdue the rising power of the Jews. /APC IMa 6: 18-27

3467. Thereupon the king summoned together all his friends and the commanders of his army
and his cavalry. He got forces from other kingdoms. His whole force consisted of 100,000 foot
soldiers and 20,000 cavalry and 32 elephants which were trained for war. (/APC IMa 6:28-30)
In the second book of the Maccabees we read, how that in the 149th year of the account, that is
of the contracts, Judas Maccabeus had news that Antiochus Eupator was gone against Judea. His
Greek forces numbered 110,000 foot soldiers and 5300 cavalry, 22 elephants and 300 chariots
with hooks. /APC 2Ma 13:1,2

3468. Menelaus the usurping high priest, sided with this power and hoped to obtain from

Eupator that honour which he had before in name only. /APC 2Ma 13:3

3469. King Eupator was highly enraged and came resolving to bring far greater harm on the
Jews than his father ever did. When Judas heard of this, he commanded the people to call on
God night and day for protection. After he had called a council of war, he resolved to march
against the king and he camped by Modin. /APC 2Ma 13:9-14

3470. When the king's army had marched through Idumea, they attacked Bethsura with their
engines of war but the men of Bethsura sallied forth valiantly and burned the engines. Judas
camped in Bethzachariah opposite the king's camp. /APC IMa 6:31,32 He told his men that
victories are from God. Then he took with him the most valiant men and attacked the enemy's
camp by night. He advanced as far as the king's own pavilion. He slew in this fight almost 4000
men and their best elephants along with all that came upon him. When the morning dawned, he
withdrew victoriously. The entire enemy camp was filled with dread and horror by his exploits. /
APC 2Ma 13:15-17

3471. Early in the morning, the king marched with his army and camped near Bethzachariah. He
drew up his men into battle array and ordered that the juice of grapes and mulberries should be
placed before the elephants. He thought that this would make them more fierce in the fight.
These beasts were distributed throughout the army and to each beast was assigned 1000 well
armed foot soldiers and 500 cavalry. Each elephant's back had a wooden room that carried 32
soldiers plus the Indian to steer them. Their armour made such a glorious show that the
neighbouring hills glittered from the reflection of the sun on their shields of gold and brass. /
APC IMa 6:33-41

3472. Judas and his army engaged the enemy and killed 600 men of the king's party. At which
time, Eleazar, surnamed Savaran, (or Avaran, Judas' brother /APC IMa 2:5) saw an elephant in
royal harness and taller than any of the others. He thought the king was on his back riding it and
he went for it and slaughtered his enemies on both sides. He crept under its belly and slew the
beast. He was killed when the beast fell on him. When the Jews saw the vast forces of the king
and their strength, they retired from battle. /APC IMa 6:42-47

3473. When the king returned to besiege Bethsura, he was sometimes driven off by Judas in
skirmishes and sometimes Judas retreated with losses. However, Judas tried to relieve the
besieged and sent them the things they needed. Rhodius, one in the Jewish army, told this to the
enemy. Thereupon when the Jews made an inquiry about this, he was seized, put on the rack and
kept in prison. Then the king talked a second time with the men of Bethsura and persuaded them
to surrender to him. /APC 2Ma 13:19-22 After the peace was concluded between them, the Jews
all marched out of the city and were forced to surrender for lack of provisions to sustain the
siege. That year was the sabbatical year in which it was not lawful to sow their land. After the
king had taken Bethsura, he placed a garrison in it to keep it. /APC IMa 6:49,50

(Since this was a sabbatical year, it verifies Ussher's calculations that a jubilee was every 49 not
every 50 years. Otherwise this would not have been a sabbatical year. This also confirms the
date for the first sabbatical year. See notes on 2560a AM «333» and 2609a AM. «343»
Editor.)

3474. From there the king's army went up to Jerusalem and camped against Mount Sion and the

sanctuary for many days. They used their artillery with engines and instruments to cast fire and
stones and pieces to hurl darts and slings. Thereupon the besieged also made engines to thwart
the enemies' weapons. They held them off for a long time but supplies began to grow scarce
with both of them because this was the seventh year. Those in Judea who were delivered from
the Gentiles had eaten up the supply of their store. Very little was left in the sanctuary because
the famine was so severe among them. They were forced to disperse into various places. (/APC
IMa 6:51-54 Josephus. 1. 11. c. 14.)

3475. In the meantime, Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had by his last will and testament
named guardian of his son Eupator and under him was appointed ruler over the whole kingdom
had already returned from Egypt. He came from Media and Persia with the forces which
Epiphanes had left there /APC IMa 3:37 and planned to recover by force his rights which Lysias
had usurped. /APC IMa 6:55,56 2Ma 13:23

3476. When Lysias hear of this, he persuaded the king and the commanders of the army to make
peace with the whole country of the Jews and to permit them to enjoy their own laws as in
former times. He said that their army grew weaker every day, the provisions for the camp failed,
the place which they besieged was well fortified and the affairs of their own kingdom were more
urgent and important. /APC IMa 6:57-59

3477. The king and his nobles agreed with Lysias and sent to the besieged about terms of peace.
The conditions were accepted and the covenants confirmed with an oath. Thereupon the
besieged marched out of the garrison and the king entered Mount Sion offered sacrifice,
honoured the temple and dealt kindly with the place. A little later when he had considered the
strength of the place, he broke his oath and ordered the walls to be pulled down. /APC IMa 6:60-
62 2Ma 13:23

3478. The king appointed Maccabeus (or as the Greek context bears it, and my Syriac version
has it) Higemonides rather, governor from Ptolomais to the Gerrhenians /APC 2Ma 13:24 or as
far as Egypt. Its boundary is the mountain Gerur according to Ptolemy's account.

3479. While the king was coming to Ptolemais, the Ptolemaians, who always hated the Jews, /
APC IMa 12:48 were quite upset by the peace made with Judas. In a rage they wanted to void
the covenant. However, Lysias went up to the judgment seat and defended the matter. He
appeased the tumult and pacified the citizens. /APC 2Ma 13:25,26 Josephus, in the close of the
14th book of his Antiquities, says that the rule of the Hasmoneans lasted 126 years to the taking
of Jerusalem by Herod and the slaying of Antigonus. In Josephus (Antiqu. 1. 17. c. 8) has this
time as 125 years. However this happened on the 126th year from this time, so that the start of
this rule was from the time of the peace agreed on between Antiochus and Maccabeus.

3842a AM, 4551 JP, 163 BC

3480. From autumn began the year of accounts of the contracts, 150 which the writer of the
second book of the Maccabees uses.

3481. Antiochus Eupator with Lysias his guardian, hurried to Antioch, /APC IMa 6:63 2Ma
13:26 and brought along with him as prisoner, Menelaus the high priest. (Josephus, 1. 12. c. 15.)
Lysias had accused him as the sole cause of the whole Jewish war and the first instigator of all

their evils. Thereupon, by orders from the king, he was sent to Berhea in Syria, where he was let
down into a tower filled with ashes and so died a death worthy of his life. /APC 2Ma 13:4-8

3482. This wretched Menelaus was killed in the 10th year after he first usurped the priesthood at
Berhea. This is correctly written in Josephus, p. 421. and not as in p. 700 where it erroneously
says at Beryticen. The king substituted another in his place one who was just as wicked called,
Alcimus or Jacimus. He was descended from Aaron but not of the high priest's blood. Lysias
persuaded the king to transfer that honour to another family. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 12. c. 15. & 1. 20.
c. 8.)

3483. When Onias, son of Onias the third, high priest, saw the high priesthood was given to
Alcimus, he went into Egypt. After he had ingratiated himself to Ptolemy Philometor and his
wife, Cleopatra, he obtained permission to build a temple of God in the city of Heliopolis
similar to the one at Jerusalem. They would also appoint him the high priest there. Thus
Josephus writes in his Jewish Antiquities which contradicts what he formerly wrote in his work
of the Jewish wars. (1. I.e. 1. & 1. 7. c 37. or 30.) There he says that Onias' flight and his
building of the temple in Egypt happened while Antiochus Epiphanes was still living.

3484. About this time, Ptolemy Philometor and his younger brother Ptolemy Euergetes the 2nd
had a falling out. The senate of Rome wrote letters to their ambassadors, Cn. Octavius, Sp.
Lucretius and L. Aurelius to do what they could to make peace. (Polib. Legat. 107.) For after
they had jointly ruled six years together peacefully, the younger brother put out Philometor and
ruled alone. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 54. & 225.)

3485. When the older Ptolemy of his kingdom, went to Rome for help. He had very few in his
retinue and travelled in poor clothes. (Valer. Maxim. 1. 5. c. 1.) As he was on his way to the city
on foot, he was noticed by Demetrius, Seleucus' son. He was much troubled at this sight, shortly
provided a royal robe, a diadem, and a horse, adorned with golden fittings. He went with his
own servants and met Ptolemy 26 miles from the city. After a civil greeting, he advised him to
put on these ornaments and to enter Rome more like a king lest he appear contemptible. Ptolemy
thanked him very much for his goodwill toward him. He did not take these things for himself.
Ptolemy desired rather to have permission to rest a while with Archias in one of those towns
along the way. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 322.)

3486. Finally he came to Rome and lodged at an Alexandrian painter's house. As soon as the
senate heard of it, they sent for him and made a most exact apology for they had not according
to the usual custom, sent the quaestor to wait upon him nor had they entertained him on the
public account. They promised that those omissions were not to be imputed to any disrespect of
theirs towards him but merely to his own coming so suddenly to them and so privately.
Thereupon, they conducted him from the court to the house of public entertainment and
persuaded him to put off those sordid clothes. They settled on a day for a meeting. They also
took care that presents were sent to him daily by the treasurers. By their kind treatment of him,
they restored Ptolemy from that low condition he was in to his former kingly eminence. This
caused him to hope more for Rome's assistance than to fear his low estate. (Val. Max. 1. 5. c. 1.)

3487. As soon as Cn. Octavius and Spurius Lucretius, the Roman delegates came to Ariarathes,
king of the Cappadocians, they enquired into the fights between him and the Galatians. He, in a
few words told them the whole matter. He added that he was willing to agree to use them as

arbitrators. Most of his speech concerned Syria for he knew that Octavius was going there. He
showed them also in what a weak condition that state was in and how great was the similarity
between himself and Syria. He preferred also to attend them with his forces and to be ready on
all occasions to help them until they were returned safely from Syria. The king's good will and
desire to accommodate them was much resented by the delegates. They told him that at present
they had no need of his company. However, in case of some future emergency, if the need arose,
they would not hesitate to send to him. They said that they would after this always include him
as a most sincere friend to the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 108.)

3488. King Eupator with the help of his guardian Lysias, had quickly pacified the disturbances
in Syria. When he returned to Antioch, he found Philip in command there. He fought him and
took the city. /APC IMa 6:63 After he had captured Philip, he had him killed. (Josephus 1. 12. c.
15.)

3842b AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3489. Octavius Lucretius and Aurelius the three Roman delegates followed their instructions
from the senate when they came into Syria took care that the elephants should be slain and the
navy burned. They managed all other things in the Roman interest. This grieved Lep tines and
therefore he stabbed Cn. Octavius, the head delegate at Laodicea, as he was anointing himself in
the place of exercise. He testified that the deed was lawfully done and by the instigation of the
gods. This Octavius was the first from that family with the consulship, from whom Caesar
Augustus later descended. Lysias, Eupator's guardian, who was reputed the chief instigator of
the people against the Romans, took care for the entertainment of Octavius. He immediately sent
delegates in the king's name to Rome, who might excuse the act and testify to the king's
innocence as not being an accessory to this in any way. (Polyb. Legat. 1 14. & 122. Cicero.
Philippic. 9. Appian. Syriac. p. 117. Zonar. ex Dione.) Julius Obsequiens, in his book De
Prodigus, confirms that the killing of Octavius happened when Marcius and Scipio were
consuls.

3490. At that time in Syria, lived Isocratis a grammarian who belonged to a company of those
that made public recitations. He was a prating braggard and hated by the Greeks. Alcaeus in his
public speeches used to make fun of him. As soon as Isocratis came to Syria, he began to
reproach the Syrians as being stupid. He did not stay within the bounds of his profession and
began to talk of state matters and pass his judgment on them. He defended the justice of the
murder of Octavius and wanted the other Roman delegates killed too, so none would be left to
take the news back to Rome. By this, the Romans might be made more humble and cease
interfering in the sovereignty of others. (Polyb. Legat. 122.)

3491. The Romans through their ambassadors, Canuleius and Quintus, restored Ptolemy
Philometor to his kingdom and reconciled him to his younger brother Euergetes. They decreed
that the kingdom should be divided between them. Philometor was to take Egypt and Cyprus for
his share, Euergetes was to get Cyrene. This agreement was confirmed by all religious
ceremonies and by the mutual pledging of their faith to each other. However, Euergetes hurried
away to Rome to try to have the covenant voided. Thereupon Philometor also sent Menethillus
of Alabanda, as his delegate there, as his advocate and representative in his quarrel with
Euergetes. (Polyb. Legat. 113. & 114. Livy 1. 46. Zonar. Ex Dione.)

3492. Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia, died and his son Ariarathes surnamed Philopator
succeeded him by right of inheritance. As soon as he had performed his father's funeral with the
highest magnificence that could be, he sent his delegates to Rome to renew the league and
alliance with the people of Rome. He was first called Mithradates, but after he came of age, he
was called by his father's name, Ariarathes. When he was crowned, he treated his friends, nobles
and subjects, with what respect was fitting, so that he soon won the affections of all. He was
experienced in Greek and studied philosophy. Cappadocia, never before known to the Greeks,
soon became a home for learned men. (Livy 1. 46. Diod. Sic. in Bibliotheca, Phocy. cod. 244. &
Excerp. Vales, p. 325.)

3842c AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3493. From spring began the 151st year of the kingdom of the Greeks, which is used in the first
book of the Maccabees.

3494. When the ambassadors of Ariarathes, the new king of Cappadocia arrived at Rome, they
asked the senate that they would embrace their king with all love and affection. He always
wished well to all the Romans. The senate renewed the league and amity as they requested and
highly commended the king's affections to them. They entertained the ambassadors very civilly.
After this, Tiberius Gracchus (See note on 3838 AM «3402») returned from his embassy in
Asia and related many notable expressions of the affections of this king and of his father and
indeed of the whole kingdom toward the people of Rome. (Polyb. Legat. 109.)

3495. The Rhodians, through Cleagoras and Lygdamis, their ambassadors at Rome, requested
that they might be permitted to hold Lycia and Caria on the same terms as before. (Polyb. Legat.
110.)

3496. At that time the Calyndians in Caria revolted from the Caunii. Thereupon the Caunii
attempted to besiege them. The Calyndians first required help from the Cnidyans. By their help,
they were able to hold the enemy off for a while. Since the outcome of the war was uncertain,
they sent an embassy to the Rhodians and they surrendered themselves and their city into their
hands. The Rhodians accepted this and accordingly sent supplies both by sea and land. They
raised the siege and took the city into their own jurisdiction. The senate soon after this
confirmed to them the right and possession of the place. (Polyb. Legat. 111.)

3497. Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia knew from his delegates who had returned from Rome
that he was in good favour with the Romans. He thought himself secure in his kingdom and
offered to the gods sacrifices and feasted his nobles. Moreover, he sent ambassadors to Lysias at
Antioch, to get the bones of his sister and his mother, Antiochis, the daughter of Antiochus the
Great. He gave the ambassadors instructions before they left and prayed for their success. He
told them it would be best not to mention the death of Octavius even though he was quite
displeased by it. He thought this might provoke Lysias and he would not grant his request.
Lysias allowed him to have those bones. As soon as they were brought to him, he carried them
out very solemnly and placed them very carefully in his father's tomb. (Polyb. Legat. 1 12.)

3498. After the two Ptolemys (brothers) had divided the kingdom between them, the younger
Ptolemy went to Rome to invalidate the partition agreed upon with his brother. He said that he
did not voluntarily do as he was commanded but had yielded from necessity, being forced to it

by the difficulty of the times. Therefore he requested the senate that they would give Cyprus to
him otherwise his portion would be much less than his brothers. On the other side, Menithyllus,
Philometor's agent, stated and was confirmed by the Roman ambassadors' testimony, how the
younger Ptolemy retained Cyrene but also his very life, by means of his brother. Since he was
generally hated, that he might take it for a high favour that the kingdom of Greece had sided
with him which was more than he could hope for or any man dream of. After Ptolemy's reply it
was urged that the senate consider that the sharing of the kingdom was not quite completed,
partly from their own desire to have that kingdom divided. They, as occasion should arise,
would have less pains to subdue it when divided than when united. They granted the younger
brother's demands and immediately sent their delegates, Titus Torquatus and Cn. Merula, with
instructions to reconcile the two brothers and to give Cyprus to the younger brother. (Polyb.
Legat. 113.)

3499. News came to Rome of the killing of Cn. Octavius. When the delegates of Antiochus
Eupator whom Lysias had sent, arrived at Rome, they showed that their king was in no way
involved in the murder. The senate sent the delegates back again and determined nothing about
the matter because they would by no means reveal their minds about it. (Polyb. Legat. 1 14.)
However, they ordered a statue to be erected in the place of common pleas, to the memory of
Octavius. (Cicero Philipic. 9.)

3500. Demetrius was much disturbed by the news of that accident. He sent for Polybius, the
historian and asked him whether or not, it was wise to ask the senate again about his affairs.
Polybius warned him to take heed of dashing himself twice against the same stone. He told him,
that he had better attempt some noble exploit worthy of a kingdom and hinted by this that he
would have him stolen away from Rome as soon as he could. But Demetrius followed the
counsel of Apollonius, his close friend who was a good man but very young. Demetrius came
into the senate and requested that he might at least have his liberty and might be no longer
detained as hostage at Rome, since they had confirmed the kingdom to Antiochus Eupator. The
senate for all this stood by their decree. Thereupon, Demetrius consulted first with Diodorus
who was a crafty fellow who recently came from Syria and had previously educated him. Then
he talked with Polybius about how he might make his escape. Menethyllus, Ptolemy
Philometor's agent, who by Polybius' means (with whom Polybius was intimately acquainted,)
had been admitted into the discussion under the pretence of providing for his return home. He
publicly hired a sacred ship of the Carthaginians which was about to sail to Tyre to bring the
first fruits of the Carthaginians, to their ancestor gods according to the custom. When all things
were ready, Demetrius sent his tutor, Diodorus, into Syria beforehand to hear what was said and
to feel the pulse of the people. He took only a few with him to be companions with him on his
journey. He dined at a friend's house with them and the rest he sent away to Anagnia, where he
said he would come hunting the next day. (Polyb. Legat. 1 14.)

3501. At this time Polybius was sick in bed. He feared lest Demetrius spend too much time
drinking and miss the chance to escape. Since the night was passing, he sent him a sheet sealed
up with these lines written on it.

He that delays, incurs the fates Of night, boldness success creates.

Adventure, come what can, let all, Rather than thou, thyself shouldst fall.

3502. Polybius added that saying of Epicharmus, (commended by Polybius, 1. 3. p. 768. &
Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 1. Epist. 16.) "Be sober, and remember to trust nobody, these are the very
sinews of prudence." As soon as he read the note, he understood immediately what those
instructions meant and from whom they came. Thereupon he pretended to need to vomit and he
and his friends left the company. He told his plan to Nicanor and the rest of his friends. He came
by night to Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber River. Menithyllus went before to the sailors and
told them that he received new instructions from the king so that he must of necessity stay a
while longer in the city. However he would send him some trusted young men who would give
him a full account of all the affairs of his brother. About the end of the third watch of the night,
Demetrius came with 8 friends, 5 servants and 2 lackeys. Menithyllus commended these to the
captain of the ship, who knew nothing of the plot. They set sail about day break. (Polyb. Legat.
114.)

3503. No one at Rome missed him until 4 days later. They looked for him but he was not found.
On the 5th day, the senate met on the business but Demetrius was now 6 days from the city by
sea and had gone as far as the strait of Sicily. The senate thought it would be of no use to follow
after him since he had such an head start on them. A few days later, they sent Tib. Gracchus,
Lucilius Lentulus and Servilius Glaucias as ambassadors whose business was to see how things
went in Greece. After that they were to find out what Demetrius was up to, see how the kings
felt toward Rome and to settle their differences with the Galatians. (Polyb. Legat. 114.)

3504. In the meantime, Demetrius had got into Lycia from where he wrote the senate that he
marched not against Antiochus, his uncle's son, but against Lysias with a resolution to avenge
Octavius' death. He won over Tripoli of Syria to his side, by saying he was sent by the senate to
take possession of the kingdom, for no one dreamed of his escape. He captured Apamea and he
mustered all his forces together and marched toward Antioch. He killed the young king
Antiochus Eupator and Lysias when they came out to give him a friendly greeting. They did not
want to take up arms for fear of displeasing the Romans. (Zonar. ex Dione.) He won the
approval of all in Syria and he took over the kingdom. (Justin. 1. 34. c. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p.
117,118.)

3505. We read in the /APC IMa 7:1-4 how that in the 151st year of the kingdom of the Greeks,
Demetrius, son of Seleucus, escaped from Rome and came with a few men to a city on the sea
coast, that is Tripoli of Phoenicia and began to reign there. He entered into the palace of his
ancestors at Antioch near Daphne, the metropolis of Syria. His soldiers seized Antiochus and
Lysias and killed them by his orders. In the /APC 2Ma 14:1,2 we read that, after 3 years or in
the 3rd year from the beginning of Antiochus Eupator or the purging of the temple by Judas
Maccabeus as mentioned in /APC 2Ma 10:1-10, Judas was told of the arrival of Demetrius at
Tripoli. With a great force and navy, he had taken the country and killed Antiochus and his tutor
Lysias. However, Josephus states that Antiochus Eupator reigned only 2 years (Antiqu. 1. 12. c.
16.) and so does Eusebius in his Chronicles. On the other hand, Porphyrius (in Grec. Euseb.
Scaliger. p. 228.) and Sulpicius Severus, (Histor. Sacr. 1. 2.) say he reigned only 18 months.

3506. Demetrius removed Heraclides from the charge of the treasury in Babylon. Antiochus
Epiphanes had appointed him to that position. Demetrius also killed Heraclides' brother,
Timarchus who had been appointed governor of Babylon by Antiochus Epiphanes. Timarchus
had rebelled against Demetrius and ran the place poorly. The Babylonians first surnamed
Demetrius, Soter. (Appian. Syriac. p. 118.)

3842d AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3507. Alcimus had obtained from Antiochus Eupator the high priesthood but was not accepted
by the people. In the times of confusion under Antiochus Epiphanes, he wilfully defiled
himself. /APC 2Ma 14:3 He tried to get the priesthood confirmed to him by Demetrius Soter and
addressed the king. He was accompanied by other wicked and apostate Israelites who maligned
their country men and especially the Hasmoneaus. They said he was guilty of killing the king's
friends and banishing them out of the country. Demetrius resented their complaints. Thereupon
he sent a large force into Judea under Bacchides, the governor of Mesopotamia and his intimate
and trusty friend along with Alcimus on whom he had given the priesthood. When they had
entered the land, they thought to have won over Judas Maccabeus and his brethren by their talk
about peace. The Jews did not believe them when they saw their large forces. /APC IMa 7:5-1 1

3508. A company of scribes headed by Hasideans came to Alcimus and Bacchides and desired
peace from them. They said:

vv One that is priest of the seed of Aaron has the charge of this army who will not do us any
wrong"

3509. After they had committed themselves to his safety, that wicked priest broke the agreement
and his oath and executed 60 of them in one day. The historian applies the saying of the psalmist
to this event. Ps 79:2,3

vv The flesh of thy saints, have they (cast out,) given to the beasts of the earth, and their blood
have they shed around about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them."

3510. Many were terrified by this act of wickedness and fled from the city. /APC IMa 7:12-19

351 1. Bacchides left Jerusalem and camped in Bezeth or Bethzetha. From there he sent and took
many of those which had forsaken him. He killed some of the Jews and cast them into a deep
pit. After that, he committed the country to Alcimus' care and left him a sufficient force to help
him. Bacchides returned to the king. All the rebellious of the people came to Alcimus who had
done everything to ensure the priesthood for himself. When they had subdued Judea, they made
great havock in Israel. Thereupon, Judas Maccabeus went out into all the land of Judea and took
vengeance on all who had revolted from him. He was so successful that the enemy was confined
to their garrisons and did not make any more incursions into the country. /APC IMa 7:19-24

3512. Ptolemy the younger, left Italy and came into Greece. There, he hired an army of very
strong men. He also hired Damasippus, a Macedonian, who after he had killed the governors
that sat in council at Phaco, a town of Macedonia, escaped from there as fast as he could with
his wife and children. Ptolemy left and came to Persea, a land opposite Rhodes. After he had
been courteously treated by the people, he planned to set sail for Cyprus. However, Torquatus
and the rest of the Roman delegates saw the great number of mercenary soldiers he had. They
remembered their instructions from the senate in which they were expressly charged to control
him without fighting. At last they prevailed with him, to disband his mercenaries as soon as he
come to Sida and to not make his intended voyage to Cyprus. He should do his best that they
might meet with him concerning Cyprus. In the meantime, they were going to Alexandria to
persuade the king to agree to his requests. They would meet him at the appointed place and

bring the king himself along with them. These propositions had such influence on Ptolemy the
younger, that he gave up the idea of conquering Cyrene (Cyprus ??) and dismissed his
mercenary soldiers. He went directly to Crete and took along with him Damasippus and Cn.
Merula, one of the ambassadors. As soon as he had hired 1000 soldiers, he departed to Libyna
and kept them at the Port of Apis. (Polyb. Legat. 1 15.)

3513. In the interim, Torquatus and Titus came to Alexandria and did what they could to
persuade the older Ptolemy to come to an agreement with his brother and to give Cyprus to him.
Ptolemy's gave in on some things and listened to others merely to buy time. His younger brother
who was camped as was agreed, before Apis in Libyna was very displeased that as yet nothing
was concluded concerning the surrender of Cyprus. He sent Cn. Merula to Alexandria and
hoped through him and Torquatus to accomplish his plans. (Polyb. Legat. 115.)

3843a AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3514. Hipparchus Bithynus attempted to transmit to posterity the exact number of the stars and
to order constellations using particular instruments he invented. He showed their positions and
their magnitudes. Pliny says his works were underestimated. (Pliny 1. 2. c. 95.) He wrote in his
book and said that in the 27th year of the third Calippic period, the 30th day of the Egyptian
month Mesor, (September 27th) about sunset, he observed the autumnal equinox. (Ptol. 3. 1. 2. c.
2.)

3515. This autumn began the year 151 of the account of the contracts as used in the 2nd book of
the Maccabees. In this year (for so the Greek copies compute, and my Syriac Interpreter, where
the Latin edition reads 150.) Alcimus came to king Demetrius and gave him a golden crown, a
palm and boughs also which were used in the temple. /APC 2Ma 14:3,4 He saw how Judas
Maccabeus and the Assideans who were with him had greatly increased in power. They would
not allow him to come near the holy altar. Using this opportunity, he eagerly accused them to
the king, as the instigators of all the rebellions and disturbers of the common peace in Judea. He
complained most bitterly about this. He said he was divested of the high priesthood which was
the glory of his ancestors. As long as Judas was living, he was confident Demetrius should never
enjoy the kingdom quietly. This was confirmed by his friends and other implacable enemies of
Judas. Demetrius was so angry that he sent Nicanor, his general into Judea with orders to
destroy Judas and disperse his associates, the Assideans. He was to place Alcimus in the high
priesthood. The Gentiles who fled from Judea for fear of Judas, flocked to Nicanor. They were
happy about the calamities which were likely to befall the Jews. /APC 2Ma 14:3-14 IMa
7:25,26

3516. When the Jews knew of Nicanor's coming and of the alliance of the Gentiles with him,
they cast dust on their heads and prayed to God. There was a short skirmish between Simon,
Judas' brother, and Nicanor near the village Dessaro. Nicanor had heard of the prowess and
valour of Judas and his company in defending their country and was afraid of fighting with him.
Therefore he sent Poseidonius, Thoedotus and Matthias to make peace between them. When
they had discussed the matter among themselves, Judas told it to the people. They unanimously
approved the articles. A day was appointed in which Judas and Nicanor were to meet. Judas did
not trust the enemy, and placed some armed men in several convenient places for security in
case of any violence. However the conference was very peaceful and closed in a league without
the king's knowledge. After this, Nicanor stayed a while in Jerusalem and dismissed the
companies which he had before collected. He lived so friendly and familiarly with Judas that

Judas persuaded him to marry a wife, /APC 2Ma 14:15-25

3517. As soon as Alcimus saw what happened, he spoke a 3rd time to Demetrius and
complained about Nicanor. He accused Nicanor of plotting against the king. Demetrius was so
upset by all this that he immediately wrote to Nicanor to let him know that he was very upset
with his actions with Judas Maccabeus. He ordered Nicanor to send Judas bound to Antioch. He
was very loath to do this since it would break their articles of peace and since Judas had done
nothing wrong. However he knew enough not to cross the king and he watched for a convenient
time to execute the king's command by craft. /APC 2Ma 14:26-29

3518. Ptolemy Philometor with his entertainment detained the Roman delegates at Alexandria
for 40 days. This was against their will since no business was transacted. The Cyrenians and
some other cities revolted from Euergetes the younger brother. The Egyptian Ptolemy, whom
Euergetes had appointed over the whole realm when he sailed away unto Rome knew of this
matter. News of this came to Euergetes. He was also told that the Cyrenians already had an army
ready for war. He feared that while he tried to add Cyprus to his kingdom, he would lose
Cyrene. He set aside all other matters and left Apis where his navy was anchored in the harbour.
He sailed to the great Catabathmus, as they call it and planned from there to go to Cyrene. He
found the strait in Catabathmus held by the Libynians and the Cyrenians. He shipped half his
men with orders to sail around those straits and to attack the enemy by surprise. He led the
vanguard with the rest of the army and tried to capture the hill. As soon as the Libynians knew
they were surrounded, they abandoned their stations. Hence the king took the top of the hill and
captured the stronghold and its 4 towers which contained plenty of water. (Polyb. Legat. 1 15.)

3519. From there he marched through the wilderness in 7 days and the soldiers under
Mochyrinus followed him by sea. When the Cyrenians knew of his coming, they drew out their
army of 8000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry against him. They guessed what Philometor's mind
was by what he had done at Alexandria. They saw nothing of a king in Euergetes but that all his
administrations were tyrannical. They could not be persuaded to freely submit to him.
Thereupon they fought and defeated him. (Polyb. Legat. 115.)

3843b AM, 4553 JP, 161 BC

3520. Judas Maccabeus saw how Nicanor had grown more reserved then before and his dealings
more harsh than they usually were. He thought he was up to no good and therefore gathered
many of his associates and withdrew himself from his sight. /APC 2Ma 14:30

3521. Nicanor came to Jerusalem with great forces and by his fair speeches drew Judas to a
meeting. However, while they were greeting one another, the enemy planned to seize Judas and
carry him away. When Judas knew this, he was very afraid of him and did not want to see him
any more. When Nicanor saw that his plan was discovered, he marched against Judas to fight
him beside Capharsalama. Nicanor's side lost 5000 men and the rest fled to the city of David. /
APC IMa 7:27-32

3522. After this Nicanor went to Mount Sion where he was met by some of the priests and
elders of the people. They came from the sanctuary to greet him peaceably and to show him the
burnt sacrifice that was offered for the king. He slighted and scoffed at them and commanded
them to turn over Judas. They swore with an oath that they did not know where he was. Nicanor

stretched out his right hand toward the temple and swore that unless Judas and his forces were
delivered into his hands, when he returned in peace, he would burn the house of God, destroy
the altar and erect in the same place another glorious temple to Bacchus. Thereupon the priests
entered and stood before the altar and the temple. With great lamentations they beseeched God
to frustrate Nicanor's threats and avenge his blasphemies. /APC IMa 7:33-38 2Ma 14:31-36

3523. Razis, one of the elders of Jerusalem, who for his love and affection to the citizens, was
called, "The Father of the Jews", came to Nicanor. Therefore Nicanor thought that if he were
killed, he could do what he pleased with the Jews. He sent about 500 soldiers to take him. When
they had forced the outter gates of the tower where he was and were ordered to burn the other
doors, he stabbed himself with his own sword. When he knew by his haste, his wound was not
mortal, he threw himself headlong from the wall. Afterward, running to a steep rock, when he
was almost dead, he ripped out his bowels and with both his hands threw them among the throng
and so he died. /APC 2Ma 14:37-46 Concerning this event, see Augustine. (61st Epistle to
Dulichius, and 1. 2. against Gaudentio, c. 23.)

3524. When Nicanor saw that Judas was not in Jerusalem but in parts of Samaria, he marched
from Jerusalem and camped in Bethhoron. More troops came to him from Syria. Judas camped
in Hadasa about 4 miles from the enemy with 3000 men. Nicanor tried to start the battle on the
sabbath day. He was presently admonished by some Jews who were compelled to march with
him to reverence that day and the God who instituted it. He railed on them with a most horrid
blasphemy but was unable to carry out his plan of fighting on the sabbath. Maccabeus
encouraged his troops from the law and the prophets. Moreover he had them remember their
former encounters and declared to them a dream of his. He saw Onias, who was the 3rd high
priest by that name, praying for the people and the prophet Jeremiah reaching to him with a
golden sword. Hence he encouraged the troops. Thereupon, being well armed with prayers and
the sure confidence in God, on the 13th day of the 12th month Adar, they attacked the enemy.
Nicanor was the first to die in the battle. Thereupon, the rest threw away their arms and fled.
The Jews chased them for a whole day from Hadasa to Gazera and sounded an alarm after them
with their trumpets. By this all the Jews from the various surrounding towns, hurried to the
slaughter of their fleeing enemies. At least 35,000 were killed and not one of the enemy army
survived. Then they fell on the spoil and took the prey. They cut off Nicanor's head and arms
with the shoulder and brought them to Jerusalem. They hung his head on an high tower with his
right hand with which he had so proudly stretched forth against the house of God. Judas ordered
that the tongue of this wicked fellow to be cut out, chopped in pieces and fed to the birds. In
commemoration of this victory, it was enacted by a general decree, that a great holiday should
be kept annually on the 13th day of the 12th month, called in the Syriac, Adar, the day before
the feast of Mordecai. (/APC IMa 7:39-49 2Ma 15:1-37 Joseph. 1. 12. c. 17.)

3525. This ends the history contained in the second book of the Maccabees. This is a summary
of the five books of Jason, a Jew of Cyrene. After Nicanor's death, Judea had rest from wars for
a while. /APC IMa 7:50 During that time, Judas Maccabeus heard of the great power of the
Romans and their humanity toward any that were in distress. He also knew how great Demetrius
feared them. Therefore, he sent Eupolemus the son of John and Jason son of Eleazar, as agents
to the senate at Rome, in the name of him, his brother, and the commonwealth of the Jews. They
were to negotiate an association and alliance with the people of Rome and hoped by this to free
them from the heavy yoke of King Demetrius and the empire of the Greeks. /APC IMa
8:1,17,18,31,32)

3526. Cneus Merula finally returned from Alexandria to Euergetes and told him that his brother
Philometor would not agree to any of his demands. He urged him that they must abide by the
covenants which were first ratified. When Euergetes heard this, he ordered Copmanua and his
brother Ptolemy to go as his delegates to Rome along with Merula. They were to entreat with
the senate concerning the wrongs done to him by his brother and to tell them of his contempt of
the Romans. On their way, they met Titus Torquatus who was Cn. Merula's colleague in the
embassy. He had left Alexandria also without completing the business he went there for. At the
same time, Menithylius of Alabanda was sent as a delegate to the senate from Philometor.
(Polyb. Legat. 116,117.)

3527. After Demetrius heard that Nicanor and his whole army were destroyed in the battle, he
sent Bacchides and Alcimus for the second time into Judea. He gave them the right wing or the
better part of his army. They marched on the way to Gilgal. They camped at Maesaloth or
Massadoth which is in Arbela. When they captured it, they killed many people. /APC IMa 9:1,2

3843c AM, 4553 JP, 161 BC

3528. On the first month of the 152nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they moved toward
Jerusalem to find Judas Maccabeus and from there they marched to Berea (or Beerzath, as it is
in the Arundel copy) with 20,000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. Judas camped in Eleasa with
3000 choice men with him. When they saw the large number of the enemy, they were very
afraid. Thereupon many left him, so that he had only 800 left in the camp. With these few he
attacked Bacchides' vast army and fought from morning till night. At last he routed his right
wing in which Bacchides was and pursued them to Mount Azotus. However, those in the left
wing chased Judas and those which were with him. Judas died fighting valiantly and the rest fled
immediately away. Then Jonathan and Simon took up the body of their brother Judas and buried
it in the sepulchre of their fathers at Modin. Israel mourned for him many days. /APC IMa 9:3-
21 Judas was slain in the 6th year after the death of his father Mattathias.

3529. After the death of Judas, wicked men appeared all over Israel, who before had stayed out
of sight for fear of Judas. There was a great famine in those days and this caused the whole
country to join with them and submit to Bacchides so that they might have more provisions.
Bacchides promoted those wicked men to be rulers of the country. When they found any of
Judas' friends, they brought them to Bacchides to be tormented and reviled. There was a great
affliction in Israel, there was nothing like this since the time of the last prophets of the Old
Testament. /APC IMa 9:23-27

3530. In the meantime, the delegates who were sent to Rome from Judas Maccabeus concluded
a peace and association with the people of Rome. The articles were written in tables of brass and
said that the Jews should assist the Romans and the Romans the Jews against the common
enemy. The senate also wrote letters to King Demetrius that he should stop oppressing the Jews,
otherwise they would wage war with him both by sea and land to support this people who were
now their friends and confederates. /APC IMa 8:19-32

vv When they had revolted from Demetrius, (having procured an alliance with the Romans) they
of all the eastern people first obtained their liberty. The Romans at that time were very free in
giving away that which was not their own."

3531. Josephus, (Antiq. 1. 12. c. 17.) notes that this was the first league that was ever known to
be between the Romans and the Jews. It is written in other words with this forged subscription,
appended. This decree of the senate was written by Eupolemus, son of John, and Jason, son of
Eleazar: (the Jew's agents)

vv When Judas was high priest and his brother Simon, the general."

3532. Jonathan was the most likely one to be the general while Judas was living. It was not until
Jonathan died that Simon became the general. A little before Josephus incorrectly wrote that
when Alcimus died, the people voted Judas to be the next high priest. /APC IMa 9:54-56 For
this passage shows that Alcimus died after Judas and Josephus admits his error later and says
that Jacimus or Alcimus had no successor at all and Jerusalem had no high priest for 7 whole
years. (Antiq. 1. 20. c. 8. p. 701.)

3533. There was a long debate in the senate between the delegates of both the Ptolemys. Titus
and Cnaeus who were sent as ambassadors by the Romans testified for Euergetes and promoted
his cause. The senate ordered that within 5 days Menithyllus, Philometor's delegate, should
depart from Rome. The league which was between them and Philometor was void. The senate
sent Publius Apustius and Caius Lentulus as ambassadors to Euergetes. They immediately went
to Cyrene and with great care informed him what was done. This inflated his hopes so that soon
he levied an army and plotted how to take over Cyprus. (Polyb. Legat. 1 17.)

3534. All Judas Maccabeus' friends met and chose Jonathan as general in his place. He was the
brother of Judas and was surnamed Apphus. As soon as Bacchides heard this, he planned to kill
him. Jonathan, his brother Simon and those that were with him found out about this. To thwart
him, they fled into the desert of Tekoa and camped by the pool of Asphar. Jonathan sent his
brother John, surnamed Gaddis with a band of soldiers, to ask the Nabathites (Arabians) that
they might leave their wagons with them for they had many wagons. However, the children of
Jambri from Medaba met with them on the way. They attacked and killed John and his
company. They seized the spoil and went their way. Their victory was short lived. Jonathan and
his brother Simon heard that those sons of Jambri were having a large wedding and were
bringing the bride from Nadabath with great pomp and a long train of nobles. She was a
daughter to a prince in Canaan. They arose from an ambush and attacked them. They killed 400
and the rest fled to the mountains. They seized all their spoil. After they had fully avenged the
blood of their brother, they marched back to the marshes of Jordan. (/APC IMa 9:28-42. Joseph.
1. 13. c. 1.)

3535. Bacchides followed Jonathan closely and came on the sabbath day to the banks of the
Jordan River with a large army. Both the armies fought. In the fight Jonathan tried to kill
Bacchides but he deflected the blow. However, 1000 of Bacchides' men were killed but
Josephus says 2000. Jonathan knew he could not cope with such a large force. He and his men
leaped into Jordan and crossed over to the other side. The enemy did not attempt to follow him.
Bacchides returned to Jerusalem and built fortified cities in Judea and a fort in Jericho, Emmaus,
Bethhoron, Bethel, Thamnatha, Pharathoni and Tephon. He strengthened them with high walls,
gates and bars and put garrisons in all of them. He used these places as bases to attack and
annoy the Jews. He fortified Bethsura, Gazara and the tower at Jerusalem. He supplied them
with men and provisions. He seized the chief men's sons in the country for hostages and he put
them in prison in the tower at Jerusalem. /APC IMa 9:43-53 Joseph. 1. 13. c. 1.)

3536. Mithrobuzanes, one of the sons of Zadriades, king of the lesser Armenia had escaped to
Ariarathes king of Cappadocia. Artaxias, the king of the greater Armenia whom Antiochus
Epiphanes had conquered wanted his old kingdom. He sent an embassy to Ariarathes and asked
him to side with him. They would murder one of the two brothers, whom he had under his
power at that time and he would divide Sophene between them. Ariarathes detested this
treachery and sharply rebuked the delegates. He sent letters to Artaxias and admonished him not
to do such a wicked act. Moreover, he restored Mithrobuzanes to his father's kingdom. (Diod.
Sic. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, p. 325.)

3844a AM, 4553 JP, 161 BC

3537. Ariarathes received Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus and Servilius Glaucius, the
Roman delegates in Cappadocia very royally. (Polyb. Legat. 119.) Demetrius Soter sent
Menocharis there so that he could seriously debate with the Roman delegates about the settling
of his kingdom. (Polyb. Legat. 120.) He also offered to King Ariarathes a marriage with his
sister, who was related to Perseus, the king of the Macedonians. He declined, lest he offend the
Romans. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 24. Justin 1. 35. c. 1.)

3844b AM, 4554 JP, 160 BC

3538. Menocharis returned to Demetrius at Antioch and gave an account of his conferences with
the Roman delegates. The king deemed it very necessary in his present condition, to gain the
favour of the Roman delegates. He set aside all other matters and first sent to them into
Pamphylia then again to Rhodes. He said he would do whatever he could for the Romans if they
would confirm his title as king. Tiberius favoured him and helped him considerably to obtain the
legal right to his kingdom. (Polyb. Legat. 120.)

3539. Leptines, who had stabbed Cn. Octavius the Roman delegate at Laodicea went to King
Demetrius and told him not to be troubled by the death of Cnaeus nor to act harshly toward the
Laodiceans because of this. He planned to go to Rome and state before the senate that he had
done the act and that the gods approved of it. He went cheerfully of his own accord and was
brought from there to Rome without any guard. Isocrates the grammarian, who by his vicious
tongue had got him into trouble, went stark mad when he knew the trouble he was in. When he
saw the irons put about his neck and the shackles on his hands, he neglected his personal duties
including his appearance and clothes. (Polyb. Legat. 122.)

3844c AM, 4554 JP, 160 BC

3540. In the 153rd year of the kingdom of the Greeks, the second month, Alcimus commanded
the wall of the inward court to be pulled down. This divided the court of the people from that of
the Gentiles and was built by Zerubabel and the prophets. However, God shut the mouth of that
profane high priest by striking him with a sudden palsy. He could not speak a word more nor
give any orders concerning his own house. He died in great torment /APC IMa 9:54-56 in the
third year after he had usurped the high priesthood. Josephus (1. 12. Antiq. c. 17.) said he was
high priest for 4 years but in the second last chapter of the 20th book in the same work he says it
was only 3 years. There he adds that after his death Jerusalem went 7 whole years without any
high priest. 7 years five months elapsed between the second month of the 153rd year in which
Alcimus died and the seventh month of the 160th year when Jonathan became the high priest. /

APC IMa 10:21

3541. When Alcimus died, Bacchides returned to King Demetrius and Judea had two years of
peace. /APC IMa 9:57

3845a AM, 4554 JP, 160 BC

3542. About the 155th olympiad, ambassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes king of
Cappadocia with a crown of the value of 10000 pieces of gold. They told the senate how their
king had graciously received Tiberius Gracchus and that for their sakes they refused any alliance
with Demetrius and the offer of marriage with his sister. They added that he was very ready to
serve the Romans, in whatever they wanted him to do. When Tiberius Gracchus and the rest of
the ambassadors confirmed this as true, the senate accepted the crown and took it for a great
favour. They gave them a staff and an ivory seat which the Romans highly esteemed. These
ambassadors were sent by him to the senate immediately before the beginning of winter. (Polyb.
Legat. 119 & 121 Diod. Sic. Legat. 24.)

3845b AM, 4555 JP, 159 BC

3543. When the new consuls, Cn. Cornelius Dolabella and Marcus Dolabella and Marcus
Fulvius Nobilior assumed office, a joint embassy of Prusias, king of Bithynia and the
Gallogrecians arrived and complained against Eumenes king of Pergamus to the senate. Attalus
was also heard who was sent there by his brother Eumenes, to plead his cause. He was
completely cleared of all the accusations and had much honour bestowed on him. He was
received and dismissed with great courtesy. The hearts of the senators were aversed to king
Eumenes whom they hated but they really liked Attalus. They hoped he would take over the
kingdom from his brother and hence treated him royally. (Polyb. Legat. 119, 121.)

3845c AM, 4555 JP, 159 BC

3544. Menocharis and other ambassadors came to Rome from Demetrius Soter the king of
Syria. They brought a crown worth 10,000 pieces of gold for a present which the king sent as a
token of his gratitude for his kind treatment when he was a hostage at Rome. They turned over
Leptines who had killed Cn. Octavius, the ambassador, and Isocrates the grammarian who
publicly defended the murder. Isocrates was a strange spectacle to all. His countenance was
terrible and fierce as a man's must be who in a whole year's time had never washed his face,
trimmed his nails or cut his hair. The motion of his eyes showed he was mad. Whoever met him
by chance would have preferred the attack of a wild beast instead. On the other hand, Legtines
was wholy unaffected and ready at any time to come into the senate. He freely confessed the
murder to anyone who talked with him. He was confident the Romans would not harm him and
he was right. The senators had debated about this for a long time. Finally, the senate heard the
ambassadors and received the crown from them. They made no mention of those two men as if
that was a fault chargeable to all the Syrians. It was the policy of the senate to keep this matter
to themselves so that as often as they pleased they might avenge this crime. They replied to
Demetrius that the senate was ready to be friendly to him provided that he became their tributary
again as before. (Polyb. Legat. 122. Diod. Sic. Legat. 25. Appian. Syriac. p. 118.)

3545. Orophernes, or as some call him Holophernes, spoke to Demetrius Soter, the king of Syria

and complained that Ariarathes his younger brother, had driven him out of the kingdom of
Cappadocia. Although, he was not the lawful heir but either put in by Queen Antiochis or
adopted by her as Zonaras relates from Dion, as we said before (See note on 3832 AM
«3237») from Diodorus. Demetrius still bore a grudge against Ariarathes for slighting the
offer of his sister to him in marriage. He was agreeable to the request and gave him 1000 talents
to help dethrone Ariarathes. This was over and above the help he had from Eumenes, the king of
Pergamus. (Polyb. 1. 3. p. 161. Livy 1. 47. Justin, 1. 35. c. 1. Appian. Syriac. p. 118. Zonar. ex
Dione.)

3546. When Eumenes, the king of Pergamus, was on his deathbed, he bequeathed his wife
Stratonica, the sister to Ariarathes who had recently lost his kingdom to his brother Attalus.
(Plutarch in Apothegm.) He reigned for 38 years. If we subtract the years as computed by
Strabo, of his brothers' and his sons' reign who succeeded him from the interval inserted in the
Roman history between his becoming king and the time when Pergamos ceased to be a
kingdom, More than 38 years elapsed. Therefore Eumenes died in the very beginning of the 39th
year. However, Strabo incorrectly states he reigned 40 years. He left Attalus Philometor, whom
his wife Stratonica bare to him to inherit the kingdom after him. Since his son was so young, he
appointed his brother Attalus Philadelphus, guardian of him and the kingdom, who managed its
affairs for 21 years. (Strabo. 1. 13. p. 624.)

3846a AM, 4555 JP, 159 BC

3547. In the morning about sunrise, Hipparchus made a second observation of the autumnal
equinox in the 20th year of the Calippic Period, on the first day of the Egyptian Additionals.
(September 27) (Ptol. 1. 3. c. 2.)

3548. After Orophernes had expelled his brother Ariarathes, it behoved him to manage things
with great prudence and ingratiate himself into the people's hearts by acts of clemency and
grace. This he did not do but tried to get as much money together as he could. He most wickedly
killed many. He gave Timothy whom afterwards he sent as an ambassador to Rome, 50 talents.
He gave Demetrius 70 and promised to pay the another 400 talents soon along with another 600.
When he saw that he was hated by the Cappadocians, he started to plunder all the people and
take the the wealth of the nobility into his treasury. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 334.)

3549. Orophernes who was educated in Ionia (See note on 3832 AM «3237») had little
regard for the constitutions of his country and set up:

vv The Ionic and an artificial kind of intemperance." (Polyb. 1. 22. and Athenaum, 1. 10 c. 12.)

3550. After amassing a vast sum of money, he deposited 400 talents with the Prienians, in case
the times should turn against him. Later they were faithful and restored it to him again. (Polyb.
& Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 170, 173. & 334.)

3846c AM, 4556 JP, 158 BC

3551. After Jonathan and his company had lived in peace for 2 years, some lying Jews
suggested to Bacchides that there was a good chance of taking them all by surprise in one night.

Thereupon Bacchides went toward them with a large force and sent letters secretly to all his
friends in Judea. He asked for help in his plan of capturing Jonathan and his company. However,
their plot was discovered by Jonathan and his men. They took the 50 men of the country, who
were involved in this plot and executed them. /APC IMa 9:57-61

3552. Then Jonathan, Simon and those that were with him moved to Bethbasi, (or Bethlagan, as
Josephus has it) which is in the wilderness. They repaired its walls which were in ruins and
fortified it. As soon as Bacchides knew of this, he mustered up all his forces and summoned his
adherents in Judea to come to him. Then he went and laid siege to Bethbasi and fought against it
for many days with his engines. However, Jonathan, left his brother Simon in the city and
crossed the country with a small troop. He killed Odoarrhes or Odomern and his brethren and
the sons of Phasiron in their tents. When he began to kill all that he met and break into the
enemy forces, Simon with his company sallied from the city and burned the engines. In this
fight, Bacchides was defeated. He was enraged to see his plans thwarted and directed his anger
against those wicked wretches that were the cause of this expedition. He killed many of them
and planned to return into his own land. When Jonathan knew this, he sent commissioners to
him to treat with him concerning a peace and to return the prisoners he had taken from Judea.
Bacchides very readily embraced the motion, said he would do nothing against Jonathan all the
days of his life. So he returned back to his own land and never entered Judea with an army
again. Thus the wars were settled in Israel. Jonathan lived in Michmash in the tribe of Benjamin
and began to judge his people and uproot the wicked from the land. /APC IMa 9:62-73

3847 AM, 4557 JP, 157 BC

3553. About noon, Hipparchus made a 3rd observation of the autumnal equinox in the 21th year
of the Calippic Period, on the first day of the Egyptian Additionals. (September 27) (Ptol. 1. 3. c.

2.)

3554. When Ariarathes was deprived of the kingdom, he came as an humble suppliant to Rome
and sought the help of Sextus Julius, the consul. His clothes showed the great distress he was in.
Demetrius sent an embassy under Miltiades. He came to defend against Ariarathes' accusations
against Demetrius and to bring charges against Ariarathes. Orophernes also sent his delegates,
Timothy and Diogenes to present a crown at Rome and to renew their alliance and association.
Their main purpose was to justify and defend their actions and to accuse Ariarathes. Diogenes
and Miltiades had the upper hand in the private conferences. They were in their prime and
Ariarathes was in an afflicted and miserable condition. When they discussed the matter publicly
they dared disagree with him and say anything whether it was true or not. There was no one
there to refute what they said. (Polyb. Legat. 126.) Finally the senate decreed that since
Ariarathes was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome, he and Orophernes should reign
together as brothers and partners in the kingdom. (Appian. Syriac. p. 118. Zonar. ex Dione.)

3555. Ptolemy Euergetes, tried to capture Cyprus and was defeated in a battle there with his
brother Philometor. Philometor besieged him in the city Lapithus until they were in dire straits.
When he captured him, he spared him since he was of a mild disposition and because he was his
brother. Also he feared the Romans. He forgave him and entered into a covenant with him and
gave him back the rule of the Cyrenians. Instead of Cyprus, he gave him some cities with a
annual allowance of grain. He also promised to give his daughter to him. Thus this war between
the two brothers after much hard feelings was quickly settled in a peaceful manner. (Polyb. &
Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 197. 334, 337. Livy 1. 47. Zonar. ex Dione.)

3556. When Orophernes knew that the Romans had taken away what he enjoyed formerly, he
resolved as soon as possible to pay his mercenary soldiers. He feared that from lack of pay, they
might rebel. Since he was short of money, he pillaged Jupiter's temple which was located at the
foot of Mount Ariadne. Up until that time it had never been touched. From the plunder he was
able to pay his soldiers what he owed. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 337.)

3557. Attalus, Eumenes' brother and successor in the kingdom of Pergamos, drove Orophernes
and Demetrius Soter from Cappadocia and restored Ariarathes to the throne. (Polyb. Legat. 126.
p. 169. Zonar. ex Dione.)

3558. Demetrius Soter offered Archias 500 talents on the condition he would betray Cyprus to
him. He promised him other rewards and honours if he would help him. As Archias was going
about this, he was apprehended by Ptolemy Philometor. When he was questioned about what he
was doing, he hanged himself with the rope of the curtain which was drawn before the hall.
(Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 170 & apud. Suidam, in voc.)

3559. After Ariarathes was restored unto the kingdom of Cappadocia, he demanded the
Prienians pay the 400 talents which Orophernes had deposited with them. They honestly replied
that as long as Orophernes was alive, they would not give the money to anybody but him, who
had entrusted them with it. Thereupon Ariarathes sent troops to pillage the country and Attalus
helped him. Indeed Attalus instigated this since there was a private grudge between him and the
Prienians. There was a large slaughter of men and beasts and some were killed at the very gates
of the city. However, the Prienans could not defeat them. Therefore they sent their ambassadors
to the Rhodians and finally asked the Romans for protection. However, Ariarathes lightly
esteemed all this news. The Prienians had faithfully restored to Orophernes the money he
deposited with them. For that act, Ariarathes imposed a huge fine on them and afflicted them
with most grievous calamities without just cause. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 173.)

3848 AM, 4558 JP, 156 BC

3560. When there were disputes between Attalus and Prusias Venator, the king of Bithynia,
Attalus sent Andronicus, Prusias Niconmedes and Antiphilus as ambassadors to Rome.
Thereupon, the senate sent Publius Lentulus to find out what was happening. When Andronicus
began to charge Prusias with the first invasion, the Romans were not impressed with what he
said. Prusias' ambassadors protested that there was no such matter. This made the senate give
less credit to what was alleged against Prusias. After a more strict search into the business the
senate did not know how well they could trust these agents. They sent two ambassadors of their
own, L. Apulcius and C. Petronius to see how the affairs went between those two kings. (Polyb.
Legat. 128.)

3849 AM, 4559 JP, 155 BC

3561. When Prusias had defeated Attalus, he entered Pergamos. After he made expensive
sacrifices, he went into Esculapius' temple. As soon as he had made an end of offering, he
returned again to the camp. The next day since he was unable to capture Attalus, he brought his
forces to Nicephorium, which was near the walls of Pergamos. He began to pillage all the
temples and rifled and ransacked the images and statues of the gods. At last even the image of

Esculapius, to whom the day before he had offered so many vows and sacrifices was not spared.
It was an excellent piece made by Philomachus or Phyromachus. He had his soldiers carry it
away. From there he marched with his army to Elaea. He tried to besiege the city. He saw that
this was not going to be successful because Sosander, the foster brother to Attalus was in the
city with a strong garrison and drove him off. He went away by ship to Thyatira. On the way he
sacked the temple of Diana in Hiera Cume. The temple of Apollo Cynius at Temnus was sacked
and burned to the ground. When he had done this, he returned home. He had lost most of his
foot soldiers to famine and a disease of a bloody flux. He had no better luck with his fleet. A
violent storm in Propontis wrecked most of his ships and most of the soldiers and mariners
drowned. The rest were cast on shore. (Polyb. & Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 169, 170. &
337. cum Snidas. in Voce.)

3562. After Attalus had been beaten by Prusias, he sent his brother Athenaeus along with
Publius Lentulus to tell the senate what had happened to him. (Polyb. Legat. 128.)

3563. After these two had told the senate of Prusias' deeds, the senators immediately ordered
that C. Clausius Cento, L. Hortensius and C. Aurunculeius should go as ambassadors with
Lentulus. They were to order Prusias to stop his hostilities against Attalus. (Polyb. Legat. 129.)

3564. When P. Scipio and Marcus Marcellus were consuls, the Athenians sent three of the most
famous philosophers of that age, as ambassadors to the senate and people of Rome. Carneades
an academic from Cyrene, Diogenes the stoic from Babylon, and Critolaus the peripatic, were
sent to obtain a release of the fine of 500 talents. This was the judgment of the Sicyonians and
ordered by the senate for their devastation of Oropus. When they were brought into the senate,
they used Caecilius, or C. Acilius a senator for their interpreter. Although a little before, each of
them had shown their abilities and discoursed in a great assembly of people. At that time,
Rutilius and Polybius stated that it was admirable to hear the eloquence of those three
philosophers as they spoke. Carneades was hot and fiery, Critolaus was witty and smooth and
Diogenes grave and sober in his style. Clitomachus in his history written in Greek, relates, how
that Carneades to whom Clitomachus was the speaker and Diogenes the stoic stood before the
senate in the capitol. A. Albinus, who was then the praetor said in jest to Carneades:

VV I seem not (O Carneades) in your eyes as if I were a praetor, because I am not a philosopher,
nor Rome a city, nor its people citizens."

3565. He replied:

vv This stoic perhaps takes you for no such person.'

3566. As soon as Carneades was finished speaking, Cato the Censor thought it best to send away
those ambassadors immediately because, while he argued the truth could not easily be discerned.
The fame of those philosophers spread all over the city and the Roman youth set aside all other
pleasures and delights and followed as if they were mad after philosophy. Cato, feared lest the
youth should make all their studies this way and esteem the glory of eloquence more than of
action and martial discipline. He moved that all philosophers should be sent out of the city in a
civil manner. When he came into the senate, he rebuked the senators because they allowed those
ambassadors who were able to persuade them what they pleased, to stay so long among them
without an answer. Therefore he advised also that they would without further delay conclude

and decree something concerning the embassy so that they might send them home to argue
among their young Greeks and not to spoil the youth of Rome. These were to be made to strictly
obey the laws and magistrates as in former times. (Cicero, in Lucullo. & Tulculan. quest. 1. 4. &
1. 2. de oratore. Pliny 1. 7. c. 30. Plutar. in Catone. Malore. A. Gellius 1. 7. c. 14. Maccab. 1. 1.
Saturnal. c. 5.)

3850 AM, 4560 JP, 154 BC

3567. At the same time that the senate sent Qu. Opimius, the consul, to wage war with the
Oxybians of Ligurea (of which Polybius makes mention in the 134th embassy) Ptolemy the
younger (Euergetes) came to Rome. No sooner had he entered the senate than he accused his
brother Philometor of setting an ambush for him. He showed his scars of the wounds he had
received. He tried to use inflamed language to stir up the people and to create sympathy for him.
Ptolemy the older sent Neolaidas and Andromachus as ambassadors to answer the charges made
by his brother. The senate would not allow them to speak because they seemed to believe what
the other brother had said. They were commanded to leave Rome immediately. Five
ambassadors were selected among whom were Cn. Merula and L. Thermus. To each were
assigned ships of five tiers of oars. Their commission was to go along with the younger Ptolemy
and give him Cyprus. They wrote also to their allies in Greece and Asia to help Ptolemy recover
Cyprus. (Polyb. Legat. 132.)

3568. When the ambassadors from Rome were come to Prusias, they forbid him in the senate's
name to take any more hostile action against Attalus, an ally and confederate of the Romans.
They charged him strictly, either to submit to the senate's decree or to come with 1000 cavalry
to the borders and there to argue the case with Attalus who was coming there with the same
number. He saw Attalus' small retinue and hoped to surprise him. He sent his agents a little
before him as if intending to follow after with his 1000 men. However, he drew up his whole
army as if he had come to fight and not to talk. Attalus and the Roman delegates were warned
and hurried away. However, Prusias seized the Roman wagons, took Nicephorum and
demolished it. He burned the temples that were in it and forced Attalus with the Roman
delegates to flee to Pergamos for refuge which he besieged. (Appian. in Mithridaticis, p. 172.)

3569. When Hortensius and Autunculeius returned from Pergamos to Rome, they declared with
what great contempt Prusias had received the injunctions of the senate. Contrary to the league
between them, he used all violence against them and Attalus after he had besieged them in
Pergamos. The senators were so highly displeased and moved by this affront that they decreed
that 10 ambassadors should immediately be sent. Among them were L. Anicius, C. Fannius, and
Q. Fabius Maximus. These were ordered to end the war and to compel Prusias to make
satisfaction of Attalus for the damages he had sustained by this war. (Polybius, Legat. 133.)

3570. While it was still winter, Attalus gathered a large army. Ariarathes and Mithridates his
confederates had sent both foot soldiers and cavalry, under the command of Demetrius,
Ariarathes' son. While Attalus was preparing for war, the Roman ambassadors met him at
Quada. After they had talked with him, they went directly to Prusias. As soon as they came
there, they told him he displeased the senate greatly. Prusias promised he would do some things
the senate required of him but denied most of them. Thereupon, the Roman ambassadors to
whom he had given great offence by his obstinacy, renounced that amity and alliance which had
been formerly between them. They all left him and journeyed to Attalus. Prusias repented of
what he had done and went after the ambassadors. He begged and beseeched them for a long

time. When he saw no good would come of this, he let them go and returned home. He did not
know what to do. In the meantime, the Romans advised Attalus to stay within his kingdom with
his army and not commit any act of hostility against anybody. He should secure his own cities
and villages from invasion. The ambassadors went their separate ways. Some went to Rome to
tell the senate of King Prusias' pertinency. Others went into the country of Ionia and others to
the Hellespont and adjacent lands to Byzantium. All of them went with the plan of making the
rulers break their alliance with Prusias and join Attalus to help him in whatever way they could.
(Polyb. Legat. 135.)

3571. Atheneus, Attalus' brother, came soon after this with a large fleet of 80 ships with decks. 5
came from the Rhodians that had been used in the war in Crete. 20 came from the Cyziceneans,
27 from Attalus, the rest were from his confederates. He sailed directly to the Hellespont. Any
cities he sailed past that were under Prusias' command, he went ashore and wasted their
countries. (Polyb. Legat. 136.)

3572. As soon as the senate had heard their ambassadors who returned from Prusias, they sent
three others, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius and Aulus Posthumus. When they arrived in Asia,
they concluded the war and prevailed with both the kings to agree on these conditions.

vv Prusias would immediately give Attalus 20 ships with decks. He would pay him 500 talents
over 20 years. Each should keep what they had before the start of the war. Moreover, Prusias
was to make good the damages which he did to the countries of the Methymneans, Egans,
Cumai, and Heracleots and to pay to them 100 talents."

3573. After the covenants were signed by both parties, Attalus returned home with all the forces
he had brought either by sea or land. (Polyb. Legat. 175.) When Prusias, saw his subjects hated
him for his tyranny and how his son Nicomedes was loved by them, he grew jealous of his son
and sent him away to Rome to live there. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 173.)

3574. When Antioch revolted from Demetrius Soter, Orophernes entered into a league with
them and plotted how to dethrone him. He was recently restored to his kingdom. When
Demetrius knew of his plans, he spared his life lest Ariarathes should be freed from the fear of
war from his brother. However, he seized him and commanded him to be kept as a prisoner at
Seleucia. Those of Antioch were not put off by the discovery of the plot but applied themselves
all the more to their plan. They allied themselves with Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, Attalus, the
king of Asia and Ariarathes of Cappadocia who was attacked by Demetrius. The men of Antioch
bribed a certain obscure youth, a foreigner who was to lay claim to the kingdom of Syria, as
being his father's kingdom. He was to try to recover it by force. So that the affront might be
complete, they called him Alexander and said that he was son of King Antiochus. Such was the
universal hatred of Demetrius that his rival had conferred on him by the consent of all the
strength and power befitting a king and the royalty of extraction. (Justin 1. 35. c. 1.)

3575. Livy (1. 52) says of this Alexander:

vv to have been an obscure person and whose descent was not very well known,"

3576. Athenaeus (1. 5. c. 10.) styles him:

vv the supposed son of Antiochus Epiphanes."

3577. Appian says:

vv one who added himself into the family of those that were descended from Seleucus"

3578. In the Syriac. (p. 31.) Sulpitius Severus:

vv A youth raised at Rhodes who falsely bragged of himself that he was son of
Antiochus."(Histor. Sacra. 1. 2.)

3579. Strabo, (1. 16. p. 751.) surnamed him Balas and Josephus, (1. 13. c. 8.) Balles.

3580. In the middle of the summer, Heraclides, whom Antiochus Epiphanes formerly had
appointed over the treasury at Babylon, brought Alexander with him to Rome along with
Laodice, the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes his daughter. While he stayed at Rome, he wore
the clothes of some great person and did all things very subtilly, purposely stretching out the
time and hoped to incline the senate to favour his plans. (Polyb. Legat. 138.)

3851a AM, 4560 JP, 154 BC

3581. While Attalus, the son of King Eumenes (in whose name his uncle Attalus governed the
kingdom of Pergamos) was yet a child, he came to Rome to ingratiate himself with the senate
and renew that friendship and right of hospitality which formerly had been between his father
and the people of Rome. He was treated with most extraordinary civility by the senate. His
father's friends received an answer to his own heart's wish. He was given honours as were
suitable for a child of his age. Within a few days, he returned from Rome. All the cities of
Greece through which he passed, received him with great devotion and magnificence. (Polyb.
Legat. 140.)

3582. Demetrius, later called Nicator, son of the then reigning Demetrius Soter in Syria, was at
the same time at Rome. His reception was ordinary since he was a child and he did not stay
long. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)

3851b AM, 4561 JP, 153 BC

3583. Heraclides stayed a long time at Rome and came into the senate with Laodice and
Alexander (Balas). First the youngster made a short speech and desired that the Romans would
be pleased to remember that friendship and alliance which had been formerly between them and
his father Antiochus and that would help him recover his kingdom. Failing that, he asked
permission to return to Syria and that they would not oppose any of those who were ready to
help him regain his father's kingdom. Heraclides spoke next. After he had extolled the merits of
Antiochus for a long time, he condemned Demetrius (Soter). He concluded that it was right and
just to grant unto the youth (Alexander) and to Laodice, who were the lawful seed of King
Antiochus, permission to return to their country. Very little if anything he said was liked by the
sober-minded senators who thought all he had spoken was a fiction. They utterly detested
Heraclides. The lowest of the senators, whom Heraclides by his delusions had made his friends,

all agreed that a decree of the senate should be made to this end:

vv The senate had given to Alexander and Laodice, children of a king who was a friend and an
associate of the people of Rome, permission to return to their father's kingdom by right of
former inheritance and to assist them according to their decrees."

3584. Thereupon Heraclides presently hired soldiers and drew a very large number of persons to
his side. He came to Ephesus where he began with all earnestness to prepare for the war he had
so long planned. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)

3851c AM, 4561 JP, 153 BC

3585. In the 160th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, Alexander (Balas) who pretended to be
the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, captured Ptolemais, a city of Phoenicia. It was betrayed to him
by the soldiers who were garrisoned there. /APC IMa 10:1 (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 3.) They detested
Demetrius' behaviour because he was of a harsh disposition and very insolent. He secluded
himself and did not care about public matters but trifled his time away in idleness.

3586. When Demetrius Soter heard that Alexander was received into Ptolemais, and began to
reign there, he mustered together a very large force, and planned to march against him and fight
with him. /APC IMa 10:1,2 After Demetrius considered the hazards of the war, he sent two of
his sons, Demetrius Nicator and Antiochus Sideres who were later kings of Syria, with a great
amount of gold to his army at Cnidus. This was to protect them should the war turn out badly. If
that happened, they should live to avenge their father's quarrel. (Livy 1. 52. Justin. 1. 35. c. 2.)

3587. Demetrius wrote letters to Jonathan to renew peace with him and gave him authority to
levy forces and to provide arms that he might help him in the war against Alexander. He ordered
that the hostages who were kept in the fort, should be released. When Jonathan read the letters
publicly at Jerusalem, those who held the fort feared and turned over the hostages to him and he
gave them to their parents. /APC IMa 10:3-9

3851dAM,4561 JP, 153BC

3588. Jonathan wisely made good use of this opportunity and began to repair Jerusalem. He took
care to build up the walls and the Mount Sion all around with square stones to fortify it. The
aliens who were in the forts which Bacchides built, left their strongholds and hurried away to his
own land. Only at Bethsura remained some of the apostates and deserters of the law and used
that as their place of refuge. /APC IMa 10:10-14

3589. Alexander had heard in the meantime, of the good promises which Demetrius had made to
Jonathan through his letters. Thereupon he also sent letters courting his friendship and
association. He ordained him the high priest of that country. He honoured him with the title of
being called the king's friend and sent him a purple robe and a crown of gold. /APC IMa 10:15-

20

3852a AM, 4561 JP, 153 BC

3590. Jonathan assumed the high priesthood in the 7th month of the 160th year of the kingdom
of the Greeks at the feast of tabernacles. /APC IMa 10:21 This was the 9th not the 4th year (as it
is in Josephus 1. 13. c. 5.) after the death of his brother Judas. For by that account, Judas died not
before the 164th year of the Greeks. This contradicts the history of the Maccabees. /APC IMa
9:3,18,54. This error generated another in that Judas succeeded Alcimus in the high priesthood.
We have shown previously this was wrong and it was later acknowledged by Josephus also. He
clearly stated later that no one succeeded Jacimus or Alcimus but that the city was without an
high priest for the 7 whole years. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 20. c. 8.) After 7 years and 5 months expired,
Jonathan now assumed the office of the high priesthood. He was first of the Hasmoneans who
descended from Jehoiarib who was of the priest's family. He was not descended from Jaddus the
high priest, whose heir, Onias, at this time lived in Egypt with Ptolemy Philometor.

3591. Demetrius Soter was grieved that the Jews were inclined to side with Alexander. He
hoped to win them over by forgiving the arrears of tribute and all the tribute by which the
Macedonians had before miserably oppressed that country. He made generous promises of other
honourable concessions. Jonathan and the people of the Jews were not much influenced by this.
They knew that this offer came from a man who by his former actions had clearly shown his
hatred of them. He would not keep his word if he escaped from those troubles he was in.
Thereupon, they abandoned Demetrius and sided with Alexander. He had first made an offer of
peace with them. From that time on, they were his confederates in the war. /APC IMa 10:22-47

3852 AM, 4562 JP, 152 BC

3592. Andriscus an Adramyttean, a contemptible person, said that he was the son of Perseus, the
last king of the Macedonians and changed his name to Philip. He tried to create a rebellion in
Macedonia. When no one paid any attention to him, he went into Syria and spoke to Demetrius
Soter whose sister was Perseus' wife. He thought he might get some help from him. To better
accomplish this, he devised this tale. He said he was descended from King Perseus by a
courtesan and given to Cyrthesa to receive his education. This was done so that some of the
royal family might be preserved in case he lost the war which he had with the Romans. After
Perseus' death, he was kept in ignorance of his lineage and believed until he was 12 that the man
with whom he was brought up at Adramyttum was his father. Afterward the man became sick
and was about to die. Before he died, he told him the truth. He gave him a little book which his
reputed mother signed with King Perseus' signet. He was to give it to him when he came of age.
Until then everything was to be kept secret. When he came of age, the book was to be given to
him, in which two treasures were left to him by his father. Then the woman who did not know
that he was her own but a secret son, told him of his true descent. She begged him earnestly to
withdraw from those parts before Eumenes knew of it who was Perseus' sworn enemy. She
feared lest they should be put to death. For this lie he was taken by King Demetrius and sent to
Rome. When it was obvious that he was neither the son of Perseus nor had anything else of note,
he was slighted and condemned. (Livy 1. 48 & 49. Zonar. ex Dione.)

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3854 AM, 4564 JP, 150 BC

3593. Alexander Balas assembled a large army with the soldiers which revolted from King
Demetrius in Syria and the auxiliaries of Attalus, Ariarathes, Jonathan and especially of Ptolemy
Philometor. He fought with Demetrius and the left wing of Demetrius' army routed the enemy.
They pursued them so hard that they had also the plunder of their camp. The right wing, in
which Demetrius himself fought, was forced to give ground. Even though many of his troops
fled, Demetrius behaved himself very valiantly and killed some of his enemies and chasing
others of them who were not able to withstand the violence of his charge. He was caught in a
slough that was deep and impassable. He could not escape because his horse kept falling as he
went. The enemy surrounded him and shot him with arrows. However, he fought very gallantly
on foot, until he fell down dead from the many wounds he had. /APC IMa 10:48-50 (Joseph. 1.
13. c. 5. Justin. 1. 35. c. 1. Appian. Syriac. p. 131.) Demetrius died after he had reigned in Syria
for 12 years. When the rest of the kings conspired against him, he lost his life and his kingdom
together. (Polybius 1. 3. p. 165.) Porphyrius who knew well Demetrius (in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger,
p. 228.) Eusebius and Severus Sulpicius agree that he ruled 12 years. However, Josephus says he
ruled for only 1 1 .

3594. After Demetrius' death, who was survived by his two sons, Demetrius and Antiochus and
a little before the Achaic war, a comet the size of the sun appeared. At first its orb was fiery and
ruddy and cast a clear light that brightened up the night. After, it began to lessen in size and its
brightness vanished, it finally disappeared. (Senec. Natural. Quast. 1. 7. c. 15.)

3595. After Alexander with the special help of Ptolemy Philometor (as Appian stated) had killed
Demetrius and taken his kingdom, he sent ambassadors to Ptolemy to arrange a marriage
between him and his daughter. Ptolemy readily agreed and immediately left Egypt for Ptolemais
with his daughter Cleopatra. She was a woman born to ruin the kingdom of Syria. This marriage
happened in the 162nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks at the end of the year. /APC IMa
10:51-58

3596. Jonathan was invited by Alexander to this wedding. He presented those two kings and
also their friends with gold, silver and many other gifts. He hoped to ingratiate himself to them.
At the same time, some wicked men came from the land of Israel to accuse Jonathan. Alexander
did not listen to them and commanded that Jonathan should be clothed in purple and that he
should sit next to him. He also ordered the piers of his realm to attend him into the middle of
Ptolemais. A proclamation was made forbidding anyone to speak against him or to molest him
in any way. Thereupon his accusers vanished out of his sight. The king also showed him a great
deal of honour by promoting him among those that were reputed his most intimate friends. He
made him the general of his forces in Judea and shared the dominion with him in his own court.
So Jonathan returned back to Jerusalem in peace and great joy. /APC IMa 10:59-61

3597. Onias, son of the high priest, Onias the 3rd one by that name lived as a renegade with
Ptolemy Philometor at Alexandria. He saw there was no hope of recovering the high priesthood
of Jerusalem since it was transferred to the family of the Hermoneans. He aspired to make a
name for all posterity. He petitioned King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra, who was both his wife
and sister, while he was engaged in the war in various countries. He noted that in Coelosyria,
Phoenice and Leontopolis in the Heliopolitan jurisdiction of Egypt and in various other places

that the Jews had their temples. This was the cause of all that strife which was so common with
them. Therefore, Onias requested that he might have permission to purify an old ruined temple
that was not yet consecrated to any god which he had found standing near the citadel of Bubastis
in the plain. He also wanted to build another temple in the same place to the Almighty God,
patterned exactly like the one at Jerusalem in size and shape. Then the Jews who lived in Egypt
might keep their assemblies there. This would be a good means of preserving unity among
themselves and preparing them to serve the king when required to. For, the prophet Isaiah had
foretold that there should be in the latter days, an altar erected to the Lord God in Egypt. He also
prophesied many other things concerning that place. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 3.)

3598. It should be noted that when Onias did not plan to build a new temple when he came first
to Philometor and Cleopatra into Egypt but rather after he had served them well in the Egyptian
and Syrian wars. Josephus in his second book against Appian (p. 1064.) states that Philometor
and Cleopatra, committed their whole kingdom to the Jews to ravage and appointed Onias and
Dositheus (both Jews) over the whole army. Again, in that prophecy of Isaiah, which Onias
wrested to support his sacrilegious ambition concerned the spiritual kingdom of our Lord Christ,
is found in Isa 19:18,19:

vv In that day shall there be five cities in the land of Egypt, speaking the language of Canaan, and
sworn to the Lord of Hosts, one shall be called a city of destruction."

3599. In that day shall there be an altar to the Lord in the middle of the land of Egypt and a
pillar to the Lord at its border. Here for srxt ry[ "city of Jerusalem", is similar srxt ry[ where it
says, "the city of the sun" where the only difference is that the [ is pointed differently. This is
how Simachus interpreted it and Jerome has rendered it:

vv One of them shall be called the city of the sun."

3600. The Chaldee Paraphrase puts them together:
vv The city of the sun which shall be destroyed."

3601. This may be the reason why Scaliger guesses that Onias chose the Heliopolitan tract to
build the temple.

3602. When Onias was given a plot in the Heliopolitan district about 23 miles from Memphis,
he built a temple there. It was not so large or so costly as the one at Jerusalem. The towers were
similar and made of large stones and rose to the height of 90 feet. The altar was a copy of the
one at Jerusalem and furnished with the same utensils except for the candlestick. He made no
candlestick but a golden lamp instead. It sparkled as it were with a beam of light. He hung it on
a chain of gold. He surrounded the temple with a wall of brick in which were made gates of
stone. The king gave a grant of a large proportion of land and revenue that the priests might be
supplied with necessaries for the worship of God. Onias also found some Jews, who lived in the
same area that he did, that were priests and Levites. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 14. c. 14. & Belli. 1. 1 c.
7.) He used them in his temple. (Joseph. Belli. 1. 7. c. 37. cf. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 6. & in the Meshna,
tract. Minhoth c. 13. Sect. 10.) The priests who ministered in Onias' temple were accounted little
better than the priests of the high places, who were not permitted, (as appears from 2Ki 23:9) to
offer burnt offerings on the altar of the Lord at Jerusalem but to eat only unleavened bread like

the unclean priests among their brethren.

3603. At Alexandria there arose a dispute between the Jews and the Samaritans concerning their
holy rites. One contended that the temple at Jerusalem was the only lawful temple and ordained
by Moses while the other party contended for Gerizim. Both sides appealed to Ptolemy
Philometor and his friends for the hearing and decision of the matter. They wanted the losers to
be executed. Sabbeus and Theodosius pleaded for the Samaritans and Andronicus the son of
Messalamus for the Jews. They took their oaths by God and the king that they would use no
arguments but such as they found in the law. They asked the king that he would put to death
whoever lost. The king with many of his friends at the council heard the whole debate. Finally
they were persuaded by Andronicus' arguments and determined that the temple in Jerusalem was
that which was built by Moses' directions. Sabbeus and Theodosius were sentenced to death as
was agreed. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 3.)

3604. At the same time Aristobulus, a Jew, being a peripatetic philosopher, became famous at
Philometor's court in Egypt. He wrote a commentary on Moses and dedicated it to the king. In
its preface there is a famous passage that is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus (1. 1.) Stromato
and by Eusebius in Perparat. Evangel. (1. 13. c. 7.) In this book (1. 8. c. 3.) of the same work, he
copies large sections from this book of Aristobulus.

3855 AM, 4565 JP, 149 BC

3605. In this year the 3rd Carthaginian war started. Mithridates Euergenes, who was the first of
the kings of Pontus and a confederate with the people of Rome, brought a number of ships
against the Carthaginians. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.) Both the consuls were sent to
manage this war. Manilius managed the army and Marcius Censorinus was admiral of the fleet.
They were told secretly not to stop the war until Carthage was demolished. (Livy 1. 49. Appian.
in Libyc. p. 42.)

3606. Andronicus or the false Philip, secretly escaped from Rome. He levied an army and
captured all Macedonia and the royal ensigns. This was either with the consent of the inhabitants
or by force of arms in the 3rd year of the 157th olympiad. He also thought of invading Thessaly
and adding it to his domains. However, through the instigation of the Roman delegates, it was
defended with the help of the Achaians. (Livy 1. 49. & 50 Vellei Patercul. 1. 1. Porphyr. in Grac.
Euseb. Scalig. p. 229.)

3607. When Prusias Venator, the king of Bithynia, knew that his son Nicomedes was in some
favour at Rome, he ordered him to go to the senate. He wanted the arrears of the money which
was owed to Attalus to be cancelled. He also sent an ambassador, Menas, to be his assistant who
was secretly ordered to murder Nicomedes if he failed to get his request. (Appian. in
Mithridatic. p. 173.) This would give the kingdom to his younger sons who he had by a second
wife. (Justin. 1. 34. c. 4.) One who was named after his father, had no teeth in his upper jaw but
instead it was one bone that grew out so evenly that it did not disfigured him or cause him any
problems when chewing. (Livy 1. 50. Valer. Maxim. 1. I.e. ult. Pliny 1. 7. c. 16.)

3608. Prusias set out his ambassador Menas with some large ships and 2000 soldiers and Attalus
sent Andronicus as an ambassador to oppose the request. He made it clearly appear that the fine
which was laid upon Prusias was far less than the booty he had obtained by pillaging the

country. Menas saw there was little hope of obtaining his request of getting Prusias' fine
removed and also knew in what high esteem Nicomedes was held in Rome. He did not know
what to do. He dared not kill Nicomedes nor return to Bithynia. In this state of indecision, he
remained at Rome. Nicomedes called him to a meeting which he found not too disagreeable.
They conspired against Prusias and drew Andronicus into their confederacy who was to
persuade Attalus to help to establish Nicomedes in Bithynia. They all met together at Bernice, a
little town in Epirus and at night time went aboard a ship. They wanted to determine what was
the best way to accomplish this business. After the discussion, they departed their way the same
night. In the morning, Nicomedes came ashore in his purple robe and with his crown on his
head, like a king. Andronicus met him a little later and greeted him as a king. Andronicus was
attended by 100 soldiers. Menas pretended not to know that Nicomedes was in the company
until then. Menas ran about the 2000 soldiers he had brought with him and exhorted them to side
with the one who should seem most deserving. He intimated that Prusias was now an old man
and Nicomedes was in his youth. The Bithynians were weary of Prusias and desirous of his son.
The best of the Romans liked this youth extremely well. Andronicus who was now captain of his
guard, had promised assistance from Attalus, a neighbouring king of a large kingdom. He was
also a bitter enemy to Prusias. He reminded them of Prusias' cruelty and antics by which he was
hated by everybody. As soon as Menas saw in these soldiers the dislike for his villainies, he took
them all to Nicomedes. He was the second after Andronicus that greeted him as king and
brought 2000 soldiers with him as a guard. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 173,174.)

3609. Attalus was very eager to accept the youth and sent orders to Prusias to turn over to his
son some cities to dwell in and fields for provision. Prusias answered that he would soon give
him Attalus' whole kingdom for whose sake he had formerly invaded Asia. When he had said
this, he sent some delegates away to Rome to accuse Nicomedes and Attalus and cite them both
to a trial. (Apian, in Libyc. p. 174.)

3610. Nicomedes was encouraged by Phaellon or rather Phaennis, Epirus' seer who predicted
success and by the instigation of Attalus. He waged war with his father Prusias. (Zosim. Histor.
1. 2.) As soon as he and Attalus with their forces came into Bithynia, the Bithynians began to
revolt. Thereupon Prusias dared not trust himself with anyone of his own subjects. He hoped
that the Romans would relieve him. He waited for this and secured himself in a citadel at
Nicaea. He had gotten from Dirgylles a Thracian, his father-in-law, 500 Thracians, whom he
appointed to be his bodyguard. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 174.)

3856a AM, 4565 JP, 149 BC

361 1. The praetor of Rome did not conduct the ambassadors from Prusias to the senate as soon
as they arrived. He hoped to do Attalus a courtesy. After he had ushered them into the senate
and was ordered to choose some ambassadors who might settle the war, he selected three. One
had been wounded in the head with a large stone and was badly disfigured from the scars. A
second one was lame on his feet,and the third was a fool. Cato Censorinus, who died at 85 soon
after, said in jest that the Romans sent an embassy who had neither head, feet nor heart. (Livy 1.
50, Plutarch, in Catone majore.)

3612. When the ambassadors came into Bithynia, they ordered both sides to lay down their
arms. Nicomedes and Attalus indicated they would submit to the authority of the senate.
However, Bithynians, who were instigated and previously told by Nicomedes and Attalus what
they should do, said obstinately that they could no longer endure Prusias' tyranny especially

since they had showed to him by this present engagement how much they disliked his
government. Since the Bithynians had not as yet made known these their grievances to the
senate, the ambassadors returned home again and accomplished nothing. Prusias gave up
expecting help from the Romans and had not sought help elsewhere because he believed the
Romans would help him. He crossed over to Nicomedia and planned to fortify that place and
from there to prevent the enemy from getting in. However, the townsmen deserted their king and
opened the gates to the enemy. Thereupon Prusias fled to Jupiter's temple and trusted he would
be protected by the religion and respect due to that place. In spite of this, Nicomedes sent some
of his party who killed him there. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 174, 175.) Diodorus Siculus stated
that Prusias fled for his own security to the altar of Jupiter and was slain by his son Nicomedes
by his own hand, (in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244.) Strabo states he was slain by Attalus. (1. 13.
p. 624.) Livy says he was killed by his son with the help of Attalus. (1. 50.) Zonaras from Dion,
says he was killed by his own subjects. For Polybius reports that he was so hated by the
Bythynians (in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 174. & Suidas in pdts) that they all rose up against him in
such numbers and with such violence as if their plan had been not only to revolt from him but
mainly to avenge themselves of him for the notable injustices of his government.

3613. Andriscus, or the false Philip, in Macedonia, fought with Juventius the Roman praetor
who was sent with a legion against him. He won the battle and slew Juventius and killed most of
the Roman army. From there he invaded Thessaly and wasted most of the country and took the
Thracians into an alliance. (Livy 1. 50. Flor. Histor. 1. 2. c. 14. Entrop. 1. 4. Zonar. ex. Dione,
Oros. 1. 4. c. 22.) With these successes, he started to commit acts of cruelty and tyrannical deeds.
There was not a wealthy person whom he did not put to death on false accusation. He did not
spare his most intimate friends and killed many of them. He was naturally of a fierce and bloody
disposition. In his common actions, proud and haughty and at last deeply engaged in
covetousness and all manner of vice. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 342.)

3856 AM, 4566 JP, 148 BC

3614. Alexander Bala in Syria gave himself over entirely to riotous living and luxury. His friend
Ammonius managed the affairs of the kingdom. He killed all the king's friends, Laodice the
queen who was the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes and Antigonus who was the son of
Demetrius. (Livy 1. 50. Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 4. Athenaus, 1. 5. c. 10.)

3615. In the 165th year of the Greeks, Demetrius the oldest son of Demetrius Soter was now in
his prime. He heard of Alexander's degenerate life style and luxury to whom came those vast
incomes which he scarcely dreamed of and perks of the kingdom. All the while he stayed like a
prisoner in his own palace among a company of courtesans. He raised a large force of mercenary
soldiers from Lasthenes a Cretian who sailed from Crete to Cilicia with the army. Alexander
was so terrified by this news that he hurried away from Phenice to Antioch to settle things
before Demetrius arrived. The government of Antioch was committed to Hieraces and Diodotus,
who is the same with Tryphon. /APC IMa 11:39 IMa 10:67,68 (Josephus Antiq. 1. 13. c. 4,
Justin. 1. 35. c. 2. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 346.)

3616. Apollonius the governor of Coelosyria who was surnamed Daus by Josephus, joined
Demetrius whom he made general of his forces which he sent against those Jews which
remained loyal to Alexander. When Apollonius had raised a large army, many defected from
Alexander to Demetrius from fear. He camped at Jamnia and sent to Jonathan, the Jew's general
and high priest, a boastful challenge to meet him if he dared and fight in the plain. This inflamed

Jonathan so much that he immediately marched from Jerusalem with 10,000 men. His brother
Simon met him to help him. They camped before Joppa but Apollonius' soldiers who were
garrisoned there, shut them out. Thereupon they laid siege and began their batteries against the
place. This so dismayed the citizens, that they immediately opened their gates and surrendered
city. /APC IMa 10:69-76

3617. As soon as Apollonius heard of the loss of Joppa, he marched to Azotus with 3000 cavalry
and his 8000 infantry according to Josephus. He placed in ambush 1000 cavalry who were to
attack Jonathan's rearguard, as soon as he was past the place where the ambush lay. Then
Apollonius would charge the enemy's vanguard so that the Jews were to be attacked at both
ends. As soon as Jonathan passed the place, he saw the ambush coming to surround his camp.
He commanded his men to stand still and deflect the enemies arrows with their shields. The
cavalry had worn themselves out and exhausted their arrows because they had attacked from the
morning until night. Then Simon lead up his forces against the enemies foot soldiers and
defeated and routed them. The enemy cavalry fled to Azotus and entered into Bethdagon, their
idol temple, for their safety. However, Jonathan burned Azotus and the surrounding cities and
took much spoil. He burned Dagon's temple to the ground and all that fled there died in the
flames. Nearly 8000 men were killed by the sword and by the fire. Jonathan left there and
camped before Askelon where the men of the city treated him very nobly. After this victory
Jonathan returned as a conqueror to Jerusalem with his army loaded with much booty and spoil.
When King Alexander heard the news of Jonathan's successes, he continued to show his
respects to him and sent him a golden buckler which was usually given only to those of the royal
blood. He also gave Accaron with its territories (a city of the Philistines) to him and his heirs for
ever. /APC IMa 10:77-89

3618. After the Carthaginians had defeated Piso the consul, at Hippo, they sent their
ambassadors to Macedonia to Andriscus, the alleged son of Persius. They urged him to persist
courageously in his war against the Romans and promised that he would never lack money nor
shipping from Carthage. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 67.)

3619. Q. Caecilius Metellus, the Roman praetor, not the consul as Floras has it and also the
Latin interpreter of Pausanias' Achaicks, was sent against Andriscus with a large army and came
into Macedonia. There he persuaded the commissioners, who the senate had sent to receive
information of the affairs in Asia, that before they went there, they would go to the commanders
of the Achaians and order them to stop the war they were fighting with the Lacedemonians.
They sent to Damocritus and the Achaians the message they received from Metellus. The
Achaians were just about to attack the Lacedomians. When they saw they had no affect on the
Achaians, they went on to Asia. (Pausan. in Achaicis, p. 218.)

3620. When Metellus entered Macedonia, Attalus brought his fleet to help him. He kept
Andriscus away from the sea coast. Andriscus brought up his army a little beyond Pydna.
Although his cavalry had defeated the enemy yet he retreated back for fear of the Roman foot
soldiers. He divided his army into two brigades. One of them he sent into Thessaly to waste that
country and the other he kept to himself. Metellus put little stock in the enemy forces and
marched towards them. When he had beaten Andriscus' troops, Andriscus fled into Tracia. After
he had levied a new army, he fought with Metellus but was defeated. He fled to Byzes, a petty
king of Thrace who betrayed him into the hands of Metellus. Alexander who pretended to be the

son of Persius, gathered an army and seized part of the country beside the Nestus River.
Metellus pursued him as far as Dardania. (Strabo. 1. 1. 13. p. 624. Vellei. Patersuli 1. 1. Flor. 1. 2.
c. 14. Zonar. ex Dione.) The false Philip was utterly defeated by the loss of 25,000 of his
soldiers. He was taken prisoner and Macedonia was recovered by the Romans. (Eutrep. 1. 43.)
This happened when Spurius Pollumius and Lucius Piso were consuls, (Jul. Obsequens, de
prodigin.) in the 4th year of the 157th olympiad at the close of the year. (Polphyr. in Crac.
Euseb. Scalig, p. 229.)

3857 AM, 4567 JP, 147 BC

3621. P. Cornelius Scipio, the consul, fought a naval battle at Carthage. His fleet had his own
ships with 5 ships from the Sidenses which Mithridates, the king of Pontus had sent to him.
(Appian. Libyc. p. 75,76.)

3622. The Aradians planned the ruin of the Maratheans in Phoenicia. They sent secretly to
Ammonius, who at that time was viceroy in Syria under Alexander Bala and offered him 300
talents to turn over Marathum to them. Thereupon Ammonius sent Isodore to the Maratheans.
He was to pretend he was there on business but the true intent was to seize Marathum and to
give him to the Aradians. The Marathians knew the king favoured the Aradians more than
themselves. They denied the king's soldiers entrance into their city. From their most aged
citizens, they selected 10 of the most famous among them and sent them as suppliants to the
island of Aradus. They took along some of the oldest images of their gods which they had in
their city and hoped by this to appease the fury of the Aradians. The Aradians were highly
provoked and ignored their humble speeches. They disregarded all reverence to the gods and
broke the images and trampled them most shamefully under their feet. When the ambassadors
were stoned by the people, some senators who interposed themselves, had much trouble to move
them safely to prison. The ambassadors complained and pleaded the privileges of suppliants and
of the sacred gods. The rights of ambassadors were not to be violated but they were massacred
by a company of impudent young fellows. The authors of this villany came immediately after
into the assembly. They had taken the signet rings from those Maratheans whom they had killed.
They counterfeited letters to the Maratheans in the ambassadors names. They said that the
Aradians would quickly send them some supplies. The Maratheans were completely deceived
and let the Aradian forces into their city since they thought they came to help them. (??)
Thereupon the Aradians seized all the ships belonging to private men, lest perchance someone
might reveal their plot to the Maratheans. In spite of all this, a certain sailor and a friend to the
Amratheans, pitied their sad condition. He usually sailed in the neighbouring sea. He took his
ship and by night boldly crossed that one mile strait and told the Maratheans how that the
Aradians planned to attack them. When the Aradians knew that their plot was revealed, they
stopped sending letters to them. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 29. & in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 349, 350.) They
openly attacked Marathum and captured the city. They demolished it and shared its territory
among themselves. (Strabo. 1. 16. p. 753.)

3858a AM, 4567 JP, 147 BC

3623. A 4th observation of the autumnal equinox was made by Hipparchus at midnight, in the
32nd year of the third Calippic period, on the 3rd day of the Egyptian Additionals (at the
beginning of September 27th) in the 178th year from the death of Alexander. The 177th year
was ending and the 178th was starting in 2 days. (Ptol. 1. 3. c. 2.)

3858b AM, 4568 JP, 146 BC

3624. In the same year of the same Calippic Period, the 178th year from the death of Alexander,
on the 27th day of the Egyptian month Mechir, (March 24th) in the morning, Hipparchus wrote
that he observed the vernal equinox. (Ptol. 1. 3. c. 2.)

3625. When Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Mummius were consuls, Carthage was
demolished. (Vellei. Paterc. 1. 1.) On this occasion, Scipio, considered the turning of human
affairs and feared lest the same fate should happen sometime to Rome. He said this:

vv The day shall come when sacred Troy shall fall, And Priam with his stock sink therewithal."

3626. He told this to his teacher Polybius, who was then present, and had inserted this passage
in his history. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 82.)

3627. L. Mummius the consul, who was sent from the senate to make an end of the Achaic war,
came to the camp with a small company. He had given orders to Metellus who was in charge of
the Achaic war as soon as he had finished the Macedonian war. He was to march with his forces
in Macedonia and stay at the isthmus until he had drawn up his whole body which consisted of
3500 cavalry and 23,000 foot soldiers. (??) In this army were some archers from Crete.
Philopaemen brought him a brigade from Attalus from Pergamos which lies above Caicus. The
consul defeated Diaeus at the isthmus who was the last Achaian praetor and the prime instigator
of these Achaian disorders. On the 3rd day after the fight, he entered Corinth with his trumpets
sounding. After he had taken the spoils of the city, he levelled it to the ground. (Livy 1. 52.
Vellei. Ptercul, 1. 1. Justin, 1. 34. c. 2. Floras, 1. 2. c. 16. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 221. Oros. 1. 5. c.
3.) This occurred in the 3rd year of the 158th, (for so it is in Pliny, and not the 156th) olympiad
and according to Varro's calculations, the 608th year since Rome was built. (Pliny 1. 34. c. 2.)

3628. When Polybius came from Africa to help his country, he saw some pictures of the most
exquisite artists lying on the ground at Corinth and the soldiers were playing at dice on them. He
mentions two in his history. One was of Hercules tortured in the shirt which Deianira had sent
him. The other was a picture of Bacchus drawn by Aristides the Theban. Some think it was
Aristides who coined the proverb, ouden pbz t lionuoon, "This is nothing to Bacchus". This was
Aristides' picture of Bacchus. (Strabo. 1. 8. p. 381.) When L. Mummius knew that King Attalus
had bought this picture of Bacchus from among the spoils that were about to be shipped away,
for 6000 sestercies or 102 talents (Pliny 1. 7. c. 38. & 1. 35. c. 10.) he marvelled at the high price
paid. He suspected that there might be some rare virtue of which he did not know about. He
revoked the sale in spite of Attalus' protests and placed the picture in Ceres' temple at Rome.
(Pliny 1. 35. c. 4.) He knew so little of the value of such things that when he had culled out some
exquisite pieces and statues of the best artists to be carried into Italy, he told those that had the
charge of them if they lost any of them on the way they should make new ones for them. (Vellei.
Patercul. 1. 1.) Any hangings and other ornaments that seemed admirable, were sent to Rome.
Others of less value were given to Philopaemen and shipped to Pergamos. (Pausanias in Achaic.
p. 221.)

3629. Ptolemy Philometor assembled a large naval and land forces and left Egypt for Syria
under pretence to help Alexander Bala his son-in-law. His real reason was to annex the kingdom
of Syria, of which Alexander was deprived, to his own dominions. When all the cities had

received him peaceably according to Alexander's orders, Ptolemy placed a garrison of soldiers
in every one of them and pretended this to be in Alexander's interest. /APC IMa 11:1-3

3630. As soon as Ptolemy came to Azotus, they showed him the temple of Dagon, which was
recently burned and the ruins of Azotus and its surrounding lands. He was shown the heaps of
the dead bodies of those that were killed in the war and were burned by Jonathan's command,
for they had laid them in heaps on the way that he was to pass. Although they had made an
envious account of whatever Jonathan had done to deliberately malign him, the king said
nothing. Jonathan met the king at Joppa with great pomp and was very courteously received by
him. From there they went together as far as the Eleutherus River where Jonathan took his leave
of the king and returned to Jerusalem. /APC IMa 1 1:4-7

3631. Ptolemy had taken all the cities along the sea coasts as far as Seleucia on the coast that is
located at the mouth of the Orontes River. He thought Alexander had plotted an ambush against
him. At Ptolemais, Ammonius had laid an ambush to trap him. When Ptolemy demanded that
justice might be done for him on Ammonius for this act, Alexander would not surrender
Ammonius. Thereupon he took away his daughter, Cleopatra from Alexander and gave her in
marriage to Demetrius Soter and promised to restore him to his father's kingdom. /APC IMa
11:8,12 (cf. Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 8 & Livy 1. 52.)

3632. The men of Antioch deserted Alexander because of Ammonius from whom they had
received much abuse. Ammonius thought to make an escape dressed as a woman and was
attacked and slain. Ptolemy went into Antioch and was greeted by the people. He crowned
himself with two diadems, the one of Asia, (or Syria) the other of Egypt. He told them that he,
for his part, was contented with his own dominion of Egypt and persuaded the men of Antioch
to receive Demetrius. He said that he had a far greater resentment of their present condition than
of the recent exasperations and disputes which had happened between them and his father,
Seleucus. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 8. cf. /APC IMa 11:13) So the men of Antioch gave their loyalty to
the son in recompence to the actions they had taken against his father. The old soldiers of his
father loved Demetrius and followed him. (Justin. 1. 35. c. 2.)

3633. Alexander was at this time in Cilicia /APC IMa 11:14 where he consulted the oracle of
Apollo and he said he received this answer. It said that he should beware of that place which had
a rare sight, a thing having two shapes. This was generally thought to refer to Abas, a city in
Arabia where Alexander was killed not long after. In this city, there was a certain woman called
Herais, the daughter of Diophantus a Macedonian and she had Arabian woman for her mother.
She married Samiades who changed her sex and became a man and assumed her father's name
of Diophantus. (Diod. Sic. fin. 1. 32. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.)

3859a AM, 4568 JP, 146 BC

3634. In the morning, Hipparchus observed the 5th the autumnal equinox in the 33rd year of the
third Calippic period, on the 4th day of the Egyptian Additionals. (September 27) (Ptol. 1. 3. c.

2.)

3635. When Alexander had gathered a powerful army, he invaded Syria and wasted all the
territories of Antioch. He pillaged and burned wherever he went. Ptolemy with his son-in-law
Demetrius, marched towards him and defeated his forces in a battle near the Oenopara River.

Alexander escaped from the battle with 500 of his soldiers and quickly headed towards Abas, a
city of Arabia. He wanted to see Zabdiel, /APC IMa 1 1 : 17 an important person of Arabia.
Josephus calls him Zabel and Diodorus Siculus, Diodes. The commanders of Alexander's party,
who were with Heliades, treacherously killed Alexander. They had arranged this previously with
Demetrius, to whom they had sent an embassy to look after their own interests. In the last battle
it happened that Ptolemy's horse was scared with the braying of an elephant and threw him to
the ground. When he was down, the enemy attacked him and wounded him seriously in the
head. They would have killed him except his bodyguard saved him. In spite of that, he lay 4
whole days so senseless that he could neither speak nor understand what others spoke to him.
Zabdiel, the Arabian cut off Alexander's head and presented it to Ptolemy. About the 5th day, he
had some relief from the pain of his wounds and returned to his senses. He was encouraged by a
pleasing story of the death of Alexander and the sight of Alexander's head. The 3rd day after,
Ptolemy died while his wounds were being dressed and the physicians were endeavouring to set
his bones. /APC IMa 11:14-18 (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 194. Diod. Sic. fin. 1. 32. Livy 1.
52. Strabo, 1. 16. p. 751. Joseph. 1. 13. c. 8.)

3636. Josephus said Alexander ruled 5 years after the death of Demetrius Soter, (1. 13. c. 8.)
from which we suppose about 5 months are to be deducted. Based on the authority of the
Maccabean writer, the death of this man appears to happen at the same time as Philometor's.
After Alexander's death, Demetrius, son of Demetrius Soter, controlled the government of Syria
in the 167th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. /APC IMa 12:19 Since he had defeated one who
was not descended from their family, he received the same surname Nicator or "the conquorer",
as the first Seleucus of that kingly line. (Appian. Syriac. p. 131.)

3637. As soon as Ptolemy Philometor was dead, the soldiers whom he had placed in the forts
and cities for the security of Syria, were all killed by the other soldiers in the same garrisons by
the instigation of Demetrius. /APC IMa 11:18 Demetrius treated the rest of Ptolemy's soldiers
very unkindly and forgot the help which Ptolemy had given him and his alliance by marriage
with Cleopatra. Those soldiers hated his ingratitude and they all retreated to Alexandria and left
only the elephants under his control. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 8.)

3859b AM, 4569 JP, 145 BC

3638. In Egypt, Cleopatra, the wife and sister of Philometor who had just died, negotiated with
the nobles of the realm and tried hard to get the kingdom given to her son. (Josephus 1. 3. Contra
Appian. p. 1064, Justin 1. 38. c. 8.) However, Ptolemy the younger brother of Philometor,
surnamed Euergetes the second along with Phiscon, who reigned at Cyrene, was sent for from
there to oppose her in her plans. Onias, who recently built the temple in the Helopolitan
jurisdiction, took up the war for Cleopatra and marched with a small army of Jews to the city
Alexandria. This happened when Thermus was a junior ambassador there for the Romans,
according to Appion the grammarian, in his book against the Jews. (Josephus 1. 13. c. 8.)

3639. Physcon ended the quarrel and forced Cleopatra, who was his older sister and wife to their
own brother, to marry him. (Valer. Maxim. 1. 9. c. 1.) And as soon as he entered Alexandria, he
commanded all those that favoured the young child to be killed. He also killed the young child
as he was in his mother's arms on the wedding day in the midst of their feasting and religious
solemnities. So he went up to his sister's bed besmeared with the gore of her own son. Neither
was his behaviour any milder to his countrymen, who invited him to the kingdom and helped
him secure the throne. He gave the foreign soldiers permission to kill at pleasure and many were

killed everywhere. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 8.) He executed many of them with the most cruel tortures
based on false charges of treason. He banished others and confiscated their estates based on
false charges he had made up and forged. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 350.)

3640. When Jonathan had assembled those who were in Judea, he prepared many engines and
besieged the tower at Jerusalem. Demetrius Nicator was told this by some ungodly persons who
hated their own country. Thereupon, the king was incensed and wrote to Jonathan to break off
the siege and quickly meet him at Ptolemais so they could have a conference about the matter.
Jonathan did not break off his seige but did go to the king. He was accompanied by the elders
and the priests and took along with them some presents by which they soon pacified the king's
wrath. Jonathan made so good an apology for himself that the king dismissed the informers and
confirmed the high priesthood on him and counted him as one of his best friends. Moreover,
Jonathan promised to give to the king 300 talents and procured from him a release for all Judea
and the 3 countries annexed to it. /APC IMa 10:30 That is Apherma, Lydda, and Ramath. They
did not have to pay tithes and tribute that was formerly paid to the kings. The king sent letters
about this to Lasthenes, who with the Cretian's auxiliaries had brought Demetrius to the
kingdom and whom he styled cousin and father. /APC IMa 11:20-37

3641. When Demetrius saw that there was now peace throughout the kingdom and no opposition
made against him, he disbanded his old native soldiers and continued in arms only those bands
of foreigners whom he had levied in Crete and the other islands. This turned the hearts of his
father's soldiers against him /APC IMa 11:38 who constantly received their salaries from the
previous kings in times of peace so that by this they might be more ready and more cheerful to
serve them in all dangers and emergencies. (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 8.)

3642. Diodotus, one of Alexander Balas' commanders, who later was made king and assumed
the name of Tryphon, noticed the alienation of the soldiers from Demetrius. He was born at the
citadel of Sceoan in the Apamian's country and raised at Apamia. /APC IMa 1 1:39 (Strabo 1, 16.
p. 752. Livy 1. 52 & 55. Josephus 1. 13. c. 9. Appian. Syriac. p. 132.) Tryphon went to
Elmalchuel the Arabian, who was entrusted with the education of Antiochus, the son of
Alexander Balas and told him all Demetrius Nicator had done and the differences between him
and the soldiers. He urged him very much to give him the young child and he would undertake
to establish him in his father's kingdom. The Arabians were opposed to this and he stayed there
many days. /APC IMa 11:39,40

3643. In the meantime Demetrius Nicator supposing himself secure and out of harm, executed
anyone that appeared to oppose him using unusual kinds of death. Lasthenes, who was a wicked
and rash fellow and appointed over the whole kingdom, corrupted Demetrius by his flattery and
put him up to all kinds of villany. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Vales, p. 346.)

3860a AM, 4569 JP, 145 BC

3644. Jonathan sent ambassadors to Demetrius and asked him to remove his garrison soldiers
from the tower of Jerusalem and all other forts because they continued to attack the Israelites.
Demetrius replied that he would grant Jonathan his request and would also make him and his
nation glorious when he had convenient time. For the present, he desired Jonathan to send him
some soldiers to help him against his own soldiers who had revolted from him. Jonathan quickly
satisfied his request and sent to him in Antioch 3000 strong men for whom the king was

thankful. /APC IMa 11:41-44

3645. Demetrius was well supplied with foreign forces in whom he placed greater confidence
than in his own. He commanded them to disarm the citizens of Antioch. However the people of
Antioch refused to surrender their arms and assembled into the middle of the city and began to
attack him in the palace. The Jews hastened to his relief and dispersed themselves within the
city. They killed on that day nearly 100,000 men, burned the city and took much booty.
Thereupon the citizens laid down their arms and made peace with the king. The Jews received
much honour for this service from the king and the kingdom. They returned richly loaded down
with spoils to Jerusalem. /APC IMa 11:45-52 (cf. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 346.)

3646. After the destruction of most of Antioch by the fire, the execution of many for sedition
and confiscation of estates into the king's treasury, many of the citizens were forced to escape.
From fear and hatred of Demetrius, they wandered about Syria and used every opportunity to
avenge themselves on Demetrius. In the meantime, Demetrius, whose actions had made him
odious to all men, continued in his massacres, banishments and confiscations. He far surpassed
his father in cruelty. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 349.) Moreover, he lied to Jonathan. In
spite of his flattery, he was alienated from him and afflicted him very grievously. /APC IMa

1 1:53 He threatened also to wage war with him unless he would pay all those tributes which the
country of the Jews paid his predecessors. (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 9.)

3860b AM, 4570 JP, 144 BC

3647. Finally, Diodotus, who is Tryphon, returned to Syria from Arabia with the young
Antiochus who was the son of Alexander Bala and Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy
Philometor. He set the crown on his head and proclaimed him to be the rightful heir of the
kingdom and surnaming him Theos or Divine. He returned with a large force many of which
were discharged by Demetrius. He attacked and defeated Demetrius in a plain and forced him to
flee to Seleucia. Diodotus seized his elephants and took Antioch. /APC IMa 11:54-56 (cf. Livy,
1. 52. Joseph. 1. 13. c. 9. & 12. about the beginning & Appian. in Syriac. p. 132.)

3648. Then Antiochus or rather Diodotus in his name, sent letters and ambassadors to Jonathan
and confirmed the high priesthood to him and granted him the 4 territories. (Perhaps Ptolemais
was added to the 3) (See note on 3859b AM «3449») /APC IMa 10:30,39 He was honoured
as one of the king's friends. He sent him also chargers of gold to be served in and gave him
permission to drink in vessels of gold, to be clothed in purple and to wear the golden buckle.
Moreover, he appointed his brother Simon general of all the king's forces, from the land of Tyre
to the borders of Egypt. /APC IMa 1 1:57-59 Jonathan was very glad for the favours and
honours Antiochus had so bountifully bestowed on him and sent his ambassadors to Antiochus
and his guardian Tryphon. He promised that he would be their friend and associate and join in
arms against the common enemy, Demetrius. He complained about Demetrius' ingratitude in
that he had repaid his civilities and courtesies with many shrewd actions and injustices. (Joseph.
1. 13. c. 9.)

3649. Since all Syria now began to dislike kings, Diodotus used Coracesium, a citadel in Cilicia,
as his headquarters. He had the Cilicians join him in piracy at sea. (Strabo. 1. 14. p. 688.)

3650. Demetrius stayed at Laodicea and spent his time idly in revelling and luxury. He did not

change his wicked ways and was none the wiser for his recent calamities. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt.
Valesii, p. 353.)

3651. At this time Ptolemy Euergetes the second or Physcon was made king at the palace at
Memphis, according to the solemn rites of the Egyptians. Queen Cleopatra, who was both sister
and wife to him and his brother Philometor, bore him a son. He was so exceeding joyful by this
that he named him Memphites because he was born while his father was observing the holy
solemnities at Memphis. However, during the celebration of his son's birth, he did not refrain
from his cruel practices but set orders to execute some of the Cyrenians. They were the ones
who first brought him into Egypt. They had been too free and sharp in reproving him for his
courtesan, Irene, the prostitute. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 354.)

3652. When Jonathan had received permission from Antiochus to wage war against Demetrius'
captains, he assembled his soldiers from Syria, Phoenicia and other places. He quickly crossed
all the cities located beyond the Jordan River. With all his Syrian auxiliaries, he marched to
Askelon where the citizens went out to meet him very honourably. He left there for Gaza and he
was denied entrance and the citizens shut their gates against him. Thereupon Jonathan besieged
the city and plundered and burned its outskirts. These actions forced them to sue for peace. It
was granted when they gave hostages whom Jonathan sent to Jerusalem. Jonathan then marched
through the country as far as Damascus. /APC IMa 11:60-62 (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 9.)

3653. The princes of Demetrius came to Cades, a city of Galilee, and planned to draw Jonathan
off from attacking Syria to help the Galilaeans. Jonathan marched against them and left his
brother Simon behind him in Judea. He vigorously assaulted Bethsura for many days and after a
long siege, forced them to surrender. He threw out Demetrius' soldiers and put in a garrison
there instead. /APC IMa 11:63-66 14:7,33 (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 9.)

3654. Jonathan and his army camped by the Lake of Gennesaret. Early in the morning they
came to the plain of Asor where Demetrius' forces attacked him. They had placed an ambush
among the mountains. As soon as the ambush showed itself, the Jews feared they might be
trapped and all killed. They all fled and left Jonathan in great danger. Only Mattathias, the son
of Absalom and Judas the son of Calphi, the two chief commanders of the army remained with
him with a band of 50 very brave men. First, Jonathan begged for God's help. Then he and the
men charged the enemy and defeated them. When those that had deserted Jonathan saw that the
enemy was fleeing, they returned again into the field and pursued the enemy to their own camp
as far as Cades. About 3000 of the enemy were killed that day. Jonathan returned to Jerusalem. /
APC IMa 11:67-74 (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 9.)

3655. Jonathan saw that things were now going well and sent Numerius, son of Antiochus and
Antipater, son of Jason, as ambassadors to Rome, to confirm and renew the alliance and
association which was formerly started with Judas Maccabeus. /APC IMa 12:1,16 He ordered
them that on their return home from Rome, they should visit the Lacedemonians and to remind
them of the alliance and ancient league made with the high priest Onias the 3rd. He sent a letter
for the same purpose wherein the people of Judea among other things, said they continually
remembered them as their own brethren when they made their holy sacrifices and devotions. /
APC IMa 12:2,5-18 (Josephus, 1. 13. c.9.)

3656. Jonathan got word that Demetrius' commanders had returned with a far larger army than

they had before to fight against him. He left Jerusalem and marched against them in the country
of Amathis that is located in the farthest borders of Canaan. When he camped within 6 miles of
the enemy, he sent out his scouts to spy on the enemy's position and fortifications. Jonathan, had
learned by some prisoners whom the scouts had brought back that the enemy planned a surprise
attack on them. He ordered his soldiers to stand with their arms all night in a position to receive
the enemy attack. He placed his guards throughout the camp. When the enemy heard that
Jonathan was drawn up in battle array and was prepared for their attack, they began to be afraid.
Thereupon, they stole away secretly by night and left campfires throughout the camp to deceive
the Jews. In the morning Jonathan pursued them but was unable to overtake them for they had
already crossed the Eleutherus River. Therefore, Jonathan went into Arabia against the
Zabadeans or Nabatiaus, as Josephus has it and killed them and took their spoil. From there he
went to Damascus and travelled through the whole country hunting and chasing the followers of
Demetrius. His brother Simon was not idle either. He made an expedition as far as Askelon and
the adjacent garrison. From there he went to Joppa and captured it. He put his garrison of
soldiers in it to hold it. There was a rumour that the citizens planned to turn that garrison over to
Demetrius' party. /APC IMa 12:24-34 (Josephus 1. 53. c. 9.)

3657. The ambassadors of the Jews were brought into the senate where they renewed their amity
and league with the Romans. They gave them letters for the governors of their various allies that
they should conduct them safely to Judea. /APC IMa 12:3,4 On their return home, the
Lacedemonians treated them very civilly and gave them the public decree concerning the
renewing of their amity and preserving friendship between them. A copy of this is found on
another occasion in /APC IMa 14:22,23:

vv Numenius son of Antiochus and Antipater son of Jason, the Jews ambassadors came to us to
renew the friendship that was between us. It pleased the people to receive the men honourably
and to enter a copy of their embassy among the public records so that the people of the
Lacedemonians might have a memorial of this."

3658. As soon as Jonathan came back to Jerusalem, he assembled the elders of the people and
consulted with them about the building of forts in some convenient places of Judea. He also
wanted the wall around Jerusalem built up and an high and strong wall made between the fort of
Sion and the city to prevent any one from carrying provisions from the city to the fort. They
began their repairs and they brought their new work to join with the remains of the old wall
towards the east, by the brook Kidron. They repaired the place which was called Chaphenatha.
Simon went into other places of Judea and built Adida in Sephela or the plain and made it strong
with gates and bars. /APC IMa 12:35-38

3861 AM, 4571 JP, 143 BC

3659. In the 169th year of the account of the contracts, in the reign of Demetrius, the Jews in
Jerusalem and Palestine wrote to the Jews in Egypt about the keeping of the feast of tabernacles
in the month Chisleu. /APC 2Ma 1:7-9 This was the feast of the Maccabee's dedication which
was observed according to the prescript of the Mosaic feast of tabernacles in the month Tisri.
(See note on 3840a AM «3429,3430»)

3660. When Tryphon had planned to kill Antiochus, he feared that Jonathan would come to the
defence of the young king. He marched with his forces to Bethsane, which the Gentiles call

Scythopolis, and hoped to surprise him. When Jonathan heard of his coming, he marched toward
him with 40,000 good men. This so disheartened Tryphon that he did not lay hands on him but
treated him very nobly and recommended him to all his friends. He gave Jonathan many
presents and ordered his soldiers guard Jonathan as they did for him. After the meeting, he
persuaded Jonathan to dismiss his army and go along with him to Ptolemais with a few selected
men. He promised to turn it over to him along with the other garrisons and forces he had in the
area. Jonathan believed him and sent 2000 of his soldiers to Galilee and the rest to Judea. He
kept 1000 for himself. As soon as he entered Ptolemais, Tryphon commanded the gates to be
shut. Jonathan was captured and all that came with him were killed. Tryphon was not satisfied
with the massacre of those 1000 but sent his army and some cavalry into Galilee to attack the
2000 men that Jonathan had sent there. However, as soon as they heard of what happened at
Ptolemais, they prepared for battle. Tryphon's soldiers knew they were dealing with desperate
men and retreated back again. So Jonathan's soldiers came safely into Judea and all Israel
lamented that loss of their country men with a great lamentation. /APC IMa 12:39-52

3661. After this, Tryphon raised a large army to attack Judea and to destroy it. Thereupon, when
Simon saw how discouraged the people were, he went up to Jerusalem. He assembled the people
and offered to help them. So they chose him as general in the place of Judas and Jonathan, his
brothers. He gathered all the men of war, quickly completed the walls of Jerusalem and fortified
it on every side. He spent large sums of money from his own purse and armed all the men of war
of his own country and paid them. /APC IMa 12:52,53 13:1-10 14:31,32

3662. In addition, Simon sent Jonathan the son of Absalom, with a sufficient army to Joppa. He
drove out the inhabitants and occupied and fortified the place. He used this as his sea port. /APC
IMa 13:11 14:5,34 From this Strabo also has noted that the Jews used this harbour. (1. 16. p.
759.)

3663. Tryphon left Ptolemais with his army against Judea and took Jonathan along with him as
his prisoner. Simon was camped in Adida opposite the plain. Tryphon saw that the Jews were
prepared for battle. He pretended that he kept Jonathan prisoner for a ransom of 100 talents of
silver. When this was paid, he promised to release Jonathan provided that he sent two of his sons
as hostages for security from Jonathan's attempting to revenge his imprisonment after he was
freed. As soon as Simon sent both the money and his brother's sons to him, Tryphon broke his
word. /APC IMa 13:12-19

3664. When Tryphon marched against Judea, he went toward the way which leads to Adoram or
Doran, which is a city of Idumea, as Josephus has it. However, Simon's army followed him
wherever he went. Those that were in the fort Sion at Jerusalem sent to Tryphon some agents,
asking very earnestly to hurry as fast as he could through the desert and to supply them with
food. Tryphon was all ready with his cavalry for the expedition. However, there happened to be
such a large snowfall that night that he could not possibly get to them. Thereupon he altered his
journey and marched into the country of Gilead. As soon as he came near Bascama or Bascha,
he killed Jonathan. After he was buried, Tryphon retreated back into Syria. /APC IMa 13:20-24
(Joseph. 1. 13, c. 11.) Jonathan lived 17 years and 7 months after the death of his brother Judas
Maceabeus. He was the high priest for 9 years and a month or two.

3665. Simon sent to carry away the bones of his brother Jonathan and buried them at Modin, the
city of their ancestors. All Israel lamented for him for many days. Simon built a monument over
the sepulchre of his father and his brothers. It was very high and made of polished white stone.

He built 7 pyramids all in a row, in memory of his father, mother, and his 4 brothers. He added
to these a porch of large stone pillars on which he had engraved the picture of arms and ships.
They were conspicuous to all that sailed by that way. /APC IMa 13:25-30 (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 11.)
Josephus says this rare sepulchre at Modin lasted to his time as does Eusebius Caesariensis, in
his little book pzei pw popikw onomatwn

3666. The Romans and the Lacedemonians were very deeply grieved by the death of Jonathan.
As soon as they knew through Simon's ambassadors that he was made the high priest in place of
his brother, then they wrote to him in tables of brass concerning the renewing of the amity and
league which they had formerly made with Judas and Jonathan, his brothers. /APC IMa
14:16,17 The Romans considered the Jews, their allies, friends and brethren and went out to
meet Simon's ambassadors in an honourable entourage. (/APC IMa 14:40) The inscription of
the letters which the Lacedemonians returned by the ambassadors, to which they also annexed a
copy of their reply sent previously to Jonathan, was this:

vv The Magistrates and cities of the Lacedemonians to Simon the high priest and the elders and to
the rest of the people of the Jews our brethren, greetings." (/APC IMa 14:20,24)

3667. The letters from the Romans and the Lacedemonians were read before the congregation at
Jerusalem. (/APC IMa 14:19)

3668. Antiochus, Theos or the Divine, the son of Alexander Bala was murdered by his guardian,
Diodotus or Tryphon. He bribed the Chyrurgions to kill him and to say that he died of a fit while
they were cutting him. Tryphon began with his own country and seized first Apamia, Larissa,
the Casians, Megara, Apollonia and the other neighbouring cities. From there he went on to
invade the other part of Syria. He put the crown royal on his own head and made a great
desolation in the country. /APC IMa 13:31,32 (Livy, 1. 55. Strabo, 1. 16. p. 752. and Justin, 1. 36.
c. 1.)

3669. When Tryphon had made himself king, he hurried to have his kingdom confirmed by the
decree of the Roman senate. To accomplish this, he sent with his ambassadors to the Romans, a
golden medal of victory that weighed 10,000 crowns. He did not doubt the success of his
mission since he sent such a rich gift and since it carried the name of victory. His hopes were
deluded by the subtilty of the senate. When they received the present, they ordered that instead
of Tryphon's name, the title of the princely youth who was killed by Trypon's treachery, should
by engraved on it. (Diod. Sicul. Legat. 31.) He was not dismayed by this and caused money to
be minted of which some pieces still exist. It had this inscription: BACIAEWC TPQFWNOC &
TPQFWNOC AQTOKPATOPOS BACIAEWC: "King Tryphon" and "Tryphon the Peasant
King." After he had taken over the kingdom, he was bold enough to assume the title of king. He
changed his old name from Diodotus to Tryphon. (Appian. Syriac. p. 132.)

3670. Sarpedon, general of Demetrius' forces was defeated by Tryphon's army to whom the
inhabitants of Ptolemais were allied. He retired with his soldiers into the Mediterranean country.
As the victorious forces of Tryphon were marching along the sea coast between Ptolemais and
Tyre, they were suddenly hit by a giant wave from the sea which rose to an incredible height and
rushed with a great force upon the land. Many drowned. Some were pulled out to sea by the
retreating wave and others were left dead in hollow places. The retreating wave left a great
number of fish with the dead bodies. When Sarpedon's soldiers heard of this disaster, they

quickly returned there and were very pleased to see the destruction of the enemy. They gathered
up very many of the fishes and sacrificed them to Neptune, the deliverer before the gates of
Ptolemais where the battle was fought. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 758. & Athenaus, 1. 8. c. 2. from the
History of Possidonius, the Stoick.)

3671. Simon, the Jew's general and high priest, repaired the garrisons in Judea. He fortified
them all around with high towers, great walls, gates and bars and supplied them all with
provisions. His greatest care was to see that Bethsura would be well fortified, which was located
in the confines of Judea and formerly had been the enemy's armoury. He put a garrison of Jews
there to secure it. /APC IMa 13:33 14:7,33

3672. Simon saw that all Tryphon did was plunder everything. He sent a crown of gold to King
Demetrius Nicator and requested from him that he would release Judea from paying tribute. /
APC IMa 13:34-37 14:10-33

3673. Demetrius heard that Simon's ambassadors were entertained very nobly by the Romans
and that the Jews and the priests had passed a right of the government and high priesthood to
Simon and his heirs. Demetrius also also confirmed the high priesthood to him and made him
one of his friends. /APC IMa 14:38-41 He wrote a letter to him:

vv King Demetrius to Simon the high priest and friend of the king and to the elders and country
of the Jews, greetings:"

3674. In this, he made a peace with them. He promised an amnesty for all past actions, a
ratification of all former covenants that were made to Jonathan, /APC IMa 1 1:32-37 a grant of
all the forts to them which they had built. He granted a release of tribute to all in general and of
the custom taxes arising from commodities sold to those of Jerusalem. Thus was the yoke of the
heathen taken off from Israel, in the 170th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. The people began
to date their instruments and contracts:

vv In the first year that Simon being the great high priest general, and leader of the Jews," (/APC
IMa 13:35-42 Joseph. 1. 13. c. 11.)

3675. In those days Simon besieged the Gazeans, who rebelled after Jonathan died. He
compelled them to a surrender after he had forced the tower with his battering engines. They
humbly asked for his pity and he did not kill them but drove them out of the city. After he had
cleared the houses of all their idols and other uncleannesses, he entered the city and praised God
with hymns. He repopulated the city with those that worshipped the true God. He fortified it and
built a house in it for himself. /APC IMa 13:43-48

3862a AM, 4571 JP, 143 BC

3676. Hipparchus observed the 6th autumnal equinox in the 36th year of the Calippic period, on
the 4th day of the Egyptian Additionals (September 26th) at evening about sunset. (Ptol. 1. 3. c.

2.)

3677. Alexandra, who was later the queen of the Jews, was born at this time, if she lived 73

years according to Josephus. (Antiq. 1. 13. c. ult.) This is also found in the 33rd chapter of the
Jewish History which is printed at the end of the Paris Bibles in many languages under the title
of the second book of the Maccabees. In Arabic we find she was called, Salina, from Eusebius
in his Chronicle, Epiphanius in the 29th heresy of the Nazarens, Jerome on Da 9:1-17 11:1-12
and Severus (Sulpitius, in Sacr. Histor. 1. 2.). Eusebius seems to have taken it as was his
practice, from Julius Africanus and he from Justus Tiberiensas or some other ancient writer of
the affairs of the Jews.

3862b AM, 4572 JP, 142 BC

3678. When the garrison soldiers of the fort at Jerusalem surrendered after being deprived of all
provision for two years of time. Simon expelled them all and cleared the fort of all the pollutions
of the idols. He went into it on the 23rd day of the second month (Ijais) in the 171st year of the
kingdom of the Greeks with branches of palms, harps, cymbals, vials, hymns and songs. He
ordained this day as an holy day to commemorate the day they were freed from a wicked enemy
who troubled them greatly when they went to the temple. Moreover, he made the fort stronger
than it was and the temple mount over which it overlooked. This was for the greater security of
the country and the city. He lived there with his troops. /APC IMa 13:49-53 7:7,36,37

3679. Simon knew that his son John, surnamed later Hyrcanus, was a very valiant man and
appointed him captain of all his forces while Simon lived in Gazara /APC IMa 13:53 in the
confines of Azotus, where the enemies formerly lived. Simon had dislodged them and
repopulated the place with Jews. /APC IMa 14:7,34 This was Gadara which Strabo says the
Jews later made their own. (1. 16. p. 759.)

3680. Cleopatra, Ptolemy Philometor's daughter and Demetrius Nicator had a son, Antiochus,
surnamed later Grypus, from his hook nose. This event happened if he lived 45 years as
Josephus states. (1. 13. c. 21.)

3681. Two hours before midnight, Hippachus observed an eclipse of the moon in Rhodes, in the
37th year of the third Calippic period, of Nabanassar's 607, on the 20th day of the Egyptian Tyb
(January 27th). (Ptol. 1. 6. c. 5.)

3682. When Demetrius knew that most of his cities had revolted from him, he thought to
remove this reproach by fighting against the Parthians. At that time, the Parthians were ruled by
Mithridates, son of King Pampatius, called Arsaces or Arsacides. This was the common name of
all the Parthian kings. He was not inferior to Arsaces, his great grandfather and the founder of
the Parthian monarchy from whom that surname was passed to all his successors. By his
prowess, Mithridates extended the Parthian empire from the east side as far as the Indus River
and from the west as far as the Euphrates River. (Justin. 1. 36. c. 1, 41. c. 5, 6. Oros. 1. 5. c. 4.)
Before we discuss Demetrius' Parthian expedition, we shall show how Mithridates obtained his
vast dominion.

3683. At that time when Mithridates began to reign over the Parthians, Eucratides became ruler
of the Bactrians. They were both gallant men but good fortune was on the side of the Parthians.
Under the rule of Mithridates, he led them to the highest pinnacle of sovereignty. The poor
Bactrians were involved in wars which eventually led to the loss of their dominions and liberty.
After the Sogdians, the Arachats, the Dranganites and the Indians, had well weakened them by

their continual wars with them, the feeble Parthians attacked them and overcame them in this
weakened state. (Justin. 1. 41. c. 6.) Arsaces or Mithridates followed up on his victory as far as
India and found no difficulty in subduing the country, where Porus of old had reigned and the
other countries lying between the Hydaspes and Indus Rivers. (Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii.
p. 358. Oros. 1. 5. c. 4.) These Bactrians were the survivors of the Greeks, who had taken
Bactriana from the kings of Syria, the successors of Seleucus Nicator. They also seized Ariana
and India. They controlled Pattalena and all the sea coasts along with the kingdom of
Tessariostus and of Sigartis. Apollodorus (against the common opinion indeed) affirms in his
book of the Parthian Affairs, that they were masters of a greater part of India more than
Alexander and his Macedonians were. He added moreover that Eucratides had in India under his
own jurisdiction 1000 cities. (Stra. 1. 11. p. 516. & 1. 15. p. 686.) Eucratides was always at war,
for he was engaged in many, and behaved himself with much prowess. When he was worn out
with constant warfare, he was closely besieged by Demetrius, king of the Indians. Although he
had not more than 3000 soldiers with him, he wasted an enemy army of 60,000 by his daily
sallies against them. When he gained his freedom in the 5th month, he subdued all India under
his command. On his journey homeward, he was killed by his own son, whom he had made
viceroy in the kingdom: His son did not try to hide his actions but drove his chariot through the
blood and commanded the dead body to be cast aside into some place or other and left unburied
as if he had slain an enemy and not murdered his father. While these things were happening
among the Bactrians, a war started between the Parthians and the Medes. The initial conflicts
were indecisive but at last, the Parthians got the upper hand. Mithridates was strengthened by
this victory and appointed Bacasis over Media while he marched into Hircania. As soon as he
returned from there, he fought and defeated with the king of the Elymites and annexed that
country to his other dominions. By his various conquests, he enlarged his dominion of the
Parthians from the mountain Gaucasus as far as the River Euphrates. (Justin. 1. 41. c. 6.) After he
had defeated Demetrius Nicator's general, he invaded the city of Babylon and all its regions.
(Oros. 1. 5. c. 4.)

3684. The Greeks and Macedonians of the upper provinces did not like the insolence of those
strangers, the Parthians. They often sent embassies to Demetrius Nicator and promised that if he
would come to them, they would yield to him and join with him in fighting Arsaces the king of
Persia and Media. Encouraged by this, Demetrius hurried to them. In the 172nd year of the
kingdom of the Greeks, he assembled all his forces and marched into Mesopotamia. He thought
that he would soon have Babylon and Media and that with the help of the upper provinces he
could easily expel Tryphon from Syria. When he arrived in those parts, he was quickly joined by
the auxiliaries of the Persians, Elymites and Bactrians and defeated the Parthians many times. At
last, he was out smarted by one of Arsaces' nobles. On the pretence of concluding a peace, he
was sent to capture Demetrius. He was surprised by an ambush and after he lost his whole army,
he was captured alive. They led him through the streets of the city and showed him to the people
who mocked him. Finally he was imprisoned under tight security. /APC IMa 14:1-3 (Joseph. 1.
13. c. 9. fin. Justin. 1. 36. c. 1. & 1. 38. c. 9.) Gorgius Syacellus adds that he was kept in Troas
and from that occasion was surnamed Siderites.

3685. Although Arsaces was in control of such a vast dominion, he did not succumb to luxury
and pride, which was the usual practise of most princes. He acted with a great deal of clemency
toward his subjects and valour against his enemies. When he had brought various countries
under his command, he selected from each of them, the best institutions and laws and gave them
to his Parthians. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Balesii, p. 361.) Demetrius who was sent away into
Hireania was treated with respect too. Arsaces gave him his daughter for a wife and promised to
restore to him the kingdom of Syria which Tryphon had taken from him. (Justin. 1. 36. c. 1. & 1.

38. c. 9.) However, Appian writes that Demetrius lived at Pharaates' court, the brother and
successor of Mithridates and married his sister Rhodoguna. (in Syriacus, p. 132.)

3686. In the 172nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks, on the 18th day of the 6th month EM,
about the end of the 3rd year of Simon's high priesthood after the death of his brother Jonathan,
a large assembly was held of the priests, the people and the rulers and elders of the country. A
notice was published that said how well Simon had served the Jewish people and the right of
sovereignty was granted to him and his posterity. He should be their governor and have control
over those that managed the temple, over the governors in the country, over the commanders in
the army and the captains of the garrisons. He also should have the charge of the holy things and
should be obeyed by all men. All contracts in the country should be signed in his name. He
should be clothed in purple and wear gold. It should not be lawful for any of the priests or the
people to repeal any of these decrees or contradict anything he spoke or to hold any assembly in
the country without his permission. No one should wear purple or use the golden buckle. Simon
accepted this and was quite contented to execute the high priest's office and to be general and
commander of the Jews, the priests and the rest of the people. Then they commanded this
writing to be put in tables of brass and to be hung on the pillars in the porches of the temple in a
public place. A copy of this should be kept in the treasury of the temple so that Simon and his
sons might have them. /APC IMa 14:26-49

3864 AM, 4574 JP, 140 BC

3687. The soldiers grew weary of Tryphon's conduct and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the
wife of Demetrius Nicator. At that time she was confined with her children in Seleucia. She sent
to Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, her husband (who was a prisoner) and offered to marry
him and give him the kingdom. She did this partly by the advice of her friends and partly
because she feared lest some of the Seleucians would surrender the city to Tryphon. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 13. c. 12. <c. 7. 1:350>}) &&& Cleopatra 3 - wife of Demetrius Nicator, offers to
marry and give the kingdom to Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, her imprionsed husband.

3688. Josephus (Antiq. 1. 7. c 12. & 1. 13. c. 16.) calls this Antiochus, son of Demetrius Soter,
the pious, because of his religion. In Josephus, (1. 13. c. 12.) he calls him by his father's
surname, Soter. In Trogus, he is called Pompeius (in prolog. 1. 39.) and in Eusebius (in his
Chronicles.) Sidetes or Sedetes. This is either from his great love of hunting, which in Syriac is
hryc, as Plutarch thinks or from the city Sidon from where (as Georgius Syncellus writes) he
came to besiege Tryphon. Justin relates that at first he was brought up in Asia and by his father
Demetrius Soter and entrusted with his older brother Demetrius Nicator to an host at Cnidos.
(Justin, 1. 35. c. 2. & 36. c. 1.) Appian writes, how that he was received at Rhodes and from the
islands of the sea. He was told the news of his brother's confinement and what happened after,
(in Syriac. p. 132.) We read also in /APC IMa 15:1,2 that after he had assumed the title of king,
he wrote letters to Simon the high priest and ruler and to the whole country of the Jews.

3689. In these letters, he complained much of the harsh treatment he received from his enemies
and showed that he was now ready to avenge himself lest he seem to be a king in name only. He
wanted to make Simon his friend and he confirmed to him all the immunities and privileges
which other kings had granted. He added the right of coining money with his own stamp.
Moreover, he decreed that Jerusalem should be exempted from being under the king's
jurisdiction and promised also that he would confer more and greater favours as soon as he was
in possession of his kingdom. (/APC IMa 15:3-9)

3865 AM, 4575 JP, 139 BC

3690. Numenius, the son of Antiochus and some other ambassadors came to Rome from Simon
the high priest and the people of the Jews about renewing their league and amity with the
Romans. They brought with them a great shield of God of a thousand pounds weight. The
present was well received and Lucius the consul gave them letters to the kings and to the
provinces. They were prohibited from attempting anything which might prejudice the Jews or
help any of their enemies. If at anytime any renegade Jews should flee from Judea and come
into their parts, they should turn them over to Simon the high priest to be prosecuted according
to the laws of their country. /APC IMa 14:1-49 15:15,21

3691. Lucius was that same L. Calputnius Piso, the colleague of L. Popilius Laenas, who was
sent into Spain against the Numantines. Concerning his consulship, Valerius Maximus, (1. 1. c.
5.) said:

VV P. Cornelius Hispalus the praetor for visitors, when Popilius Lanas and L. Calpurnius. were
consuls, commanded by his edict all Chaldeans to depart from the city and Italy within 10 days
whose profession was by their false interpretation of the influence of the stars, to cast, through
their lies, mists on vain and foolish minds."

3692. Although Stephanus Pighsius (from Cassiodorus' Fasti Consulares) instead of the name
Lucius, has written Cneus which is against the authority of the received manuscripts.

3693. Five kings received these letters: Ptolemeus Euergetes 2nd or Physcon of Egypt,
Demetrius Nicator of Syria (notwithstanding he was at this time, prisoner to the Parthians),
Attalus Philadelphus of Pergamenine Asia, Ariatathes of Cappadocia, and Arsaces or
Mithridates of Parthia. 19 cities, countries, and islands received these letters also: Sampsama,
(or as in the Latin, Lampsacus), Sparta, Delos, Myndus, Sicyon, Caria, Samos, Pamphylia,
Lycia, Halicarnassus, Rhodus, Phaselis, Cos, Sida, Aradus, Gortyna, Cnidus, Cyprus and
Cyrene. /APC IMa 15:16,22,23.

3694. In the 174th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, Antiochus Sidetes returned to the land of
his fathers, (/APC IMa 15:10) where he married Cleopatra, his brother's wife. (Justin, 1. 36. c.
1.) She was upset at Demetrius for marrying Rhodoguna, the daughter to the Parthian king.
(Appian. Syriac. p. 132.) From this time, Antiochus reigned for 9 years. (Porphyr. & Euseb.)

3695. Tryphon had a very small following for almost all his forces had defected to Antiochus.
After his soldiers deserted him, he hurried to get into Dora, which was a maritime city of
Phoenicia. Antiochus pursued him there and very tightly besieged the place so that no one could
get in or out. He had an army of 120,000 foot soldiers with 8000 cavalry and a fleet. /APC IMa
15:10-14

3696. In the meanwhile, Numenius and his company came from Rome and brought with them
letters to the kings and provinces and a copy of the same letters to Simon the high priest. (/APC
IMa 15:15,24)

3697. Simon sent 2000 choice men with silver and gold and many engines of war to Antiochus
at the siege at Dora. He refused them all and broke whatever covenants he had previously made
with him and made him his enemy. He sent Athenobius to demand of him the resignation of
Gazara, Joppe and the fort in Jerusalem. He also wanted the tributes of those places beyond the
borders of Judea which were possessed by him. In lieu of this, he demanded 500 talents of silver
and in consideration of the harm he had done and the tributes of the cities, another 500 talents
more. He threatened war unless all things were done according to his commands. (/APC IMa
15:25-31)

3698. Athenobius, a friend of the king's, came to Jerusalem. As soon as he saw Simon's glory,
his tables set with gold and silver plate and other furniture of the house, he was astonished and
told him the king's message. Simon denied that they had seized any towns that belonged to
others and only had recovered from the enemy by law of arms some towns of their own which
were kept back from them. As for Joppe and Gazara, in spite of the fact that the people had been
much prejudiced by the enemy, he offered 100 talents. Athenobius returned back in a rage to
Antiochus and told him both what he had heard and seen. Neither was the king less passionate
when he saw that his commands were not submitted to, nor his great threat of war heeded. (/
APC IMa 15:32-36)

3699. Meanwhile Tryphon sailed and escaped to Orthosias which is another maritime city of
Phoenicia. (/APC IMa 15:37)

3700. Then Antiochus made Cendebaeus the governor of the sea coast and gave him foot
soldiers and cavalry. He was to build Kidron (or as the Latin edition has it, Gedor as in Jos
15:58) and to wage war on the Jews. The king pursued Tryphon. (/APC IMa 15:38,39)

3701. Cendebaeus went as far as Jamnia and began to invade Judea. He took prisoners and
killed others. When he had built Kidron (or Gedor) he stationed there some cavalry and some
companies of foot soldiers who were to raid the highways of Judea as the king ordered him to
do. (/APC IMa 15:40,41)

3866a AM, 4575 JP, 139 BC

3702. John Hyrcanus came from Gazara and told his father Simon, what wicked acts
Cendebaeus had done. Simon was now old and committed the war to his 2 oldest sons, Judas
and John. Thereupon, they selected from the country, 20,000 men of war and with some cavalry,
they marched against Cendebaeus. They camped that night a Modin, their birth place. From
there the next morning they engaged the enemy's powerful army. However, there was a brook
between them. John waded across first and the rest of the people quickly followed. He divided
his forces so that the cavalry was in the middle of the foot soldiers and they mutually protected
each other from the enemy attacks. Then they sounded their holy trumpets and Cendebaeus was
routed and many of his army were killed. Some fled to his fort of Kidron which he recently built
and others escaped to other places. Judas, John's brother was wounded and could not give chase.
However, John pursued them as far as the towers which were in the fields of Azotus. In the
chase he killed about 2000 men. When he had burnt the towers to the ground, he lead back his
army safely into Judea. /APC IMa 16:1-10

3866 AM, 4576 JP, 138 BC

3703. Finally, Tryphon retired to his own country men at Apamea. Frontinus said this happened
to him there: (1. 2. Stratagem, c. 13.)

VV A11 the way that he went, he scattered money on purpose to slow down Antiochus' soldiers in
their pursuit of him and so he escaped from their hands."

3704. Josephus said that Apamea was taken by assault and Tryphon killed in the 3rd year after
Demetrius was taken prisoner by the Parthians. (1. 13. c. 12.) Appian wrote that he was at length
taken by Antiochus and killed but not without much trouble. (Syriac. p. 132.) Strabo stated that
he was besieged in a certain citadel and driven to such extremities that he killed himself. (1. 14.
p. 668.) Georgius Syncellus wrote that when he was driven from Orthosias, he leaped into the
fire and died.

3705. Hierax, was general for the war in Egypt because he was a very excellent soldier and very
popular with the people. He was ambitious and controlled the kingdom of Ptolemy Physcon. He
saw that Ptolemy had little money and the soldiers were ready to revolt to Galaestes for lack of
pay. He put down the rebellion by personally paying the soldiers. The Egyptians publicly
despised the king when they saw how childish he was in his talk, how impudent and prone to the
vilest jests and how effeminate he was. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, p. 361, 362.)

3706. In that part of Asia where Pergamos is, Attalus Philadelphus, brother to Eumenes, grew so
restless through long idleness and peace that Philopoemen, one of his friends, influenced him in
any direction he pleased. Likewise, the Romans to mock him, would often ask of those that
sailed from Asia whether the king had any interest in Philopoemen, (Plutarch in 1. whether the
managing of a commonwealth ought to be entrusted to an old man) that he would not leave his
kingdom to any of his own sons. However, in his lifetime, he gave the kingdom to his brother
Eumenes' son, whose guardian he was when he came of age. (Id. in Apophthegm. & in 1.
prifiladelfiad)

3707. After the death of Attalus the uncle, Attalus who was surnamed Philometor, son to
Eumenes by Stratonica, daughter of Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians, held the kingdom of
Pergamos for 5 years. (Strabo. 1. 13. p. 624.)

3708. He no sooner became king but he marred the kingdom by killing his friends and going
against his relatives. He pretended that at one time, his mother who was an old woman and at
another time, Beronice his wife, had died by their enchantments. (Justin. 1. 36. c. 4.) He was
jealous of the best and most eminent of his father's friends. Lest they should engage in some
treasonable act against him, he planned to kill them all. To that end, he selected from his
barbarous mercenary soldiers, the most bloody and covetous of them and placed them in various
private rooms in the palace. When he called together to court those of his friends whom he held
in greatest suspicion, he turned them over to these barbarians who killed them. He immediately
after this, ordered them to do the same to their wives and children. His other friends had either
command of the army or were appointed over cities. Some of them he killed by treachery and
when he found others, he beheaded them with their whole families. By this cruelty, he became
detestable to his own subjects and to his neighbouring countries. Thereupon all under his
dominion were anxious for a new king. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 370.)

3867a AM, 4576 JP, 138 BC

3709. After this mad and furious fit was over, he put on a dirty garment let his hair and his beard
grow as criminals use to do. He did not appear in public and would not show himself to the
people. He did not entertain at home and seemed to be mad. He seemed to be haunted by the
ghosts of those he had recently murdered. (Justin. 1. 36. c. 4.)

3867c AM, 4577 JP, 137 BC

3710. When Attalus had resigned the government of the kingdom to his nephew, he took up
gardening and growing herbs. He mixed good plants with poisonous ones. He made poisonous
juices from these and sent them as rare presents to his friends. (Justin. 1. 36. c. 4.) He planted
hendoryenium which was used to make poisoned arrows. Also he studied to know the nature of
their juices, seeds and fruits and to harvest them in their proper season. (Plutarch in Demetrio.)
Varro, (de re restic. 1. I.e. 2.) Colomella, (1. I.e. 1.) and Pliny (1. 18. c. 3.) state that he wrote
some books about husbandry.

371 1. Antiochus Sidertes attacked those cities which had revolted in the beginning of his
brother's reign. When he had conquered them, he added them to his own kingdom. (Justin. 1. 36.
c. 1.)

3868 AM, 4578 JP, 136 BC

3712. Ptolemy Euergetes the 2nd, or Phiscon killed many of those Alexandrians who had first
called him to the kingdom. He banished a large number who in their youth were raised with his
brother Philometor, with whom he had had some differences and were now come of age. He let
his foreign soldiers kill as they pleased and all places were daily stained with blood. (Justin 1.
38. c. 8. Athen. 1. 4. c. 24. fin.) Moreover, he divorced Cleopatra herself, who was both his sister
and wife. He first ravished her daughter, a virgin and then married her. These wicked deeds so
appalled the people that for fear of death they left their country and went into exile. So many left
that Ptolemy and his company were left alone in so large a city. When he saw that he was a king
of empty houses rather than of men, he invited strangers by his edicts to live there. (Justin 1. 38.
c. 8.) By this, he repopulated the cities and islands with grammarians, philosophers,
geometricians, musicians, school teachers, artists, physicians and may other artisans. By
teaching their arts to get their living, they made many excellent men. It came to pass that the
liberal arts and sciences were again restored in those parts. Its knowledge was interrupted and
advancement had been hindered by the continual wars that happened in the times of Alexander's
successors, (Athen. 1. 4. c. 24. fin.)

3713. P. Scipio Emiliathus, who after the destruction of Carthage was called Africanus, Spurius
Mummius and L. Merellus were made ambassadors by the Roman senate to see in what
condition the kingdoms and cities of their allies were in and to settle their differences. They took
a thorough survey of Egypt, Syria, Asia and Greece. (Cicero, in Somnid Scipoinis, Strabo 1. 14.
p. 669. Justin 1. 38. c. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm. Athen. 1. 6. c. 18. & 1. 12. c. 27.) Cicero in
Lucullo wrote that Scipio was used in this famous embassy before he was made a censor but in
Somnio Scipions, the same Cicero says that it was after he was censor and a little before his
second consulship. Valerius Maximus states that this embassy was done after his two
consulships and his two chief triumphs, the Carthaginian and Numantine. (1. 4, c. 3.) Polybius,

who in a work described the Numantine war, (as appears from the 1. 5. of Cicero, ad familiar,
epist. 12,) mentions this embassy. This we gather from Athen. (1. 6. c. 8.) and from Suidas in the
word Bapos, compared with Diod. Sic. Legat. 32. Polybius says that after he was part of that
embassy, he was sent to settle the Numantine war. Given these 3 conflicting opinions, we
thought it best to choose the middle one.

3714. On this embassy, Scipio, took a friend along with him. He was not Calus Lelius, as it is
read in the corrupt copies of Aurelius Victor, (de viris illustribus c.58.) but Panaetius the
philosopher. (Cicero in Lucullo, Plutarch in Apothgm. and in 1. de Philosophando cum
Principibus, from Posidonius' History.) To whom Athen. (1. 12. c. 27,) incorrectly adds,
Posidonius the stoic. He lived long after him. Scipio had in his retinue only 5 servants according
to Posidonius and Polybius (so that from them both Valerius Maximus who assigned 7 to him
and Aurelius Victor, who allows 2, are to be corrected.) Of those one died in the journey. Scipio
did not buy another servant but wrote home for another one to be sent from Rome to replace
him. (Athen. 1. 6. c. 8. & Plutarch in Apothegm.) As he passed through the countries of allies
and strangers, they did not note so much his slaves as his various victories. Neither did they take
note of the amount of weight in gold and silver he brought with him, but of the greatness of his
reputation. (Valer. Maximus, 1. 4. c. 3.)

3869a AM, 4578 JP, 136 BC

3715. Foreigners came to Alexandria on receiving Ptolemy Euergetes' proclamation. The
ambassadors from Rome also arrived there. (Justin 1. 38. c. 8.) When Scipio came from the ship
to land, he walked with his head covered with his cloak but the Alexandrians flocked about him
and asked him to show himself for they wanted to see this great man. As soon as he uncovered
himself, they shouted and made great acclamations. (Plutarch in Apothegm.)

3716. When the king came to meet the ambassadors, he seemed somewhat ridiculous to the
Romans. He looked horrible, short in stature, swag belly and more like a beast than a man. This
ugliness was made worse by the thin, transparent garment he wore as if to expose what modest
men conceal. Justin from Trogus Pompeius, (1. 38. c. 8.) has described the man whom
Athenaeus from the 7th book of Posidonius the Stoic, has represented to us in this way, (1. 12. c.
27.) as Natalis Comes has described him:

vv His body by reason of his luxurious living was grown gross and foul and his belly so big that a
man could hardly compass him with his arms. This forced him to wear a long garment with
sleeves down to his ankles. He rarely walked on foot unless at this time in respect to Scipio:"

3717. Scipio saw that the king, because of lack of exercise could barely keep pace with him
without greatly straining himself. He whispered in Panethius' ear:

vv Now the Alexandrians have reaped some fruits from our travel here, who, in their civility to
us, have seen their king walking." (Plutarch in Apothegm.)

3718. From this we see how well Dalechampius, who translated Athenaeus, has rendered those
words,

vv He never walked on foot, but leaned on his staff."

3719. The king entertained the delegates very well and showed them his palace and his treasury.
Because they were virtuous, they were content with plain wholesome food and scorned that rich
provisions as prejudicial both to the mind and body. Those things which the king esteemed as
rarities and admirable, they only glanced their eyes on them and counted them as things of no
value. They looked at things of real worth very carefully. They noted the location of the city and
its industry and particularly at Pharos and what belonged to it. From there they sailed to
Memphis and noticed the goodness of the country, the convenience of the Nile River, the
number of the cities, the very large population and the fortifications of Egypt. They noted the
wealth and goodness of the country, how well it was provided for in security and size. In brief,
having sufficiently admired both the populousness of Egypt and the good locations of its cities,
they thought that the kingdom of Egypt would easily grow into a vast empire if it were so
fortunate as to have good leadership. After they had viewed Egypt well, they went to Cyprus
and from there to Syria. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 32.)

3720. To Mithridates Euergetes king of Pontus was born that famous Mithridates, surnamed
Dionysius or Bacchus and Eupator. Thereupon he called the city which he built Eupatoria.
(Appian. in Mithradat. p. 176. & 251.) He was both born and raised in the city Sinope and
therefore held it always in high esteem and made it the capital of the whole kingdom. (Strabo. 1.
12. p. 545.)

3721. In the same year that Mithridates was born, there appeared a great comet, (Justin. 1. 37. c.
2.) This is the very same one which Seneca speaks of in (1. 7. c. 15. of his natural Questions.)

vv In the time of Attalus' reign, there appeared a comet at the first it was small. Later it elevated
and spread itself and came as far as the equinoctial circle. Its extent covered that region of the
heaven which we call the Milky Way."

3722. We allow (with Eutropis 1. 6. & Orosius, 1. 6. c. 5. who usually follow Livy) Mithridates
72 years of life. If we follow Appian, (p. 249.) and say that he lived only 68 years or 69 years
then this comet had appeared after Attalus was dead and not in his reign.

3869b AM, 4579 JP, 135 BC

3723. Simon the high priest and ruler of the Jews, visited the cities of Judea and provided for
their orderly government. He came down with his sons, Mattathias and Judas to Jericho, in the
177th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, the 1 1th month, which is called Sabal. There Ptolemy
the son of Abubus, Simon the high priest's son-in-law, entertained them in the citadel of Doc
which he had fortified. Ptolemy was appointed by his father-in-law over the province of Jericho
and was a very wealthy man who had wanted to take over the government of the country for
himself. Thereupon, while he was treating Simon and his sons with a banquet where they had
drank somewhat freely, he with his army of ruffians, whom he had placed in some secret place,
entered the house and treacherously killed Simon, his sons and some of his servants. /APC IMa
16:1 1-17. Josephus states that Simon was killed at a banquet by the treachery of his own son-in-
law, after Simon had ruled the Jews for just 8 years. (1. 13. c. 7.) However, we learn from the
story of the Maccabees that Simon was high priest for 8 years and 3 months after his brother
Jonathan died.

3724. Ptolemy immediately told King Antiochus Sidetes of this villainy and wanted him to send
an army to help him. He would soon deliver the country and cities of the Jews into his hands. /
APC IMa 16:18 Since the king knew so quickly of this and the promise of getting the country
for himself, it is suspected the king was in on this plot all along. The place of honour which the
traitor wanted so much was prearranged by the king as a reward for this deed. Jacobus Salianes
observed this in the epitome of his Annals, to which is to be referred that passage in the
prologue of the 36th book of Trogus Pompeius.

vv After Hyrcanus was slain, Antiochus subdued the Jews."

3725. Hyrcanus the son, was incorrectly written for Simon the father. On the contrary, Eusebius
in Chronic, concerning the history of the conquest of Judea by Antiochus, wrote:

vv He forced Simon the high priest to submit to conditions and wrote Simon the father, instead of
Hyrcanus the son."

3726. This wicked Ptolemy sent his vile men to Gazara to surprise John Hyrcanus and to kill
him. He tried to influence the captains of the Jewish army and wrote letters to them making
generous promises to them if they would revolt. He sent others to seize Jerusalem and the
temple mount. However, one ran ahead to Gazara and told John that his father and his brothers
were killed and that others were coming to kill him. Although John was greatly shocked by the
sad news, he killed the murderers by attacking them first. He was made high priest in the place
of his father. /APC IMa 16:19-24

3727. Here ends the first book of the Maccabees, containing the history of 40 years which
Josephus continues. He begins with an improbable account for he says that John Hyrcanus
escaped in the very nick of time to the city and was received in by the people. He shut out
Ptolemy who was attempting to enter in by another gate. After John had performed the holy
services, he led his army from the city against Ptolemy and besieged him in the fort Dagon
above Jericho. While John was endeavouring to take the fort, Ptolemy ordered to have brought
John's mother and his two brothers who were with him in the fort. They were to scourge them
soundly with whips and threatened to throw them down over the wall, unless he broke off the
attack. John was touched by their plight and started to lose his resolve. His mother very
resolutely exhorted the son not to stop from his love of her but to do what he could to take
vengeance on the traitor. He stopped his batteries as often as he saw his mother being whipped.
Since the sabbatical year was approaching in which the Jews rested from their works like on the
sabbath, John lifted his siege and Ptolemy escaped. After he had killed Hyrcanus, his mother
and his brothers, he fled to Zeno, surnamed Cotylas, who was the governor of Philadelphia.
(Josephus 1. 1. of the war, c. 2. & Antiq. 1. 13. c. 8.)

3728. All of this Salianus, in the sixth Tome of his Annals, shows a great deal of variety,
considering the persons, time and place, (ad Ann. Mundi. 3919. s. 5,6,7. & 3920. s. 5,6.) He
notes that in the sabbatical year, waging war, or besieging cities or building fortifications was
not prohibited by the law of God. We add that this year indeed was the sabbatical year, but it
began not after, but four months before Simon's death. That is in the beginning of the 177th year
of the account of the contracts as appears by the list of the sabbatical years kept by the Jews to
their very times.

3729. After midnight, Hipparchus observed the vernal equinox in the 43rd year of the third
Calippic period, on the 29th day of the Egyptian month, Mechis (beginning of March 24th). At
the end of the same year of the same period, he observed the summer solstice. (Ptol. 1. 3. c. 2.)

3730. In the end of the 4th year of Antiochus Sidetes' reign and in the beginning of the first of
Hyrcanus, Antiochus Sidetes' army invaded Judea and wasted the country. He forced Hyrcanus
to retire to Jerusalem and then besieged it at 7 places. He divided his whole army into 7 brigades
so that he might block all routes into the city. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 16.)

3731. Scipio Africanus and the other Roman ambassadors travelled through very many parts of
the world and generally were received with a great deal of affection and love. Wherever they
came, they did their utmost to settle differences by reconciling some and persuading others to
yield to what was just and fair. Those who were obstinate they forced to yield. When they met
with any causes which were too difficult to be decided by them, they referred these to the senate.
After they had visited various kings and countries and renewed their ancient friendship and
alliance with all of them, they returned home. Those whom they had visited sent ambassadors to
Rome and praised the senate for sending such men to them. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 32.)

3732. The siege of Jerusalem lasted a long time because of the strength of the walls and courage
of the defendants. At last, on the other side of the wall, was a more level passage, Antiochus
built 100 towers, 3 stories high. He placed in them bands of soldiers and daily attempted to cross
the walls. He also made a long wide double trench, so that the besieged Jews could not get out.
However, the Jews made frequent sallies out. If at any time they found the enemy's camp
unguarded, they attacked them. If there was good resistance, they retreated back to the city.
(Josephus 1. 13. c. 16.)

3733. Hyrcanus knew how the large number of people in the city would hinder his cause by
consuming the provisions. He expelled the weaker ones from the city and only kept those that
were able to fight. Antiochus would not allow them to pass, so they were forced to wander about
the walls and many died from hunger. (Josephus 1. 13. c. 16.)

3870a AM, 4579 JP, 135 BC

3734. When the feast of tabernacles came, the Jews took pity on the ones around the walls and
allowed them back into the city again. They also requested from Antiochus that he would
respect their feast and stop the hostility for 7 days. This he did and also in very great pomp. He
brought to the very gates of the city, bulls with gilded horns and gold and silver cups filled with
all manner of spices. When he gave these sacrifices to the priests of the Jews and made a feast
for the army, he returned to the camp. (Josephus 1. 13. c. 16. Plutarch in Apothegm.)

3735. At the time of the rising of Pleiades, plentiful showers supplied the besieged with water.
They were badly distressed before from lack of water. Also the sabbatical year was over and if
the Jews were hindered from sowing their grounds, a famine would undoubtedly follow.
Hyrcanus considered Antiochus' justice and piety and sent ambassadors to him, requesting him
that he would give them permission to live according to the laws of their forefathers. Many of
the king's friends urged him to demolish the city and to kill all the Jews because they were
unsociable and distinct from all other countries in their laws. Failing that, they urged him at least
to abrogate their laws and force them to change their manner of life. However, the king, who

was of a high spirit and gentle in his behaviour, rejected their counsel and approved the Jews'
piety. He commanded that the besieged should deliver up their arms to him, dismantle the city
walls, pay all the tribute due from Joppe and the other cities outside of Judea and have a garrison
stationed among them. On these conditions he would make a peace with them. They agreed to
all the king's propositions, except the one of having a garrison among them since they avoided
all business with strangers. In lieu of that, they chose to give hostages, among whom Hyrcanus'
own brother would be one plus 500 talents. Of this 300 were paid immediately and the rest later.
So the enemy removed the battery from the wall and raised the siege and freed the Jews of all
charges. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 16. cum Diod. Sic. 1. 34. in Bibliotheca. Photis. cod. 244.)

3736. When Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, which was the richest of all the kings,
took from there 3000 talents. Using this treasure, he began to employ foreign auxiliaries, which
the Jews had never done before. (Joseph. 1. Belle 1. c. 2. 1. 3. Antiq. c. 12. & 1. 13. c. 16. & 1. 16.
c. 11.) (Concerning this see Salianus' censure, Tom. 6. of his Annals in the year of the World,
3921, Sect. 8, 9.)

3737. Matthias surnamed Curtius, the great grandfather to Josephus the historian was born in the
first year of Hyrcanus Matthias, surnamed Aphlias the son of Simon Psellus, priest of the course
of Joiarib, by the daughter of Jonathan the high priest. Josephus states this in the beginning of
the book of his life.

3870b AM, 4580 JP, 134 BC

3738. When P. Africanus and Caius Fulvius were consuls, there arose a slave war, from the
slaves in Sicily. (Livy 1. 56. Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis.) It was started by Eunus, a Syrian
slave, born in the city of Apemea. He was fascinated by magical incantations and juggling. He
pretended to have received the knowledge of future events by the inspiration of the gods. This
first appeared to him in his sleep but later when he was awake. Although he failed in many of
his predictions, yet because he got some right by chance, nobody noticed his errors. His correct
predictions were diligently noted and applauded, so that his name became famous. At last, he
pretended to be mad while he observed the ceremonies of the goddess of Syria. He said that she
had appeared to him in his sleep and promised to promote him to regal honour. He stirred up the
slaves to appeal for their liberty and to take up arms by the command of the gods. To prove that
this was no design of his but came first from the gods, he concealed in his mouth a nutshell,
crammed with sulphur and fire. His breath caused him to send out a flash of fire as often as he
spoke. This very miracle raised for him 2000 men at first from the common people. He quickly
had an army of 40,000 and broke open the prisons by force. Thereupon, Eunus was made king
by his slaves. After he was crowned and his wife who was also a Syrian was proclaimed queen,
he selected from the whole company, the wisest to be his council. He called himself Antiochus
and his associates, the revolting Syrians. Those men succeeded so well that Cleon, another
slave, was encouraged by this to raise an army also. He was born in Cilicia, not far from Mount
Taurus and was an highway robber from his youth. However, he submitted himself to Eunus
who made him his general. He had an army of 50,000 of his own soldiers (or as it is in Livy's
Epitomy, 70,000.) This was done about 30 days after the first out break of the rebellion. The
praetors were not able to quell it and it was turned over to C. Fulvius, the consul. (Diod. Sic. 1.
34. in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244. & Excerptis. H. Valesi, p. 369, 370. Livy 1. 56. Floras, 1. 3.
c. 19.) Eunus caused similar rebellions in other places and particularly at Delos. (Diod. Sic. 1.
34.) This island was a shopping place for slaves. Myriads were traded here each day. Insomuch,
that it became a proverb:

""Merchant, put in here, display your slaves, you shall sell them all off immediately." (Strabo. 1.
14.668.)

3739. Scipio Africanus, the other consul, marched into Spain to put an end to the Numantine
war where King Attalus sent to him from Asia very expensive presents. We find this in Cicero's
Oration, in the behalf of Dejotarus. Scipio accepted these gifts in the sight of all his army.
Antiochus Sidetes did the same as appears in the Epitome of Livy's 57th book:

"Though it was the fashion of other generals to conceal king's gratuities, yet Scipio said, he
would receive the rich gifts which Antiochus Sidetes sent him in public court. He commanded
moreover the treasurer to register them all in the public tables, so that he might have this money
to reward the gallantry of his soldiers."

3871 AM, 4581 JP, 133 BC

3740. Attalus Philometor was the last king of Pergamos in Asia. He dedicated himself to
working in the art of brass. He decided to make a sepulchre for his mother. He was too intent on
the work, he became sick from the exposure to the violent heat of the furnace and died on the
7th day later. (Justin, 1. 36. c. 4.)

3741. Eudemus of Pergamos brought Attalus' will to Rome and gave Tiberius Gracchus, the
tribune of the people, the crown and purple robes of the king of Pergamos. (Plutarch in Tiber.
Gracch.) His will said:

"Let the people of Rome be the heir of my goods."

3742. So that the people of Rome thought that the kingdom was part of the king's goods and
held that province not by force of arms but by virtue of that will. (Floras, 1. 2. c. 20.) By this will
Attalus bequeathed to the people of Rome, Asia, if it really was bequeathed, so that it ought to
be free. (Livy 1. 59.) Indeed the Romans are charged with the counterfeiting of this will in
Mithridates' letter to Arsacas, in the 4th of Salust's History. Horace hints that they were not the
lawful heirs to Attalus. Acron noted this in his notes upon the 18th ode of the second book of
verses.

"Neither have I as an obscure heir invaded Attalus' court."

3743. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, desired to buy the favour of the people. He put though an
agrarian law which was named after him as the Sempronian law. The land in Asia should be
farmed out by the Roman censors. To that end he published a law to the people. It said that as
soon as the money bequeathed by King Attalus was come, it should be divided among the
citizens, who were by the Sempronian law, to rent the lands for farming and buy farming
implements. He denied that the senate had anything to do with the cities of the kingdom of
Attalus. He intended to refer them to an assembly of the people. (Cicero, Verrin. 2. Livy 1. 58.
Plutarch, in Tib. Gracch. Oros. 1. 5. c. 8.) Since an assembly of the tribunes was held that
summer, it was moved that he might continue as tribune of the people for the next year. He was
stabbed in the capital by the arrangement of P. Cornelius Nasica, the Pontifex Maximus.
(Appian. Bell. Civil. 1. 1. p. 358.) Scaevola and Pison were consuls, (Ascon. Pedian. in Verrin.

2.) the same summer when Attalus died.
3872a AM, 4581 JP, 133 BC

3744. Aristonicus pretended to descend from the royal blood according to Vellius Paterculus. He
was indeed the son of King Eumenes and the brother of the dead Attalus although not by lawful
wedlock but by an Ephesian courtesan, the daughter of a Misitian. He invaded Asia to obtain the
right of his father's kingdom. Most of the cities who lived previously under the king's
government were easily persuaded to side with him. Those few who feared the Romans and
opposed him, he took by force. (Livy 1. 59. Velles. Patercul. 1. 2. c. 4. Strabo, 1. 14. p. 646. Flor.
1. 3. c. 21. Justin. 1. 36. c. 4. Plutarch, sub. fin. Vita. T. Q. Flaminin. Appian. Bell. Civil. 1. 1. p.
360. & Mubridatic. p. 212. Eutrop. 1. 4.)

3745. The first place which he made to revolt, was a little town called Leucas. However, he was
soon expelled after losing a naval battle with the Ephesians near Cuma. (Strabo. 1. 14. p. 646.)

3872b AM, 4582 JP, 132 BC

3746. From there Aristonicus marched into the midland, where he assembled a numerous
company of poor persons and slaves whom he incited to stand up for their liberty. He called
them the Heliopolitans. (Strabo. 1. 14. p. 646.) Wherever slaves lived under a hard master, they
stopped serving him and ran away to Aristonicus. He defeated many cities. (Diod. Sic. in
Excerpt. Valesii, p. 362.) Aristonicus first attacked Thiatira, then Apollonias and later the other
garrisons. (Strabo. 1. 14. p. 646.) He took Myndus, Samos and Colophon by force. (Floras 1. 2. c.
20)

3747. To stop him, all the cities around there sent their forces. Nicomedes king of Bithynia,
Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Phylaemenes of Paphlagonia and Mithridates of Pontus brought their
forces to the Romans against him. Moreover, five delegates came from Rome. (Strabo. 1. 14. p.
646. cum Justin. 1 37. c. 1. & Eutrop. 1. 4.)

3748. This was the 38th year under King Euergetes the second or Physcon, the start of his reign
being from the time he began to reign with his brother Philometor. (See note on 3835 AM
«3291>) Jesus, the son of Sirach who was born at Jerusalem came into Egypt and lived there.
He translated the book of his grandfather Jesus, called by the Greeks, Panaretos and
Ecclesiasticus, from Hebrew into Greek as he states in the preface to his translation. This very
book, Jerome in his 1 15th Epistle says he had seen in the Hebrew with this inscription.

vv The parables of Jesus son of Sirach."

3749. P. Rupilius was promoted from the position of a Sicilian Publican to the honour of
consulship. He put down the insurrection of the slaves in Sicily. (Livy 1. 59. Ascon. Pedian.
Verrin. 4. Valer. Maxim. 1. 2. c. 7. & 1. 6. c. 9.) When he besieged Taurominium, he took as
prisoner Comanus, Cleon's brother, as he was stealing out of the city. A little later at Sarapion,
the Syrians betrayed the fort to him and he seized all the fugitives in the city. After he had
racked them, he killed them. From there he marched to Euna, where he fought with Cleon the
general, who marched out of the city to fight him. Cleon behaved himself very gallantly and

received many wounds before he fell. As soon as the general was killed, that city also was
betrayed to the consul. Eunus, the king of the rebels took along with him 600 of his men and
escaped as fast as he could to the craggy mountains for his safety. For fear of the pursuers they
hid in caves. From there he and four more of his company were dragged out and cast into prison
at Morgantina. He lay there so long that his body putrefied and was infested with lice. This was
a lamentable death but his rash actions deserved no better. (Diod. Sic. 1. 34. in Photti, Bibliothec.
cod. 214.)

3873 AM, 4583 JP, 131 BC

3750. In the 8th year of Antiochus Sidetes, about 10 o'clock in the morning, on the 21st day of
the month Peritius or Begruary, there was an earthquake at Antioch in Syria. This is recorded in
the Chronicles of John Malela of Antioch.

3751. When L. Valerius Flaccus and P. Licinius Crassus were consuls, it was proposed to the
people whom they wanted to manage the war against Aristonicus. Crassus the consul and
Pontifex Maximus threatened to impose a fine upon Flaccus who was his colleague in the
consulship and a priest of Mars if he left the holy services. The people removed the fine, yet
enjoined the priests to obey the Pontifex. For all that, the people would not consent that the
managing of the war should be given to a private person. Although Scipio Africanus was the
man they wanted, who the year before had triumphed over the Numantians, they voted that the
war should be entrusted to Crassus the consul than to Africanus who was but a private person.
(Cicero, in Philippic. 11.) So the Pontifex Maxiumus left Italy for the first time ever. (Livy 1.
59.)

3752. Antiochus Sidetes marched with his army against Phraates, who succeeded his brother
Arsacides or Mithridates in the kingdom of Parthia. He intended to get back his brother
Demetrius Nicator. Phraates had twice captured him as he was fleeing away and sent him back
into Hircania to his wife Rhodoguna and his children. This was not from kindness toward them
or respect of his own alliance to them, but because he aspired to the kingdom of Syria. Therefore
he wanted to use Demetrius against Antiochus, his brother, as occasion should serve and the
events of the war would require. Thereupon Antiochus thought it best to begin first. Therefore
he led his army which he had already hardened in the wars which he had with his neighbours
into Media against the Parthians. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 9, 10. & 1. 42. c. 1. Livy 1. 59. Athenaus, 1. 10.
c. 12. & 1. 12. c. 19. Appian. Syriac. p. 132.)

3753. As he lived so he waged war. He had 300,000 (Orosius says 200,000) scullions followed
his army of 80,000 (Orosius says 100,000) men. Most of these servants were cooks, bakers and
actors. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 10.) Antiochus entertained constantly every day such a large number of
guests that besides what was eaten at table and taken off by heaps, everyone of the guests
carried away whole joints of meat untouched. They had meat from four footed beasts, birds, sea
fish already dressed. Moveover there was provided many deserts of candied honey, many
coronets of frankincense and myrrh with knots and ribbons of gold which being let down at
length and were as high as a man. (Posidon, Apameus, Historiar. 1. 14. apud Atheneus, 1. 5. c. 9.
& 1. 12. c. 19.) The soldiers imitated his blind and mad excesses. They drove silver nails into the
soles of their shoes and prepared silver vessels for kitchen service and adorned their tents with
woven imagery. All this might rather seem a booty to encourage the enemy than be a means to
retard and slacken the hands of a courageous man to pursue a victory. (Valer. Maxim. 1. 9. c. 1.
& Justin 1. 38. c. 10.)

3754. As soon as Antiochus came into those regions, many of the eastern king's surrendered
themselves and their kingdoms to him and cursed the insolence of the Parthians. He soon fought
the enemy. Antiochus won three battles and was about to seize Babylonia. He became famous so
that the Parthians had nothing left but their own country and the people generally defected to
Antiochus. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 10)

3755. In this expedition, John Hyrcanus the Jew's high priest and ruler, followed Antiochus with
his supplies. Concerning him, Nicholaus Damascenus tells this in his general history:

vv Antiochus had erected a monument near the Lycus River where he defeated Indates, the
Parthian general. He waited there for two days at the request of Hyrcanus the Jew. It happened
to be the time of one of the Jews solemn festivals during which it was not lawful for the Jews to
travel."

3756. It was the feast of Pentecost which happened after the sabbath. During this time the Jews
were prohibited to take any journey. (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 16.) When it was over, John defeated
the Hircani and was surnamed Hyrcanus because of this as is supposed by Eusebius' Chronicle
and Severus Sulpitius, in the second book of his Holy History. He returned home again with a
great deal of honour.

3757. P. Crassus, the consul, came into Asia to put down king Aristonicus. By his studiousness,
be became so expert in the Greek language that he knew it most exactly as it is divided into its
five dialects. This earned him a great deal of favour and love among the allies when they saw
him answer their requests in the very same dialect that they themselves had used. (Valer.
Maximus, 1. 8. c. 7. Quintilian. 1. 11. c. 2.)

3758. When Crassus was preparing to besiege Leucas, he wanted a strong and large beam to
make a battering ram for the walls of the town. He wrote to the chief carpenter of the
Moleatenses who were confederates and allies of the Romans. He wanted the larger of two
masts which he had seen there, sent to him. The carpenter understood what he wanted but sent
the smaller of the two masts. He thought it more suitable for the purpose and easier to ship.
Crassus ordered him to be sent for. When he had demanded why he had not sent the mast he
asked for, he was not put off by his excuses and reasons and commanded him to be stripped and
whipped. Crassus thought that all respect due to superiors would soon disappear, if a man might
be allowed to reply to a command, not with the obedience which is expected but with an
officious rendering of his own advice. (A. Gell. 1. I.e. 13.)

3874a AM, 4583 JP, 131 BC

3759. Antiochus Sidetes divided his army into winter quarters through the cities because they
were so numerous. When he expected the cities to provide free board for his soldiers and the
soldiers were poorly behaved, these cities defected from him. (Justin 1. 38. c. 10) Athenaeus, one
of Antiochus' captains, was the most intolerably insolent of all no matter where he went to spend
the winter. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 374.)

3760. P. Crassus, proconsul of Asia, had a very strong force and had troops sent to him from the
kings of Bithynia, Pontus, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. However, at the end of the year, when

he fought with the enemy, he was defeated. After a great slaughter of his army, the army was
forced to flee. He was captured near Leneas between Elea and Smyrna by an ambush of
Thracians where Aristonicus had a number of troops garrisoned. The consul remembered from
what an honourable family he had descended and that he was a Roman. He thrust the stick with
which he used to guide his horse into the eye of the Thracian who had charge of him. He was
enraged because of the pain and ran his sword into Crassus' side. Thus he died in a way that he
avoided disgrace and servitude. His head was presented to Aristonicus and his body interred at
Smyrna. (Livy 1. 59. Vellei Patarcul. 1. 2. Strabo. 1. 14. 646. Valer. Maxim. 1. 3. c. 2. Flo. 1. 2. c.
20. Justin, 1. 36. c. 4. Julius Obsequens de prodigiis Eutrop. 1. 4. Oros. 1. 5. c. 10.)

3874b AM, 4584 JP, 130 BC

3761. When M. Perperna, the consul who succeeded Crassus, heard of his death and the defeat
of the Roman army, he went quickly into Asia. He surprised Aristonicus who was keeping, as it
were, a holiday for his recent conquest and routed him since he did not have his forces with him.
He escaped to Stratonice, where the consul followed and besieged the city so tightly that he
forced it to surrender for lack of provisions. He took Aristonicus prisoner and kept him in bonds.
(Livy Patercul. Strabo, Floras, Justin, Oros. Eutrop. ut supra, Valer. Max. 1. 3. c. 4.)

3762. Belosius Cuma thought so highly of Tiberius Gracchus that if he had commanded him to
set fire to the capital, he said he would do it with no regrets. After the death of Tiberius
Gracchus, he went from Rome to Aristonicus into Asia. When he saw the reverse of Aristonicus'
fortunes, he killed himself. (Plutarch in Tib. Graccho.)

3763. Just before the capture of Aristonicus, news came to Rome that the image of Apollo at
Cuma wept for 4 days. The soothsayers were so appalled at this sign that they planned to throw
the image into the sea had not the old men of Cuma interceded. The most expert soothsayers
said that this sign showed the downfall of Greece from where that image was brought.
Thereupon the Romans sacrificed and brought offerings into the temple. (Jul. Obsequens, de
prodigiis, Augustin. de Civit. Dei, 1. 3. c. 11.)

3764. Phrygia was recovered by the Romans. (Jul. Obsequens, ibid.)

3765. Phraates sent Demetrius Nicator into Syria with a company of Parthians to seize that
kingdom. He hoped to draw Antiochus from Parthia and to save his own country. In the
meantime, since he could not overcome Antiochus in battle, he endeavoured by all means to
surprise him with stratagems. (Justin, 1. 38. c. 10.)

3766. The cities, where Antiochus' army had taken up their winter quarters, were burdened with
supplying quarters to the insolent troops. They revolted to the Parthians. On a set day, all of
them attacked the army as it was dispersed in their various quarters. They placed ambushes so
that they could not come to help one another. As soon as Antiochus knew of this, he marched to
the relief of those that were next to him with that company which quartered with him. (Justin, 1.
38. c. 10.)

3767. The swallows built nests in Antiochus' pavilion. He ignored the prodigy and fought with
the enemy. (Jul. Obsequens, de prodig.) He behaved more gallantly than Phraates, whom he met
in the way, than his army did. At the end, his army deserted him. (Justin, 1. 38. c. 10.)

3768. The first man that deserted Antiochus, was Athenaeus, who fled to some of those villages
which he had provoked them by his insolence when he was quartered among them. They shut
their gates against him and was denied food by all. He was forced to wander up and down the
country until he died from hunger. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 374, 377.)

3769. Julius Obsequens, (1. de prodigiis.) Justinus, (1. 38. c. 10 & 39. c. 1.) Josephus, (1. 15. c.
16.) Eusebius, (in his Chronicle.) and Orosius (1. 5. c. 10.) state that Antiochus was killed by the
Parthians in that battle. Appian stated he killed himself after losing the battle, (in Syriac. p. 132.)
Elianus said that after he lost the battle, he threw himself down headlong from a steep place. (1.
10. de Animal c. 34.) Some modern writers think he was stoned to death by the priests of the
temple Nannea in Persia, where he came with the remainder of his army to plunder the temple.
They think along with Rupertus Tuitiensis, (1. 10. de victoria Verbi Dei, c. 6. 16. 24.) that this
was the same Antiochus of whom mention is made in the epistle of the Jews at Jerusalem to
their brethren in Egypt. /APC 2Ma 1:10-17

3770. Arsaces as Phraates was called by the common name of the king's of Parthia, buried the
dead body of Antiochus. Posidonius of Apamea, in the 16th book of his histories, (according to
Athenaus, 1. 10. c. 12.) states Phraates reproved his debauchery:

vv Thy wine, O Antiochus and thy two great confidences have deceived thee. For thou hopest in
thy large cups to have swallowed down the kingdom of Arsaces."

3771. After Antiochus' funeral was over which Phraates carried out in a royal manner, he was
enamoured with Demetrius' daughter, whom Antiochus had brought along with him and married
her. He began to regret sending Demetrius away. Therefore he quickly sent some cavalry to
bring him back. They found Demetrius already established in his kingdom, so that the attempt
was a waste of time and they returned back to the king. (Justin 1. 38. c. 10.)

3772. Antiochus and his army were defeated in Parthia and his brother Demetrius was freed
from the captivity of the Parthians and restored to his kingdom. All Syria at that time bemoaned
the loss of the army. However he seemed to think it a stroke of good luck and he could not have
managed it better himself. One of them was taken prisoner and freed and the other was killed.
(Justin 1. 32. c. 1.)

3773. After the death of Antiochus, the Jews never allowed a Macedonian king to be over them
but created magistrates among themselves. They annoyed Syria with continual wars (Justin 1.
36. c. 1.) and subdued many parts of Syria and Phoenicia. (Strabo. 1. 16. c. 761.) After the death
of Antiochus, Hyrcanus revolted from the Macedonians and never again sent them any supplies
either as a subject or friend. At the first rumour of Antiochus' death, he led his whole army
against the cities of Syria which he supposed and it was true, had few troops to defend them. He
stormed Medaba which is mentioned in /APC IMa 9:36). He captured it with some difficulty
after a 6 month seige. He next conquered Samega and its adjacent towns. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 17.)

3774. In the meantime, Phraates resolved to start a war in Syria in vindication of Antiochus'
attempt to take over the kingdom of Parthia. He was thwarted and called home to put down a
rebellion of the Scythians. The Scythians were hired by the Parthians to help them against
Antiochus. However they did not arrive with their supplies until the war was over. Hence the

Parthians reduced their pay and justified it by saying they came too late. The Scythians were
upset after they had marched so long for nothing. They asked that they might be given their pay
because of their tedious march or that they might be given some other work to do. When the
Parthians returned a rough answer which offended them, they started plundering the country.
(Justin. 1.41. c. 1.)

3775. While Phraates was gone against the Scythians, he left behind him as viceroy, Himerus,
an Hircanian by birth, who was highly favoured by him when he was a young man. Himerus
forgot his former lowly position and that he was acting on the behalf of another. He instigated a
great deal of tyranny and vexed the Babylonians and many other cities for no reason at all.
(Justin. 1. 41. c. 1.) He made many of the Babylonians his slaves and dispersed them with their
whole families into Media. He set also the market place and some temples of Babylon on fire.
He pulled down all the most beautiful places of the city. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 377.)
Posidonius of Apamea also mentions the extravagant government of Himerus, in the 26th book
of his Histories. (Atheneus, 1. 11. c. 4.) He stated that Lysimachus, a Babylonian, invited him
and 300 more to supper. When the food was taken away, he presented everyone of those 300,
the silver cup of four pounds in price, in which they had drunk from.

3776. In Egypt, Ptolemy Euergetes the second or Physcon had reigned for 15 years after his
brother Philometor. (Diod. Sic. shows in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 350.) His cruelty made him so
odious to those very foreigners whom he had invited to Alexandria that they set his royal palace
on fire. They stole away secretly to Cyprus with his son Memphites, whom his sister Cleopatra
bore him and with his wife the daughter of the same Cleopatra. After this the people conferred
the kingdom on Cleopatra, his sister and divorced wife. He hired an army and waged war
against his own sister and native country. (Livy 1. 59, Jul. Obsequens de prodigus. Justin 1. 38. c.
8. Orosius 1. 5. c. 10.)

3875a AM, 4584 JP, 130 BC

3777. John Hyrcanus took Sichem and Garizim and demolished the temple of the Cuthites 200
years after it had been built by Sanballat. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 17.)

3778. M. Perperna was careful to have Aristonicus and the treasure which Attalus lost in his
legacy to the people of Rome, shipped away from there. This action was ill received by Manius
Aquilius the consul who was his successor. He immediately hurried to Perperna and intended to
get Aristonicus from him. He thought Aristonicus belonged in his triumph rather than to
Perperna' s. However Perperna' s death settled the matter. When he returned he took sick at
Pergamos and died. (Strabo. 1. 14. p. 646. Valer. Maximus, 1. 3. c. 4. Justin, 1.36. c. 4. Eutrop. 1.
4. Oros. 1. 5. c. 10.)

3875b AM, 4585 JP, 129 BC

3779. Aquilius the consul, completed the remainder of the Asian war. He forced some cities to
surrender by poisoning their water supply. Although this made for a quick victory, it spoiled his
reputation and made him dishonourable. (Floras. 1. 2. c. 20.)

3780. Most of the Asians, who for 4 whole years had helped Aristonicus against the Romans,
returned to their loyalty with Rome from fear. (Sylla, apud Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 212.)

Lydia, anciently the seat of the kings, Caria, Hellespont, and both Phrigia's by joint surrender,
put themselves under the power of the Romans. (Sextus, Rufus in Breviario.)

3781. The Massilians sent their ambassadors away to Rome to mediate in behalf of their
founders the Phoenicians, whose city and name the senate had ordered to be totally destroyed
because they in the war with Aristonicus and formerly with Antiochus the great had fought
against the people of Rome. The senate granted them their pardon. (Justin. 1. 37. c. 1.)

3782. The Romans gave the greater Phrygia to Mithradates Euergetes king of Pontus, as a gift
for helping them against Aristonicus. (Justin 1. 37. c. 1. & 1. 38. c. 5.) Although it is generally
believed that Manius Aquilius was well bribed for his pains and gave it to him. Therefore after
the death of Mithradates, the senate took Phrygia away from his son who was not of legal age.
He complained in Trogus Pompeius about this. They made it a free and independent state.
(Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 177. & 208. & 1. 1. Bell. Civil, p. 362, 363. cf. Justin. 1. 38. c. 5.)

3783. Aquilius with ten delegates, subdued Attalus' dominion into the form of a province and
made it a tributary. They called it Asia after the name of the continent. (Strabo, 1. 13. p. 624. & 1.
14. p. 646.)

3784. Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, was slain in the war against Aristonicus and left behind
him 6 sons by his wife Laodice. The people of Rome gave Lycaonia and Cilicia to them for their
father's good service. Laodice was jealous of her sons and feared lest when they came of age,
she would be deprived of the kingdom. She poisoned 5 of them but one young one escaped his
mother's cruelty through the help of his family. He ruled after the people had killed Laodice for
her cruelty. (Justin. 1. 37. c. 1.)

3785. John Hyrcanus took Adora and Marissa which were cities of Idumea. When he had
subdued all the Idumeans he had them circumcised under penalty of losing their country. They
loved their native country and were circumcised and kept all the other Jewish laws. After this
they were counted as Jews. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 17. 1. 15. c. 11. p. 531. cf. 1. 4. Bell. c. 16. or
c. 6.) Strabo relates that these Idumeans were originally Nabateans but were driven from there
after some sedition. They joined themselves to the Jews and submitted to their laws. (Strabo. 1.
16. p. 760.) He adds, that Herod the king of the Jews, came from there, "virum indigenam", "A
stranger born". (Strabo 1. 16. p. 765.) Antigonus said he was an Idumean that is, an half Jew.
(Joseph. 1. 14. Antiq. c. 27. p. 501.) For although Stephanus Byzantinus writes (in voc.
gdoumaios) that the Idumeans were Hebrews originally, yet Ammonius the grammarian in his
book de differentius verborum, from Ptolemy's first book, de Rege Herode, (perhaps that
Ptolemy who was Herod's lieutenant, Joseph. 1. 16. Antiq. c. 11.) had noted this difference
between the Idumeans and the Jews.

vv The Jews are such as were so naturally from the beginning. The Idumeans were not Jews from
the beginning but Phoenicians and Syrians who were conquered by the Jews. They were
compelled to be circumcised, to unite their country to the Jew's and to be subject to their laws.
Therefore they were called Jews."

3786. They were called Jews not because of their descent but in regard of their religion and
manner of life. For there were other men which were called Jews, though they were born
strangers, because they lived according to their rites and constitutions. Diod. noted this in his

37th book of his Roman History. Hence it is, that, from the Hebrews, the kingdom of Herod and
his posterity is styled syrnh twkls, "The Kingdom of the Proselytes" (not Hagarens, as it is
rendered by Munster in Seder Olam minore, and by Scaliger in Judaici Comput. Spic. legio, 1. 7.
de Emendatione temporum.) For among the Jews, the term "proselytes of righteousness" as they
called them came to be used at this time of the Idumeans. These proselytes were always counted
and given the same honour as other Jews.

3787. Ptolemy Physcon recalled his oldest son from Cyrene and killed him. He feared the
Alexandrians would set him up as king against him. Thereupon the people pulled down his
statue and his images. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 8.) Ptolemy thought that this was done by the instigation
of his sister Cleopatra and did not know how to be avenged in any other way. Therefore he
ordered his son Memphitis, who was a promising young child he had by Cleopatra, to be killed
before his eyes. He had his head, hands and feet cut off and put them into a chest covered with a
soldier's coat. He gave them to one of his servants to carry to Alexandria and to present them to
Cleopatra on her birthday when she was in the height of her happiness for a birthday gift. This
was a grievous and sad spectacle for the queen and the whole city. The whole merry mood of the
celebration was changed and the court mourned this act. The nobles turned their festival into a
funeral and showed the mangled limbs to the people to let them see what they themselves were
to expect from their king, who had murdered his own son. (Justin 1. 38. c. 8. Diod. Sic. in
Excerpt. Valesii, p. 374. Livy 1. 59. Jul. Obsequens, de prodigus, Valer. Maxim. 1. 9. c. 2.)

3788. Ptolemy saw how detestable he had become in his country and feared the worst. He tried
to secure his throne with more cruelty. He thought that if the common people were killed, his
throne would be more secure. At a time when the common place of exercise was full of the
young men, he surrounded it and burned it. Those that escaped the fire were killed by the sword.
(Valer. Maxim. 1. 9, c. 2.)

3789. Phraates led the army of the Greeks which he had taken in the war against Antiochus in
his war with the Scythians. He behaved himself very imperiously toward them and did not
consider the hostility toward him because of their captivity. He had exasperated them with new
indignities. As soon as they saw the Parthian army give ground, they wheeled about to the
enemy and executed the long desired revenge for their captivity. Phraates was killed and the
Parthian army put to the sword. (Justin. 1. 42. c. 1.)

3790. Artabanus, his uncle succeeded Phraates in the kingdom of the Parthians. The Scythians
were contented with their victory and after they had pillaged the country of the Parthians, they
returned home again. Artabanus had started a war with the Thogarii or Tochari, who were a
people descended from the Scythians. He was wounded in his arm and died shortly after. He left
for his successor his son, Mithridates the Great. Shortly after this Mithridates waged war with
Ortodistes, the king of Armenia, (Justin 1. 42. c. 2.)

3791. At 6 o'clock in the morning at Rhodes, Hipparchus observed the sun in Leo at 8 degrees
35 minutes and the moon in Taurus at 12 degrees 2 minutes. This was in the 50th year of the
third Calippic period, the 16th day of the Egyptian month Epiph (August 5th). (Ptol. 1. 5. c. 3.)

3876 AM, 4586 JP, 128 BC

3792. Hipparchus observed the vernal equinox in the same 50th year, on the first day of the

Egyptian month Phamenoth. (March 23rd) (Ptol. 1. 3. c. 2.)

3793. Hipparchus, in the same year observed the star in the heart of Leo 29 degrees 50 minutes
from the point of the summer solstice. (Ptol. 1. 3. c. 2.)

3794. Hegelochus, Ptolemy Physcon's general, was sent against Marsias the Alexandrian's
general and captured him alive but killed his troops. When Marsias was brought into the king's
presence, all believed the king would have given him a cruel death, but Ptolemy spared him,
beyond all expectations. For he now began to repent of his previous bloody actions and was very
desirous by such acts of grace to reconcile himself to the people who were extremely alienated
from him. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 377.)

3795. After the days of mourning for her son were over, Queen Cleopatra saw that her brother,
Physcon was marching against her and sent her ambassadors to ask for help from Demetrius
Nicator, the king of Syria. He was her son-in-law, for Cleopatra the wife to Demetrius was the
daughter of this Cleopatra and Philometor. She promised him that he should have the kingdom
of Egypt for his trouble. In hopes of that prize, he marched into Egypt, and made his first attack
on Peleusium. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 9. & 1. 39. c. 1. Porphyrius, in Gracis, Eusebianus Scaligers, p.
227.)

3877a AM, 4586 JP, 128 BC

3796. In this year, Alexander Jannaeus, son to John Hyrcanus was born, who was later the king
of the Jews. He lived for 49 years (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 23. fin.) As soon as he was born, he fell out
of favour with his father. For it is said that Hyrcanus enquired of God who appeared to him in
his sleep about his successor. He was very solicitous on the behalf of Aristobulus and Antigonus
whom he loved far more than the other brothers. God told him that Jannaeus would succeed
him. He was much perplexed and he sent Alexander into Galilee to receive his education. He
never allowed him into his presence as long as he lived. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 20.)

3797. About this time, Simon, the son of Dositheus, Apollonius, the son of Alexander and
Diodorus, the son of Jason, were sent as ambassadors from Hyrcanus and the people of the Jews
to renew their friendship and amity with the Romans. Faunius, the son of Marcus, the city
praetor arranged a meeting of the senate for them on the 8th of February. This was really in
November (Julian Calendar) because of the mess the Roman calendar was in. It was ordered by
a decree of the senate that Joppe and its parts, Gazara and the springs and the other cities which
Antiochus Sidetes had taken from them, contrary to the decree of the senate, should be restored.
It was further ordered that the king's soldiers should not travel through their country or through
any country under their command. That whatever Antiochus had gained in that war should be
set aside. That the ambassadors whom the senate sent should take care to see restored whatever
Antiochus had taken away and to give an estimate of the damage the country had sustained in
that war. That letters of commendation should be given to the ambassadors for the kings and
free people so that they might return more safely into their country. Moreover, Faunius the
praetor was ordered to supply the ambassadors with money from the common bank to provide
for the needs of their journey home. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 17.)

3877b AM, 4587 JP, 127 BC

3798. Hipparchus on the island of Rhodes observed the sun at 7 degrees, 45 minutes in Taurus
and the moon at 21 degrees 40 minutes in Pisces. This was in the 197th year after Alexander's
death and 621st of Nabonasar, on the 1 1th day of the Egyptian month Pharmuth (May 2nd) in
the morning at 5:20 AM. (Ptol. 1. 5. c. 5.)

3799. In the same year, on the 17th day of the Egyptian month Payn (July 7th) in the afternoon
at 3:20 PM Hipparchus observed in the same place, the sun at 10 degrees 54 minutes in Cancer
and the moon at 21 degrees 40 minutes in Pisces. (Ptol. 1. 5. c. 5.)

3800. In the 9th year of Hyrcanus' high priesthood and reign, Alexander the son of Jason,
Numenius, son of Antiochus and Alexander, son of Dorotheus, the ambassadors for the Jews
gave the senate a vial and buckler of gold, valued at 50,000 crowns as a testimony of their
ancient amity with the people of Rome. When the ambassadors had received letters for the free
cities and kings to pass safely through their countries and ports, they returned home. A copy of
this decree of the senate is in Josephus, (1. 14. c. 16.) for a different occasion. For Josephus had
said before, that on Julius Caesar's letters, a decree was obtained giving permission to Hyrcanus
the 2nd to repair the walls of Jerusalem, which Pompey had demolished. I do not know through
what oversight he joined this decree instead of the other which in no way concerned the repair of
the walls of Jerusalem. Yet Josephus said that this was done in the 9th year of Hycannus' high
priesthood and reign in the month Panem. This occurred when as the acts themselves confirm
this decree to be published in the Ides of December, (which was on the Julian September and the
Macedonian Hyperberetous.) If Caesar had made that decree in favour of Hyrcanus the 2nd,
then the 27th year of Hyrcanus should be written rather than the 9th. Concerning his reign
nothing at all should be noted because Josephus himself shows in the 10th chapter of the same
book that Gabinius had removed him as king and left him only in the high priest's office.
Therefore, that decree should be referred to the 9th year of Hyrcanus the 1st when the Jewish
country was still a free state and confederate with the people of Rome and not to the 9th year of
Hyrcanus the 2nd. In his time, it was conquered and made tributary to the Romans.

3801. In King Demetrius Nicator's absence, the Antiochians first revolted because of his pride
which was grown intolerable by his experiences with the cruel Parthians. Later the Apameans
and the other cities of Syria were encouraged by their examples and revolted from him too.
(Justin, 1. 39. c. 1.) When Demetrius was told of this while he was in Egypt, he had to march
back to Syria.

3802. When Cleopatra the Egyptian queen, had lost her best defender, Demetrius Nicator, she
shipped all her goods and hurried to Syria to her daughter, Cleopatra the Syrian and Demetrius
her son-in-law. (Justin 1. 39. c. 1.)

3803. Demetrius was detested by the Syrians, and by his soldiers. They sent to Ptolemy Physcon
and asked him to appoint someone who descended from Seleucus, whom they might appoint as
king over them. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 17.) He sent to them an Egyptian youth, the son of Protarchus a
merchant, who was to seize the kingdom of Syria by force of arms. He made a very elegant
story about how he had been adopted into the royal blood by king Antiochus. The Syrians would
very gladly submit to any king whatever rather than live any longer under Demetrius because of
his insolence. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 1.) Porphyrius stated how that this youth was sent as the son of
Alexander Bala, who alleged himself to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes. The youth also
called himself Alexander but the Syrians surnamed him Zabina because he was generally
thought to be one of Ptolemy's slaves, whom he had purchased, (in Grac. Euseb. Scalig. p. 227.)

agybz, "to speak the truth", among the Syrians, means both "bought" and "redeemed" This king
was not ashamed of being bought, but always put on his coins this inscription: ALEXANDPOQ
ZEBENNOQS BASILEWZ

3878a AM, 4587 JP, 127 BC

3804. When this new king came with his numerous forces from Egypt, it is reported that the
remains of Antiochus Sidetes, who was slain by the king of the Parthians, were sent to Syria in a
silver coffin to be interred there. These were received with a great deal of reverence by the cities
and King Alexander. This ingratiated him very much with the countrymen who truly believed
that the tears he shed at the funeral were not fake but real. (Justin 1. 39. c. 1.)

3878b AM, 4588 JP, 126 BC

3805. Both the armies fought near Damascus and Demetrius Nicator was defeated. When he saw
that he was almost surrounded, he withdrew from the battle and hurried to his wife Cleopatra at
Ptolemais. However, she shut the gates against him. Since he was deserted by his wife and his
sons, he fled with a very small retinue to Tyre and hoped for sanctuary in the temple. (Justin 1.
39. c. 1. cf Josephus and Prophyrius, in the places above cited.)

3806. Porphyrius stated that when Demetrius was denied entrance there he was killed as he was
sailing to some other place. This was after 4 years of his reign after he returned from Parthia.
Justin stated that he was killed by the command of the governor, as he was first landing.
Josephus stated that he was taken prisoner by the enemy. They used him badly and he died in
custody. Livy stated that his wife, Cleopatra, killed him (1. 60.) and so does Appian (in Syriac. p.
132.) Indeed, it is very probable, that he was killed at Tyre and she was an accessory. For doing
this, the citizens of Tyre obtained its freedom and liberty either from her or from Alexander
Zebinas to live according to their own laws. They derived from this very year, a new epoch of
their times. This appears in Eusebius' chronicle, where the 402nd year of Tyre is the same as the
2nd year of the Emperor Probus which is the 4990 JP. The judgment of Tyre inserted into the
9th action of the council of Chalcedon was in the year after the consulship of Flavius Zeno and
Posthumianus which is the 5162 JP is reckoned as the 574th year of the epoch of Tyre.
Moreover, we find the city of Tyre in the inscriptions made by Grotius, (p. 605.) honoured with
the commendation of being the religion, the sacred, and the independent metropolis of
Phoenicia.

3807. When Alexander Zibinas had control of that kingdom, he entered into league with John
Hyrcanus, the high priest and things went very well with Hyrcanus during his reign. (Joseph. 1.
13. c. 17.)

3808. Manius Aquilius, the proconsul, returned in triumph from Asia on the third of the ides of
November. (August JP) This may be deduced from the fragments of the triumphal tables of
marble. Concerning this, Mithridates in an letter to Arasaces, (Salust. Historiar. 1. 4.) stated:

vv The Romans, unjustly pretended a will, that is King Attalus' will, and led Aristonicus,
Eumenes' son, in triumph who had attempted to recover by force of arms, his father's kingdom."

3809. Velleius Paterclus, (1. 2. c. 4.) intimated that Aristonicus was led in triumph by Manius
Aquilius and later beheaded. He was strangled at Rome in the prison by an order from the
senate. (Strabo. 1. 14. p. 646. Eutrop. 1. 4. Orosius 1. 5. c. 10.)

3810. Manius Aquilius was accused of bribery and knew that he was guilty. He bribed his
judges and so got off. (Appian. Bell. Civil. 1. 1. p. 362. & 363.)

3879 AM, 4589 JP, 125 BC

381 1. When M. Plautius Hypsaeus and M. Fulvius Flaccus were consuls, a large army of locusts
in Africa were blown into the sea and washed ashore at Cyrene. This caused such an intolerable
stench, that by reason of that noxious air, many cattle died. It is reported also, that 800,000 men
died from the same infection. (Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis, cum P. Orosio. 1. 5. c. 11.)

3812. Mithradates Euergetes, king of Pontus sent Dorylaus of Pontus and a man expert in
military affairs, to Crete to hire foreign mercenaries. While he was there, a war was started in
those regions by the Cnossii against the Gortynii. The Cnossii appointed Dorylaus as their
general, who quickly ended the war. This was more from luck than skill. He was highly
honoured by the Cnossii for his good service and he lived among them with his whole family. A
little later he received news that Mithridates had died. Dorylaus was the great grandfather to the
mother of Strabo the Geographer. (Strabo, 1. 10. p. 477, 478. & 1. 12. p. 557.)

3880a AM, 4589 JP, 125 BC

3813. In the 188th year of the account of the contracts, the Jews of Palestine and the elders of
Jerusalem and Judas were about to celebrate the feast of the dedication of the cleansing of the
temple of the 25th day of the month Chisleu. They wrote to Aristobulus Ptolemy, Physcon's
master who was descended from the family of the priests according to Aaron and to the Jews in
Egypt that they should likewise keep the feast. /APC 2Ma 1:10,18 Rupertus Tuitiensis, (1. 10. de
victoria verbi, c, 15.) thinks that Judas was the same Judas the Essean, whom Josephus notes 19
years after this to have foretold the sudden death of Antigonus, the son of John Hyrcanus. He
seldom failed in his prophesies. (1. 13. c. 19.) Clemens Alexandrinus, (1. 5. Strom.) and Eusebius
Caesariensis, (in the 1. 8 praparat. Evange. c. 3. and in his Chronicle,) think Aristobulus to be
that Jewish philosopher the Peripatetic, of whom mention was made by us before. See note on
3854 JP «3413».

3880b AM, 4590 JP, 124 BC

3814. Seleucus, Demetrius Nicator's son, seized the crown without his mother Cleopatra's
permission and reigned one year in Syria. (Livy 1. 60. Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. p. 227.)

3815. After much trouble, Alexander Zebinas defeated Antipater, Clonius, and Aeropus, 3 of his
most eminent commanders who had revolted from him and seized the city Laodicea. He showed
a great deal of gallantry toward them. He took them prisoners and in the end he pardoned all
their apostasy. He was naturally of a mild disposition and pleasing temper and of a wonderful
disposition in all his meetings. Hence he was extremely well liked by all men. (Diod. Sic. in
Excerpt. Valesii, p. 377.)

3881a AM, 4590 JP, 124 BC

3816. Mithridates Euergetes, king of Pontus and Armenia the less, was killed by the treachery of
some of his closest friends. He left his wife and his sons to succeed him in the kingdom.
Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, the older brother of the two laid claim to the whole kingdom for
himself. (Strabo, 1. 10. p. 477. cum Justin. 1. 37. c. 1.) For soon after, he put his mother in prison
whom his father had intended to be viceroy with him in the kingdom. He kept her there in
bonds, who, by reason of that hard usage and long imprisonment, died there. (Memnon in
Excerpt. Photii, cap. 32.) As for Mithridates, Salust states in his history, that he was a child
when he became king after he poisoned his mother. (Servius in Birg. 1. 6. Eneid.)

3817. Strabo affirms that Mithridates was 1 1 years of age when he succeeded his father in the
kingdom. Memnon says he was 13. We selected 12 based on Eutropius' account. He said that
Mithridates reigned 60 years and lived 72. Although Pliny, (1. 25. c. 2.) says he reigned 56 years
and Appian says 57. (See note on 3868 AM «3528»)

3818. As there appeared a comet in the year when Mithridates was born, there likewise appeared
one also in the first year of his reign. For 70 nights and days the whole heaven seemed to be all
on fire. For its tail covered a quarter part of the heaven or 45 degrees of the upper hemisphere
and out shone the sun in brightness. Its rising and setting took four hours. (Justin. 1. 37. c. 2.)

3881b AM, 4591 JP, 123 BC

3819. In Syria, Cleopatra struck her son Seleucus through with a arrow. She did this either
because he had seized upon the crown without her consent or she feared lest he should in time
avenge his father, Demetrius' death or because she had managed all things with the same fury
and violence as he did. When Seleucus was dead, she made her other son, Antiochus Grypus,
king whom she had by Demetrius She had sent him to Athens to receive his education. She gave
him the title of king but ran the kingdom herself. (Livy 1. 60. Justin. 1. 39. c. 1. Appian. Syriac.
p. 132.) Porphyrius has stated that when Seleucus was killed by his mother's treachery,
Antiochus, the younger brother, succeeded him in the kingdom, in the second year of the 164th
Olympiad, (in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 227.) He added that he was called Grypus and
Philometor also. Josephus refers to him by this latter surname. (1. 13. c. 20.)

3882 AM, 4592 JP, 122 BC

3820. Alexander Zebmus, was puffed up with good fortune and began now by his insolence to
despise Ptolemy himself, by whose means he had come to the kingdom. Thereupon Ptolemy
reconciled himself to his sister Cleopatra and tried to ruin Alexander's kingdom which he had
never been able to obtain had not Ptolemy sent him supplies because of his hatred for
Demetrius. To that end, he sent a very considerable force to Grypus and offered his daughter,
Tryphena, to him in marriage. He hoped to have the people side with his new son-in-law. This
would be from respect to the former confederacy and association between them and also by
virtue of his new relation and alliance. It worked. When all saw that Grypus was backed by as
much strength as Egypt could levy, they began by degrees to defect from Alexander. (Justin. 1.
39. c. 2.)

3821. Alexander was not very confident of his army. They were not well trained militarily so he
did not risk a battle. After he had first collected the king's treasuries and pillaged the temples, he
planned to steal away into Greece by night. While he attempted to plunder Jupiter's temple with
the help of some of his barbarians, he was seized and he and his whole army would likely have
been destroyed. However, he soon escaped from their hands and headed toward Seleucia. The
Seleucians had heard a rumour of his sacrilege, and shut their gates against him. Unable to do
anything there, he went to Pisidium and never after that left the sea coast. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt.
Valesii, p. 378.)

3822. Finally, Antiochus Grypus and Alexander Zebinas had a battle. Alexander was defeated
and forced to flee to Antioch. As soon as he came there, he needed money to pay his soldiers.
He ordered that the statue of victory be taken from Jupiter's temple. The statue was made of
beaten gold. He justified his sacrilege with a jest:

vv Jupiter has lent me victory."

3823. A few days later he had his soldiers start to pull down the image of Jupiter. This was to be
done as quietly as possible. However, he was surprised by the common people who caught him
in the very act and he was forced to flee. He was caught in a violent storm at sea and he was
separated from his company. He was captured by pirates who turned him over to Grypus who
had him executed. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 2.) Josephus stated that he was slain in a fight with Grypus.
(1. 13. c. 17.) Porphyrius that he poisoned himself when he was depressed by the loss of his
army in the 4th year of the 164th Olympiad, (in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 227.)

3824. Cleopatra knew that her authority would be diminished by the victory which her son
Antiochus Grypus had over Alexander Zepinas. She presented him as he came from exercising
or from the army (original uncertain,) with a cup of poison. Grypus was warned of this treachery
and pretended out of respect for his mother to have her drink first. When she refused, he
continually urged her to. At last he charged her with plotting to poison him and showed her the
one that informed him of the plot. He told her that the only way she could prove her innocence
was to drink the cup which she had prepared for her son. The queen was forced to yield and so
she died from the poison which she had prepared for another. After her death, Grypus quickly
assumed the throne and enjoyed 8 peaceful years. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 2. cf. Appian. in Syriac. p.
132.)

3883 AM, 4593 JP, 121 BC

3825. The 27th Jubilee.

3826. Lucius Opimius was the consul in the year when the tribune C. Gracchus, the brother to
Tiberius Gracchus, was killed as he was encouraging the common people to revolt. The air was
so warm and sunny that Pliny reports how wines made then lasted to his time, about 200 years
later, and had the consistency of honey (Pliny 1. 14. c. 4, 14.) In the same year a bow appeared
around the sun. (Pliny 1. 2. c. 29.)

3888a AM, 4597 JP, 117BC

3827. Ptolemy Euergetes the 2nd, or Physcon, died 29 years after the death of his brother
Philometor. (Ptol. in Regum Canone. Clem. Alexandrin. 1. 1. Stromat. Euseb. Chronico.
Epiphan. de Ponderib. & mensur. Jermone on Daniel 9) He was survived by 3 sons. Ptolemy
Apion, the son of a harlot, was bequeathed the kingdom of the Cyrenians. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 5.
cum Appiano in Mithridaticis, p. 255.) Cleopara bore the other two sons, to him. She was the
daughter of the former Cleopatra, who was both his sister and wife. The youngest was called
Alexander and the oldest Ptolemy (Ptol. in Regum Canone, Prophyrius, Eusebius, Jerome, and
Epiphanius) He was called Soter by (Strabo 1. 17. p. 795. Trogus Ptompeius Prolog. 1. 39. & 40.
Pliny 1. 2. c. 67. & 1. c. 30. Joseph. 1. 13. c. 18. Clemens Alexandrinus 1. 1. Stromat.) He was
called Lathurus or Lathyrus by Athenaeus (1. 6. c. 6.) and Pausanias (in Atticis.) He was called
Philometor which is a variation on Philopater, by Natalis Comes who translated Athenaeus. This
last name was given to him because he was so despised. Pausanias noted that there was never
any king more hated by his mother than he. (Pausan. Attic, p. 7.)

3828. On his deathbed, Physcon left the kingdom of Egypt to his wife, Cleopatra, and to one of
the sons of her choice. He hoped to make Egypt more quiet, and free from rebellions than the
kingdom of Syria. However, when the mother chose one soon, she was sure to make the other
her enemy. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 3.) She thought that Alexander, the younger son, would prove more
pliable to her requests and asked the Egyptians to ratify this. She was unable to prevail with the
common people and was forced to select her older son, Lathurus, who was banished to Cyprus
by his father upon her request. The two reigned together in Egypt for 10 years. (Justin 1. 39. c. 3.
Pausan. in Atticus, p. 7,8. Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 225.)

3888b AM, 4598 JP, 116 BC

3829. Before Cleopatra would give the kingdom to Lathurus, she took away his wife from him
and forced him to divorce his most endeared sister Cleopatra. She ordered him to marry the
younger sister Selene. In this action she showed more partiality toward her daughters than was
befitting for a mother. She took away the husband from one and gave him to the other. (Justin. 1.
39. c. 3.)

3890 AM, 4600 JP, 114BC

3830. After Antiochus Grypus had enjoyed the kingdom of Syria for 8 peaceful years, his
brother Antiochus of Cyzicenus rose up as his rival in the kingdom. They both had the same
mother, but Cyzicenus' father was the uncle, Antiochus Sidetes. Grypus planned to poison his
rival. His brother raised an army to fight for the kingdom faster than he thought he would.
Antiochus of Cyzicenus was sent away to Cyzicum by his mother Cleopatra, for fear of
Demetrius Nicator, her former husband whom she had abandoned. He was raised by Craterus
the eunuch and from there received the surname of Cyzicenus. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 2. Appian.
Syriac. p. 132. Porphyr. ut sup. p. 227. Joseph. 1. 13. c. 17.) When Grypus heard of his brothers
raising forces against him in Cyzicum, he abandoned his intended expedition against the Jews
and prepared to meet him. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 17.)

3891 AM, 4601 JP, 113 BC

3831. Cleopatra, who was the former wife of Ptolemy Lathurus and later divorced from her
husband by Cleopatra queen of Egypt, was married to Antiochus Cyzicenus in Syria. She

brought the army at Cyprus to him as her dowry. He thought that with these forces he was a
match for his brother. They fought and he was defeated and fled to Antioch. Gyrpus pursued
him to Antioch and besieged it. Cleopatra the wife of Cyzicenus was in the town. As soon as it
was taken, Tryphena, the wife of Grypus ordered that her sister Cleopatra should be found. She
did not intend to release her but wanted to see her suffer. She had invaded this kingdom mainly
from envy of her and by her marriage with the sworn enemy of her sister, had made herself her
enemy also. Moreover, she charged her that she was the cause of bringing in the foreign forces
and of the differences between the two brothers. Since she had been divorced from her brother,
she married out of the kingdom to one who was not an Egyptian, contrary to her mother's will.
Grypus endeavoured to prevent his wife from acting cruelly toward her. He told her that it was
against the law of arms that after a victory to act violently against women, especially those that
are blood relatives as Cleopatra was. She was her own sister and his first cousin and aunt to her
own children. In addition to being a blood relative, she had sought sanctuary in the temple
which must be respected. He concluded that he would not reduce Cizicenus' power by killing
her nor gain any advantage if he should send her back to him unharmed. On the contrary,
Tryphena, thought his words were the result of love not from pity. She sent some soldiers into
the temple who killed Cleopatra. They first cut off her hands as she embraced the image of the
goddess so that no less hostility might appear to be between the two sisters than there was
between the brothers. (Justin, 1. 39. c. 3.)

3832. Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, the mother of these two sisters, in the 4th year of her reign,
made Alexander her younger son, king of Cyprus, and sent him there. She hoped that by this she
would seem more formidable to her oldest son Lathurus who was her partner in the kingdom.
(Pausan. in Attic, p. 7, 8. Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. p. 225.)

3892 AM, 4602 JP, 112 BC

3833. At age 16, Alexander Jamnaeus was born to Hyrcanus by his wife Alexandra. When
Herod heard of Caesar's victory at Actium, he killed Alexander when he was over 80 years old.
(Josephus 1. 13. c. 9.) From this we gather that this Alexandra who is also called Salina, by the
ecclesiastical writers (See note on 3862 AM «3485») was not the same with that Salome, the
wife of Aristobulus whom the Greeks called Alexandra. After the death of her husband, she
made Alexander Jamnaeus who was 22 years old, king in his place. Josephus states that he
reigned 27 years and lived 49 years. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 20.)

3834. Antiochus' Cyzicenus fought with Grypus and won. He captured Tryphena, Gryphus' wife
who a little before had killed her sister and his wife. He did the same to her and sacrificed her to
the ghost of his wife. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 3.) He chased his brother also from his kingdom and
reigned over the Syrians in his place. (Appian. Syriac. p. 132.) After this defeat, Grypus
withdrew to Aspendum and from there, he assumed the surname of Aspendius. Cizicenus started
to reign in the 1st year of the 167th Olympiad. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. p. 227.)

3893 AM, 4603 JP, 111 BC

3835. In the 2nd year of the same Olympiad, Antiochus Grypus returned from Aspendum and
regained Syria but Cyzicenus held Coelosyira. Hence the kingdom was shared between them.
(Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. p. 227.)

3836. As soon as Antiochus Cyzicenus had taken over the kingdom, he gave himself up to
revellings and luxury and conduct all together unseemly for kings. He was very fond of acting
and stage players and all sorts of jugglers. He learned their arts very well. He applied himself
also to playing with puppets. His main delight was making the images of living creatures of a
size of 7 to 8 feet and he covered them over with gold and silver. He made them move by
themselves with various machines. Moreover, he was very fond of hunting. He would often steal
away secretly by night with a servant or two to hunt boars, lions and leopards. Many times he
risked his life by his rash encounters with wild beasts. (Diod. Sic. 1. 35. in Excerpt. Valesii, p.
385.) Antiochus Grypus also engaged in luxurious living as described by Athenaeus (1. 5. c. 9. &
1. 12. c. 19.) as taken from the 28th book of Posidonius of Apamea's histories.

3894 AM, 4604 JP, 110 BC

3837. The war between those two brothers weakened both of them and proved a great advantage
to John Hyrcanus. By this means he secured the incomes and revenues of Judea and had stored
up this money for future use. He saw what pitiful havock Cyzicenus made in his brother's
country and how Grypus received no supplies from Egypt to help him. He and his brother
drained their resources fighting one another. In time, John stopped worrying about either of
them. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 17.)

3838. Thereupon he marched with his army against the Samaritans who were under the
dominion of the kings of Syria. They had attacked the Marisieni who they subdued and were
Idumeans. These were under the Jews before and were farmers to the Jews and in league with
them. He besieged Samaria which was a well fortified city with a trench and double wall 10
miles long. He left his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus to manage the seige. They maintained
the seige so well that famine raged within Samaria. They were driven to such extremity that they
were forced to feed upon such things as were not proper food for men. At the last, they begged
help from Antiochus Cyzicenus. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 18.)

3895 AM, 4605 JP, 109 BC

3839. Cyzicenus came as fast as he could to relieve the Samaritans. He was routed by
Aristobulus' soldiers and the two brothers pursued him closely as far as Scythopolis and he
barely escaped. On that very day it is reported that Hyrcanus the high priest, as he was offering
incense alone in the temple, heard a voice which told him of the recent late victory which his
sons had over Antiochus. After they had beaten Antiochus, they returned back to Samaria and
forced the Samaritans to retreat within their walls. So they were constrained once more to beg
for help from Antiochus. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 18.)

3840. Antiochus Cyzicenus had about 6000 soldiers which Ptolemy Lathurus had sent him in
spite of his mother Cleopatra. She had not yet deposed of him. These wandered up and down
Hyrcanus' dominions and he plundered with his Egyptians wherever he went. He did not dare
fight with John who was far too strong for him. He hoped by his pillaging of the country, he
would draw off Hyrcanus from the siege of Samaria. After he had lost many of his men by an
ambush which the enemy had laid, he marched away to Tripolis. He committed the war with the
Jews to two of his commanders, Callimander and Epicrates. Callimander fought with the enemy
with greater resolution than discretion. His troops were routed and he was killed. Epicrates
betrayed Scythopolis and some other towns to the Jews after having been well paid for the task.

All this was of no help to the Samaritans. After Hyrcanus had spent a full year besieging
Samaria, he was not content with the bare surrender of the city but levelled it to the very ground.
(Joseph. 1. 13. c. 18.)

3841. The Seleucians, who lived near Antioch in Syria had obtained a liberty of living after their
own laws. They started their epoch from that time. (Fasti Siculi. anno 4th Olympiad 167)

3896 AM, 4606 JP, 108 BC

3842. Hyrcanus was of the sect of the Pharisees and was a disciple and favoured them. He
invited some of the most eminent among them to a feast. He took exception with Eleazer, who
falsely charged him that when his mother was taken prisoner in the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, she was forced to become an harlot. Since the scandal was not so deeply resented by
the rest of the company as he expected it should have been, he grew enraged against the whole
sect of the Pharisees. By the instigation of Jonathan a Sadducee, he deserted the Pharisees and
became a Sadducee. Now, the Pharisees commended to the people many traditions which they
received from their ancestors by hand and which were not found written among Moses' laws.
Therefore, the Sadducees said these customs were not binding and only what was found in
Moses' law was legally valid. From this action there was a great dispute between them both. The
rich sided with the Sadducees while the Pharisees appealed to the common people. Therefore
Hyrcanus would have punished some of the Pharisees, who were zealous for their laws even
though Hyrcanus had abrogated them. Hence there arose a rebellion among them. Although at
that time he soon settled it, yet he and his sons by this action were hated by the common people.
(Joseph. 1. 13. c. 18.)

3843. John Hyrcanus died after serving as high priest for 29 years according as Eusebius stated
from Josephus. (1. 8.) Demonstrat. Evangelic, c. 2. and Jerome translating him into Latin, repeats
it in his commentaries on Daniel 9. Although in our books, and in the old translation of
Ruffinus, Josephus states this was 33 years, (as in 1. 1. Belli, c. 3.) sometimes 31 years, (as in
Antiq. 1. 13. c. 18. & 1. 20. c. 8.) His father Simon died in the 177th year of the kingdom of the
Greeks in the 11th month, Sabat, /APC IMa 16:14 about February 4579 JP. His wife Alexandra,
died about November 4644 JP. There is almost 65 years and 9 months difference. So that
subtracting the 37 years which Josephus assigns to the reign of his sons and his wife, there
remained only 28 years, 9 months for Hyrcanus. Some of the modern men are of opinion but
with no good reason, that John was the writer of the first book of the Maccabees. They say that
these words in the end of the book were added by somebody else.

^Concerning the other things of John, both of his wars, and his noble acts, in which he behaved
himself manfully, and of his building the walls, (viz. of Jerusalem, which were demolished by
command of Antiochus Sidetes) and of other of his deeds, Behold they are written in the
chronicles of his priesthood from the time he was made high priest after his father."

3844. Probably, in the 4th book of the Maccabees which Sixtus Senensis in the end of the first
book of his Bibliotheca Sanctae states which he saw translated from the Hebrew into Greek in a
manuscript at Lyons, in Sontes Pagninus' library among the Predicants. It began like this:

vv And after Simon was slain, John his son was made high priest in his place."

3845. From that book it is supposed that Josephus took his information. He tells of three things
which Hyrcanus held at the same time, the kingship over the Jews, the high priesthood and
prophetic office. For he tells us that because he often spoke with God, he obtained so good an
insight into the future that much earlier he foretold the short time which his two oldest sons
should have in the kingdom which their father left them. (Josephus, 1. Bells. 2. c. 3. & 1. 13.
Antiq. c. 18.)

3846. Concerning the tower built by John, which Herod later called Antonius' Tower, and where
he placed the robe and the rest of the high priest's ornaments, Josephus states: (Antiq. 1. 20. c. 6.)

vv Hyrcanus was the first high priest by that name. He built a tower near the temple and lived in it
most of his time. Since he kept in his own custody the high priest's robe, which nobody else
used but himself, he took it off in that place when he put on his ordinary clothes. This custom
was observed by his sons also and their posterity."

3847. After Hyrcanus died, the stones which were set in the high priest's breast plate and the
onyx stone upon his right shoulder grew dim and lost their lustre. The light from these stones
showed God's approval of the conduct of the Jews. Josephus stated this showed God's
displeasure with them for transgressing his laws. (Antiq. 1. 3. c. 9.) This was 200 years before he
began to write his books concerning the Jewish history. At the end of those books, he stated he
completed them in the 13th year of Domitian's reign, 4807 JP.

3848. Judas, the oldest son of Hyrcanus was otherwise called Aristobulus and surnamed
Philellen from his familiarity and commerce with the Greeks. He succeeded his father in the
government and the high priesthood but he held them for only a year. He was the first of anyone
who after the return from the Babylonian captivity to place the crown on his head and changed
the state to a monarchy. (Joseph. 1. 1. Belli, c. 3. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 16. & 1. 20. c. 8.) However,
Strabo wrote that his brother and successor Alexander, was the first that made himself king. (1.
16. p. 762.) He likely disregarded Aristobulus since he held office for so short a time.

3849. Aristobulus promoted his second brother Antigonus whom he liked far more than the rest,
to be a partner in the kingdom. He committed the other three to be bound in prison. He also cast
his mother into prison who quarrelled with him for the government because Hyrcanus had left
her over the entire government. He rose to heights of cruelty when he starved her to death in the
prison. (Joseph. 1. 1. Bel. c. 3. & Antiq. 1. 13. c. 19.)

3850. Cleopatra in Egypt was greatly troubled that her son Ptolemy Lathurus was joined with
her in the government of the kingdom and she stirred up the people against him. (Justin, 1. 39. c.
4.) She selected from among her eunuchs those whom she trusted and brought them into the
public assembly pitifully cut and slashed. She charged Ptolemy as if he had secretly hired men
to ambush her and disfigure her eunuchs. The Alexandrians were so enraged at that spectacle
that they would have killed him. Since he had secretly sailed away out of danger, they greeted
Alexander as king, who had returned from Cyprus, not very long after this event happened.
(Pausan. in Attic, p. 8.)

3851. Before he was banished from the kingdom, his mother Cleopatra had taken from him his
wife Selene. The indignity was the greater in that he had two sons by her. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 4.) As
for Alexander, who was called in by his mother and made king of Egypt in his brother's place, at

that time he was in the 8th year of his reign in Cyprus and his mother was in the 1 1th year of her
reign in Egypt. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 225.) Athenaeus (1. 12. c. 27.) notes how
that Alexander grew as fat and swag bellied as his father, Physcon. He mentions this passage
concerning him, from Posidonius Apamenus in the 47th book of his histories.

vv The king of Egypt was not popular with the common people. He was blinded with the
insinuations and flatteries of his friends and living in continual luxury. He could not walk a step
unless he was supported by two men. In the dancing which was the custom at the feasts, he
would leap bare-foot from the higher beds and move his body in dancing as nimbly and actively
as the best."

3898b AM, 4608 JP, 106 BC

3852. Aristobulus marched with an army into Itura and added it to Judea. He forced the
inhabitants under penalty of banishment, to be circumcised and keep the other Jewish
ceremonies. Strabo affirms this in these words from Timagenes the historian.

vv He (Aristobulus) was an upright man and one who furthered the Jews' interest very much. He
enlarged their territories and annexed part of Itura to them and secured it by the covenant of
circumcision." (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 19.)

3899a AM, 4608 JP, 106 BC

3853. Antigonus returned from the wars in triumph at the time the Jews held their solemn feast
of tabernacles. It happened, that king Aristobulus fell sick and stayed in his bed in the tower
which was later called Antonius' tower. However, his brother Antigonus, intended to be present
at the holy solemnities and went up to the temple very gloriously attired. The main purpose of
his going there was to pray for the sick king's recovery. Aristobulus was told by some wicked
persons, who meant no good to Antigonus that he should beware of his brother who had a plot
against him. He placed some of his guard in a dark vault underground near the tower and
ordered them that if his brother came unarmed no one should touch him. Otherwise, they should
attack and kill him. He sent secretly to him a man who told him he should not come armed.
However, Salome the queen and the rest of Antigonus' friends persuaded the messenger to tell
him just the opposite. The king wanted to see him dressed in his military attire. Judas, one of the
sect of the Essenes, was a famous person for telling the future. He had foretold that Antigonus
would die that very day in Straton's tower. He did not know that there was any other Straton's
tower besides that which was later called the Cesarean tower and about 75 miles from
Jerusalem. Therefore when he saw Antigonus going up to the temple that day, he wished he
might die immediately. He feared lest he might be proved a false prophet and ruin his
reputation. Shortly after this, Judas heard that Antigonus was killed in that underground place
which was called by the same name of Straton's tower as was that other Cesarean tower on the
sea coast. (Joseph. Belli. 1. 1. c. 3. & Antiq. 1. 13. c. 19.)

3854. Aristobulus' sickness grew worse and worse from the remorse from his horrid murder of
his brother. At last his pains were so violent, that he vomited blood. As one of his servants was
carrying forth the blood to empty it, it happened that his foot slipped and he spilt Aristobulus'
blood on the very same place which was stained with Antigonus' blood. Aristobulus was told of
the accident and acknowledged the just judgment of God by it. He immediately gave up the

ghost in extreme anguish of body and soul. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 19.)

3855. After Aristobulus died, his wife Salome, whom the Greeks call Alexandra, released his
brothers whom he had kept prisoners for a long while. She made Alexander Jannaeus the king
since he was the oldest and most modest of them. As soon as he had the kingdom, he killed one
of his brothers when he discovered he was plotting against him. He acted quite civilly toward
the others and was content to live a retired life and at ease. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 20.) He was called
Absolom and was taken prisoner at Jerusalem by Pompey 42 years later. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 14. c.
8.)

3899b AM, 4609 JP, 105 BC

3856. Alexander Jannaeus ordered the affairs of the kingdom in such a way as seemed most
proper to him. He marched with an army against Ptolemais and defeated them in a battle. He
forced the enemy to retreat within the walls and then he besieged them and made his batteries.
At the same time, the two brothers Philometor or Grypus and Cyzicenus in Syria were so
weakened by their battles between themselves, they took no notice of the problems of Ptolemais.
Zoilus, a tyrant, saw the dissentions between the two brothers and used the opportunity to seize
Straton's tower and Dora. He helped the besieged but not very much. Ptolemy Lathuras who was
thrown out of the kingdom of Egypt by his mother Cleopatra, took over Cyprus. The men of
Ptolemais sent ambassadors to him asking that he would come and rescue them from the danger
they were in by Alexander. They promised that as soon as he entered into Syria, he would have
the men of Gazaea, Ptolemais, Zoilus, Sidon and many others on his side to help. He was
encouraged by their good promises and he prepared for the voyage. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.)

3857. In the meantime Demenaetus, a popular and eminent authority persuaded the men of
Ptolemais to alter their resolutions. He told them that they had better take the fortunes of war
with the Jews where they might win than to submit to certain bondage by calling in a king over
them. Moreover, thereby not only undergo the brunt of the present war, but also they were to
expect another from Egypt. Cleopatra would not sit still and allow Ptolemy to gather forces from
the adjacent parts but would quickly march with a strong force to hinder his work. For the queen
endeavoured to drive him out of Cyprus also. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.) His conjecture proved
true. After Cleopatra had banished her son, she was not content. She persecuted him up and
down with war and not only chased him out of Cyprus but killed the general of her own army
when he let him escape after he had taken him prisoner. Justin said, if we can believe him, that
Ptolemy did not leave the island not because he thought himself equal to her in power but
because he was ashamed to fight against his mother. (Justin 1. 39. c. 4.)

3858. Although Ptolemy had heard on the way, that the people of Ptolemais had changed their
minds, yet he sailed on to Sycaminum. He landed his forces there which consisted of about
30,000 cavalry and foot soldiers. From there he marched to Ptolemais with all his forces and
camped there. When he saw the Ptolemaians would not allow his delegates into the town nor
hear them so much as speak, he was all the more perplexed. After that, Zoilus and the Gazaeans
were come to him and desired his assistance against the Jews. Alexander who pillaged their
country after he raised the siege of Ptolemais for fear of Ptolemy. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 20.)

3900a AM, 4609 JP, 105 BC

3859. After Alexander Jannaeus had led his army home, he began to play tricks. He made a
secret alliance with Cleopatra against Ptolemy but in public proclaimed him to be his friend and
ally. He promised him 400 talents of silver if he for his sake would remove Zoilus the tyrant and
give his country to the Jews. Ptolemy very willingly struck up the bargain with him but when he
saw later how Alexander negotiated secretly with his mother Cleopatra, he broke the league
which he had made with him. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 20.)

3860. When the senate had given permission to Marius, who was on an expedition against the
Cimbrians, to request supplies from the countries beyond the seas, he wrote to Nicomedes, the
king of Bithynia for help. Nicomedes replied that the Bithynians were mainly carried away and
kept as slaves by the custom gatherers in various places. Thereupon the senate issued a decree
prohibiting any free man of the allies of the people of Rome to serve as slaves in any province.
In addition they sent orders to the governors of the provinces to set them at liberty where any
such were forced to work. (Diod. Sic. 1. 38. in Bibliotheca, Photii. cod. 244.)

3900b AM, 4610 JP, 104 BC

3861. This decree of the senate was duly and strictly observed as soon as it was issued. Later it
was neglected by Licinius Nerva, the praetor of Sicily and this caused the second slave war in
Sicily. The rebels made Salvius, a soothsayer and a minstrel, their king, whom they called
Tryphon later. (Id. ib. cum Dion, in Excerptis Valesii. p. 633, 634.)

3862. When C. Marius and C. Flaccus or rather Flavius were consuls, about 3 o'clock in the
afternoon, there was an eclipse of the sun. (Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis.) This was almost a total
eclipse of the sun and the astronomical calculation shows that this happened on July 19th 4610
JP.

3863. When Askelon became a free state, they computed time from this time as has been noted
in the Cicilian Chronicles at the 169th Olympiad. Eusebius' chronicle agrees and says that the
380th year of their epoch was the 2nd year of Ptobus the Emperor. This happened in 4990 JP.

3864. Ptolemy Lathurus left his commanders with a brigade of his army to besiege Ptolemais
which shut its gates against him. They finally took the city. Meanwhile, he marched away with
the remainder of his forces against Judea to pillage and subdue it. Alexander Jannaeus received
news of his coming and his actions. He gathered about 50,000 (some writers rather think
80,000) men and marched to meet him. Ptolemy attacked by surprise Asochis, a city of Galilee,
on the sabbath and took it. He carried away with him about 10,000 prisoners besides much
plunder. Next he attacked Zephoris which was close to Asochis. When he had lost many men
before the place, he withdrew to fight with Alexander Jannaeus whom he met at the Jordan
River opposite Asophos. Alexander had 8000 men who fought in the vanguard carrying shields
of brass. He called these men, Hecatontomachi. These faced Ptolemy's vanguard who also used
shields of brass. They were pushed back by the first charge of the enemy but in the end, they
were pursued by Philostephanus who was a skilled military man. They crossed over the river to
the place where the Jews were camped. The battle waged and no side was the victor. Finally,
Ptolemy's soldiers routed the Jews and in the pursuit they killed so many that their arms were
wearied and the edge of their swords became dull. It is said that 30,000, (or as Timagenes has
computed in his writings 50,000) Jews died in that battle. The rest were either taken prisoner or
escaped. After the victory Ptolemy roved all that day about the country. At evening he retired

into some of the villages belonging to the Jews. When he saw they were crowded with women
and children, he commanded his soldiers to attack and kill indiscriminately. They had chopped
them in pieces to put them into scalding cauldrons. They did this so that those who had escaped,
might believe that the enemy ate human flesh. By this they would become more dreadful and
formidable to the onlookers. This act of cruelty is recorded by Strabo and Nicholaus
Damascenus in their histories. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 20, 21.)

3901 AM, 4611 JP, 103 BC

3865. Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, saw her son Lathurus increasing in power daily. He
subdued the city of the Gazeans and he plundered the Jews at will. She did not consider it wise
to let him go on as he did especially when he did these deeds so close to Egypt and yearned for
the kingdom. Therefore to check him, she immediately raised land and naval forces and
entrusted them to Chelcias and Ananias. These were both Jews and sons of that Onias who built
the temple in the region of Alexandria. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 18. & 21.) For that the queen did all
things by the advice of those two favourites. Josephus confirmed this by this testimony taken
from of the history of Strabo the Cappadocian:

vv Most of those who first entered Cyprus with us and of those also who were sent there later by
Cleopatra defected to Ptolemy Lathurus. Only those Jews who were on Onias' side remained
loyal. In that regard, their country men Chelcias and Ananias, were held in high esteem by the
queen."

3866. Cleopatra, deposited a considerable portion of her wealth in the island Cos where also she
left her grandchildren and her last will and testament. Cos was a small island close to Egypt and
not the island by the same name in the Aegean Sea. She ordered Ptolemy, Alexander's son, to
arrive at Phoenicia with a large fleet. After the country had revolted and flocked to her, she
came to Ptolemais. She was denied entrance and she resolved to take it by storm. In the
meanwhile, it happened that Chelcias one of her chief commanders died, as he was pursuing
Lathurus in Coelosyria. Lathurus had left Syria and hurried to get into Egypt because he thought
that the garrisons would be all drained by Cleopatra. Hence he dreamed he could take them by
surprise but he was wrong. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.)

3867. The Egestan and Lilybetane fugitives in Sicily appointed Athenio, a Cilician shepherd as
their king. He pretended that the gods by the stars had told him that he should be king of all
Sicily. Therefore it behoved him to favour the country and to spare its cattle and fruits as if they
were his own. However, as soon as Tryphon sent for him, he submitted himself to Tryphon as
king and was content with being general over the army under Tryphon. (Diod. Sic. 1. 36. ut supr.
cf. Cicero, in Verro 1. 2. with Floras, 1. 3. Histor. c. 19. & Dion, in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 637.)

3902 AM, 4612 JP, 102 BC

3868. Cleopatra heard that her son, Lathurus had attempted and failed to take over Egypt. She
sent a brigade of her army there and chased him clean out of the country. After he was again
driven from Egypt, he spent the following winter at Gaza. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.)

3869. In the meantime Cleopatra captured Ptolemais with its garrisons. Alexander Jannaeus
came to her with presents in his hands. She entertained him in such manner as was befitting for

one that had been oppressed by Lathurus and had no other refuge to go to. Certain of the queen's
favourites tried to persuade her to seize that country also and not to allow such a number of
good Jews to be at the command of one single person. Ananias advised her the contrary and told
her that it would be most unjust for her to strip a man of his fortunes who was her fellow warrior
and the kinsman of Ananias. If she did so, she would in a very short time lose the affections of
the whole country of the Jews. Cleopatra followed his counsel and at that time she did no harm
to him and shortly after this, she renewed their former league at Scythopolis a city of
Coelosyria. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.)

3870. When Alexander Jannaeus was now free of any danger from Ptolemy Lathurus, he
undertook an expedition into Coelosyria and besieged Gadara. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.)

3871. L. Licinius Lucullus was sent by the senate against the slaves that had revolted. He came
into Sicily with an army of 17,000 men consisting of Italians, Bithynians, Thessalonians,
Acarnans and Lucans. Athenio the Silician marched out to meet him with 40,000 men. He lost
20,000 of his men. Although he was badly wounded, he escaped by hiding among the dead
carcases, (Diod. Sic. 1. 36.)

3872. The Jews and the Arabians raided Syria by land and the Cilicians started a war at sea by
their piracy which the Romans waged in Cilicia by Antonius. (Prolog. 1. 39. Trogi.) Marcus
Antonius, the orator and grandfather of M. Antonius who held the triumph, was then the praetor.
He was sent to that war instead of the consul and stayed at Athens many days because of poor
sailing weather. He heard Mnesarchus, Carneades and Menedemus who were three most learned
men disputing there, as he did later of Metrodorus Scepsius in Asia. When he came into the
province with the help of the Byzantians, he fought with the pirates with good success.
However, in the battle, he lost M. Gratidius, his admiral. (Cicero in 1. 1. & 2. de Oratore, & in
Bruto. Livy 1. 68. Corn. Tacit. 1. 12.) We now mention the passage of Julius Obsequens about
the consulship of C. Marcus and Q. Luctarius. The pirates in Sicily (sic. Cilicia) were defeated
by the Romans. In another passage in 1. 68. of Livy's Epitome it said that Antonius the praetor in
Sicily (it must be read Cilicia, as in the former citation) chased the pirates at sea. By this action
he held a triumph according to Pighius in the third tome of his Annals at about the end of the
661st year of Rome.

3873. The fourth Calippic period begins.

3874. Alexander Jannaeus took Gadara after he had spent 10 months besieging it. (Joseph. 1. 13.
c. 21.)

3875. When Marius and Catusus were consuls, Archias the poet of Antiochs, came to Rome. He
later described the Mithridatic war in Greek verse and many of whose epigrams are still extant
in the Greek anthology. He was mainly responsible for teaching Cicero. (Cicero, pro Archia,
Poeta.)

3876. Although C. Marius was ready to fight the Cimbrians in Gaul, he delayed the battle. He
pretended that by the advice of certain oracles, he only delayed for a convenient time and place
for a victory. He carried around with him on a litter, Martha, a Syrian woman who was reported
to have skill in prophesying. He held her in great reverence and never sacrificed without her
approval. She had formerly been with the senate to entreat of those matters and foretell what

should happen. However, the senate ignored her and would not give her an hearing. (Plutarch in
Marius.)

3877. About the same time, Battaces or Batabaces, a priest of the great Mother Idaeus, came to
Rome from Pessinunt in Phrygia. He came into the senate and told them that he was ordered
there by his goddess with tidings of a great victory which should happen to the people of Rome
and the fame they should get in a war. He added that the religious rites of the goddess were
profaned and therefore public expiation ought to be made for them at Rome. He also brought
along with him a garment and other ornaments of the body that were new and were never seen
by any Roman before that time. He brought also a golden crown of an unusual size and a long
robe interwoven with flowers and gilded. It was all very glorious and royal looking. After he
had made a speech to the people from the orator's speaking desk and persuaded them to receive
his superstitious worship, he was entertained at the public places of receipt for strangers. He was
prohibited by Aulus Pompeius, the tribune of the people, to bring his crown with him. The other
tribune brought him to the court and questioned him concerning the expiation of the temple. He
returned a very superstitious answer. After Pompeius had called him an impostor and driven him
from the court, he dissolved the assembly and went home. He suddenly became sick with a
violent fever so that soon after this he became speechless and was most grievously tormented
with a swollen throat. On the 3rd day (or as others, the 7th day) he died. All this, some
interpreted to have happened to him by a divine providence for the indignant manner in which
he treated the priest and the goddess. For the Romans were naturally inclined to superstitions.
Therefore, Battaces in his holy dress was treated so magnificently by the men and women.
When he left Rome, he was accompanied out of town with such great pomp. (Id. ibid. & Diod.
Sic. 1. 36. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.)

3878. A servant belonging to Servilius Caepio made himself an eunuch for the worship of
Mother Idaeus. He was transported overseas and never returned back again to Rome. (Julius
Obsequens ut supra.)

3903a AM, 4612 JP, 102 BC

3879. Alexander Jannaeus captured Amathus which was the best fortified citadel of any near
Jordan. Theodoras, the son of Zenon, had stored whatever he had of value there. When
Theodoras suddenly attacked Alexander, he recovered what he had lost and pillaged Alexander's
wagons and killed 10,000 Jews. As soon as Alexander had recovered from this loss, he attacked
the countries along that sea coast and captured Raphta and Anthedon which Herod later named
Agrippias. (Joseph. Belli. 1. 1. c. 3. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 21.)

3903b AM, 4613 JP, 101 BC

3880. Manius Aquilius, the colleague of C. Marius in his 5th consulship, was sent as general
against Athenio the Cilician. After Tryphon's death, he was made king of the renegades in
Sicily. He behaved himself gallantly in the service and he won a most famous victory over the
rebels. He fought with King Athenio personally and finally overcame him. When the soldiers
strove among themselves whose prisoner he should be, Athenio was torn in pieces by them in
the strife. (Diod. Sic. 1. 36. Forus. 1. 3. c. 19.)

3881. Ptolemy Lathurus left Gaza and returned again to Cyprus and his mother Cleopatra

returned to Egypt. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.) Her harsh treatment of Lathurus frightened her young
son Alexander so much that it caused him to leave Cyprus. He preferred a secure and safe life to
the hazards of a kingdom. Therefore Cleopatra feared lest her oldest son Lathurus get Antiochus
Cyzineus' help in recovering Egypt. She sent supplies to Antiochus Grypus and sent unto him
also Selene, Lathurus' wife, to be married to the enemy of her former husband. She had her
ambassadors recall her son Alexander to the kingdom. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 4.) This was the cause of
their civil wars which arose between the kings of Syria which Livy tells us of. (1. 68.)

3904a AM, 4613 JP, 101 BC

3882. Julius Obsequens notes in his little book, de prodigiis, that the fugitives in Sicily were all
killed in various battles at the time when C. Marius and Lucius Valerius were consuls. Aquilius
the proconsul pursued the remaining 10,000 fugitives until he had subdued them all. Thus the
second war of the slaves was ended after it had lasted almost 4 years. (Diod. Sic. 1. 36.) In these
wars, Athenaeus stated that 10,000 slaves were killed. (1. 6. c. 7.)

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3904b AM, 4614 JP, 100 BC

3883. C. Marius became consul for the 6th time mainly through the help of L. Apuleius
Saturninus, the tribune of the people. He banished Q. Metellus Numidrus, who went to Rhodes
and devoted himself to the study of philosophy. He had the time to read authors and hear the
discourses of the most eminent scholars. (Cicero in Pison. & pro Sextio. Livy 1. 69. Plutarch, in
Mario. Appian. Belli. Civil. 1. 1. p. 367, 369.)

3884. Ambassadors came to Rome from Mithridates with a good sum of money and hoped to
bribe the senate. Saturninus, tribune of the people, was a sworn enemy to the whole order of
senators and noticed their arrival. He thought he had the senate under control and berated the
embassy with reproaches. The ambassadors called him into question for this and so muzzled him
by the instigation of the senators, who welcomed the embassy and promised them their help.
Saturninus was in great danger of capital punishment for violating the rights of the ambassadors
whose privileges the Romans always held in a most religious esteem. However, the people
rescued him from this danger and made him tribune of the people again. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 34.)
However, this action caused a new rebellion and he was killed in it. This was the very year when
C. Marius, (now the 16th) and Valerius Flaccus were consuls. (Cicero in 8 Philippica, & pro
Rabirio. Appian. belli. Civil. 1. 1. p. 369, 360. Oros. 1. 5. c. 17.)

3906 AM, 4616 JP, 98 BC

3885. In every assembly, for two whole years, the matter of ending the banishment of Q.
Metellus was debated. Q. Metellus' son crossed the forum with his beard and hair overgrown
and in a dirty garment. With tears in his eyes, he prostrated himself before the citizens and
begged them to recall his father home again. The people would not raise the hopes of Q.
Metellus by doing anything on his behalf which was contrary to law. However, from
compassion for the young man and the earnestness of his pleas, they recalled Q. Metellus from
his banishment and gave to his son the surname of Pius, for his outstanding affection and care he
had to his father. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi, p. 390.) Yet Aurelius Victor, in his book de viris
Illustribus, c. 62. wrote that his father, Q. Metellus was banished to Smyrna and recalled home
by the Calidian law. The letters of recall were brought to him as he sat in the theatre. Although
he saw the letters, he would not even read them until the show was over.

3886. C. Marius could not face Metellus after he returned home and he sailed to Cappadocia and
Galatia. He pretended he wanted to worship the great Mother Idaea. His real plan was to start a
new war. To accomplish this he thought it good to egg Mithridates on. He was received with all
civility and respect and at that time Mithridates was obviously busy preparing for war. He said
this to the king:

"Either endeavour, O king, to put yourself into such a state that you may be too hard for the
Romans or else quietly submit to their commands."

3887. This saying amazed the king. He had heard of his name, but never until now of the
freeness of the Roman tongue to speak what it pleased. (Plutarch in Mario.)

3888. Alexander Jannaeus was enraged against the Gazaeans because they had called in Ptolemy
Lathurus to help them against him. He attacked their city and wasted the country. In the
meantime Apollodorus, commander of the Gazaeans, with 2000 mercenaries and 10,000 whom
he armed from the townsmen, sallied forth by night into the Jew's camp. In the night battle, the
Gazaeans had the better of it and the Jews thought that Ptolemy had come to their relief. As soon
as it was daybreak when the truth of the matter appeared, the Jews rallied forth in a body and
attacked the townsmen with all their might. They killed about 1000 of them. In spite of all this
and though their supplies grew scarce, they would not surrender to the Jews. They were ready to
undergo any hardship rather than submit to the enemy. Aretas, the king of the Arabians, raised
their spirits for a while, by saying he would help them which he did not do. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.)

3907 AM, 4617 JP, 97 BC

3889. Lysimachus envied the great favour his brother Apollodotus had among the Gazaeans and
killed him. He then gathered a band of soldiers and delivered the city to Alexander Jannaeus. At
first he marched in very calmly but shortly after he turned loose the soldiers to attack the
townsmen and to kill without restraint. The Gazeans were slaughtered in every street. However,
they did not die unrevenged but struggled with their assailants and killed an equal number of
Jews. Others retired to their houses and set them on fire to prevent the enemy from plundering
them. Others killed their wives and their children with their own hands so that they might not be
led away into captivity. The 500 senators retired to Apollo's temple for it happened that at that
very time that the enemy was let into the city, a senate was held there. However, Alexander cut
the throats of them all. After he had destroyed the city, he returned back to Jerusalem about a
year after he started his siege of Gaza. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.)

3890. At the same time, Antiochus Grypus was killed through the treachery of Heracleon. He
lived 45 years and reigned 29, (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.) or rather 26, as it is read in Porphyrius'
fragment. He reigned 11 of those 26 years alone, the other 15 years in joint partnership with
Cyzicenus. He died in the 4th year of the 180th Olympiad, (in Grac. Euseb. Salig. p. 227.)
Grypus was survived by 5 sons, the first named Seleucus, whom Josephus said succeeded his
father. Antiochus and Philip were the second and third and were twins by Tryphena, daughter to
Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt. Demetrius Eucarus was the 4th and Dionysius the 5th.

3908 AM, 4618 JP, 96 BC

3891. The son, Pharnaces was born to Mithridates Eupator, the king of Pontus and he lived 50
years. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 254.)

3892. When Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius were consuls, Ptolemy died who was the king of the
Cyrenians, Physcon's son by a courtesan. He left the people of Rome as his heir. (Livy 1. 70. Jul.
Obsequens de prodigiis, Cassiodorus in Chronica.) The cities of that kingdom were enfranchised
by a decree of the senate, according to Livy. Although Plutarch in Lucullo stated that the
Cyrenaeans soon after were miserably harassed with continual rebellions and wars.

3909 AM, 4619 JP, 95 BC

3893. Anna the prophetess, daughter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Asher was married and lived
with her husband 7 years from her virginity. Lu 2:36,37

3894. Tigranis, son of Tigranes who was turned over to the Parthians as a hostage, was restored
by them to his father's kingdom of Armenia when they received 70 portions of his land of his
country as a gratuity. (Strabo. 1. 11, 532. Justin, 1. 38. c. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p. 118.) This is
deduced from the 25th year of his reign and mention will be made later from Plutarch's
Lucullus, in the year 3934 AM.

3910a AM, 4619 JP, 95 BC

3895. Q. Mutius Scaevola was sent as the proconsul into Asia and selected his most intimate
friend, P. Rutilius Rufus, for his associate. (Pomponius in D. de. orig. Juris, erroneously states
he was the proconsul of Asia) He relied on his advice and counsel in managing the affairs of the
province and making laws. He also had a great hand in restraining the injuries and exactions of
the tax collectors who extremely oppressed that province. As often as anyone who had been
wronged by those tax collectors, brought their cause to him, he condemned them no matter who
they were, by upright judges. The condemned were turned over to the persons whom they had
injured to be confined to prison by them. Moreover, he paid his own expenses and the expenses
of his retinue from his own wealth. He soon won the hearts of all in the province toward the
people of Rome. (Cicero. 1. 2. de oratorc. Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 393, 394.)

3910b AM, 4620 JP, 94 BC

3896. Seleucus, son of Antiochus Grypus, assembled a considerable force and marched against
his uncle Antiochus Cyzicenus. Cyzicenus came with his army from Antioch and fought with
him but was defeated. His horse ran away with him into the enemy's camp. When he saw no
possibility of escape, he killed himself. He had reigned 18 years. When Seleucus had won the
kingdom he retired to Antioch. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. p. 227.) Josephus relates that
Cyzicenus was taken prisoner in the fight by Seleucus and afterward killed. (1. 13. c. 21.)
However Tragus stated that he died in the battle which was fought between him and Grypus'
sons. (1. 40. Prolog.)

3897. When Cn. Domitius, and C. Coelius were consuls, the senate decreed that all persons were
prohibited to lend money to the Cretians. (Ascon. Pedianus in argument, orat. pro C. Cornelio.)
See note on 3935 AM. (from Dion.)

3898. Q. Mutius Scaevola resigned the government of Asia after nine months for fear he should
be an expense to the treasury. (Cicero ad Atticum, 1. 5. epist. 17, cum Asconio Pediano in orat.
Cicer. contra L. Pisonem.) While he held his office in Asia, he managed it so uprightly and
justly that after that time the senate by their decree held up Scaevola's administration as a model
and form to be imitated by all those who should succeed him in that province. (Voler. Maxim. 1.
8. c. 15.) The Greeks also inserted in their calendar a festival day in honour of him, which the
Asians called Mutia. (Ascon. Pedian. in 3 tiam contra Verram, & Divinationcus contra cundem)
Concerning this Cicero wrote: (in Verrem 2nd.)

vv Although Mithridates was master in Asia of all that province, he did not put down the
rebellion. Although he was an enemy and very violent and cruel in other matters, he would not
violate the honour of the man who was hallowed with the ceremonies of the gods."

3899. However, his associate Publius Rutilius Rufus, a person of high integrity who had helped
in ridding Asia of unjust exactions and wrongs by the tax collectors, was called into question
about receiving bribes. This was done by a factious party of the rich land owners whom he with
the proconsul had punished for extracting exorbitantly in gathering rents. He was of such an
entire trust and innocence that from the day that his accusers had set to accuse him about this, he
did not let his beard grow nor put on unfashionable clothes nor set aside his senatorial robes. He
was not intimated by his adversaries nor did he try to influence his judges. When the praetor had
granted him permission to make his defense, he made a speech worthy of his position. He had
such an attitude as would be fitting for every good man, whose lot it was to be burdened with
troubles and who rather pitied the case of the state than his own condition. He did not speak a
word which might seem to detract from the splendour of his previous years. (Livy 1. 70, Ascon
Pedian. in Divinations contra, Verrens. Valer. Maxim. 1. 6. c. 4. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 637.
Oros. 1. 5. c. 17.) M. Cicero in his first Dialogue de oratore, states this:

vv Seeing that man was the very pattern of innocence, and not one person in the whole city of
greater integrity or sanctimony: he did not petition the judges' favour and would not so much as
allow his advocates to plead his cause with greater flourishes and embellishments than the bare
account of the truth itself would permit. Some few particulars of his defence, he put over to
Cotta, an eloquent man and his sister's son. Q. Mutius also pleaded some things on his behalf,
after his old manner, without any flourish, plainly and clearly."

3900. And in Bruto.

vv At what time, that most innocent person was called to trial, by whose judgment we know the
state to have been shaken. Although there were then in the city, those two eloquent men, L.
Crassus and M. Antonius, he would not have either of them for his advocate. He pleaded his
own cause for himself and C. Cotta spoke a few things since he was his sister's son. Although he
was a youth, yet he showed himself an orator. Q. Mutius, also spoke in court, clearly indeed and
smoothly as he always did yet not with such ardour and volubility as that kind of process and the
graveness of the cause required."

3901. Thus the rich land owners of Rome, by the virtue of the Gacchian laws had gotten into
their hands the power of sitting in judgment. To the great grief of the city, they condemned
Rutilius of bribery. There was not a man who ever lived who was more innocent than he was.
(Vellei. Paterculi. 1. 2.) No sooner was sentence past on him and an estimate made in money of
what he stood charged in court, but he immediately parted with all that he had. By this he
witnessed that he was altogether clear from the crime against him. For all he could gather did
not approach the amount his accusers said he had extorted in Asia. He showed that every part of
his estate was conveyed to him on just and lawful titles. C. Marius was envious of this man and
hated his integrity. Rutilius did not like how matters went at Rome and could not stand Marius.
Therefore he voluntarily left his country and went into Asia to live in exile at Mitylene. (Dio. ut.
supr. p. 637, 638.) One of his friends tried to comfort and cheer him up in his banishment. He
told him that civil wars would soon happen and then all the banished might return home. He
replied:

""What wrong did I ever do to you that you should wish me a worse return home than I had
going into banishment? I had rather that my country should blush at my banishment than grieve
at my return home." (Seneca, in beneficiis, 1. 6. c. 37.)

3902. His banishment did in no wise mar his former glory and wealth. All the cities of Asia sent
their ambassadors to wait on him: Q. Mutius and whatever cities and kings had formerly been
beholding to him for any courtesy, sent to him very many presents. He now had more wealth
than he had before his banishment. (Valer. Maxim. 1. 2. c. 10. Dio. ut sup. p. 638.)

3911 AM, 4621 JP, 93 BC

3903. Antiochus Eusebes or the Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus escaped a plot by
Seleucus, his first cousin. A courtesan who fell in love with Antiochus for his beauty, helped foil
the plot. However, the Syrians ascribed his escape to his piety for which he had the surname
Eusebes. He went to Aradus and set a crown on his head. He started a war against Seleucus. In
one battle he gave Seleucus so great a defeat, that he never was able to fight with him again and
was chased from Syria. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21. Appian. in Syriac. p. 133.)

3904. Seleucus fled to Cilicia and was received by the Mopsuestians. After a while be began to
exact tribute from them. They were so offended by his taxes that they set fire to his palace and
burnt both him and his friends alive. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.) Appian states that he was burnt alive
in the public place of exercise because he behaved so violently and tyrannically. (Appian p.
132.) Eusebius in Chronic, stated that he was burnt alive by Antiochus Cyzicenus' son.
However, Porphyrius wrote that after he had fled to the city and knew that the Mopsuestians
planned to to burn him alive, he committed suicide, (ut supr. p. 227.)

3905. The two twins of Seleucus, Antiochus and Philip, drew up their forces against Mopsuestia
and took it and levelled it even to the ground in revenge for their brother's death. This was no
sooner done then Antiochus Pius, the son of Cyzicenus, attacked and defeated them. When
Antiochus fled on horseback from the battle, he drowned trying to cross the Orontes River. His
brother Philip (to whom Scaliger attributes a coin to belong, which did had this inscription:
(ILIPPOU EUERTETOU FLLADELFU BASVIAEWSV) and Antiochus Pius began their
reigns together from the 3rd year of the 171st Olympiad. Both of them had considerable forces
and fought to see who would be the sole ruler of Syria. (Porphyr. ut sup. p. 227.)

3912 AM, 4622 JP, 92 BC

3906. Ptolemy Lathurus sent to Cnidus for Demetrius Eucaerus, 4th son of Antiochus Grypus
and made him king of Damascus. Antiochus Pius joined his forces with his brother Philip and
opposed him very valiantly for a while. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.) At length, Antiochus was defeated
and forced to flee for refuge to the Parthians. (Porphyr. ut sup. Eusebius in Chronic.)

3913a AM, 4622 JP, 92 BC

3907. When Mithridates, the king of Pontus had seized Cappadocia, he killed the two sons of
Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. He had died in the war against Aristonicus and had two sons
by Mithridates' sister Laodice who was not the same person as his sister with the same name.
Mithridates turned over the kingdom of Cappadocia to Ariarathes, his own 8 year old son, and
appointed Gordius for his guardian. Nicomedes Philopator, the king of Bithynia was jealous lest
after Mithradates had captured Cappadocia, he might attempt to invade Bithynia which bordered
on it. He bribed a very handsome youth to say he was the 3rd son of Ariarathes and he had more
than 2 sons. He was to petition the senate about restoring him to his father's kingdom. He also

sent to Rome Ariarathes' wife Laodice, Mithridates' sister, who after the death of her former
husband Ariarathes, was married to Nicomedes. She was to testify that Ariarathes had three
sons. As soon as Mithridates knew of this, he also with the like impudence, sent Gordius to
Rome. He was to tell the senate that the youth to whom he had placed in the kingdom of
Cappadocia, was descended from that Ariarathes who died in the war with Aristonicus.
Ariarathes had brought supplies to the Romans and died in the service. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 1, 2.)

3913b AM, 4623 JP, 91 BC

3908. The queen of the Galadeni waged war with the Parthians. Josephus wrote that Antiochus
Pius, Cyzicenus' son, was called to help her. He fought gallantly but was killed in a battle. After
his death, the kingdom of Syria remained in the power of the two brothers, Grypus' sons, Philip,
and Demetrius Eucaerus. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 21.) However, Eusebius in Chronic, ends the reign of
Seleucus' family in the two years which he attributes to Philip, Grypus' son. However, Appian in
the end of his Syriacs stated that after this time Antiochus Pius was driven out of his kingdom
by Tygranes. Josephus stated that Philip with his two brothers, Demetrius Eucaerus and
Antiochus Dionysius waged war with the kings of Damascus and took over the kingdom of
Syria. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 22, 23.) It seems more probable that when Antiochus Pius returned from
the Parthians, as Porphyrius and Eusebius confirm, that he did not go against his enemies but to
a sanctuary and refuge for himself. He recovered that part of Syria which Philip had usurped for
2 years. Philip, to recover that loss, fought with his two brothers, Demetrius and Antiochus and
hoped to add the kingdom of Damascus to his government. These battles between the kings of
Syria seem to be those which Livy had described in his 70th book. Philip claimed for himself all
the remaining parts of Syria which were not in the hand of Cyzicenus' son. The Syrians were
finally quite weary of the various skirmishes which Philip had, sometimes with Antiochus Pius
and sometimes with his brothers over 8 years. They deserted the Seleucians and voluntarily put
themselves under the command of Tigranes, king of Armenia according to Justin in the
beginning of his 40th book. Appian (1. 40.) thinks that the surname of Pius, which was given to
Antiochus, was given to him in derision by the Syrians because he had married Selene, who had
formerly been the wife both of his father Cyzicenus and his uncle Grypus. Therefore he plainly
tells us that he was by the just judgment of God, thrown out of the kingdom by Tigranes.

3909. The senate of Rome was well aware of the plans of the two Asiatic kings to steal away
another man's kingdom by producing bogus heirs. They took Cappadocia away from Mithridates
and to even the score, they took Paphlagonia from Nicomedes. So neither king could claim a
victory, they made both those places a free state. The Cappadocians refused this liberty and sent
ambassadors to Rome and told them that it was utterly impossible for them to live without a
king. The Romans were puzzled at this and gave them permission to elect a king. Ariobarzanes
was made king. (Justin, 1. 38. c. 2. Strabo, 1. 12. p. 540.) The Romans denounced Gordius whom
Mithridates had commended to them. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 5.)

3914a AM, 4623 JP, 91 BC

3910. L. Cornelius Sulla's office as a praetor expired. Velleius Pateroulus stated (1. 2. of his
history), he was praetor the year before L. Caesar and P. Rutilius were consuls. He was
appointed over Cilicia and was sent as an ambassador to Cappadocia. His trip was for the
pretence of establishing Ariobarzanes the newly elected king, in his kingdom. His real reason
was to crush Mithridates' designs whose head was full of plots. Sulla brought no great force with
him. By the means of the allies who readily offered their service, he slew a large company of the

Cappadocians and a far larger number of the Armenians who came to assist Gordius. He threw
out Gordius and the young king Ariarathes to whom Gordius was assigned as guardian by
Mithridates. Sulla proclaimed Ariobarzanes the king according to the decree of the senate.
Mithridates did not say anything against it at that time. (Livy 1. 70. Plutarch in Sulla. Appian. in
Mithridatic, p. 208. & Bell. Civil. 1. 1. p. 396.)

3914b AM, 4624 JP, 90 BC

391 1. The Parthian ambassadors came to Sulla from their King Arsaces to ask for friendship
with the people of Rome. (Livy 1. 70. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.) There was never any
communication between those two countries before that. Orobazus, the Parthian, headed the
embassy which met with Sulla who was near the Euphrates River. Sulla is said to have had 3
seats placed, one for Ariobarzanes, another for Orobazus and the 3rd for himself. So he sat in
between them and listened to what the ambassadors said. Therefore soon after this, the Parthian
king killed Orobazus. Others say that he killed Sulla as if he had exposed the barbarians to
public derision. While others stated that Orobazus was an arrogant, ambitious, man. It is
recorded also that a certain Chalcidian in Orobazus' retinue looked carefully at Sulla's
countenance. He observed the temper, bent and motions of his mind and body and his
disposition by the wiles of art. He declared publicly that it was impossible for Sulla not to
become a great man soon. He wondered that he could tolerate his present office and was not
already head of everything. (Plut. in Sulla, compared with Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 24.)

3912. As soon as Sulla returned home to Rome, the censors impeached him for bribery who
against law had taken a large sum of money from a kingdom to get friendship and amity for
them with the Romans. However, he did not prosecute the accusation, but let it pass. (Plut. in
Sulla.)

3913. Mithridates used Gordius to persuade Tigranes, the king of Armenia, to side with him in
the war which he had been long planning against the Romans. Tigranes did not think that the
Romans would take any exception to their war with Cappadocia and with Ariobarzanes, whom
the Romans had set up as king over the Cappadocians. Gordius buzzed him in the ear, as if he
were but a dull fellow and such an one who had neither spirit nor life in him at all. To seem to
play fair play, Mithridates offered his daughter Cleopatra to Tigranes in marriage. (Justin 1. 38.
c.3.)

3915a AM, 4624 JP, 90 BC

3914. Mithridates, Bagoas and Tigranes' commanders drove out Ariobarzanes. As soon as they
came, he packed and fled to Rome. Mithridates placed Ariarathes in the kingdom. So with
Tigranes' help, Cappadocia began again to be under Mithridates' jurisdiction. (Justin 1. 38. c. 3.
Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.)

3915. At the same time, when Nicomedes Philopator died, the senate of Rome made his son
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia. He was his son by Nisa who was a common dancer as Mithridates
(Justin, 1. 38. c. 55.) calls her. Mithridates sent to Bithynia an army under Nicomedes' older
brother Socrates who was called also Nicomedes and surnamed Chrestus or "the thrifty". After
Socrates had beaten his brother, Nicomedes, he took over the kingdom. (Justin, 1. 38. c. 35.
Appian. p. 176. & 178. Memnon in Excerptis Photii, c. 32.)

3916. When Nicomedes was stripped of his kingdom, he made his humble address to Rome.
Thereupon it was decreed in the senate that both he and Ariobarzanes should be restored to their
kingdoms. To do this, Manius Aquilius, who quelled the slave war in Sicily and Malthius or (as
it is read in the MS. Marcus Altinius) (Justin, 1. 38. c. 35. Appian. p. 176. & 178.) and Lucius
Cassius who held Asia Pergamena with a small army, were sent as ambassadors. Mithridates
was ordered to help them. However, Mithridates did nothing because the ownership of
Cappadocia was then in dispute and the Romans had taken away Phrygia from him. (Appian. p.
176, 177.) He put them off with a long story of his grievances and showed the ambassadors what
vast expenses he had incurred in both public and private accounts. (Dio. Legat. 30. in edit.
Graca, vel 31. in Graco latina.) Tragus Pompeius has recorded this speech in which Mithridates
affirms that his son was turned out of Cappadocia which by the law of nations belonged to him
as the victor and also that he had slain Chrestus, King of Bithynia, as a favour to the Romans.
(Justin 1. 38. c. 5.)

3915b AM, 4625 JP, 89 BC

3917. Mithridates soon planned to fight with the Romans and drew Tigranes into his plans by
their alliance. Mithridates would have the cities and the fields for his share and Tigranes would
have the people and the plunder. Mithridates knew what great a task he had undertaken and sent
his ambassadors abroad for help. Some he sent to the Cimmerians, others to the Galatians, to the
Samaritans and the Basternans. By his gifts and favours, he had secured each of those countries
beforehand when he first conceived the idea of fighting the Romans. He also commanded an
army to come to him from Scythia. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 3.) All those who inhabit Tanais, Ister and
the Lake Maeotis were ready to help him. He sent also into Egypt and Syria to make an alliance
with the kings. He had already 300 ships with decks and built more every day. He sent for
captains and pilots from Phoenicia and Egypt. He also had his father's kingdom which was 2500
miles wide. He got on his side many of the neighbouring countries including the warlike country
of Colchi. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 178, 180.) He seized that country which is bounded by the
Halys River as far as Amastris and some parts of Paphlagonia. Moreover he annexed to his
kingdom the sea coast toward the west to Heraclea. On the other side, he added to Pontus, all the
country between Pontus, Colchis and Armenia the lesser. (Strabo, 1. 12. p. 540, 541.) Aulus
Gellius wrote how that he had 25 countries which paid homage to him as subjects. (1. 17. c. 17.)
Valerius Maximus, (1. 8. c. 7.) Quintilianus, (1. 11. c. 2.) and Pliny (1. 7. c. 24. & 1. 25. c. 2.) state
that he had 22 counties under his control. Mithridates was so well skilled in everyone of their
various languages that he never used any interpreter on any occasion he had to speak with the
people. We read also in Sextus Aurelius Victor, (de viris illustribus, c. 76.) how that he could
speak 22 different languages. However, in this place for 22 the manuscripts state 50.

3918. The Roman delegates with Cassius' soldiers and some other forces levied from Galatia
and Phrygia had established again the kingdoms for Nicomedes in Bithynia and Ariobarzanes in
Cappadocia. They advised both of them to attack Mithridates' country which bordered on theirs
and by this start a war. They were assured of their help if Mithridates retaliated. Neither of them
so much desired to dare to provoke so potent a neighbour by outright acts of hostility. The
delegates prevailed on Nicomedes to attack Mithridates. Nicomedes owed huge sums of money
to the general treasury and to the delegates themselves for his restitution to the kingdom. He also
owed other money which he had borrowed on interest from the Romans in Asia who now called
the loan in. Thus he was forced by this pinch and much against his own will, to make inroads
into Mithridates' kingdom. He destroyed and pillaged the country as far as the city Amastus
without any resistance. For although Mithridates was well prepared for a fight, he restrained

himself and allowed the enemy to range at pleasure. This way all the world would see that he
did not start the war against the Romans but fought back with just cause. (Appian. Mithridatic.
p. 177. cum Livy 1. 74. & Dione. Legat. 30, vel. 31.) Concerning the insolence of the Romans,
Salust (in the 4th book of his History) states this of Mithridates in a letter he wrote to Arsaces:

vv For why should I lose my kingdoms on every side because it was reported that I was rich and
resolved against the Romans. They provoked by the war of Nicomedes that was privy to their
wickedness and testified before the kings that afterwards ensued, &c."

3919. As soon as Nicomedes had returned home with his rich plunder, Mithridates sent
Pelopidas the orator to the Roman generals and delegates. He knew well enough that Nicomedes
did what he did by their instigation. He reasoned with them concerning the injuries and
injustices done to him by Nicomedes. Nicomedes' ambassadors laid all the blame on
Mithridates, as having started this war. The Romans replied that they were neither well pleased
that Nicomedes should anyway molest Mithridates and neither would they allow Mithridates to
recover his losses by waging war with Nicomedes. Mithridates received no better satisfaction.
Since he knew the Romans planned to thwart his actions, he sent his son Ariarathes with a huge
army to capture Cappadocia. His son soon drove out Ariobarzanes and reigned in his place.
(Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 179. cf. Livy, 1. 76, 77. Eutrop. 1. 5. & Orosius, 1. 6. c. 2.) Maltius or
M. Altinius, the Roman delegate was defeated there at the same time. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 4.)

3920. Mithridates sent his agents to Rome to ask the Romans that if they counted Nicomedes
their friend that they would either persuade him or else compel him to do what was just and
right. If they held him as an enemy that they would give Mithridates permission to avenge
himself of him. The Romans did not gratify him in any one of his demands but threatened him if
he did not give back Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes and make peace with Nicomedes. They
ordered his ambassadors out of Rome the same day and strictly prohibited him from sending
ambassadors to Rome again unless he submitted to their injunctions. (Dio. Legat. 31. or 32.)

3921. In the meantime, Mithridates sent Pelopidas to the Roman generals to tell them that he
had sent some ambassadors to complain about them to the senate and therefore warned them to
be present to justify their actions. They should not dare to do anything until they had received a
decree from the senate and people of Rome. Since Pelopidas sounded somewhat harsh and
insolent, the Romans warned Mithridates not to meddle with Nicomedes and to leave
Cappadocia, for they would take care of restoring Ariobarzanes. They ordered Pelopidas from
the camp and never to return until the king had done what he was told to do. He was sent away
with an escort lest he try to bribe anyone along the way. (Appian.)

3922. The Roman generals did not wait for the decree from the senate and the people about this
war. They drew their forces from Bithynia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia and Galatia. They added to
these the army that L. Cassius had for securing Asia. They arranged their forces into several
divisions. Cassius camped around Bithynia and Galatia. Manius Aquilius had his brigade to
secure the passage by which Mithridates had to use to enter Bithynia. Q. Oppius camped in the
borders of Cappadocia. Each of them had 40,000 foot soldiers and cavalry. They had a fleet also
sailing about Byzantium under the command of Minutius Rulus and C. Popilius who were to
secure the entrance to the Pontus. Nicomedes also sent 50,000 foot soldiers and 6000 cavalry to
help them. (Appian.)

3923. Mithridates had in his army 250,000 foot soldiers and 40,000 cavalry 300 ships with
decks and 100 galleys with two tiers of oars. He had made other preparations required for so
numerous an army. Neoptolemus and Archelaus were two brothers and had the command of
these forces. The king personally took charge of many things. Among the auxiliaries,
Archathias, Mithridates' son, brought 10,000 cavalry from Armenia the lesser. Dorylaus came
from Phalanges with heavily armed foot soldiers. Craterus had the command of 130 chariots
with scythes. (Appian.)

3924. As soon as Nicomedes and Mithridates' generals found each other in the plain near the
Amnias River, they drew into battle array. Nicomedes used every man he had but Neoptolemus
and Archelaus only used their lightly armed foot soldiers and Arcathias' cavalry along with
some chariots. They made a phalanx of 8000 men. It was not yet come up but was on the march.
The victory was uncertain. Sometimes one side had the upper hand then the other side. At last
Mithridates' commanders with their smaller number of soldiers, unleashed their chariots armed
with scythes and mowed the enemy down. It was hard to believe how many were killed.
Nicomedes was forced to flee with his forces into Paphlagonia. The deserted enemy camp was
plundered and the victors took the money. (Appian. cf. Memnon. c. 33. & Strabo 1. 12. p. 562.)

3925. Nicomedes was chased from the field of battle and camped near the place where Manius
Aquilius was with his brigade. Mithridates took the Scoroba Mountain which divides the
Bithynians and the Pontus. He sent 100 cavalry of Sarmatans as his scouts who attacked 800 of
Nicomedes' cavalry and took some of them prisoners. Neoptolemus and Nemanes, an Armenian,
first entered the village of Pacheus about 7 hours after the battle and overtook Manius Aquilius,
as he was drawing off his forces when Nicomedes was gone to Cassius. They forced him to fight
when he had with him 4000 cavalry and 40,000 foot soldiers. Of these 10,000 were killed and
3000 taken prisoner. After this disaster, Aquilius fled as fast as he could toward the Sangarius
River and crossed by night and escaped to Pergamus. (Appian. cf. Livy 1. 77.)

3926. Cassius, Nicomedes and all the Roman delegates moved their camps and marched to
Leontocephale which was the best fortified citadel in all Phrygia. They exercised a company of
new soldiers whom they had gathered together from among the tradesmen, husbandmen and the
scum of the people and made a levy of the Phrygians also. When they saw they would make
poor soldiers, they dismissed them all and retreated from there. Cassius marched away with his
forces to Apamea, Nicomedes to Pergamos and Aquilius toward Rhodes. As soon as tidings of
this were brought to those that were set to keep the entrance into Pontus, they dispersed
themselves. They delivered the inlets of Pontus and Nicomedes' ships as a prize to Mithridates.
(Appian.)

3927. Mithridates sent all the prisoners home that he had taken in this war with provisions for
the journey. He hoped by that act of clemency to get a good reputation among his enemies.
(Appian.) This kind jesture was so admired by all, that all the cities came flocking to his side.
Ambassadors came to him from all cities and invited him by their public decrees to come to
them and called him their god and deliverer. When Mithridates came near a city the people came
flocking from various cities in white garments to greet him and received him with great joy and
acclamation. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 401.) The titles of honour which they conferred
on him, were too notable and so high for a mere man but were more befitting a god. They called
him their god and asked for his help. (Athen. 1. 5. c. 11,) They called him their lord, father,
preserver of Asia, Evius, Dionysius, Nysius, Bromius and Bacchus. (Cicero, pro. Flacco.)
Plutarch gives the reason in the first book of his Symposiacs why the title of Bacchus was given

more than all the rest.

3928. After Nicomedes had withdrawn to Italy, Mithridates seized on all of Bithynia, so that he
had nothing else to do there but to ride in circuit from city to city to settle things and put them in
order. (Memnon. c. 33. Livy 1. 76, 77. Strabo, 1. 12. p. 502. Appian. p. 183.) From there he
marched with a considerable army into Phrygia, a province belonging to the people of Rome.
(Livy 1.77.) He stayed in the same quarters which Alexander the Great had done previously. He
took this for a very good omen that it happened that he should lodge at night where Alexander
himself had slept. So he overran all Phrygia, Mysia and Asia including the provinces which had
recently been taken over by the Romans, as far as Caria and Lycia. (Appian. p. 183.)

3916a AM, 4625 JP, 89 BC

3929. Mithridates sent his commanders around to subdue Lycia, Pamphylia and other places as
far as Ionia. (Appian. p. 184.) He also invaded Paphlagonia and drove out from there Pyloemen
the king who was a confederate of the people of Rome. (Eutrop. 1. 5. Oros. 1. 6. c. 2. cf. Appian
in Mithridatic. p. 209.)

3930. The Athenians sent an ambassador to Mithridates. He was Athenio, the son by an
Egyptian slave of Athenio the peripatetic. After his master died, he was left as the heir and
enrolled as a free citizen of Athens. He assumed the name of Aristion, and taught young boys
rhetoric and the peripatetic philosophy. He had no sooner wormed his way into the list of the
king's favourites but he immediately solicited them through his letters to new ways of running
the state. (Atheneus, 1. 5. c. 10. & 11. Exposidonii Apameni Historia.) He was a person who was
most impudent and cruel. He imitated the most vile of Mithridates' vices. (Plutarch, in Sulla, and
his transcriber Dio, in Valesii Excerptis, p. 649.)

3931. Mithridates promised security and protection to the Laodiceans who lived near the Lycus
River on the condition they turn over the proconsul. Q. Oppio. The proconsul of Pamphylia had
retreated with his cavalry and mercenary soldiers. They disbanded the mercenaries and brought
Oppius to Mithridates. He ordered the lictors to go before him in derision. Mithridates took him
wherever he went and was extremely proud that he had taken a Roman general prisoner. (Livy.
1. 78. Athenaus ut supra, c. 11. Appian. p. 184.)

3932. Mithridates' side swept all before them in Asia as they went around without opposition.
All the cities strangely revolted from the Romans. The Lesbians resolved to surrender to the
king and to turn over Aquilius to him, who fled to Mitilene to recover from a disease. Thereupon
they sent to Aquilius' lodging, a company of strong youths. They came rushing into the room
where Aquilius was and took and bound him. The Lesbians thought that he would be a most rare
present and very acceptable to Mithridates. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 401.) Along with
Aquilius the Mitylenians turned over other prisoners to Mithridates.

3933. The king carried Aquilius wherever he went, bound on an ass. He had been the head of the
embassy and the chief instigator of this war. He forced him with his own mouth to proclaim to
the on lookers that he was Manius Aquilius. He was bound to Bastarnes who was about 7 and a
half feet tall. Sometimes he was led on foot in a chain by a trouper. At last after he had been
scourged and put on the rack at Pergamos, Mithridates ordered melted gold to be poured down
his throat in atonement for the Roman corruption and bribery. (Athenaus & Appian. ut supr. cf.

Cicero in Orat. prolege Manilia, & 1. 5. Tusculan. quaest. Livy 1. 78. & Pliny 1. 33. c. 3.)

3934. After the king had appointed governors of the various places he had subdued, he went to
Magnesia, Ephesus and Mitylene and was royally welcomed. When he came to Ephesus, the
Ephesians took down all the statues of the Romans which they had set up among them.
(Appian.)

3935. Mithridates' generals were received favourably by the cities. They found in these cities a
good supply of gold and silver which the former kings had horded up and a good provision for
war. Using this Mithridates did not need any tribute, so he forgave the cities their arrears of both
public and private accounts and granted a release from tribute for 5 years. (Justin. 1. 38. c. 3.) He
says this of himself, in his letter to Atsaces. (1. 4. Histor. Calust.)

VV I, in revenge of the injuries done to me, drove Nicomedes from Bithynia, recovered Asia, King
Antiochus' spoil and eased Greece of that heavy burden under which it groaned."

3936. When Mithridates returned from Ionia, he captured Stratonicea and imposed a fine on it
and left a garrison in it. He saw here a very beautiful virgin, called Monima, Philoponeses'
daughter, whom he took along with him and put her among his women. He continued his war
with the Magnetians, Paphlagonians and with the Lycians because they made some resistance
and would not allow him to place his garrisons among them. (Appian.) In this dispute near the
Sipylus Mountain, the Magnetians wounded Archelaus, Mithridates' general, who was pillaging
their borders and they killed many of his men. (Pausanias in Atticis, p. 18.)

3937. Cleopatra the Egyptian queen, thought she had thwarted a plot by her son Alexander and
planned his overthrow. However, she was taken by him and put to death. Neither was she in
anyway to be pitied, who had done such wicked deeds. She drove her own mother from her
marriage bed. She made her two daughters widows by forcing them to barter their husbands. She
engaged in a war against one of her sons and did not stop until she had banished him. She
deprived the other of his kingdom and his father plotted his murder. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 4. cf.
Pausanias in Atticis, p. 8. cf. Athenaus, 1. 12. c. 27. cf. Eusebius in Chronico.) had Alexander
reigned together with his mother for 18 years. (Porphyr. in Greek Euseb. Scaliger, p. 225.)

3938. As soon as it was known that Cleopatra was killed by her son, Alexander, the people were
in an uproar which made Alexander flee the place. After he left, the Alexandrians sent
ambassadors to Cyprus to Ptolemy Lathurus the older brother and turned over the kingdom of
Egypt to him. He ruled for 8 years or as Porphyrius has more exactly stated, 7 years and 6
months. (Justin. 1. 39. c. 5, Pausan. Porphyr. & Euseb. ut supr.)

3916b AM, 4626 JP, 88 BC

3939. After the death of her husband, Anna the prophetess, daughter of Phanuel did not leave
the temple but served God with fastings and prayers night and day for 84 years until the time she
saw Christ in the temple. Lu 2:37

3940. The Italians who revolted from the Romans, sent to Mithridates to ask him to march with
his forces into Italy against the Romans. With his help they thought their united forces could

easily defeat the Romans. Mithridates replied that he was resolved to march into Italy after he
had completed his conquest over Asia with which he was now fully occupied. After Mithridates'
refusal to help, the Italians began to despair and lost courage. Thereby the war with the
confederates or the Marsian war died away. (Diod. Sic. in Bibliotheca, Photii, cod. 244.) In this
war, among the supplies sent to the Romans from foreign parts as mentioned by Livy (1. 72.)
there was sent from the Heracleots of Pontus, two galleys with 4 tiers of oars. Concerning this,
Memnon mentioned in his history of them. (c. 31.) Among others on the Italian side,
Agamemnon the Cilician pirate helped them. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 398. & P.
Orosius, inl. 5. c. 18.)

3941. Mithridates found that the citizens of Rome who were scattered through the cities of Asia
were an hinderance to his plans. He sent private letters from Ephesus to the governors and
magistrates of the cities. He ordered them that they all on the same day, 30 days from then,
would to kill all the Roman and Italian sojourners with their wives, children and all other free
born citizens of the Italians. Their bodies were to be left unburied. One part of their goods was
to go to the king and the other to the assassins. He also threatened by a public crier to fine
anyone who dared to bury any of the dead or hid any of them that had escaped the massacre. He
promised a reward to those that would find any that did this. He promised a slave his liberty if
he would murder his Roman master and to the debtor one half of his debt to kill his creditor.
These instructions were secretly sent to all of them. When the appointed day came, it was not
possible to count the great numbers of Roman citizens who were massacred at that time and in
what a sad state most of the provinces were in. How pitiful a state of those that were killed and
those that killed them. Everyone was compelled either to betray his innocent guests and friends
or they would be fined. (Appian. in Mithridatic, p. 185. 206, 209, 212. cf. Cicero, in Orat.
prologue Manilia, & pro Flacco, and with Memnon in Excerpt, c. 33. with Livy, 1. 78. with
Velleio Patercul. 1. 2. c. 18. with Flor. 1. 3. c. 5. with Eutrop. 1. 5. & Orosius, 1. 6. c. 2.)

3942. The Ephesians dragged those that had taken sanctuary in Diana's temple from the very
embraces of their shrines and killed them. The Pergamenians were killed with arrows as they
clung to the statues in the temple of Esculapius where they had fled for help and could not be
persuaded to leave. The Adramytrians killed them with their children in the waters as they
attempted to swim across the sea. The Caunians after their victory over Antiochus, were placed
under the Rhodians and a little before that they were restored by the senate to their privileges
and counted as Italians. They had escaped to the sacred court of that city from the very altars.
After they had killed the infants before their mother's eyes, they killed the mothers and then
their husbands. (Appian. ut supra, p. 185.) The Trallians did not kill anyone but to avoid the
scandal of killing those who lived with them, hired a bloody fellow, Theophilus, a Paphlagonian
to do the job. He acted so savagely that he shut them up in the temple of concord and then
attacked them with his sword and cut off their hands as they embraced the statues. (Id. ibid,
compared with Dion, in Excerptis Valesii, p. 642.)

3943. P. Rutilus Rufus who had been the consul, lived in banishment among the Mitylenians. He
escaped the king's fury against all Roman men by dressing like a philosopher. (Cicero, pro. C.
Rubinio Posthumo.) The fable of Theophanes the Mitylenian who wrote the affairs of Pompey
the Great, is not to be credited at all. He wrote that in the fort Kaita, which was taken by
Pompey, there was found among other precious secrets of Mithridates a speech of Rutilius in
which he blamed the king for this cruel massacre of the Romans. (Plutarch in Pompey) Other
Romans like Rutilius changed their clothes to better escape the danger which was at that time so
imminent. (Athena. 1. 5. c. 11.) The floating islands of Calaminae, in Lydia, saved many of the

citizens. (Pliny 1. 2. c. 95.) However, for all this, in that one day 80,000 were killed, (Memnon.
c. 33. Valer. Maxim. 1. 9. c. 2.) and not 150,000 as stated by Plutarch, (in Sulla) and by Dion
who followed his history. (Legat. 36. or 37.)

3944. Mithridates sailed over to Cos where he found a party willing to receive him. The Cosians
gave him the son, Alexander, of that Alexander, who had reigned in Egypt previously whom his
grandmother, Cleopatra, had left in Cos with a large supply of money. He adopted him as his
own son and raised him. Mithridates was well supplied from Cleopatra's treasures with wealth,
exquisite pieces made by the craftsmen, jewels, all things belonging to women's dresses and a
huge hoard of money. He sent all this away to Pontus. (Appian. in Mithridaticis, p. 186. 252.,
253. & Bell. Civil. 1. 1. p. 414.) Josephus from the books of Strabo's histories stated that
Mithridates carried away in addition to those treasures which belonged to Cleopatra, 800 talents
of the Jews' money. He thought that it was deposited by the Jews in Asia in that island from fear
of the Mithridatic war and that the money was intended for the temple of Jerusalem. (1. 14. c.
12.)

3945. In the 19th year of his reign in Egypt and his 26th in Cyprus, Alexander, the father of this
young Alexander, was defeated in a naval battle by the Egyptians under their admiral Tyrhus
who was of royal blood. Alexander was forced with his wife and daughter, to flee to Myra, a
city in Lycia. From there as he was sailing toward Cyprus, he was found by Chaereas, a sea
captain and was killed. (Porphyr. in Grac. Eusebius, Scaliger, p. 225.)

3946. Athenio or Aristio, the Athenian ambassador was returning home to the Athenians from
Asia from seeing Mithridates. He was driven by a storm to Carystia in Eubaea. The Athenians
sent some long ships and a chair supported by silver feet to bring him home. Most of the city ran
out of yje town to greet him. No sooner had he gotten the power of the city into his own hands,
but he acted like a tyrant. He either killed those who favoured the Romans or else turned them
over to Mithridates. To avoid this, many escaped to Amisus, a colony of the Athenians in Asia
and were allowed into the city. (Possidonius, Apamenus, apud Athenaum, 1. 5. c. 11. cf. Plutarch
in Lucullo, cf. Pausianias in Atticis, p. 18.)

3947. Those Italians who escaped from Asia, found a sanctuary at Rhodes. L. Cassius the
proconsul of Asia was one of these. The Rhodians fortified their walls and ports and positioned
their engines. They were helped by some Telmissrans and Lycians. When Mithridates and his
fleet approached, they pulled down the suburbs so that they might not be a shelter to the enemy
or serviceable to them. They put their ships into fighting formation, some in the front and others
on the sides. (Appian) The Rhodian ships were out numbered but in everything else they were
superior. They had experienced pilots and better knew how to arrange their ships and work the
oars. They had more valiant soldiers and the more skilled and courageous commanders. On the
contrary, the Cappadocians were but fresh water soldiers and had little experience in naval
battles. They did everything in a disorderly way which proved their undoing. (Diod. Sic. in
Excerpt. Vales, p. 402.)

3948. The Cappadocians were now ready to engage with the enemy at sea in the presence of
their king and desired to prove their loyalty and affections to him. Since their only advantage
was in the number of their ships, they tried to intercept the enemy's fleet by surprise. (Diod. Sic.
in Excerpt. Vales, p. 402) Finally after sunset, Damagoras the admiral of the Rhodian fleet,
attacked 25 of the king's ships with his 6. He sank 2 and and forced another 2 to flee to Lycia.
After spending the night at sea, he returned back again. In this encounter, one of the Chian ships,

an ally of Rhodes, on the way attacked Mithridates' ship as he was encouraging his soldiers. The
king almost fell into the enemy's hands and he later punished the captain and pilot and was
displeased with all the Chians. After this, as Mithridates' land forces were sailing to him from
Asia in ships and galleys, a sudden storm drove them onto Rhodes. The Rhodians attacked them
as they were disordered and dispersed by the storm. They boarded some ships, sank others and
burned others. They captured 400 prisoners. At last, Mithridates brought his engines and scaling-
ladders to take the city. He was driven off and forced to retreat from Rhodes in disgrace.
(Appian. cf. Memnon c. 33. & Livy 1. 78.)

3949. From there he went to Patara and besieged it. Since he did not have materials for engines,
he began to cut down Latona's grove. He had a dream that ordered him to stop and not to cut
down those consecrated trees. He left Pelopidas to carry on the war in Lycia and he sent
Archelaus into Greece to draw either by any means as many cities as he could into his alliance.
While he entrusted his commanders with many great businesses, he busied himself in levying of
soldiers, making arms and sporting about with his Stratonicean women. He also was busy in the
examination of all persons who were charged of treason, either by attempting to kill him or
overthrow the state or were in any way so inclined. (Appian. p. 188.)

3950. Archelaus, the king's general, was sent ahead into Achaia with 120,000 foot soldiers and
cavalry. He had the city of Athens surrendered to him by Aristo the Athenian. (Livy 1. 78.
Eutrop. 1. 5. Oras. 1. 6. c. 2.) From there he went with his fleet and provisions to Delos which
had revolted from the Athenians and destroyed other citadels. He also took money which had
been dedicated to Apollo and sent it away by Aristo to the Athenians with an escort of 2000
soldiers for safety. (Appian. p. 188, 189.) Apellicon Teius, (Appian. 1. 5. c. 11.) an Athenian
citizen was a most intimate friend of Athenion or Aristo since they were both peripatetics. He
quickly came with some companies of foot soldiers to Delos. He stayed there a while and
thought he was safe enough. He did not place the guards with the care he should have and did
not secure the hinder part of the island with a garrison or trench. Orobius or Orbius, the general
of the Roman army was entrusted with Delos. He saw the man's negligence and imprudence and
came with his forces on a dark night. He attacked them when they were in a deep sleep and had
been drinking. He cut the throats of 600 of the Athenians and their auxiliaries, as if they had
been so many sheep. He took about 400 alive. However, Apellicon escaped who so unworthily
commanded that force. Many of them fled to the nearby villages for safety but Orobius pursued
them and set fire to the houses, and burnt both them their siege engines and other engines that
belonged to the league. When he was all done, he erected a monument and altar with this
inscription:

Here lies with sea, a foreign nation near The shores of Delos; which died fighting here.

When those of Athens spoiled the holy isle, The Cappadocian king received a foil.

3917a AM, 4626 JP, 88 BC

3951. Mithridates sent Methrophanes with another band of soldiers and slaughtered many in
Eubae, the country of Demetrias and Magnesia who were opposed to the king. Bryttius (or
Brutius Sura, praetor of Sentius Macedonias and delegate, as Plutarch shows) with some small
forces which he brought from Macedonia attacked him at sea. He sank one large ship and one
ship called Hemiolia. He killed all the men that were in them while Metrophanes stood by

looking on. The sight seemed so dreadful to him that he hoisted sail and got away as fast as he
could. Bryttius chased him but the wind favoured Metrophanes. Bryttius was happy to give up
the chase and attack Sciathus an island which was the common hang out for the barbarian
thieves and robbers. As soon as he conquered the place, he hung all the slaves that were found
there and the he punished the free men with the loss of their hands. (Appian.)

3952. One of the sons of Mithridates held that ancient kingdom of Pontus and Bosphorus as far
as the waste above the lake of Maeotis and no one opposed him. The other Ariarathes,
proceeded in the conquest of Thracia and Macedonia. The various generals whom Mithridates
sent with armies stayed in other quarters. Archelaus was the head of them and with his fleet
controlled almost all of the sea. He brought the islands of Cyclades under his jurisdiction and as
many others as lay within Malea. (Plutarch in Sulla.) Eretria, Chalcis and all Eubaea came and
sided with Mithridates. (Memnon c. 34.)

3917b AM, 4627 JP, 87 BC

3953. Lucius Sulla the proconsul with L. Cornelius Cinna the consul marched into Greece with
5 legions and some other companies to manage the Mithridatic war. (Plutarch, in Sulla. Dio. in
Excerpt. Valesii, p. 642. Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 390. & 1. 1. Civ. Bell. p. 399.) Mithridates at
that time stayed at Pergamos where he was very busy distributing among his friends his wealth,
principalities and places of command. Among the many signs which happened to Mithridates
while he stayed at Pergamos, it is said that at the same instant that Sulla put to sea with his fleet
from Italy, the men of Pergamos in the theatre were letting down with an engine a statue of
victory bearing a crown upon Mithridates' head. It happened that when the crown had just come
to his head, it fell to the ground and was broken in pieces. This accident was taken as a bad
omen and the people were struck with horror. Although everything was going well for him at
that time, Mithridates was also greatly amazed. (Plutarch in Sulla.)

3954. Among the other strange visions which appeared to Mithridates when he first planned his
war against the allies of the people of Rome, are these ones. Julias Obsequens says this
happened at the time of the consulship of L. Sulla and Q. Pompey. At Stratopedo, where the
senate usually sat, the crows killed a vulture with their beaks. The form of Isis seemed attacked
with thunder and a huge star fell from heaven on the same place. At that time Mithridates was
busy in burning the grove dedicated to the Furies, a great laughing was heard but no one could
be found who laughed. When by the advice of the soothsayers, he would have sacrificed a virgin
to the Furies, a sudden fit of laughing burst forth from the throat of the damsel which disturbed
the sacrifice.

3955. M. Cicero at Rome, studied under Molon the Rhodian, who was the most famous for
pleading of causes and the best instructer. (Cicero in Bruto.) This was that Alabandensian Orator
from Caria, as described later by Strabo. (See note on 3927 AM « »).

3956. When Sulla entered Attica, he sent part of his forces to oppose Aristion in the city. He
personally marched immediately to Pineum where Archelaus, Mithridates' general, had retreated
within the walls. (Appian.)

3918a AM, 4627 JP, 87 BC

3957. The winter season was drawing on and Sulla camped near Eleusine where he made a deep
trench from the mountains to the sea. He wanted ships that he sent to Rhodes, to bring him
supplies. (Appian.)

3958. Finally in March, Sulla took Athens which was very short of provisions: He relates this in
his commentaries.

htij hmera sumpiptz malisa th noumtwia tou Anbesheiatnos mtwosA su wht tucgw upomtimata
pollad pou lga t epom beian oliqrou kn t fqoeas dxeiuhj drazsinA ws tote kn pxi t ceonqn
sheinon malisa tou hataklusmossumpesontos" (Plutarch)

3959. Comparing that day with the beginning of the month Anthesterion, it was the time when
the memory of Ogygis' flood is celebrated by the Athenians. The Athenian lunar month of
Anthesterion in Plutarch's time corresponded to March. However, the incorrect calendar of the
Romans, the month of March happened on the Athenian month Poseidon which on the Julian
calendar was in December.

3918b AM, 4628 JP, 86 BC

3960. The Rhodians found it impossible to bring supplies to Sulla by sea because of Mithridates'
fleets which policed the seas. They advised L. Lucullus, a man of great repute among the
Romans and one of Sulla's ambassadors to sail secretly to Syria, Egypt and Libya. He was to
gather what ships he could from the king's cities and bring them to join with the Rhodian fleet.
He set out in the midst of winter and was not deterred by the unfavourable sailing weather. He
left with 3 Greek and 3 Rhodian galleys. He risked his life on the sea and the many enemy ships
that patrolled the area. In spite of this, he arrived at Crete and got that island to help him.
(Appian. Mithridatic. p. 192. Plutarch in Lucullo.)

3961. When Athens was taken, Aristio the tyrant and others retreated into the fort of Athens.
After they had been besieged by Curio for a long time, they were forced to surrender for lack of
water. On the same day at the very time Curio brought the tyrant from the fort, the sky suddenly
became overcast and there was a violent rain storm which supplied the fort with fresh water.
Sulla executed Aristion and his company and any who held an office among them or had any
ways violated the constitutions which the Romans established among them after their conquest
of Greece. To all the others he granted his free pardon. (Appian Mithridatic p. 195. 196. Plutarch
in Sulla. Strabo. 1. 9. p. 398.) Pausan stated that when Aristio fled to the temple of Minerva for
sanctuary, Sulla commanded him to be dragged there and put to death, (in Attic, p. 18.) Others
say that he was poisoned by Sulla. (Plutarch, in Sulla.)

3962. Magnesia was the only city in all Asia which remained loyal to the Romans and valiantly
fought against Mithridates. (Livy 1. 81.)

3963. Lucullus noted that the Cyrenians were always ruled by tyrants and continually embroiled
in war. He settled the affairs of their state and enacted laws to secure the peace of the state for
the future. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) After they had been taken over by the Romans 10 years earlier,
they had been grievously oppressed by Nicocrates and his brother Leandri. They had recently
been relieved from their oppression through Aretaphila, Nicocrates' wife. Plutarch show this in
his little book of women's virtues. 10 years later, Cyrene was made a province by the Romans as

noted by Appian. (See note on 3928 AM « ») Josephus stated from books of Strabo's
histories that at this time Cyrene was disturbed by a rebellion of the Jews and that Lucullus was
quickly sent there by Sulla to pacify it. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 12.)

3964. As Lucullus was sailing from Cyrene to Egypt, he nearly lost all his ships by a sudden
attack of pirates. He escaped safely in person to Alexandria where he was received with a great
deal of honour. The whole fleet was gloriously decorated and went to meet him as was their
custom anytime their king returned from the sea. Ptolemy Lathurus, whom Plutarch incorrectly
calls a youth, treated him very courteously. He gave him his lodging and his table at court,
which was never before known to be done to any foreign commander. He allowed him 4 times
the usual amount to pay his expenses. Lucullus only took what was necessary and refused all
presents although some were worth 80 talents. It is said that he did not go to Memphis nor went
to see any of the famous wonders of Egypt. He considered those things as sights for tourists and
not for one who had left his general in the open field marching against the garrisons of the
enemy. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

3965. Aurelius Victor writes that Lucullus won Ptolemy king of Alexandria, over to his side
with Sulla the consul, (de. vir. illistr. c. 74.) However, at that time, Sulla was not a consul but a
proconsul. Also Ptolemy would not ally himself with Sulla for fear of being attacked. However
Ptolemy allowed Lucullus ships to take him to Cyprus. When he was leaving, Ptolemy greeted
him and gave him an emerald set in gold. Lucullus first refused this but when the king showed
him the king's own picture engraved on it, Lucullus dared not refuse lest the king thought he left
unhappy with him and he be attacked at sea. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.)

3966. Lucullus with those ships he had gathered from among the port towns as he sailed by,
condemned all who had been engaged in piracy. He sailed over into Cyprus. He was told that the
enemy was lurking under the promontories to catch him. He sailed his fleet into harbour and
wrote to the cities around there to provide him with winter quarters and provisions. He
pretended that he would stay there with his fleet until spring. However, as soon as the wind was
favourable, he put to sea again. In the daytime he sailed with low sails and in the night he spread
all the canvas he had. By this trick, he arrived safely with his fleet at Rhodes. (Plutarch, in
Lucullo.)

3967. Cinna the consul, sent his colleague Lucius Valerius Flaccus with 2 legions into Asia to
govern the province and to manage the war against Mithridates. He was a novice soldier and
therefore C. Fimbria, one of the senators went along with him. He was a man of reputation
among the soldiers. Livy, Aurelius, Victor and Orosius, call him Flaccus' delegate, Dio, his
lieutenant general, Strabo, his quaestor, Velleius Paterculus, general of the cavalry. When they
undertook this task, the senate ordered them to help Sulla as long as he was loyal to the senate
otherwise they should fight with him. Soon after they had put to sea from Brundusium, many of
their ships were ravaged by a storm. Ships from Mithridates burned the ships which were
damaged. (Memnon, c. 36. Livy 1. 82. Strabo, 1. 13. p. 594. Vellei Patercul. 1. 2. c 24. Dio. in
Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650. Appian. 1. 1. Bell. Civil, p. 396. & in Mithridatic. p. 204. cf. Orosius, 1.
6. c. 2.)

3968. Mithridates' general, Taxiles, marched from Thracia and Macedonia with 100,000 foot
soldiers, 10,000 cavalry and 90 chariots with scythes. He asked Archelaus to help him and they
combined their forces. They had 120,000 men (Memnon acknowledges more than 60,000)
consisting of Thracians, Pontics, Scythians, Cappodicians, Bithynians, Galatians, Phrygians and

others who came from Mithridates' new provinces. Sulla brought along with him L. Hortensius,
who had 6000 men from Italy. They fought with Taxiles near Chaeronea even thought he only
had about 1500 cavalry and 15,000 foot soldiers according to Plutarch. However, Appian stated
that his whole body was so small that it was less than a third the size of the enemy. Sulla won
and killed 1 10,000 of the enemy, (or 100,000 as in Livy's Epitome) and pillaged their camp.
Archelaus escaped to Chalcis with not many more than 10,000 men. Sulla stated that he lost
about 14 men, others say 15. Two of the supposed dead returned to the camp at evening.
(Memnon, c. 34. Livy 1. 82. Plutarch in Sulla. Appina. in Mithridatic, Eutrop. 1. 5. Oros. 1. 6. c.
2.)

3969. Sulla received news that Flaccus, the consul who was in an opposing political party, was
sailing across the Ionian Sea with some legions under the pretence that he came against
Mithridates but he came to fight Sulla. Sulla marched into Thessalia to meet him. (Plutarch.)
Flaccus was a poor person to lead the army. He was poorly qualified, covetous, rigorous and
cruel when punishing his soldiers. His soldiers detested him so much that part of those who were
sent by him into Thessalia, defected to Sulla. The rest would have also revolted had it not been
for Fimbria, who was reputed the better soldier and of a softer temper. (Appian. p. 204.)

3970. Since the Romans had no navy, Archelaus roved about the islands quite secure and made
havock anywhere he pleased all along the coast. He ventured ashore and laid siege to Cerinthus.
He was attacked in the night by some Romans who were strangers in those parts. He hurried to
his ships again and sailed back to Chalois more likely a pirate than a warrior. (Appian)

3971. Mithridates was much appalled by the news of his defeat but he was not discouraged too
much. He made new levies from all the countries under his dominion. He feared lest some be
encouraged by his defeat to revolt from him. Therefore he though it best to secure all those he
suspected before the war broke out afresh. (Appian.)

3972. He began with the tetrarchs of the Galatians, as well those whom he had about him as his
friends, as those who were not as yet subdued by him. He killed them all with their wives and
children, except 3 who escaped. He surprised some by treachery and the rest he massacred in
one night at a party. He was jealous that none of them would remain loyal to him if Sulla
chanced to come into those parts. After he confiscated their gods, he placed garrisons into their
cities and made Eumachus governor over the whole country. Shortly after the tetrarchs escaped,
they gathered a force and drove him and his garrisons from Galatia. Hence, Mithridates had
nothing from that country but money. (Appian.)

3973. He was angry with the Chians, ever since that time a ship of theirs in the naval battle with
the Rhodians happened to attack the king's ship. He first set to sell the goods of all the citizens
who defected to Sulla. After that, he sent some persons to spy on the Roman faction among the
Chians. At last, Zenobius, or as Memnon wrote, Dorylaus, came there with an army under the
pretence of going into Greece. He surprised the Chians by night and captured their strongest
forts. After this, he placed guards at the gates of the city and he assembled the citizens together.
He compelled them to turn over their arms and the best men's sons for hostages. These were sent
to Erithiae. After this, Mithridates sent letters to the Chians about asking for 2000 talents in
compensation. They were forced to take down the ornaments from their temples and make their
women give up their jewellery to pay this. In spite of this, Zenobius picked a quarrel with them
pretending that their money was not enough. He ordered the men to separate themselves from
the women and children to be carried by ship into the Euxine Sea to Mithridates. He divided

their lands among the Pontics. (Appian. cf. Memnon. c. 35.)

3974. The Heraclians, who were good friends of the Chians attacked the Pontic ships which
carried the captives on the way and brought them into their city. They did not make any
resistance at all for they were out numbered. At that time they relieved the Chians and gave
them what they needed. In time, they restored them to their own country after being very
generous to them. (Memnon. c. 35.)

3975. The Ephesians ordered Zenobius as he approached the city with his soldiers, to lay down
his arms at the gate of the city and to enter with a very small company. He was contented to do
so and went to Philopoemenes, the father to Monima, one of Mithridates' concubines. From
there he had a town crier summon the Ephesians together. Since they expected no good thing
from him, they deferred the assembly until the next day. That night, they met together and urged
each other to attack Zonobius. So they cast him into prison and killed him there. They placed
their guards on the walls and they armed the common people. They arranged them into
companies and brought home the grain from the fields. They secured the youth of the city from
making any riots. The Trallians, Hypaepenians, Mesopolites and some others, among whom the
Smyrdeans, Sardians and Colophonians, are mentioned by Orosius (1. 6. c. 2.) were terrified by
the terrible disaster that had recently happened to the Chians. When they heard of the Ephesians
exploits, they followed their example. (Appian.)

3919a AM, 4628 JP, 86 BC

3976. Fimbria, out distanced Flaccus and got a long way ahead of him in his march. He thought
that now was a good time for some civil disorder. Therefore to endear his soldiers to him, he
permitted them to make incursions into the countries of their allies. They could do what they
pleased and take anyone they met captive. The soldiers really liked this idea so that within a few
days they had gathered an abundance of wealth by their plundering. Those who had been robbed
of their goods, went to meet the consul, Flaccus. They complained bitterly to him of the wrongs
they had received. He was very upset by this and ordered them to follow him. He personally
would see that restitution was made to everyone that had been robbed. He threatened and
ordered Fimbria immediately to return to the owners whatever had been taken away from them.
Fimbria placed full blame on the soldiers who did this without any orders from him. However,
he secretly told them to ignore the consuls commands nor allow that to be taken from them
which they had gotten by law of arms. After this when Flaccus demanded that restitution be
made for their rapine and added threats to his commands, the soldiers refused to obey. There
was a great rebellion in the camp. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 406, 409.)

3977. On his march to meet Flaccus, when Sulla had come as far as the town of Melitea, he
received news from various places that the country which he left behind was over run with
another army of the kings as much as before. For Dorylaus had arrived at Chalcis with a large
fleet, in which he carried 80,000 armed men who were the most exercised and best experienced
of all Mithridates' soldiers. He attacked Reotis and after he captured all that region, he marched
to fight with Sulla. (Plutarch in Sulla.)

3978. This Dorylaus was the son of Philaetor who was the brother to that Dorylaus, the general.
(See note on 3879 AM «3620»). He was raised by Mithridates who liked him very much.
When he was a man, the king promoted him to the highest honours of which the highest was

being appointed the priesthood of Comana in Pontus. The king invited his relatives, the sons of
Dorylaus the general and Sterota, a woman of Macetis, Lagera, whose daughter was the mother
to Strabo the geographer and Stratarcha, after their father's death to come to him at Cnossus.
(Strabo. 1. 10. p. 477, 478. & 1. 12. p. 557.)

3979. Dorylaus with his 80,000 (Plutarch and Appian) or with 70,000 (Eutropius and Orosius)
choice soldiers joined with Archelaus' forces. He had only 10,000 left of his former army and
tried in vain to convince Dorylaus not to attack Sulla. They attacked Sulla near Orchomenus and
lost 15,000 men (Appian and Orosius) or 20,000 (Eutropsus). Archelaus' son, Diogenes was
killed. Soon after this, they had a second battle, and in this the rest of Mithridates' forces were
destroyed. For 20,000 were driven into a nearby moor and there butchered. They cried for mercy
but the Romans did not understand their language and so they killed them. Many more were
forced into a river and drowned. The rest of the miserable wretches were killed on every side.
(Appian, cf. Livy. 1. 82. & Eutropius, 1. 5. & Orosius, 1. 6. c. 2.) Plutarch stated that the marshes
overflowed with the blood of the dead and that a pool was filled up with dead bodies. So much
so that 200 years later in his time many of the barbarians' bows, helmets, pieces of coats of mail
and swords were found buried in the mud.

3980. Archelaus spent 2 days (Plutarch on Sulla) or 3 days (Eutropius 1. 5.) hiding in the
marshes of the Orchomenians, stripped and naked. At last, he found a little boat and sailed into
Chalcis. Wherever he met with any of Mithridates' forces, he hastily assembled them into a body
of troops. Sulla, pillaged and made what havock he could in Boeotia. It used to revolt at every
new crisis. From there he passed into Thessaly and there made his winter quarters. He expected
Lucullus' arrival with ships. When he heard no news of his coming, he built other ships.
(Appian.) Livy stated (1. 82.) that Archelaus surrendered himself and the king's fleet to Sulla.
Aurelius Victor wrote that by Archelaus' treachery, Sulla intercepted the fleet, (de vir. illustrib.
c. 76.) It was evident that there was frequent secret communications between Sulla and
Archelaus as well for other reasons. For Sulla had given to Archelaus 10,000 acres in Eubaea,
where Chalcis was. However, Sulla tried to remove all those suspicions in his commentaries.
(Plutarch, in Sulla, & Dio followed him. Legat, 33. or 34.) Although some expressions in a letter
of Mithridates to Arsaces implied that those suspicions were so firmly rooted into men's minds
that they were not easily removed. (Salust's Histories. 1. 4.)

vv Archelaus the most unworthy of those that were under me, thwarted my plans by his betraying
my army."

3981. Strabo stated that Archelaus, who waged war against Sulla, was highly admired by the
Romans, Sulla and the senate. (Strabo. 1. 12. p. 558, & 1. 17. p. 796.)

3982. In the interim, Flaccus came to Byzantium, where Fimbria had caused the soldiers to
revolt against him. Flaccus ordered his soldiers to stay outside the walls, while he entered the
city. Thereupon Fimbria began to accuse Flaccus of receiving money from the citizens of
Byzantium and that he had gone to pamper himself in the city while they endured the harshness
of winter in the open fields in their tents. These speeches so highly enraged the soldiers that they
broke into the city and killed a few whom they met by chance on the way. They dispersed
themselves into various houses, (Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650.)

3983. L. Valerius Flaccus passed through the region of Byzantium into Bithynia and camped at

Nicaea. (Memnon c. 36.) Cicero (in his Oration for Flaccus, this man's son) stated:

vv It was the same time when all Asia shut her gates to L. Flaccus, the consul or now rather
proconsul, but not only received that Cappadocian (Mithridates) into their cities but sent
deliberately to invite him to them."

3919b AM, 4629 JP, 85 BC

3984. When some differences arose between Fimbria and Flaccus' treasurer, Flaccus was chosen
as an arbitrator. He had so little regard for Fimbria's honour, that Fimbria threatened (as Appian
has it), to return home to Rome) or (as it is in Dion) Flaccus threatened to send him to Rome
whether he wanted to go or not. Thereupon Fimbria so vilely reproached Flaccus that Flaccus
took away his command from him and assigned another to replace him. (Appian. p. 204. Dio. in
Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650.)

3985. After this dispute, Fimbria was discharged (Aurelius Victor, de vir. illustirb. c. 70.) and
went to the soldiers at Byzantium. He greeted them as if he was going to Rome and desired
letters from them to take to their friends there. He complained moreover of the great injustice
done to him and reminded them of the good turns he had done for them and that they should
take heed and look out for themselves. He secretly hinted by this that Flaccus had some plot
against them. His words were well received and they wished him well. However they were
jealous of Flaccus. Then he ascended the platform and in plain words incited them against
Flaccus and among other things he charged Flaccus with bribing him to betray them. (Dio. in
Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650.)

3986. When Fimbria had again crossed the Hellespont, he stirred up his soldiers to acts of
plunder and all kind of villainies. He exacted money from the cities and divided it among the
soldiers whom he let do as they wished without restraint. They were attracted by the hopes of a
large income and loved Fimbria all the more. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 409.)

3987. When Flaccus had gone towards Chalcedon with his fleet, Fimbria took the advantage of
his absence. He began first with Thermus who was left in charge. He took away from him the
fasces or ensigns of his authority as if he had taken that office on him from the army. Fimbria
chased after Flaccus. However, Flaccus fled and hid in a private man's house. In the night, he
scaled the wall and stole away first to Chalcedon and from there to Nicomedia and had the gates
shut. Fimbria followed him closely and made the Roman consul (or rather one that had been
consul, as Velleius terms him) and the commander-in-chief of this war to hide himself in a well.
Fimbria dragged him from there and killed him. After he had cut off Flaccus' head, he threw it
into the sea, but left the body lying unburied on the ground. (Appian. p. 204, 205. cf. Memnon,
c. 36, 42. Livy 1. 82. Velleius, Patercul. 1. 2. c. 24. Strabo, 1. 13. p. 594. Aurelius, Victor, de viris
illustrib. c. 70. & Orosius, 1. 6. c. 2.) Fimbria allowed his solders to plunder Nicomedia. (Diod.
Sic. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 409.)

3988. Mithridates sent an army against those that had revolted from him. After he had defeated
them, he acted most rigorously against them. (Appian. p. 202.) He forced all the cities in Asia
and miserably pillaged the province. (Livy 1. 82.) He feared lest others should prove disloyal and
made the cities of Greece free. He promised by a public crier to cancel all the debts of all the
debtors, all prisoners would be allowed to live freely in their own cities and all slaves would be

set free. He hoped that by these acts of grace he might buy the loyalty of all debtors, prisoners
and slaves so they would help keep him in power. This happened not long after. (Appian. p.
202.)

3989. In the meantime the king's intimate friends, Mynio and Philotimus who were Smyrneans,
and Clisthenes and Asclepiodotus who were from Lesbos conspired against Mithridates.
Asclepiodotus had been sometimes commander of his mercenary soldiers. Asclepiodotus
himself was the first to talk. To obtain credit for what he said, he had the king lie under a bed
and listen to what Mysion would say. The treason was thus exposed and all the conspirators died
on the rack. Many others were shrewdly suspected to have a hand in it. 80 Pergamedians were
seized because they were thought to be in on this conspiracy and others in other cities. Then the
king sent his inquisitors into all parts who executed about 1600 men for this conspiracy.
Everyone of the inquisitors charged their enemies with treasonable conduct. Not long after this,
the accusers were either punished by Sulla or killed themselves or accompanied Mithridates in
his flight to Pontus. (Appian. p. 202, 213. cf. Orosius, 1. 6, c. 2.)

3990. Among others, Diodorus, Mithridates' praetor, who claimed to be an academic
philosopher, a lawyer and a rhetorician, killed all the elders of the Adramitteans to please the
king. He went with the king into Pontus when the king was deposed. He starved himself to death
to prevent the disgrace which was likely to happen to him because of some great crimes which
he was charged with. (Strabo, 1. 13. p. 614.)

3991. L. Lucullus with the help of some Rhodian ships and that fleet which he gathered together
from Cyprus, Phoenicia and Pamphylia, wasted all the enemy's coasts. Now and then by the
way, he fought with Mithridates' fleet. (Appian. 207, 208.) He persuaded the citizens of Cos and
the Cnidians, to expel the king's garrisons and to take up arms with him against the Samians. He
drove the king's party from Chios. He relieved the Colophonians and set them at liberty. He
seized Epigonius, their king. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Through Marena's help, he brought
Mithridates' fleet to Sulla. (Aurel. Victor, de viris illustrib. c. 74.)

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3992. After C. Fimbria had killed Flaccus in Bithynia and taken his army, he was made their
general. (Velleius, 1. 2. c. 24.) He controlled some cities. Some voluntarily submitted to him
while others were forced to submit. (Memnon. c. 36.) He killed many people not for any just
reason but merely to gratify his passion and from cruelty. For one time he ordered some posts to
be fastened to the ground, to which he was used to have men bound and scourged to death.
When he saw that there were more posts available than condemned persons, he ordered his
soldiers to seize some of the crowd that stood by and bind them to the posts lest the posts appear
to have been set up in vain. (Dio. in excerptis Valesii. p. 653.)

3993. When Fimbria entered Cizicum, he claimed to be their friend. As soon as he was in, he
began to charge all the wealthiest of them with some crime or other. After he had condemned
two principal men of the city, he had them whipped with rods to terrify the rest. After this he
had them decapitated and sold their goods. This forced others from fear to give to him all that
they had. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt Valefii, p. 409.)

3994. Mithridates, the son of Mithridates, joined with Taxiles, Diophantes, and Menander, three

most expert commanders. With a good army they marched against Fimbria. Because of the huge
number of enemy soldiers, Fimbria lost some men in the battle. They came to a river which
parted both armies. In a great storm of rain which happened before morning, Fimbria crossed the
river and so surprised the enemy as they lay asleep in their tents so that they never knew he was
there. He made such great slaughter of them that very few, only of the commanders and cavalry
escaped. (Memnon. c. 36.)

3995. Among those who escaped, was Mithridates, the king's son. He was chased from Asia to
Miletopolis and arrived safely from there with a company of cavalry to his father at Pergamos.
Fimbria attacked the king's ships as they lay in harbour and drove him from Pergamos. After he
had taken the city, he pursued him as he fled into Pitane. He besieged him and endeavoured to
make a trench about the place. ( Memnon. c. 36. Livy 1. 38. Appian. p. 205. Plut. in Lucullo.
Aurel. Victor, de vir. illustr. c. 70. Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.)

3996. Mithridates was now driven from the land by Fimbria and trapped in a corner facing the
sea. He summoned together all his fleet from their various places. He did not want to fight with
Fimbria who was clever and a conqueror. When Fimbria saw this happen, he quickly sent to
Lucullus to ask him to bring his fleet and unite with him in taking this king who was the most
bitter and cruel enemy of the people of Rome. If Lucullus had placed the public good ahead of
his private animosities, they would have captured Mithridates. However, he did not and
Mithridates escaped. (Plut. & Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.)

3997. After Mithridates escaped with his fleet to Mitylene, Fimbria went up and down the
province and levied fines on those that supported Mithridates. He destroyed the grounds of any
who would not let him into their city. (Appian. ut. sup.) He recovered most of Asia for the
Romans because of the various defections of the cities from Mithridates. (Memnon, c. 36. Livy
1. 83.)

3998. When Fimbria tried to take Troy, they sent to Sulla for help. After Sulla agreed to help, he
warned Fimbria not to meddle any further with those that had submitted to him. He commended
Troy for returning to that alliance they formerly had with the people of Rome. He also said it did
not really matter who they submitted to, since both Sulla and Fimbria were Roman citizens and
they all descended from the Trojans. In spite of all this, Fimbria stormed the city and entered it
upon the 1 1th day. He bragged had he had taken the city in only 1 1 days when Agamemnon
with a fleet of a 1000 ships and the whole power of Greece had much trouble taking it in 10
years. A certain man said the reason was:

vv There was not among us an Hector who would stand bravely to defend the city."

3999. He indiscriminately killed all that he met and burned almost the whole city. He tormented
to death those who were in the embassy to Sulla. Neither did he spare the holy things nor those
who had fled to the temple of Minerva for sanctuary but burnt them and the temple together.
Moreover he pulled down the walls. The next day he surrounded the city and looked for
anything that had escaped his fury. He did not allow any fair court or consecrated house or
statue to be left in the city. (Livy 1. 83. Strabo, 1. 13. p. 554. Appian. p. 205. Dio. in Excerpt.
Valesii, p. 653. Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.)

4000. Fimbria ordered Troy burned to be because they were somewhat slow in opening the gates

to him. Aurelius Victor wrote that Minerva's temple stood untouched. (De viris illistrib. c. 70.)
He said:

vv It was without all doubt preserved by the goddess herself."

4001. However, Julius Obsequens and Appian affirm that the temple was burned. Among its
ruins the Palladium that ancient image, which was supposed to be taken by Diomedes and
Ulysses in the time of the Trojan war, was found safe and unharmed. Fimbria found this out, as
Servius noted on the second book on the Aeneid, and it was later carried to Rome. However,
Strabo stated that several similar images of Minerva were shown at Lavinium, Luceria and
Siritis, as though they had been brought from Troy. (1. 6. p. 264.) Appian wrote that this
destruction of Troy happened in the 173rd Olympiad, (p. 206.) and 1050 years after its
destruction by Agamemnon. However, according to Eratosthenes, Apollodorus and Diodorus
Siculus, there were 1099 years between that first destruction of Troy and the 4th year of the
173rd Olympiad when Troy was destroyed again.

4002. Lucullus first routed the king's fleet near Lection in Troas. At Tenedos, he saw
Neoptolemus sailing toward him with a larger ship than before. He sailed some distance ahead
of his fleet in a Rhodian ship with five tiers of oars. Damagoras was the captain of the ship and
was very skilled in naval fights. He favoured the Romans. Neoptolemus sailed on him very fast
and ordered the pilot to direct his forecastle against the enemy ship. Demagoras feared the size
of the king's ship and the force of its brazen prow. He dared not to close in the front but ordered
to the pilot to stop the course of the ship by turning her hastily about. So by breaking the blow,
the enemy sailed quickly on. The ship was not harmed since he only struck some parts of the
ship which were underwater. As soon as the rest of the fleet came to him, Lucullus commanded
the pilot to steer about. After displaying his valour, he compelled the enemy to hoist sail and
sailed as fast as he could in the pursuit of Neoptolemus. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4003. Aretas, king of Coelosyria was invited by the citizens of Damascus to be over the
government because they disliked Ptolemy Mennaeus. Aretas entered with an army into Judaea.
After he had defeated Alexander Jannaeus at Adida, he marched home after securing terms of
peace with Alexander. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 23.)

4004. When Cinna and Carbo started a civil disorder in Rome, they violently attacked the most
eminent persons of the city without any restraint. Most of the nobility stole away first into
Achaia and later to Asia to Sulla. In a short time, there was in his camp many senators. (Vellet.
Patercul. lib. 2. c. 23. Plutarch, in Sulla, & from him Dio. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 649.) All urged
him to come to the relief of his own country which was in extreme danger and almost lost.
(Eutrop. 1. 5. Oros. 1. 15. c. 20.) Metella, his wife, barely escaped with her own life and her
children and came to his house. She told Sulla that his house and its village were burned by the
enemy and therefore begged him to come and help the city. (Plutarch.)

4005. After Mithridates considered how many men he had lost in so short a time since he first
advanced into Greece, he wrote to Archesaus to make peace with Sulla on as honourable
conditions as he could get. (Appian. p. 206.) Sulla was now in a great perplexity. He did not
want to abandon his country in that sad state it was in, nor did he want to leave Asia with an
unfinished war with Mithridates. Thereupon Archelaus of Delos offered to negotiate the treaty
and had some hopes and secret instructions from Archelaus the king's general. Sulla was very

well pleased by this and he hurried to go and confer with Archelaus. They met at sea near Delos,
where Apollo's temple stands. Archelaus began by demanding of Sulla that he would abandon
his Asian and Pontic expedition and go home to put down the civil war there. He said that the
king, his master, would supply him with what silver, ships, or men, he needed. Sulla replied and
told him to abandon Mithridates and reign in his stead. He would call Archelaus an ally and
friend of Rome, if he would turn over the king's fleet to him. Archelaus detested so treacherous
an act. Finally, Sulla set forth some conditions of peace to be made with the king. (Plutarch in
Sulla.) Among the conditions was one that the king should withdraw all his garrisons from all
places except those in which he had soldiers before the war broke out. When Archelaus heard
this, he immediately removed the garrisons. Archelaus wrote the king concerning the other
articles to know what the king wanted to do. (Appian. p. 207.)

4006. When the articles were agreed on, Sulla withdrew to Hellespont, and crossed through
Thessalie and Macedonia. Archelaus accompanied him and Sulla treated him very civilly. When
Archelaus became quite sick near Larissa, Sulla stopped his march and took just as much care of
him as if he had been one of his own commanders or praetors. All this increased the suspicion
that Mithridates had of Archelaus in that he did not fight as well as he could in the battle at
Chaeronea. (Plutarch, in Sulla, Dio. Legat. 33. or 34.)

4007. The ambassadors from Mithridates came to Sulla. They said the terms about the surrender
Paphlagonia and the ships were unacceptable. They added that they could get easier conditions
from the other general, Fimbria. Sulla replied in a rage that Fimbria would smart for this and
that he himself would see, as soon as he came into Asia, whether Mithridates stood in greater
need of peace or war. Archelaus interceded with Sulla and took him by the hand and calmed his
fury with his tears. At last he intreated that he might be sent to Mithridates. He said that
Mithridates would either conclude a peace on Sulla's terms or else if he refused to sign those
articles, he would either kill Mithridates, or else (for the Greek copies vary) kill himself.
(Plutarch in Sulla, Dio. Legat. 34. or 35. Appian. p. 207.)

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4008. Six years before he died, Alexander Jannaeus, after he concluded a peace with Aretas, led
an army against the neighbouring people and took the city Dia by storm. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 23.)

4009. Archelaus returned from Mithridates and met with Sulla at Philippi in Macedonia. He told
him that everything happened as he wished and that Mithridates wanted to meet with him.
Thereupon Sulla marched through Thracia to Cypsela and sent Lucullus who had come with his
fleet to him before him to Abydos. Lucullus gave him a safe passage from the Chersonesses and
helped him in transporting the army. (Plutarch in Sulla, & Lucullo. Appian. p. 207, 208.)

4010. Sulla met with Mithridates at Dardanus, a town of Troas. Mithridates had there with him,
200 ships with oars, 20,000 foot soldiers and 600 cavalry and a number of chariots armed with
scythes. Sulla had 4 regiments of foot soldiers and 200 cavalry. Both of them went aside to talk
in the field with a small retinue while each army looked on. Mithridates came to him and
reaching out his right hand. Sulla asked him, whether he would accept a peace on Archelaus'
conditions? The king demurred for a while and each of them hurled complaints and accusations
at each other. Finally, Mithridates was frightened by Sulla's passionate speeches and consented
to those articles of peace which were offered to Archelaus. After this, Sulla greeted him. He

embraced and kissed him. (Memnon, c. 37. Plutarch, in Sulla, Dio. Legat. 35. or 36. Appian. p.

208, 209, 210.)

401 1. The articles of peace were these. Mithridates would be content with what was his father's
kingdom in Pontus and would not have anything to do with Asia or Paphlagonia. He would
release all commanders, delegates, prisoners, renegades, fugitives, the Chians and any he had
carried away as captives with him from the cities into Pontus. He would give the Romans 70 or
(as Memnon has it) 80 ships, pointed with brass, with all their equipment. Lastly, the cities
which were now under the Roman jurisdiction, would not be questioned for defecting to the
Romans. However shortly after, the Romans brought many of them under slavery and bondage,
contrary to the tenor of the articles for peace. (Memnon, Plutarch in Sulla & Dio transcribing
Plutarch, Legat. 33. or 34. Appian. p. 207. Livy 1. 83. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. c. 23.) Thus was
the first Mithridatic war which began 4 years earlier was ended by Sulla. In less than three years
time, Sulla killed 160,000 of the enemy, recovered Greece, Macedonia, Ionia, Asia and various
other countries which Mithridates had captured. He took the king's fleet and confined the king
himself to his father's kingdom. (Appian. 1. 1. Bell. Civil, p. 396. cum Mithridatic. p. 206. &

209. & 210.) The most remarkable thing about Sulla was his discipline. Although Canna and
Marius' factions were in Italy for 3 years yet Sulla did not conceal his intention of coming
against them to fight them. Nor did he lay aside the business he had now in hand. He thought it
best to first crush the enemy and then to avenge a citizen; first to secure from fear abroad by
defeating a foreigner and later to repress a rebellion at home. (Velles. Patercul. 1. 2. c. 24. cf.
Plutarch in Collat. Sulla & Lysandri.)

4012. Mithridates surrendered his ships to Sulla with 500 archers with other things required in
the covenant. He sailed with the remainder of his ships into his father's kingdom to Pontus.
(Memnon. ut supra. Strabo. 1. 13. p. 594. Plutarch, and out of him Dio. Legat. 36. or 37. Appian.
p. 210.) Sulla saw that this peace did not sit well with the soldiers. They were grieved to see the
king sail away out of Asia who was the most bitter enemy they had and who had slain in one
day, so many thousands of Roman citizens who lived in Asia. He left with his treasure and the
spoils he had got in the war from Asia which he had almost exhausted for some years by plunder
and force. Sulla cleared himself by telling them that he was glad to be rid of Mithridates on any
condition for fear he should have joined with Fimbria. If he had done that Sulla would be too
weak to fight with both of them. (Plutarch and Dio. ibid.)

4013. From there, Sulla moved within a quarter mile of Fimbria who camped about Thyatira.
Sulla demanded him to turn over the armies to him since he assumed that command illegally.
Fimbria replied stoutly that he did not take orders from Sulla. Thereupon Sulla laid siege and
began to make his trench. Fimbria's soldiers came running from their garrison to greet Sulla's
men and were very helpful to them in making the trench, (Plutarch ibid. Appian. p. 210. Oros. 1.
6. c. 2.)

4014. Fimbria was taken back by the sudden change and assembled the rest of the soldiers and
desired them to by loyal to him. When they absolutely refused to fight against their fellow
citizens, he tore his garment and shook everyone of them by the hand. He begged them not to
desert him. When that did not prevail and when he saw very many were stealing away to the
enemy, he went to the colonel's tents. He bribed some of them and then summoned the soldiers
again and pressed upon them an oath of allegiance. When the Venetians cried out that every
soldier ought to be called by name to the oath, he ordered the crier to name only those were
bribed first. Nonius was called who had been his accomplice in all villainous attempts and

refused to swear. Fimbria drew his sword at him and threatened to kill him but was glad to stop
because the soldiers by a common shout resented that action. (Appian. p. 210.)

4015. After this, Fimbria bribed a slave with money and hopes of his freedom. He was to go to
Sulla's camp and pretend as if he had been a renegade and there to stab Sulla. His heart began to
fail him in the task and Sulla suspected that by his trembling he came with no good intentions.
Thereupon he laid hold on him, and the slave confessed the whole business. This filled Sulla's
army with anger and scorn. Those who were standing about Fimbria's trench, called him
Athenio by way of reproach. This was the name of the one who was king for a few days over the
slaves in Sicily. (Appian. p. 210.)

4016. When Fimbria saw that this plot had failed, he gave up all hope. He fled to a strong fort
and from there invited Sulla to a talk. Sulla would not go himself but sent Rutilius in his place.
This went to Fimbria's heart that Sulla would not come to him. This was never to be denied even
to common enemies. He had craved pardon because of his immaturity. Rutilius replied that Sulla
was willing to pardon him if he should pass safely to the sea side on the condition he would
leave Asia (of which he was the proconsul) to Sulla and sail away. Fimbria told him he knew a
better way than that. He returned to Pergamos and went into Esculapius' temple. He stabbed
himself with his sword. When he found the wound was not mortal, he asked his servant to kill
him. This he did and then he killed himself. Sulla gave his body to be buried by his chief
servants. (Appian p. 211. cf. Livy 1. 83. Vellei Patercul. 1. 2 c. 24. Plutarch in Sulla Aurel.
Victor, de vir. illustribus c. 70. & Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.)

4017. Fimbria's army came and offered their services to Sulla. He entertained them and added
them to his own troops. Soon after, he sent Cuno with a command to establish Nicomedes and
Ariobarzanes in their kingdoms. He sent also a full account of all the events to the senate and
took no notice at all that they had declared him an enemy to the state. (Appian. p. 21 1.)

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4018. Sulla rebuilt Troy which was destroyed by Fimbria. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 2. cf. Strabo. 1. 13. p.
594.) He also settled the affairs of the province of Asia, enfranchised the Trojans, Chians,
Rhodians, Lycians, Magnesians and various other people. He enrolled them among the allies of
the people of Rome either as remuneration for their help in the wars or to cheer them up after
those great calamities which they had undergone from their loyalty to Romans. He sent his
soldiers to all other towns to proclaim that all slaves who had received their freedom from
Mithridates must return immediately to their masters. This edict was slighted by many and many
cities revolted because of it. Many slaves and free born were killed on various occasions. The
walls of many towns in Asia were demolished and some of the inhabitants were sold. Any men
or city that were found to be for the Cappadocians, were severely fined. The Ephesians were
especially punished who through scorn had taken down from their temples the Roman offerings.
(Appian, p. 211.)

4019. After all was peaceful again, criers were sent throughout the province to summon the
leaders of all the cities in Asia to come to Sulla at Ephesus on a set day. When they met
together, Sulla made a speech to them from the judgment seat. He told them how well the
Romans had helped the Asians and what a poor response the Asians had given. At the end of his
speech, he pronounced this sentence on them.

VV I fine you a whole five years of tribute which I charge you presently to pay down to the last
penny. Moreover, you shall disburse the money spent on this war and what other sum the
present state and condition of the province shall require. I shall lay the tax on the cities
proportionally and appoint a time for the payment. Any who default on this, I shall consider as
enemies."

4020. After he said this, he distributed the fine by portions to the lieutenants and assigned
persons also to collect it. (Appian p. 212, 213.) For that reason, he divided Asia into 44 regions
which Cassindius mentions in his chronicle. This happened when L. Cinna was consul for the
4th time and Cn. Papyrias was consul for the 2nd time. Cicero in his first epistle of his first book
and Q. Frateus confirmed that this tribute was imposed on all parts alike. Likewise does Sulla in
his speech Flaccus says that he laid it proportionally upon all the cities of Asia.

4021. Plutarch writes that Sulla besides this fine of 20,000 talents which he levied from the
whole, he annoyed various ones of them by quartering his insolent and unruly soldiers in their
private houses. He ordered every landlord to pay to a soldier quartered in his house, 16
drachmas a day. He was to provide him his supper as well as for any friends he brought along to
supper. A captain was to have 50 drachmas a day and two suits of clothes. One was to wear at
home and another outside. (Plutarch in Sulla.) Lucullus was in charge of collecting the general
tax of 20,000 talents and of coining the money. This seemed a relief to the cities of Asia from
Sulla's hard usage. Lucullus always behaved himself in an harmless and upright manner and
dealt with them mercifully and mildly. This was befitting the sad state of affairs that Asia was
in. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.)

4022. The cities were extremely impoverished and up to their ears in debt. Some sold their
theatres to the loan sharks, others their places of receipt, or their citadels, or their ports, or
something which belonged to the public. The soldiers were very harsh with them and pressed
them for their money. After payment was made, they carried the money to Sulla. Asia in the
meanwhile bemoaned its sad state. (Appian. p. 213.)

4023. At this same time, the pirates were busy in all parts of Asia. They appeared so publicly as
if they had been so many legal fleets. They were first put to sea by Mithridates, who was likely
to loose all he had gotten in those parts, hence he resolved to do what mischief he could. Now
they had increased to so large a number that they were dangerous to ships and threatened the
ports, citadels and towns. It is certain that Jassus, Samur, Clazomenae and Samothrace were
taken when Sulla stayed in these regions. It is generally reported that they took out of the temple
at Samothrace many ornaments estimated to be valued at 1000 talents. Sulla did nothing, either
because he thought these places were unworthy of his protection because they had behaved
basely toward him or because he hurried to Rome to settle the civil disorders. Hence Sulla sailed
to Greece. (Appian p. 213.)

4024. Sulla offered to take P. Rutilius Rufus home to Rome. He had lived as an exile at
Mitylene. He refused and stayed in banishment lest he might do anything which was not legal.
Rufus moved to Smyrna. (Valer. Maxim. 1. 6. c. 4. Seneca, epistle 24. Quintilian 1. 11. c. 1. Dio
in Excerpt. Vales, p. 638.) He was made a free citizen of that city (Cicero, pro Bibli.) and there
spent his years in study. (Oros. 1. 5. c. 17.) He could never be persuaded to return home to his
country, (Dio in Excerpt. Vales, p. 636.) Seneca (de providentia, c. 3.) said of him:

vv Is Rutilius to be looked on as unfortunate because those that condemned him will plead his
cause in all ages? Because he was more contented to allow himself to be expelled from his
country than to part with his banishment? Because he only of all the rest, dared to deny Sulla the
dictator something and when he was called home not only would not come back, but went
farther away?"

4025. Ovid (Pent. 1. 1. Elea. 4.) said:

Et grave magnanimi robur mirate Rutili, Non cui reditus conditione dati: Smyrna vitum
tenuit

Rutilius his fortitude admire, Who being called home, had rather still retire; In banishment at
Smyrna than return; For Sulla's proffer he alone did scorn.

4026. Alexander, son of Ptolemy Alexander, previous king of Egypt fled from Mithridates. He
was turned over by the Chians to Sulla who entertained him and had him as a close friend.
Alexander went along with Sulla from Asia into Greece and from there to Rome, (Appian. 1. 1.
Bell, civil, p. 414. Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 225. fin.)

4027. Alexander Jannaeus led his army against Essa or Gerasa, where Theodoras, son of Zeno,
had stored everything he had of greatest value. After he had surrounded the place with a triple
wall, he finally captured it. (Joseph. 1. 13. Antiq. c. 23. cf c. 21. & 1. 1. Bell. c. 3, 4.)

4028. L. Muraena with the two Fimbrian (or Valesian) legions, was left behind by Sulla to
arrange matters in Asia. (Appian. p. 213.) Julius Exuperantius says this concerning Sulla:

vv He left Muraena, his lieutenant over the province and appointed him over the Valesian soldiers
whose loyalty to the civil wars he was unsure of. With the other part of the army he marched
away to suppress the Marian faction which had revolted."

4029. That author wrote this passage as happening before Sulla started the war with Mithridates.
At that time there was no Valesian or Fimbrian legions. These did not exist until after the war
was ended.

4030. L. Lucullus was left as governor in Asia with Munaera the praetor. He behaved so
discreetly while he had the command of the province, that he got much credit for it. (Cicero in
Lucullo.) Lucullus was kept busy in Asia and was not involved in the fighting of Sulla and
Marius in Italy. (Plutarch, in civil. Vita.)

4031. Sulla sailed with his fleet from Ephesus and arrived the 3rd day at Pyraeeum. After he had
performed his religious duties, he went to the library of Apellicon the Teian who had many rare
books of Aristotle and Theophrastus. (Plutarch in Sulla.) Apellicon was rich and had purchased
Aristotle's library and many other good libraries beside. He got also into his hands by stealth
from Metroum, the temple of the Phrygian goddess, the originals of the decrees which were
published by their ancestors. From other cities he gathered whatever was either ancient or secret
and valued as a rarity. (Athenaus, 1. 5. c. 1. ex Posidon. Apameno.) For all this, he was a person
who was more enamoured with the sight of the books than the study of them. He had purchased

for a large sum of money from the heirs of Nileus Scepsius, the books of Aristotle and
Theophrastus. Many were spoiled by water and were worm eaten. He repaired those places
which were eaten out and he transcribed the books again. He supplied the missing passages as
best he could so that the books he had were full of errors. When he died, Sulla took his library
(Strabo, 1. 13. p. 609.) and enriched his own library at Rome with it. (Lucian. in 1. adversus
indoctum.)

4032. Mithridates returned to Pontus and quickly subdued many of those countries which had
revolted from him when he was in his low estate. (Memnon, c. 37.) He started with the Colchi.
When they saw him marching toward them, they desired that his son Mithridates might be
appointed king over them. As soon as this was done, they returned to their obedience. The king
was jealous that his son's ambition was the cause of that action and recalled him. He bound him
with chains of gold for a while and not long after this he killed him. Thus was in spite of the
outstanding service he had done for him in Asia against Fimbria. (Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 213,
214.)

4033. When Sulla was at Athens, he became sick and his feet numb. Hence he sailed to Adipsus
and he used the hot baths there. He passed his time watching stage plays. (Plutarch in Sylla.)

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4034. Sulla arrived with his army at Brundusium, in the 174th Olympiad. (Appian. Bell. Civil. 1.
1. p. 401.) when L. Scipio and C. Corbanus were consuls. (Livy 1. 83. Julius Obsequens
deprodigiis, Eutroplus, 1. 5.) He returned into Italy, on the 4th year after leaving and not after the
5th year, as Julius Obsequens stated.

4035. When the Thebans revolted from Ptolemy Lathurus, he waged war against them. (Pausan.
in Attic, p. 8.)

4036. L. Lucullus was very desirous to have the Mitylenians, who had publicly revolted from
Sulla, to acknowledge their fault and to submit to some easy punishment for following Manius.
When he saw they grew more furious with this suggestion, he attacked them with his fleet and
defeated them. They were forced to retire within their walls. While he attacked the town in the
daytime he sailed in plain view toward Elea. He came back again secretly in the night and after
he cast anchor, he placed an ambush near the city. The Mitylenians came rushing from the town
in great disorder and very furiously. They intended to seize the enemy camp because they
thought the enemy had deserted it. Lucullus attacked them before they knew what happened and
captured a large number of prisoners. He killed any that resisted and led away 6000 as slaves
and took with him much plunder. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4037. Mithridates provided a fleet and a large army to go against the Bosphoranes, who had
revolted from him. The preparation he made was so considerable, that most thought (as Cicero
intimates, in Oration prolege Manilia) he never intended to make use of it against the
Bosphorans but against the Romans. For he had not surrendered to Ariobarzines the whole of
Cappadocia but kept some places of it for himself. He also suspected that Archelaus when he
was in Greece, had granted more to Sulla than was fitting in the articles of peace. (Appian. in
Mithridatic. p. 214.) Archelaus hurried away in fear to L. Murena and by his instigation
prevailed with him to wage war on Mithridates before he did. (Appian in his Mithridatic).

Archelaus defected to Sulla, whose deputy Murena was in Asia. (Dio 1. 39.) Orosius stated (1. 6.
c. 2.) that he and his wife and children defected to Sulla. Hence little credit in this matter should
be give to Memnon, who stated that Archelaus stayed with Mithridates and stood with him in
the last Mithridatic war. (See note on 3919 AM)

4038. L. Murena had a burning desire for a triumph and renewed the war with Mithridates.
(Livy 1. 86. Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 213.) He passed through Cappadocia and he invaded
Comana, the largest city under Mithridates' command. It was famous for its religion and costly
temple. He killed some of the king's cavaliers. (Appian. in his Mithridatic p. 214.)

4039. Mithridates sent ambassadors to Murena. These were Greek philosophers and rather
condemned the king than commended him in their pleading the articles of peace concluded with
Sulla. Murena denied that he ever saw any such covenants. Sulla never wrote any but was
content with the performance of what was agreed on between them and so left the country. After
this, Murena started plundering and not sparing the money which was consecrated for holy uses.
He made his winter quarters in Cappadocia. He established the kingdom more securely for
Ariobarzanes than ever it was and built the city, Ecinina, on the frontiers of Mithridates'
kingdom. (Memnon p. 38. Appian. p. 214.)

3921b AM, 4631 JP, 83 BC

4040. There was a mutual enmity of the Seleucians among the Syrians of both the kings. The
kingdom of Syria was quite exhausted by a futile war. Therefore the people looked to foreign
kings for help. Some thought to ask for help from Mithridates, king of Pontus, others to invite
Ptolemy from Egypt but thought better of it. Mithridates was engaged already in a war with the
Romans and Ptolemy was always a professed enemy to Syria. Hence they decided on Tigranes,
king of Armenia. In addition to his own strength at home, he was allied with the Parthians and
with Mithridates. He was called into the kingdom of Syria and held it 18 years (Justin. 1. 40. c. 1.
& 2.) until the time that Pompey took it from him and added it to the Roman Empire.

4041. 14 of those 18 years, Magadates was over Syria with an army, as Tigranes' viceroy, until
the time he was forced to march away with that army to help his king. After the defeat of
Tigranes, the kingdom of Syria was given by Lucullus to Antiochus Asiaticus. (Appian. in
Syriac. p. 118, 119 & 133.) In the interim, Antiochus Pius, the father to Asiaticus who was
dispossessed by Tygranes of Syria as far as from the Euphrates River to the sea shore and by
him dispossessed also of part of Cilicia. He stayed close for a while in another part of Cilicia
which neither Tigranes nor the Romans meddled with. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 243. Justin. 1.
40. c. 2.) His wife Selene with her two sons, reigned in Phoenicia and some other parts of lower
Syria. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 13 c. ult, Cicero in Verrem 1. 4.)

4042. Mithridates sent both to the senate and to Sulla to complain of Murena, (Appian. p. 214.)
He and Murena sent ambassadors to oppose each other and asked the Heraclians for supplies.
They saw the dreadful power of the Romans on the one side and they feared the closeness of
Mithridates on the other side. They told the ambassadors that in such a storm of war as this, it
was all they could do to protect their homes much less help others. (Memnon. c. 38.)

4043. Alexander Jannaeus captured Gaulana and Seleucia. (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 23.)

3922a AM, 4631 JP, 83 BC

4044. L. Murena crossed over the large Halys River when it was swollen by heavy rains and
captured 400 of Mithridates' villages. The king did not oppose him since he expected the return
of his ambassadors from Rome. When Murena thought he had obtained enough booty, he
returned back again into Phrygia and Galatia. Callidius who was sent to Murena from Rome
after Mithridates' complaints, gave him no decree of the senate. Instead he publicly denounced
him that he should not molest the king who was a confederate with the Romans. After this, he
took him aside and in the presence of others, talked with him privately. In spite of this, Murena
continued to invade the frontiers of Mithridates. (Appian, p. 214, 215.)

3922b AM, 4632 JP, 82 BC

4045. Some advised Murena to invade Sinope and attempt to capture the king's palace. For once
that was taken, the other places would be subdued without any difficulty. However, Mithridates
had well fortified that place with garrisons and now started to take action. (Memnon . c. 38.) He
ordered Gordius to attack the neighbouring villages, while he got together many cattle, wagons
and countrymen as well as soldiers and camped on the other side of the bank, opposite to
Murena's camp. Neither side fought until Mithridates had come with a larger army and then
there was a bloody fight between them. The king crossed over the river in spite of Murena's
fighting. He defeated Murena and forced him to retreat to a naturally fortified hill and to hurry
quickly through the mountains to get to Phrygia. He lost many of his men in both the flight and
the fight. (Appian. p. 215.)

4046. News of this so famous and quick victory spread quickly. When they heard the news,
many sided with Mithridates. He drove out of Cappadocia, all of Murena's garrisons of soldiers
and he made a great bonfire on the top of a high hill, after his country's custom. He offered
sacrifices to Stratiw Dii, or to Jupiter, "powerful in war." (Appian. p. 215.)

3923a AM, 4632 JP, 82 BC

4047. L. Cornelius Sulla was appointed dictator so that he might restore the state to its ancient
customs. He allowed M. Tullius and Cornelius Dolobella to be elected as consuls although he
was in charge of everything and over them too. (Appian. 1. 1. Bell, civil, p. 412.) In the
beginning of their consulship he triumphed gloriously over King Mithridates (Eutrop 1. 5.)
February 3rd as it appears by the pieces of the marble on which the triumph was engraved. This
day occurred in the Julian month of November. Although that triumph was very great in regard
to the stateliness of it and rarity of the spoils they had taken from the king, yet it was made more
excellent by the exiles. For the most eminent men and chief of the city wore crowns on their
heads and attended Sulla's chariot. They called him their deliverer and their father since by his
means they were brought back to their native country and had their wives and children restored
to them. (Plutarch in Sulla.)

4048. There is one thing Sulla deserved commendation for. When he resigned the command in
Asia, he rode in triumph, he did not have around him anyone from the towns belonging to the
Romans, as he did of many cities in Greece and Asia. (Valer. Maximus, 1. 8. c. 8.) Sulla
transferred 30,000 pounds of gold and 7000 of silver to the treasury which his son C. Marius had
brought after the burning of the capital and other devoted places to Praeneste. He also the day

before transferred all the other spoils of the victory 50,000 pounds of gold and 150,000 of silver.
(Pliny 1. 33. c. 1.) From this it is obvious that the triumph lasted for 2 days.

4049. After Alexander Jannaeus had subdued the valley, called Antiochus' valley and the fort
Gamala, he put Demetrius as governor of those places beside his command there. He had
received many accusations against him. At just the end of the third year of his expedition, he led
his army home again. The Jews gave him a hearty welcome home for his good success. At this
time the Jews kept many of the cities of the Syrians, Idumaeans and Phoenicians near the sea
coast. These were the towns of Straton, Apollonia, Joppe, Jamnia, Azotus, Gaza, Anthedon,
Raphia, Rhinocorura. In the Mediterranean region in the country of Idumaea, Adora, Mansia,
Samaria the mountains also of Carmel and Itabyr. Besides these were Scythopolis, Gadara,
Gaulanitis, Seleucia and Gabala. Some Moabite cities also were Essebon, Medeba, Lemba,
Oronas, Telithon, Zara, Aulon of Cilicia and Pella. The last of which they demolished because
the inhabitants refused to submit to the Jewish ceremonies. They occupied some other major
cities of Syria which they recently annexed to their kingdom. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 23.)

4050. L. Cornelius Sulla, thought it was unjust that Mithridates a confederate of Rome should be
bothered by war. He sent Aulus Gabinius to charge Murena in good earnest to stop fighting with
Mithridates and that he should try to reconcile Mithridates and Ariobarzanes to each other. At
that meeting, Mithridates had given his 4 year old son as an hostage to Ariobarzanes. This was
under a pretence while he still retained part of Cappadocia which he had garrisoned. He made a
general entertainment for the company. During this he offered a certain weight of gold to those
that could win at drinking or eating, jeering, singing and other solemn sports: Everybody
participated except Gabinius. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 215. 216.)

4051. Thus was the 2nd Mithridatic war ended in its 3rd year (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 215.
216.) In this war, Murena had done much injury to Mithridates. He withdrew leaving
Mithridates weaker but not crushed. Cicero said in his speech for Murena his son that he was a
help to his father in his difficulties, a comfort in his labours and a rejoicer in his victories.
Cicero (1. 1. against Vetres) stated that the people of Milesia on Murena's orders built 10 ships
from the revenues of the people of Rome as well as taxes from various Asian cities. This fleet
was to serve the Romans in all wars at sea. Asconius Pedianus noted this in the same book or the
Oration against Vertes.

4052. L. Lucullus spent the time of his quaestorship in the peace of Asia, while Murena was
waging war in Pontus. (Cicero in Lucullo.)

4053. Sulla recalled Murena from Asia. (Cicero prolege Manilia.) M. Thermus succeeded him in
the praetorship of Asia. (Sucton in Julio, c. 2.) It is likely that Lucullus was recalled from his
quaestership at the same time with Murena. We think this because he sat on the bench at Rome
with Aquillus Gallus who was the judge in Quintius' case. Aukus Gellius (1. 15. c. 28.) and
Hierom. (in Chronic.) said this was pleaded by Cicero in his 26th year when M. Tillius and Cn.
Colobella were consuls.

3923b AM, 4633 JP, 81 BC

4054. As soon as Alexander Jannaeus had a little relief from wars, he became sick with a fever
for 3 years. This was caused in part by his intemperance. In spite of this he kept up his military

activities. (Joseph. 1. 1. Bell. c. 4. & 1. 13. Antiq. c. 23.)

4055. When L. Murena came to Rome he was given an honourable triumph. His son graced his
triumph with some military presents. He had served under him while he was general and made
his father's victory and triumph the only purpose in his fighting. (Cicero pro Murena.)

4056. Mithridates was now at peace and subdued the Bosphorus and appointed Machares, one of
his sons, to be king over that country. (Appian. p. 216.)

4057. Molo, the rhetorician, came with ambassadors to the senate concerning the rewards for the
Rhodians. He was the first of any strangers that had audience without an interpreter. He
deserved that honour for the Roman's eloquence was indebted to him for that force and vigour
which it had. At that time, Cicero studied under him (Cicero in Bruto. Valerius Manimus, 1. 2. c.
2.) as he had done also some 6 years earlier. See note on 3917b «3763».

4058. Julius Caesar was sent by M. Thermus as praetor of Asia. He sent to Bithynia to get the
fleet and stayed a while with Nicomedes. It was rumoured that he had prostituted his chastity for
the king's lust. The rumour was strengthened when he returned again to Bithynia in a very short
time under the pretence of getting some money which was due to a certain free man who was
one of his clients. (Sueton. in Julio, c. 2.)

4059. Whenever L. Cornelius Sulla found among the slaves a strong young fellow, he made him
a free man. He freed more than 10,000 men and he called them Cornelians, after his name. His
plan was that he might have the loyalty of at least 10,000 in the city among the common people
to side with him in all emergencies. (Appian. 1. 1 Bell. Civil, p. 413. & 416.) Servius (on the
tenth of the Eneiods), thinks Polyhistor was one of those who were made free citizens by Sulla.
Alexander Polyhistor lived in Sulla's time and was made free and surnamed Cornelius. Suidas in
Alexandrwtw Milhsiw. confirms that he was named after his patron Cornelius Lentulus, to
whom he was sold and whose schoolmaster he was. For Suidas calls this grammarian Crateris'
scholar, Milesium whom Stephanus Byzantinus claimed to be the son of Aselepiades of
Cotyaeum, a city in the lesser Phrygia and to have written 42 books about all kinds of things.
Eusebius cites him (1. 9. Evangelic. Praparat. c. 17.) where also he cites many passages from the
book which Polyhistor wrote about the Jews.

4060. After Ptolemy Lathurus had subdued the Thebans in the 3rd year of their revolt, he fined
them so much that before this they were one of the richest cities in Greece but now they were
among the poorest. Pausanias (in his Atticks, p. 8.) stated this as if it belonged to the Boeotian
Thebes and not to the Egyptians. Whereas we have noted from Appian (Mithridatic, p. 190.)
how that almost at the very same time in which the Thebans revolted from Ptolemy that greater
Thebes of Boeotia, defected from Archelaus, Mithridates' general, to Sulla the Roman general.

4061. Ptolemy Lathurus, died not long after this, (Pausanias ut supra.) 6 years and 6 months
after the death of his brother Philometor. His daughter Cleopatra succeeded him and was viceroy
before with him. She was the wife of Ptolemy Alexander, who was the younger brother to
Lathurus and had killed his mother. She only reigned for 6 months. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb.
Scaliger. p. 225.) Pausanias stated that of all Lathurus' descendants, only Berenice was
legitimate, (ut supra) and she died before his father. He bastard son, Ptolemy, seized the
kingdom of Cyprus, Cleopatra and later her Novus Dionysius, or Auletes the kingdom of Egypt.

It may be that the one whom Porphyrius calls Cleopatra is the same one whom Pausanias calls
Berenice.

4062. Sulla sent Alexander back to Alexandria in Egypt to be their king. He was the son of that
Ptolemy Alexander and he had killed his mother. He was a good friend of Sulla and
accompanied him from Asia. There were no longer any male heirs and the women were forced
to marry brothers blood for their husband. Sulla hoped by this to get a good stash of gold from
that wealthy kingdom. (Appian. Bell. Civil. 1. 1 p. 414.)

4063. When C. Julius Caesar captured Mitylene, he was rewarded by M. Thermus, with "corona
civica", (Sueton in Julio c. 2.) Mitylene was demolished to the ground and it was the only city
which fighting after Mithridates was defeated. (Livy 1. 89.) So that noble city by the law of war
and right of conquest, was brought under the jurisdiction of the people of Rome. (Cicero in
Agraria. 2.)

3924 AM, 4634 JP, 80 BC

4064. After Alexander had lived with his new wife Cleopatra, queen of Egypt for 19 days, he
killed her. (Porphyr. ut supr.) Appian wrote that this king was very domineering and insolent
because he had the backing of Sulla. She was dragged out of his palace by the Alexandrians and
killed in the place of exercise. It appears from Suetonius and Cicero that he reigned 15 years
after the death of his wife. This refutes the common error of historians who begin the reign of
Ptolemy Auletes here and confound his years with the years of Alexander.

4065. Mithridates made raids on the Achaeans who were the neighbours to the Colchians and
were (as some think) descendants of those who returned from Troy. They came there when they
lost their way. They had lost two thirds of their army, one part to an ambush and the other to the
harshness of the weather. (Appian. p. 216.)

4066. When Mithridates returned home, he sent some to Rome to ratify the articles of the league
between him and Sulla. Ariobarzanes also sent others, either voluntarily or by the instigation of
others, to state that Cappadocia was not entirely controlled by him. Mithridates had kept back
the larger part for himself. Mithridates was ordered by Sulla to leave Cappadocia before the
articles should be ratified. (Appian p. 216.)

4067. After the province of Cilicia was established, Cn. Dolobella was sent there to be
proconsul. Cicero stated that in addition to the 3 territories of Pamphylia, Isauric and Cilicia,
were added 3 others in Asia. These were the Cibyntic, Synnadensian and Appameensean located
in the regions of Phrygia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. Dolobella brought along with him, C.
Malleolus as his quaester and C. Verres as his lieutenant. When they came as far as Delos,
Verres had some ancient images stolen at night and to be taken secretly from the temple of
Apollo and put aboard one of the cargo ships. A violent storm suddenly struck and Dolobella
could not possibly sail. He had much trouble even remaining at anchor in the harbour because
the huge waves beat against the ships. The ship that carried the images was wrecked by the
violence of the waves. The images of Apollo were found floating toward the shore. Dolobella
ordered that they should be returned to the temple. After that the storm let up and Dolobella
sailed from Delos. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, 1. 1.)

4068. Verres carried away some very beautiful images from Chios, Erythrae and Halicarnasus.
He took also from Tenedos, to the great grief of the city, the statue of Tenes which was also a
beautiful work. It is said that Tenes built the city and the city was named after him. (Cicero act.
2. in Verrem, 1. 1.)

4069. Verres requested Dolobella that he might be sent to the kings, Nicomedes of Bithynia and
Sadala of Thrace, who were allies of the people of Rome. He came to Lampsacus in the
Hellespont, where Rubrius, one of his pages attempted to bring to Verres the daughter of one
Philodamus, a most eminent citizen. The Lampsacens were stirred up by Themistagoras and
Thessalus and came in a crowd in the night to protect the virgin's chastity. In the resulting
uproar, Cornelius, Verres' lictor, was killed and some of his servants including Rubrius received
some injures. They had much trouble to prevent Verres' house from being burned. At Verres'
request, Dolobella, turned over the the war to him which at that time was managed by Dolobella
in Cilicia. Verres marched from that province into Asia and had C. Nero, who succeeded M.
Thermus in the praetorship of Asia, that Philodamus and his son be beheaded after being judged.
(Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, 1. 1. cf. Asconius Pedianus upon the same.)

3925a AM, 4634 JP, 80 BC

4070. Charidemus, a ship captain at Chius, was ordered by Dolobella to accompany Verres'
march from Asia. He came with him as far as Samos where Verres attacked the most ancient
temple of Juno of Samos and carried from there the pictures and the images. The Samians went
to the Chians and charged Charidemus with this sacrilege. However, he plainly showed it was
not his doing but Verres' action. Thereupon, ambassadors came from Samos to C. Nero in Asia
to complain about him. They were told that such complaints as these which concerned the
Roman delegate should not be handled by the praetor but by the Roman senate. (Cicero act. 2. in
Verrem, 1. 1.)

4071. The Milesians had a fleet which by a treaty with the Romans, the Romans could make use
of at any time. Verres demanded one of those ships to escort him to Myndus. They immediately
sent him the best ship they had. As soon as Verres arrived at Myndus, he ordered the soldiers
and the sailors to return to Miletum on foot by land and he sold the ship to L. Magius and L.
Fannius. They had left Marius' army and came to live at Myndus but later they sided with
Sertorius and Mithridates. The captain of the ship told what Verres had done and the Milesians
had a declaration to be entered into the public registry. However, Cn. Dolobella, by Verres'
request, did his best to have the captain and they that made the declaration punished. In addition,
he ordered that the declaration be removed from the records. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, 1. 1. cf.
Asconius Pedianus upon him.)

4072. C. Malleolus, C. Dolobella's quaester, was killed in the war. Verres immediately assumed
the office of quaester from Dolobella. When he had that office, he began to steal Asia's wealth.
(Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, 1. 1.)

3925b AM, 4635 JP, 79 BC

4073. When the provinces were assigned to the consuls, Cilicia was given to Servilius and
Macedonia to Appius. Claudius Servilius went to Tarentum to visit his colleague who was sick.
He journeyed to the city of Corycum, (Salust. Histora. 1. 1. apud Priscian. 1. 15.) and was

ordered to go to subdue the pirates. Under the leadership of Isidorus, they sailed about in the
adjacent sea, between Crete, Cyrene, Achaia and the creek of Malea. From the plunder they got,
the sea was called the Golden Sea. (Flor. 1. 3. c. 6.) Julius Caesar served under Servilius for a
very short time (Sueton. in Julio, c. 3.) and L. Flaccus was the tribune of the soldiers. (Cicero
pro Flacco.)

4074. Cn. Dolobella was recalled home from his province of Cilicia and accused of extortion at
Rome by a young man, M. Emilius Scaurus. He was condemned and sent away into banishment.
The amount was estimated at 3 million sesterces based on this. His quaester C. Verres had
exacted more than was required from the cities of Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Phrygia in
grain, hides, fur clothes, sacks and such wares. He did not receive the goods but demanded
money for them. Verres was the main witness against him. For Verres was unwilling to give
account of his lieutenantship and his questorship until such time that Dolobella, who was the
only one who knew his faults, was condemned and bannished. (Cicero, act. 2. in Verre 1. 1. Vid.
Piphis Annal. Rom. torn. 3. p. 280, 281. & 286. 287.)

3926a AM, 4635 JP, 79 BC

4075. Alexander Jannaeus died in the garrisons from his fever and exhausion from his battles.
He reigned 27 years. At that time, he was besieging Ragaba citadel which is located beyond
Jordan. On his death bed, he advised his wife Alexandra, to hide his death for a while from the
soldiers and that after she returned victorious to Jerusalem, she should give the Pharisees a little
more freedom than normal. The Pharisess had a large influence on the Jews, when they wanted
to, either as a friend or as an enemy. The common people placed much confidence in them,
though they were prone through envy to impeach any man. Alexander was disliked by the Jews
because he had offended the Pharisees. Therefore, he persuaded her that she should yield that
they might have his funeral and that she would not do anything in matters of government
without their knowledge and approval. Hence he would receive an honourable burial and she
and her son would reign without problems. (Joseph 1. 1. Bell. Judaic, c. 4. & 1. 13. Antiq. c. 23.
cf. 1. 20. c. 8.)

3926b AM, 4636 JP, 78 BC

4076. Queen Alexandra, also called Selena by ecclesiastical writers, captured the citadel of
Ragaba. She did everything her husband requested. She let the Pharisees make the funeral
arrangements and control the kingdom. Thereby she made them her friends who before were her
worst enemies. The Pharisees assembled the common people and made a speech to them. They
praised the famous exploits of Alexander and bemoaned what a good king they had lost. They so
affected the people that they all grieved in their hearts and cried. No king before him had such a
stately funeral. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 24.)

4077. When Alexander was dying, he made his will. He left the administration of the kingdom
to his wife Alexandra and also the election of the high priest to her discretion. She declared
Hyrcanus, her oldest son, as high priest. She did not do this because he was the oldest but he
was quite pliable and would not threaten her power in any way. Her younger son, Aristobulus,
was quite content to live as a private citizen and he had a more fiery disposition than his brother.
She governed the kingdom for 9 years, while her son Hyrcanus held the high priesthood. She
was very gracious with the people because of the favour she was in with the Pharisees and she

seemed to be greatly troubled by her husband's excesses. She was a queen in name only for the
Pharisees managed all the state affairs. The people were expressly charged to obey them. So
that, she restored all the laws which Hyrcanus her father-in-law had set aside that were made by
the Pharisees according to the traditions of their elders. The Pharisees ordered the recall of all
the exiles and for the release of prisoners. She managed some things and directly maintained a
large number of mercenary soldiers. She increased her strength so much that she was a
formidable force to the neighbouring princes and took hostages from them. (Josephus Antiq. 1.
13. c. 24. cf. 1. 26. c. 8. & 1. 1. Belli, c. 4.)

4078. Mithridates restored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes according to Sulla's orders. After this
he sent embassies to Rome to get the articles of the peace to be ratified. (Appian. p. 216.)

4079. When M. Lepidus, and Q. Catulus were consuls, Sulla died. (Livy 1. 90. Appian. 1. 1. Bell.
Civil, p. 416.) He finished the 22nd book of his commentaries, two days before his death. He
said that the Chaldeans had foretold to him that after he had lived very splendidly for a while, he
would die in the height of his greatness. (Plutarch in Sulla.) He bequeathed in his will his
commentaries to Lucullus. On his death bed, he appointed him as the guardian to his son and did
not appoint Pompey. This was thought to be the cause of the animosity between Pompey and
Lucullus in the desire for greatness. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4080. M. Cicero had been 6 months at Athens with Antiochus Ascalonita. He was a most
famous and wise philosopher of the ancient academies and along with Demetrius Syrus, a well
experienced and extaordinary orator. When Cicero heard of Sulla's death, he sailed into Asia and
travelled across that country. He exercised his gift of oratory with the best orators in those parts.
The best of them were, Menippus a Stratonician (surnamed Catocas of Caria) Dionysius
Magnes, Aeschylus a Cnidian and Xenocles an Adramyttean. (Cicero in Bruto, & Plutarch in
Cocerone cf. Strabo 1. 13. p. 614. & 1. 14. p. 660. and with Diogenes Latertius in Menippo.)

4081. At the same time, a certain woman of Miletum was sentenced to death, for she had
induced an abortion by some medicines. She was paid to do this by those who were the second
heirs of her estate. She got what she deserved for by that action she destroyed her hope of being
a parent. Her name would not be carried on and she would not have the support of a son or
daughter, the heir of a family and in all likelihood, a citizen of the state. (Cicero pro Aulo
Cluentio.)

4082. P. Servilius, the proconsul, subdued Cilicia. He overwhelmed the pirates' lightly armed
ships with his large warships and obtained a bloody victory over them. (Livy 1. 90. Flor. 1. 3. c.
6. Eutrop. 1. 6.) He attacked Cilicia and Pamphylia with such force that he almost utterly
destroyed them when he only wanted to subdue them. (Oros. 1. 5. c. 23.)

4083. When Julius Caesar heard of the news of Sulla's death, he left Cilicia and returned quickly
to Rome. (Sueton in Julio, c. 3.)

4084. When Sulla was dead, Mithridates heard nothing from the magistrates at Rome
concerning his embassy he sent to the senate. The king bribed Tigranes, his son-in-law, to
invade Cappadocia. The plot was not done that secretly since the Romans had an idea of what
was going on. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 216.) Salust (1. 1 histor.) mentions L. Philippus, in a
speech of his at that time before the senate against Lepidus. He said this:

vv Mithridates lies at the borders of our revenues which while we yet enjoy, he is watching for an
opportunity to make war on us."

3927a AM, 4636 JP, 78 BC

4085. Tigranes surrounded Cappadocia so none could escape from him. He brought away with
him from there about 300,000 men and carried them into Armenia and gave them places with
others to live. One place was the city where he was crowned king of Armenia called
Tigranocerta, that is, the city of Tigranes. (Id. ibid.) He built that city between Iberia and
Zugma, which lies near the Euphrates River and populated with those men he deported from the
12 cities of Greece which he had conquered. (Strabo, 1. 11. p. 532.) In that city there was a
number of Greeks who were driven out of Cilicia and many barbarians who shared the same fate
as the Greeks. He resettled the Adiabenians, Assyrians, Gordyens and Cappadocians there after
he had wasted their various countries. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) At this same time as he wasted
Cappadocia with his raids, he drove the Mazacenians from their land. He deported them to
Mesopotamia and populated the larger part of Tigranocerta with those inhabitants. (Strabo, 1. 12.
c. 539.)

4086. Geminus, an excellent mathematician, wrote his book of astronomy from which Proclus'
Sphaere is taken. Geminus' book was written 120 years after the Egyptians celebrated the
festival of Isia. This happened according to Eudoxus on the winter solstice or the 28th of
December. (Strabo c. 6. See note on 3807a AM «3012».)

3927b AM, 4637 JP, 77 BC

4087. When M. Cicero came to Rhodes, he studied under Molon whom he had previously heard
at Rome. Molon was an excellent lawyer for honest causes and a good writer. He was also very
discreet in correcting and noting faults and a wise instructor. In teaching Cicero, he did the best
he could to keep Cicero on the right way and to repress in him his youthful licentiousness and
excesses. (Cicero in Bruto.)

4088. At the same time Apollonius, a great teacher of oratory became famous. Strabo surnames
him Mklakos, or "the soft", and others called him, Molo. This is the reason that some, including
Quintilian (1. 12. c. 6.) confused him with the other Molon. They were both Alabandians from
Caria and students of Menecles the Alabandsan. They both came from his school and practised
their art at Rhodes. Molon came there later than the other and this was the reason why
Apollonius named him like Homer, Osyimolan (Strabo, 1. 14. p. 655, 660, 661.) Cicero always
called one of them Molon and the other (1. 1. de oratore) he called Apollonius the Alabandian.
M. Antonius is brought in speaking of him thus:

vv For this one thing, I have always liked that famous teacher, Apollonius the Alabandian.
Although he taught for money, yet he did not allow any whom he thought incapable of being
made an orator, to waste their time with him but sent them home again. His custom was to
exhort and persuade everyone to apply himself to that art whom he judged most fit and inclined
to it."

4089. It is reported about Apollonius, that he was not well versed in Latin and he desired Cicero

to speak in Greek. Cicero was satisfied with the request and thought that Apollonius would be
better able to correct his mistakes. While others stood in amazement and admired Cicero and
others strived to out do one another in praising him, Apollonius was noted not to look cheerfully
anytime while Cicero was speaking. When he had finished speaking, Apollonius thought for a
good time and looked as if he were musing and pensive. At last, when he knew that Cicero
noted his behaviour he said:

vv Truly, Cicero I commend and admire you. Yet I cannot but pity Greece's condition when I see
that the only two things of value which were left to us, learning and eloquence, also should be
by you carried away to the Romans." (Plutarch in Cicero.)

4090. Cicero heard Posidonius, the philosopher at Rhodes, as Plutarch stated and Cicero
includes himself in those that were taught by him. (in 1. 1. de natura Deorum, & 1. de fato.)
Posidonius was a philosopher of the Stoic sect and was born at Apamea in Syria. In time he was
made a citizen of Rhodes. He was called a Rhodian. (Strabo, 1. 14. p. 654. Athenaeus 1. 6. c. 6.)
However, Josephus wrote that Posidonius and Apollonius of Malon, or Molon (as it is written
elsewhere) gave Apion the grammarian the material for those stories concerning the Jews and
their temple. (1. 2. contra Apion, p. 1065.) By the name of the first, he means this Posidonius the
Apamenian, Cicero's teacher in the Stoic philosophy, from the books of whose histories, we
have quoted so many passages previously. By the name of the latter he means that Apollonius
whom we spoke last of or rather that Molon his equal. Cicero (in his Bruto) stated that Molon
was among the writers and by some he is deemed to be one and the same person with that
Apollonius.

4091. P. Servilius, the proconsul in Cilicia, subdued some cities of the pirates. (Livy 1. 93.) He
demolished the city Isaura and destroyed many forts which the pirates held along the sea coast.
Strabo says that he had seen Servilius. (1. 12. p. 568, 569. & 1. 14. p. 665.) He took Lycia also
and its cities of note. He besieged them and forced them to surrender. In addition, he roved all
over the mountain of Olympus and levelled to the ground three large cities, Olympus, Phaselis
and Corycum. He was the first of any Romans that led an army through the Taurus Mountains.
He made it the end of his march and controlled the side of the mountains which faced Cilicia.
He brought the Isauri who were quite worn out from the wars, under the power of the Romans.
(Oros. 1. 5. c. 23. cf. Floras, 1. 3. c. 6. & Salust. 1. 1. Histor. apud Priscianum 1. 15. & Asconuis
Pedianus, in 3. Verrinam & Eutropius. 1. 6.) Cicero in his first and second Agraria, confirmed
that the countries of the Attalians, Phaselians, Olympians, Agarenses, Orindians and Gedusians
were added to the people of Rome by Servilius' victory. Cicero (in 40 contra Verrim 1.) adds this
passage particularly concerning Phaselis. Phaselis which P. Servilius took was not at first a city
of Cilicians and thieves. The Lycians, who were Greeks, lived there. Since it had a good
location and was so high and strong, the pirates who came from Sicily resorted there. The
pirates were associated with that town, first by commerce, and later by an alliance.

3928 AM, 4638 JP, 76 BC

4092. L. Magius and L. Fannius were renegades from Fimbria's army and allied themselves with
Mithridates. They persuaded him to ally himself with Sertorius who was then fighting to subdue
a Spanish rebellion against the Romans. Mithridates sent these two men as his ambassadors with
letters to Sertorius and promised him a supply of money and ships for the war and in return he
wanted him to confirm all of Asia to him. Mithridates had surrendered Asia to the Romans
according to the articles of peace between him and Sulla.

4093. The ambassadors came to Italy in that small ship which the Mindians bought from Verres.
From there they hurried to get to Sertorius. The senate declared them as enemies to the state and
ordered them to be apprehended. In spite of all that they came safely to Sertorius. He assembled
his friends and called the meeting his senate. He would not allow those conditions although all
the rest were favourable. He denied that he would ever give away Asia which Mithridates had
unjustly taken from the Romans and Fimbria had recaptured in war. He referred back to the
articles with Sulla which said Asia should never be under Mithridates' power again. Sertorius
would allow Mithridates to keep Bithynia and Cappadocia, which had always been under his
command and did not at all belong to the people of Rome. An alliance based on the following
terms was concluded between them and confirmed by mutual oaths. Mithridates should supply
Sertorius with 3000 talents and 40 ships. Sertorius in return should make him a grant of
Cappadocia and Bithynia. (In addition Appian adds, Paphlagonia and Galatia and even all Asia.)
Sertorius should send him a general and soldiers. Sertorius sent to Asia, M. Marius as a general
for Mithridates. (Appian calls him, Varius.) He was one of the banished senators. He sent with
him Lucius Magius and Lucius Fannius to be his advisers. They sailed from Dianiusm, a sea
town of Spain and arrived at Sinope in Pontus where Mithridates was. When they told the king
that Sertorius had denied him Asia, the king said to his friends:

vv What will Sertorius sitting in his palace demand after this? Although he is as far away from us
as the Atlantic Ocean, he thinks he can set the boundaries of our kingdom and denounce us if we
should attempt to recapture Asia?"

4094. In spite of all this, Marcus Marius made a league with him agreeable to Sulla's peace
treaty. The king kept Marius with himself and in a very short time made him a general in the
place of Archelaus who had deserted him and defected to Sulla. (Cicero, pro lege Manilia. & pro
Murena, item. act. in Verrem, 1. 1. cf. Asconius Pedianus in eundem. Livy 1. 93. Plutarch in
Sertorio. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 216, 217. Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.)

4095. The capital was rebuilt which was destroyed 7 years earlier by fire along with the books
of Sibylla. C. Curio, the consul, asked the senate that some ambassadors should be sent to
Erythrae, who were to get the Sibylla's verses again and bring them to Rome. P. Gabinius, M.
Otacillius and L. Valerius were sent on that errand. They got those verses transcribed by private
hands and brought them to Rome. Curio and Octavius, the consuls, stored them in the capital
which was repaired again by Q. Catulus. (Fenestella, quoted by Lactantius, 1. 1. institut. c. 6. &
1. de ira Dei c. 22.) Based on this account, Varro says that Etythrae's was believed to have
written those books of the Sibylla which the Romans had copied. He thinks this because those
verses were found on the island of Erythaea after Apollo's temple was burned where the books
were normally kept. If we may credit Servius. (in Aeneid. 6.) For the temple which was burnt
was not Apollo's but Jupiter Capitolinus' temple. After the temple was repaired, ambassadors
were sent by order of the senate to Erythrae in Asia to get those verses transcribed. However
those books which were afterward still extant and were brought to Rome. These came not only
from Erythrae but also they were procured from other Italian and Greek cities. In addition they
were found in private men's libraries under whatever name the Sibylla's books went by. In these
books were many things that were found to be suppositions. The differences in the books were
called acrostics. This we determine from Varro's own books of divine things as related by
Dionysius Halicarnasseus, (1. 4. Antiquit. Roman) and by Lactantius Firmianus. (1. 1. in Instit. c.
6.) Tacitus (1. 6. Annal.) declared that:

vv Where the verses of Sibylla differed, the correct rendering was contended for in Samos, Troy,
Erythrae and through all Africa, Sicily and the Italian colonies. The priests were responsible to
take all the care that mortal men could take, to discover the true from the false."

4096. Pliny (Natural History, 1. 2. c. 35.) stated that in the time when Cn. Octavius and Cn.
Scribonius Curio were consuls, Licinius Syllanus proconsul and his company saw a spark fall
from a star. It increased in size as it came nearer the earth and became as large as the moon and
gave off as much light as if it had been a cloudy day. When it went up toward the heaven again
it grew into the shape of a lamp. Since Syllanus is not a Roman surname, Pigvius thought that
instead of Licinius Syllanus in Pliny it should be L. Junius Syllanus. Junius, who about this
time, was sent with the authority of a proconsul into Asia to replace Cn. Nero, with his company
and may have been eye witnesses of this sign.

3929a AM, 4638 JP, 76 BC

4097. Nicomedes King of Bithynia died without any descendants and gave his kingdom to the
people of Rome in his will. Thereupon his kingdom was reorganised into a province. (Livy 1. 93.
Vellei. Patercul. 1. 2. c. 4. & 39. Appian. 1. 1. Bell. Civil, p. 420, & Mithridatic. p. 175. & 218.)
Concerning this, Mithridates' complaint about the Romans in a letter to Arsaces said this: (1. 4.
Salust. histor.)

vv After Nicomedis was dead, they rifled all Bithynia, notwithstanding his son Musa whom he
made king and was beyond all question alive then."

4098. In the same year, which ended the 176th Olympiad, the Romans added Cyrene to their
empire. Ptolemy Apion, its king and who was of the family of Lagidarus, bequeathed it to the
Romans. (Appian in his 1. 1. bell, civil, p. 420.) Appian adding at the end of books on the
Mithridatic s, that this king was a bastard of the family of the Lagi. Appian showed that he was
the same person as Justin related (1. 39. c. 5.) to be the son of a courtesan and who turned over
Cyrene to the Romans. However he added that part of Lybia was made a province whereas we
have learned before from Livy (See note on 3908 AM «3700») that after Ptolemy Apion's
death, the senate of Rome enfranchised all the cities of the kingdom of Cyrene. It seems at that
time, they may have received their grant of freedom but now were established as a province. At
that time:

vv Ptolemy, the king of Cyrene on his death bed, made the Romans his heirs in his will in the first
year of the 171st Olympiad."

4099. After this:

vv Lybia was left to the Romans as a legacy by King Apion."

4100. This was in the 4th year of the 178th Olympiad, as Hierom has noted, (in Chronico
Eusebiano.) This was almost 1 1 years later than Appion's accounts here require. Eutropius has
related this very thing 9 years later at the time of Caecilius Metellus' Cretian triumph. At that
time, (as he says in the sixth of his Breviary) he stated"

"Lybia also was annexed to the Roman empire by the last will of Apion, who was its king.
Berenice, Ptolemais and Cyrene, were its largest cities."

4101. Jornandes, (in 1. de regn. & tempor. succes.) wrote about this matter.

"Lybia, that is to say, all Pentapolis was granted to the Romans by that first Ptolemy. It later
rebelled and in Apion's last will it was given to the people of Rome."

4102. Before him, Sixtus Rufus in his Breviary stated:

"We were beholden to Ptolemy the elder's bounty for Cyrene and the other cities of Lybia's
Pentapolis. Lybia came to be ours by King Apion's last will and testament,"

4103. Ammianus Marcellinus followed him.

"We obtained the dryer parts of Lybia by King Appian's last will. Ptolemy gave us Cyrene and
the other cities of Lybia's Pentapolis."

4104. The learned Valerius noted on this event, who explained this history. He denied that there
were two Ptolemy Apions. In addition Cicero (in 2 Agrarias) mentioned the

"Cyrenian lands which were Apion's."

4105. Cornelius Tacitus (Annal. 1. 14.) stated:

"The land which was once King Apion's and by him bequeathed to the people of Rome together
with his kingdom."

4106. The remainder of this summer, and the whole winter following, Mithridates spent in
preparation for war against the Romans. He cut timber, built ships and made arms. (Appian in
Mithridatic. p. 217.) He reduced his forces to the minimum and he sent away the rabble from the
multitudes. The barbarians stole all weapons that were guilded and set with precious stones.
Mithridates replaced these with swords similar to the Roman ones and made good substantial
shields. He assembled a well managed and experienced cavalry rather than those who were neat
and handsome. In addition, he built ships that were not guilded with Cabbius guild or baths for
courtesans or delicate rooms to keep his women in but were equipped with arms, arrows and
money. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He carried to sea 200 myriads of Medimna's of grain. He had
forces readily available in addition to his old forces: Chalibians, Armenians, Scythians,
Taurians, Acheians, Heniochians, Lencosyrians and those who live near the Thermodoon River
and were commonly called the land of the Amazons. His old forces came to him from Asia. He
had supplies also from beyond sea from Europe, Sarmatians, Basilians, Jazygians, Corallians,
Thracians and all the nations which lived around the Ister River and the mountains of Rhodope
and Aemus. The Basternians also helped him who were the most gallant men and bravest of
them all. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 217.)

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3929b AM, 4639 JP, 75 BC

4107. Julius Caesar was a young man of 25 years of age. He planned to sail to Rhodes with the
intention of studying under Apollonius Molon who was the most eminent teacher of oratory at
that time. On his way in the winter time, the pirates captured him near the island of Pharmacusa,
which lies near the Asian shore north of Miletum. The pirates were so well equipped with ships
that they controlled the seas. When the pirates demanded 20 talents from him for his ransom,
Caesar laughed at them because they did not know how important a man he was. He promised
that he would give them 50 talents. He immediately sent his companions and servants to the
cities of Asia to get the money for his release. He retained with him only a physician and two
others to attend to his personal needs. He was alone with these 3 for 38 days with a company of
Cilicians who were the most savage people in the world. He behaved himself so well that he
struck both a terror and a reverence into them. He did not remove his shoes or unclothed himself
in case there should happen to be some extraordinary change of appearance and they would
suspect him of something. He had no guard other than their eyes. Whenever he went to rest, he
sent one to them to tell them to be quiet. He would play and exercise with them as if they had
been in his retinue and not a prisoner of theirs. He wrote verses and orations which he spoke to
them. If any of them did not admire and applaud them, he would publicly call them dull fellows,
barbarians and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them. They were very well pleased
with his humour and attributed that freeness of his speech to his simplicity and youth. (Vellei
Patercul. 1. 2. c. 41. Sueton in Julio, c. 4. Plutarch in Caio. Casare.) It is reported that while he
was in custody he cried out:

vv O Crassus, how wilt thou be tickled in the heart, when thou shalt receive tidings of my
captivity." (Plutarch in M.Crasso.)

4108. The money from all the cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar. Caesar would not pay
the 50 talents until he had forced the pirates to release the hostages to the cities. After this, he
was placed on shore. The next night he got such a fleet as he could quickly assemble, and sailed
from the port of the Milesians. He went toward the same island where the pirates where still
anchored. He forced part of their fleet to flee and other ships he sank. He captured the rest of the
ships with their crews. He was overjoyed with the victory of the night's expedition and he
returned to his company the pirate's money he had seized as his own booty. He imprisoned the
pirates at Pergamos. When he had finished that, he went to Junius, the proconsul of Asia who
was in Bithynia. Junius had command of Asia and Bithynia which was recently established as a
province. He demanded that justice might be done on the captives and had them crucified. This
he had foretold the pirates when he was a prisoner and they though he was just joking. (Patercul.
1. 2. c. 42. Sweton. & Plutarch in M. Crasso.) Before he captured them, he had sworn that he
would crucify them. He first ordered their throats to be cut and then to be fastened to the cross.
(Sueton. c. 74.)

4109. As spring was arriving, the third Mithridatic war was started. It lasted for 1 1 and an half
years and ended with the death of Mithridates. Mithridates assembled all his fleets together and
sacrificed as was his custom to Jupiter, powerful in battle. He drowned his chariot and horses in
the sea as a sacrifice to Neptune. After this he hurried to Paphlagonia with Taxiles and
Hermocrates the generals of his army. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 217, 218.) He had in his army
120,000 (or 140,000 as Appian has it) foot soldiers who were trained according to Roman
discipline. He had 16,000 cavalry and 100 chariots with scythes. Another large company

followed the camp who were to guard the ways, carry burdens. (Plutach in Lucullo.)

4110. As soon as Mithridates arrived at Paphlagonia, he made an haughty speech to the soldiers.
When he saw that he had aroused their hatred of the Romans, he invaded Bithynia which was
recently bequeathed to the Romans by Nicomede's will. (Appian. p. 218.) Livy said that
Mithridates got it all into his hands (1. 93.) and Plutarch (in Lucullo) said that he was very
willingly greeted by all the cities of Bithynia.

4111. All Asia was most intolerably oppressed by the hard usages of money lenders and tax
collectors and it defected to Mithridates, (Plutarch in Lucullo) He with M. Marius or Varius
whom Sertorius had sent to him from Spain to be his general, captured some of its cities. When
they entered the cities, the king put Marius ahead of him with the rods and axes as if he were the
supreme magistrate. The king followed behind as if he were one of his officers. Some of the
cities he enfranchised upon his own terms. He granted to others the immunities but he said they
were not granted from him but from Sertorius. Thus Asia which was plagued before with the tax
collectors and oppressed by the covetousness and abuses of the garrisoned soldiers, began to be
encouraged by this change of government. (Plutarch, in Sertorio.)

4112. Julius Caesar saw what havock Mithridates made in the adjacent countries and was
ashamed to sit idly by when the allies were in such trouble. He left Rhodes where he had gone
and passed over to Asia. He assembled what forces he could and he drove the king's lieutenant
clear out of the province. By this he kept the cities loyal to Rome which before were wavering
and ready to revolt. (Sueton, in Julio, c. 4.) Although Junius whom the people of Rome had
appointed as their chief magistrate in Asia, hindered Mithridates very little in his undertakings
because he was a coward. (Vellei Patercul. 1. 2. c. 42.)

41 13. Eutropious and Orosius, (from Livy) state that P. Servilius ended the war in Cilicia and
Pamphylia within three years and because of this he was called "Isauricus". In Cicero (1. 3. in
Verrem ) (which speech is called, "Oratio Frumentaria") he is said to have commanded the army
for 7 years. Thereupon we have referred his first going into the province to the year before this
5th year in which also he was consul. Cicero (1. 5. contra. Verem), affirmed that this man took
more of the robber's commanders alive than all those had done who came before him. Among
the rest, he recaptured Nico, a famous pirate who had broken his chains and escaped with the
same gallantry that he had when he first took him prisoner. Ammianus Marcellinus (in 1. 14.
Historiar.) wrote:

vv Cilicia and Isauria were mutually engaged in a war of piracy and had some troops of land
robbers. Servilius the proconsul, made them submit to him and after that he made them a
tributary."

4114. Jornandes (1. de regnorum ac temporum succession), wrote that Servilius overcame
Pamphylia, Lycia, (or rather Cilicia, and Pisidia) and reduced them all to provinces. Octavius
who was this year's consul, was sent into the province of Cilicia. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4115. Wherever Servilius marched, it was a very pretty sight to see the various prisoners and
captives whom he carried along with him. People came flocking to him from all parts. They
came from the towns through which they marched and also from all the adjacent places on
purpose to see this. This pleased the people of Rome all the more and were more delighted with

this victory than with any that ever had been before. (Cicero, in Verrem, 1. 5.) In this triumph
also the various images and ornaments which he had taken away from the city Olympus after he
had taken it. They were carried on chargers in state that rode ahead of him in the triumph. All of
this he later had entered into the common records and brought into the treasury. The number,
size, shape and condition of those images were specified for each image. (Id. in eundem, 1. 1. &
Ascon. Pedianus ibid.) Valerius Maximus mentioned this triumph of Servilius. (1. 8. c. 5.)
Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Claudian the Poet, (in 1. 1 . in Eutropium,) say this of him.

vv Indomitos curru Servilius egit Isauros. Servilius charioted the untamed Isaures."

3930 AM, 4640 JP, 74 BC

41 16. M. Antonius, the father to M. Antonius who was in the triumvirate, obtained an unlimited
commission to guard all the Roman sea coasts. He obtained this by the favour of Cotta the
consul and Cethegus' faction from the senate. M. Antonius was a most vile person and his
wicked companions pillaged Sicily and all the provinces. (Cicero, act. 2. in Verrem. 1. 2.
Lactant. Institut. 1. I.e. 11. Ascon. Pedianus in Divinationem, and upon the previously
mentioned place of Cicero, contra Verrem.)

41 17. The province of Gaul Cisalpina was allotted to L. Lucullus the consul. However, when
Octavius died who held Cilicia, Lucullus by the means of Praecia, a common strumpet, made
Cathegus his friend. He had much authority in Rome and had the province of Cilicia assigned to
Lucullus. Since Cappadocia was close to Cilicia, they voted that Lucullus should undertake the
Mithridatic war. However, M. Cotta his colleague in the consulship, after much pleading
prevailed with the senate that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis and defend
Bithynia. (Plutarch in Lucullo) So both the consuls were sent to this war, the one to secure
Bithynia and the other to follow Mithridates in Asia. (Cicero pro Murana, Memnon c. 39.
Eutrop. lib. 6.) For that Lucullus the consul had not only Cilicia, but Asia also, (properly so
called) allotted to him. He had the command of it for 7 years. (Velleius Paterculus. 1. 2. c. 33.)

4118. Lucullus obtained a legion in Italy and crossed over with it into Asia. He added Fimbria's
legions and two other legions to his force. However these new additions were long since ruined
by luxury and covetousness. The Fimbrians had lived a long while without leadership and were
more intractable and impudent. However they were very warlike and skilled and experienced in
military undertakings. Lucullus reformed the one and calmed the fierceness of the other.
(Plutarch in Lucello. cf. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 219.) He did the best he could to punish
money lenders and the Roman tax collectors and make them more moderate in their dealings.
Their extortions had been the main reason Asia revolted. He put down all the rebellions of
various people when almost every country was in rebellion. (Plutarch in Lucello)

41 19. Mithridates had another numerous army on the march with 400 ships of 30 oars plus a
large number of smaller ships, which they commonly called Pentecouteri and Cercura. He sent
away Diophantus Matharus with a large force into Cappadocia to put garrisons into the cities. If
Lucullus intended to enter Pontus, he was to intercept and stop him. Mithridates kept with him
150,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 cavalry and 120 chariots with scythes which followed the cavalry.
He had a good supply of all sorts of war engines. With these he marched quickly through
Timonitis, Cappadocia and Galatia and within 9 days he reached Bithynia. Lucullus in the
meanwhile commanded Cotta to stay with all his fleet at a port of the Chalcedonians. (Memnon

c. 39.)

4120. Mithridates' fleet stayed by Heraclea in Pontus and were denied use of the harbour.
However, the citizens gave them access to their market. After some disputes between them as
are usual in those places, two of the most prominent men of Heraclea, Silenus and Satyrus were
carried away prisoners by them. They would be freed only on the following condition that they
should help Mithridates in this war against the Romans with 5 frigates. By this the Heracleans
lost favour with the Romans. The Romans had appointed in the other cities the public sale of the
citizens' goods. They also subjected Heraclea to sale. The tax collectors arrived who were to
carry out this business and started exacting money, contrary to the customs of the state. The
citizens grew very perplexed and viewed this action as a prelude to slavery. Thereupon when
they were in this state of affairs, they knew they would have to send an embassy to the Roman
senate and to ask their favour and to stop the sale of their goods. They, were persuaded by a bold
desperate fellow in the city. They murdered the tax collectors so secretly that no one knew of
their death. (Memnon. c. 40.)

4121. M. Cotta heard of the news of Lucullus coming and that he was already camped in
Phrygia and was very confident of victory over Mithridates. Cotta hurried to fight with
Mithridates before Lucullus could, so that Lucullus would not share the victory with him.
(Plutarch, on Lucello) Mithridates generals, Marius (or Varius) and Eumachus, assembled in a
short time a large army. They fought with P. Rutilius, M. Cotta's lieutenant at Chalcedon. In the
battle Rutilius was killed along with the best part of his army. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.) The Basternians
routed the Italian foot soldiers and killed many of them. (Memnon. c. 41.)

4122. Mithridates marched up to Chalcedon where the Romans came from all parts to Cotta.
Since Cotta was a novice soldier, he did not fight with him. However, Nudus, the admiral of his
fleet with a brigade of the army, took to the field where it was best fortified. They were beaten
off from there and fled back to the gate of Chalcedon. When they came to the gate, there was
such a crowd of them trying to get in, that those who chased them could not shoot an arrow for
fear of hitting their own troops. As soon as they let down the portcullis (iron lattice work in front
of the gate), for fear of the enemy, they drew Nudus and some other commanders up to them
with ropes. All the rest were killed in the midst of their friends and enemies. They held up there
hands to them to be drawn up also but to no purpose. (Appian.)

4123. Mithridates though it would be best to immediately follow up on this victory and move his
fleet toward the haven. When they had broken down the portcullis which was at the entrance of
the haven, they burned 4 of the enemy's ships. They took away another 60 by tying them to one
another's sterns. Neither Nudus nor Cotta, made any resistance but stayed secure within the
walls. In the battle, the Romans lost about 3000 men among whom was Lucius Manlius, a
senator. Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians who were the first that assulted the haven,
(Appian.) Plutarch tells us that Cotta lost on land 4000 foot soldiers besides those 60 ships with
their men. Memnon said that in one day the land and sea were most disgracefully filled with the
bodies of the Romans. 8000 were killed in the naval battle and 4500 were taken prisoners. 5300
of the army of Italian foot soldiers were killed. Mithridates' side, lost only about 30 Basternians
and 700 others from his whole company.

4124. This was that battle near Chalcedon, where M. Aurelius Cotta the consul was defeated
(Livy 1. 93.) and in which Mithridates in a letter to Arsaces, (1. 4. Histor. Salust.) wrote:

VV I totally routed Marcus Cotta the Roman general near Chalcedon on land and have deprived
him of a most gallant fleet at sea."

4125. The sad condition of Cotta on both sea and land, greatly increased the king's wealth and
prestige. (Cicero, pro Murana.) Mithridates' success depressed the enemy. When Lucullus who
was camped along the Sangarius River, heard of this greater defeat and saw his soldier's morale
falling, he encouraged them with a speech. (Memnon, c. 41.)

4126. Archelaus who was formerly one of Mithridates' commanders, had now sided with the
Romans. He tried to convince Lucullus that he might easily take the whole kingdom of Pontus
now that Mithridates was in Bithynia with his army. Lucullus replied that he would not be
deemed a greater coward than the common huntsmen are who did not dare to fight with the wild
beasts but were brave enough to go into their empty dens. After saying this, Lucullus marched
against Mithridates with his company of 30,000 foot soldiers and 2500 cavalry. When he came
first to see the enemy, he was astonished to see such a numerous body and therefore desired not
to to fight but play for time. He remembered that Marius, whom Sertorius had sent from Spain
to be Mithridates' general was marching up against him. He decided to fight and drew his troops
into battle array. Just as the army was set to fight, the sky split suddenly apart and there seemed
to fall between both armies a great flaming body resembling a hogshead in shape and silver fiery
hot. This strange sight so frightened both armies that they decided not to fight. They say this
sign happened in Phrygia near Otryae. (Plutarch.)

4127. L. Lucullus the consul, with his cavalry fought some skirmishes with Mithridates' cavalry
and won. He made also some other raids and was fortunate in them. This so encouraged his
soldiers and made them so eager to fight, that he had much trouble in keeping them under
control. (Livy 1. 94.)

4128. Mithridates saw that the city of Cyzicum was the door to let him in to all of Asia. If he
took it, the whole province would be open to his attacks. He resolved to make it the centre of his
war effort. (Cicero pro Murena.) It was the most famous city of all Asia and a faithful friend to
the people of Rome. (Cicero pro lege Manilia.) In the recent defeat at Chalcedon, it had lost
3000 citizens and 10 ships. Thereupon the king, decided to give Lucullus the slip. As soon as he
had dined and had the opportunity of a thick and misty night, he moved his camp and by
daybreak got to the top of the Adrastia Mountain. This is also called Dindymus and is located
opposite to the city. (Plutarch.) Strabo wrote that Mithridates with 150,000 foot soldiers and a
large body of cavalry invaded the Cyzicenians and took the Adrastia Mountain and the suburbs,
(lib. 12. p. 575.) Appian stated that Lucullus with 30,000 foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry camped
opposite Mithridates' force of about 300,000 men. Orosius (Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.) stated:

vv Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum more than 300,000 men by famine and
sickness."

4129. It is stated and as we find in Plutarch that Lucullus killed at least 300,000 of Mithridates'
men and support staff. Eutropius (Breviary 1. 6.) recorded that the following winter and summer,
Lucullus killed of the king's forces almost 100,000 men.

4130. Mithridates surrounded the Cyzicenians with 10 brigades and attacked them also by sea
with a fleet of 400 ships. (Strabo p. 575, 576. cf. Plutarch.) Since the Cyzicenians did not know

what became of Lucullus, Mithridates' forces stated Lucullus' tents which were pitched before
them were the forces of Armenians and Medes which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates.
Demonax was sent from Archelaus to the city and was the first that told them that Lucullus was
near them. They did not believe him and thought this was a ruse to cheer them up. However, a
boy, who had been taken prisoner by the enemy, escaped and pointed out to them with his finger
the place where the Romans were camped. Then they believed the report. (Plutarch) Lucullus
sent one of his soldiers to them who knew their language. He told them to be encouraged. This
soldier came on a raft made of two water skins.

3931a AM, 4640 JP, 74 BC

4131. Lucullus attacked Mithridates from the rear and defeated the Pontics and got a glorious
victory. He killed more than 10,000 soldiers and took 13,000 prisoners. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4132. Lucullus saw a mountain very convenient to make his camp on. If he could capture it, he
would have ample provisions for his army and would be able to starve the enemy. There was
one very narrow passage to it which Mithridates had placed a guard to secure as he was advised
by Taxiles and some of his other commanders. L. Manius or Magius, the arbitrator of the league
between Mithridates and Sertorius, sent secretly a messenger to Lucullus. He then persuaded
Mithridates to allow the Romans to pass by and to camp where they thought best for themselves.
He lied to Mithridates and said that Fimbria's legions which formerly had served Sertorius in the
wars, would defect to him within a day or two. Hence he would be spared the effort of a battle
and get a victory without fighting. Mithridates did not suspect anything and allowed the Romans
to quietly enter the passage and to fortify the mountain against him. By this the Romans had
plentiful provisions from all those parts which lay behind them when Mithridates was blocked
by a lake, mountain and river. He was able to get few supplies by land for his camp. He could
not get out nor force Lucullus out either. The winter season was approaching and would likely
hinder all supplies coming to him by sea. (Appian.)

4133. Plutarch wrote that Lucullus camped in Thracia at a place called "Comes". It was the best
place to obstruct all the supply lines to Mithridates. Mithridates sent some men to Fimbria's
legions to bring them over to him. Memnon said they pretended to defect to Mithridates and
then killed all of Mithridates' delegates.

3931b AM, 4641 JP, 73 BC

4134. Nicomedes, a Thessalian, had built notable engines to batter the city. (Plutarch) One was
called the Helepolis and was 150 feet high and was the most remarkable one. On this another
tower was erected and planted with engines to sling stones and other sorts of weapons. Before
they planted the engines, Mithridates ordered that 3000 of the Cyzicenians whom he had taken,
to urge the city to surrender. This did not work. Lysistratus their general ordered a crier
appointed who from the walls exhorted them that since it was their bad luck to fall under the
power of a stranger they should bear it out as well as they could. Mithridates used all the
strength he could both by sea and land, to reduce the city. The townsmen were very busy within
defending it. They were not able to breech the walls. They could not enter through the part that
fell down about the evening because the heat of the fire was so scorching. The Cyzicenians
repaired the breach at night. (Appian.)

4135. At last Lucullus found a way to send to the city some auxiliaries by night. (Strabo.) In the
Dascylite Lake, there were very large boats. He took one of the biggest and carried it in a wagon
to the sea side and put as many soldiers in it as it could hold. They secretly by night got into the
city and the enemy knew nothing about it. (Plutarch.)

4136. Now was the time of Proserpina's festival, in which the Cyzicenians offered a black
heifer. Although they did not have one, they made one of dough and brought it to the altar. The
heifer which was intended for Proserpine's festival was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians
herds on the other side the sea. On the day of the festival, she left the other herds and swam over
alone to Cyzicum. She passed all the way through the enemy's fleet and by diving underwater
got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbour. She passed through and came into
the midst of the city to the temple of Proserpina and presented herself before the altar. The
Cyzicenians sacrificed her and were greatly encouraged. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch,
& Appian.)

4137. It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras, who was the
chief magistrate according to Julius Obsequens. Plutarch only gives him the title of the people's
tutor. She told him that she had provided a piper against the pipers. Plutarch rendered it that she
immediately sent a Libyan piper against the Pontic trumpeter. The Cyzicenians wondered what
this meant. About daybreak, there was foul weather at sea as if it had been a stormy wind. The
king's engines were now drawn up to the walls. By their creaking and crashing the storm was
known. Presently after this, there arose an extremely violent south wind which in the moment of
an hour destroyed the rest of the king's engines. It so shook the wooden tower which was erected
on the engine that it was overturned to the ground. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, &
Appian.)

4138. It is also reported that at Troy, Minerva appeared to many in their sleep, dripping with a
ewer and showing that part of her vail was cut off. She told them that she came from the relief of
the Cyzicenians. The Trojans were shown the pillars where the decrees and letters concerning
this accident were engraved. (Plutarch.)

4139. Mithridates was advised by his friends to sail with his fleet from before the city. However,
he was not dismayed in the least by what had happened. He went up to the mountain Dindymus
and from there cast up a bank all along to the walls of the city. On this he built towers. He tried
to undermine the walls. (Appian.) In spite of all this, the Cyzicenians held out so stoutly that
they very nearly took Mithridates alive in one of the mines which he dug himself. They also dug
a mine to him but he got away safely when knew the danger he was in. (Strabo. p. 576.)

4140. When the winter came, Mithridates was cut off from supplies by sea. The army was very
short of supplies and many of them died from famine. Some were glad to eat human flesh.
Others fed on herbs as their only food and became sick. The dead bodies were lying all the while
unburied and caused a plague to break out. (Memnon, c. 42. Strabo, p. 576. Flor. 1. 3. c. 5.
Plutar. Appian. Orosius, 1. 6. c. 2.)

4141. While Lucullus was gone to gain some citadel or other, Mithridates tried to make use of
this opportunity. Thereupon, he ordered part of his forces to march home with their arms but not
to be seen by the enemy. He sent almost all his cavalry, those also which were for burden, his
foot soldiers and those that were unfit into Bithynia. The horses were now weak from lack of

food and lame because their hooves were worn away for lack of shoes. When Lucullus heard of
this, he hurried to the camp by night as fast as he could. At daybreak, he went after them with 10
companies of foot soldiers and all his cavalry. Although at that instant, a violent storm struck so
that many of the soldiers from the snow and other hardships were forced to lie down from the
very cold and were not able to follow. With the rest of his troops he overtook the enemy at the
passage of the Rhyndacus River. He slaughtered so many of them that the women of Apollonia
came out and plundered the wagons and stripped the dead. In this battle, 6000 horses, an
enormous number of beasts for burdens and 15,000 men were captured. Lucullus carried all
away with him besides the pillage of the enemies camp. If we can believe him, Orosius stated:

vv Lucullus at this battle killed more than 15000 men;"

4142. Salust thought that this was the first time the Romans ever saw any camels. However,
those who were under Scipio who was the general who defeated Antiochus and those who
fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea would most certainly have seen camels.
(Plutarch, Appian. Oros.)

4143. Funnius, who joined in with Mithridates and Metrophantes the king's praetor were
defeated by Mamercus. They escaped with 2000 cavalry into Moesia and went from there to
Moeonia. They came to the dry and parched hills and plains of Inarime. After they had been
there a long time they finally got out and arrived at the king's camp without being noticed by the
enemy. (Oros. 1. 65. c. 2.)

4144. Eumachus the general and the rest of Mithridates' colonels fought in Phrygia. They killed
many Romans with their wives and children. They subdued the Pisidians, the Isauri and Cilicia.
Dejotarus, one of the tetrarchs of Galatia, attacked them as they were roving about and killed
them and many of their soldiers. This brought an end to their actions. (Livy 1. 54. Appian. p.
222. Oros. 1. 65. c. 2.)

3932a AM, 4641 JP, 73 BC

4145. The 28th Jubilee.

4146. The Cyzicenians undermined the mounds which the king had cast up all along from
Dindymus Mountain to the city and burned his engines. They knew how well the enemy was
weakened by famine and made many sallies against them. Mithridates was resolved to withdraw
and leave. (Appian.) He writes concerning this in a letter to Arsaces: (Salust. 1. 4. histor.)

vv In besieging Cyzicum with a large army, I lacked provisions since there was none available in
the area. I could get nothing from all the parts about and winter had blocked the sea so none
could be expected from there. I was forced (not by any compulsion of the enemies) to march
back into my own kingdom."

4147. For Plutarch tells us from Salust that Lucullus camped two whole winters first at Cyzicum
and later at Amisus. See Cicero concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum. (in orat. pro lege
Manilia, pro Murana and pro Archia poeta.)

4148. Mithridates resolved suddenly to leave. To keep Lucullus from following too fast after
him, he sent Aristonicus a Greek admiral of his fleet to sea. However, Lucullus by some foul
play, took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shore and seized the 10,000 crowns
which he carried with him to bribe part of the Roman army. (Plutarch.)

4149. The king left his land forces with the general to march to Lampsacus. Hermaeus and
Marius who were the generals sent by Sertorius, led 30,000 men there. However, Lucullus
followed close after them and at last overtook them by surprise as they were crossing the
Aesepus River. Its level at that time was higher than normal. He took very many of them
prisoners and killed 20,000 of them. More than 1 1,000 of these were reported to have been
Marius' soldiers. The Granicus and Aesepus Rivers ran red with blood. One of Mithridates'
nobles, knew how strongly the Romans were given to covetousness. He ordered the soldiers to
scatter their knapsacks and money about to deliberately slow down the pursuers. (Memnon, c.
42. Polybaus stratagem. 1. 7. Flor. 1. 3. c. 5. Plutarch, Appian. Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.)

4150. Mithridates planned to return by sea and sailed by night to Parium. (Appian.) His soldiers
intended to leave with him and crowded on every side into the ship. Some were already filled
and others were filled soon after. It happened that so many tried to get on the ships, that some
ships sank and others capsized. The Cyzicenians saw this and attacked the enemy's camp. They
cut the throats of the sick that were left behind and carried away whatever they found.
(Memnon, c. 42.)

4151. Lucullus entered Cyzicum and was received with great joy and magnificence. (Plutarch.)
In his honour they later instituted some plays which they called Lucullea. (Appian.) The
Romans conferred a great deal of honour on the city and granted them their freedom. (Strabo 1.
12. p. 576. Tacit annal 1. 4. c.36)

4152. After Mithridates' men were driven to Lampsacus and besieged there by Lucullus,
Mithridates sent his fleet there and transported them and the Lamsacenians. He left 50 ships
with 10,000 men aboard them to Marius or Varius, the Sertorian general, Alexander a
Paphlagonian and Dionysius the eunuch. Mithridates with the larger part made for Nicomedia.
Many of these and the others were drowned in a storm. (Strabo 1. 12. p. 576. Tacit annal 1. 4.
c.36)

4153. Mithridates assembled as best he could some forces in Pontus and besieged Perinthus. He
made some attempts against it but could not take it. Therefore, he sent his forces away to
Bithynia. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4154. Antiochus the Asian and his brother, the young sons of king Antiochus Pius who kept in
their hands part of the kingdom of Syria which was not seized by Tigranes, came to Rome. They
requested the kingdom of Egypt which they thought rightly belonged to them and their mother
Selene. They stayed there almost 2 whole years and retained their royal retinue. (Cicero 1. 4. in
Verrem.)

3932b AM, 4642 JP, 72 BC

4155. Antipas or Antipater the Idumean was the foremost citizen of their country with respect to
birth and wealth. He was the son of the other Antipas or Antipater whom they say was the son of

Alexander, the king of the Jews and his wife Alexandra. Antipater was made governor of all
Idumea and was married to Cyprus, who was born at a famous place among the Arabians. He
had a son called Herod who later was the king of Judea. He was 25 years old when his father
placed him over Galilee. (See note on 3957 AM « ») (See note on 3875a AM «3593»)
Nicolaus Damascenus wrote Herod's life while Herod was still living. To curry favour with
Herod, he has derived Antipater's pedigree from the princes of the Jews who came from
Babylon into Judea. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 2.) This is also in the 35th chapter of the Arabic History of
the Jews which is written at the end of the Parisian Bibles. There we read that Antipater was a
Jew descended from those who came from Babylon with Ezra the priest. He was appointed by
Alexander Jannaeus as governor of the country of the Idumeans and married a wife from there.
Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides, (in Euseb. 1. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. c. 6. & 7.) and
Ambrosius, who followed him, (1. 3. comment, in Luc. c. 3.) stated a tradition of those who were
called the kinsmen of our Saviour according to the flesh, that Antipater was the son of Herod
from Askelon who had the charge of Apollo's temple there. He was carried away by some
Idumean robbers from Askelon and Antipater was instructed in the manners and customs of the
Idumeans. This is the most common opinion of all the Christian fathers.

4156. Barba came with a strong band of Italians and Triarius, one of Lucullus' commanders
besieged Apamea. The citizens held out for a long time but finally surrendered according to
Memnon. Although Appian wrote that when Triarius arrived there, he took the city by storm and
killed many of the Apamenians in their temples where they fled for sanctuary. Soon after this,
the Roman army took Prusa, a very well fortified city, beneath the Olympus Mountain and
pillaged it. From there Triarius went with his army to Prusias which bordered on the sea.
Prusias, the king of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans and called it after his own name. It was
called previously Cierus or Chius from the river which it bordered. As soon as he drew near the
city, the Prusians expelled the Pontics and received them in. From there they came to Nicaea
which had a garrison of Mithridates. The Pontics, knew full well that the citizen's favoured the
Romans and stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia. Hence the Romans got that city
under their command without any trouble. (Memnon. c. 43. & 49. Appian. p. 223. cf. Oros. 1. 6.
c. 2.)

4157. Lucullus came to the Hellespont and prepared his fleet. He arrived at Troas and went into
the temple of Venus. The same night in his sleep he dreamed that he saw the goddess standing
by him and saying,

vv Sleep'st thou now Lion stout? Whole herds of fawns rove here about."

4158. While he was telling this dream to his friends, before daybreak some came to him from
Troy. They told him how that there appeared 13 of the king's ships with five tiers of oars at a
port of the Achaians and they were bound for Lemnus. Lucullus sailed from Troas and captured
all the 13 ships and killed Isodorus their admiral. (Plutarch, cf. Appian.)

4159. Lucullus followed up on his victory and went after Marius or Varius who was sent by
Sertorius to be general, Alexander and Dionysius. He overtook them near Lemnus, in the
deserted island where Philoctetes' altar with the brazen serpent is located. As he approached
them, he ordered his soldiers before the battle not to kill anyone who had only one eye. He
meant Marius who had lost an eye whom Lucullus planned to deride before he killed him.
Lucullus saw that the enemy did not move and had drawn all their ships to the shore. He stopped
and sent two ships to try to draw them into a battle. They would not budge but defended

themselves from their hatches which really galled the Romans. The place was such that they
could not turn around nor was it possible for the ships which were tossed by the waves to do
much harm to the enemy. The enemy fleet was beached and they had good sure footing.
Therefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships by another way to the island. He landed all his main
foot soldiers there who attacked the enemy from the rear. Some were killed and others retreated
to their ships. They were so fearful of Lucullus that they dared not launch into the deep but
sailed along the coast. Now they were attacked from both land and sea and many were killed as
they tried to get away. (Plutarch.) Lucullus either sunk or captured 32 of the king's ships,
besides a number of cargo ships. Among those that were slain, were very many who had been
proscribed by Sulla. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 2.)

4160. The next day, the 3 generals were found hidden in a cave. Lucullus had Marius or Varius
killed. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 2. cf. Appian.) Alexander was reserved to be killed later and Dionysius died
soon after from poison that he carried with him. (Appian.)

4161. These were the 2 sea victories which Lucullus had, one at Tenedus, the other in the
Aegean Sea. Memnon (c.44) mentions both as distinct battles. Cicero stated (Orat. pro lege
Manclia) that there was just one battle. He said:

vv The large and well trimmed fleet which Sertorius' commanders were in all fury sailing to Italy,
was defeated by Lucullus and procouncil L. Murena. Do you think that the naval battle at
Tenedus (when the enemy fleet in good hopes and spirits made a direct course for Italy under
the most experienced generals) was defeated after a small battle or a light skirmish?"

4162. In Orat. pro Archia poeta, Cicero stated:

vv Lucullus defeated the enemies fleet at that incredible naval battle at Tenedus."

4163. Lucullus sent his letters to the senate which recounted his achievements. This was the
custom of conquerors. (Appian.) When as the senate decreed to send him 3000 talents to procure
a fleet, he wrote back that he had no need of the money. He boasted that he was able to drive
Mithridates from the sea with the ships of the Roman allies. (Plutarch.)

4164. After this, he hurried to catch Mithridates and thought he might find him around Bithynia.
He secured the place by Voconius, whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia, to
pursue Mithridates. However, Voconius was busy at Samothracia in the religious ceremonies
and holy festival days there and came too late. Mithridates sailed and hurried to get to Pontus
before Lucullus could catch him. A storm hit and wrecked part of his fleet. Some ships were
damaged and other were sunk so that for many days all the coasts around there were littered
with the wreckage that washed ashore. They say that this storm was caused by Diana Priapina in
revenge against the Pontics for their plundering her temple and taking down her image from its
place.

4165. Dio wrote that Mithridates was twice wrecked as he was sailing to Pontus. By these
accidents, he lost about 10,000 men and 60 ships. The rest were scattered by the winds.
Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces in Salust, said:

vv He lost his best soldiers and his fleet by two wrecks, at Para and Heraclea."

4166. Orosius said:

vv After Mithridates had manned his fleet and sailed against Byzantium (where Eutropius says he
was chased by Lucullus), he was caught by a storm and lost 80 ships with brass prows."

4167. To conclude, Floras stated:

vv A storm struck this fleet of more than 100 ships and a very large military force in the Pontic
sea. The storm so battered it that it looked like it had been done by a real naval battle."

4168. The pilot of the large ship in which Mithridates was, did not think it possible to beach the
ship in so boisterous a storm since it already leaked and was almost full of water. Mithridates
against the advice of his friends leaped into the ship of Selemus a pirate and the pirate helped
him get on board. Mithridates trusted himself with the pirates who brought him safely to
Heraclea in Pontus. (Plutarch) They first went to Sinope and later to Amisus. (Appian and
Orosius)

4169. Cotta wanted to atone for his former losses and moved his forces from Chalcedon where
he then camped to Nicomedia. He camped 18 miles from the city and was cautious how he
engaged the enemy. Triarius of his own accord, quickly brought his army by running marches to
Cotta. Then both the Roman armies prepared to attack the city. The king knew that Lucullus had
obtained already two notable victories over the Pontics at sea and that he was no match for the
Roman forces. He moved his fleet back into the river where he lost some ships with 3 tiers of
oars in a storm. However, he escaped with most of his ships to the Hypius River. (Memnon, c.
44.)

4170. Mithridates remained here because of the storm. He heard that Lamachus of Heraclea, a
trusted old friend of his, ruled that state. Thereupon he flattered him by many fair promises to
allow him into the city and to do the best he could for him. Mithridates also sent him some
money because of this. Lamachus prepared a large feast for the citizens outside the city. During
this feast he promised Mithridates that the gates would not be shut. He made the people drank so
that Mithridates might come as planned on the very day. He came and took them by surprise as
they were sleeping. So the city became his own, and no one even dreamed of his coming. Next
day the king summoned the city together and spoke very friendly to them. After he had exhorted
them to remain loyal to him, he committed the city to Connacoriges and placed a garrison there
of 4000 men. His pretence was merely to defend and protect the citizens in case the Romans
should attack the place. From there, he sailed directly toward Sinope. Before he left he
distributed some money among the citizens and especially among the magistrates. (Memnon, c.
44.)

4171. After Lucullus had recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia, he passed through Bithynia and
Galatia and invaded Mithridates' kingdom. He joined his forces at Nicomedia with the troops of
Cotta and Triarius so that they might attack Pontus. (Eutrop. 1. 6. Plutarch, & Memnon, c. 45.)
They received news of the taking of Heraclea when as yet they knew nothing of the plot. They
thought it was surrendered when the citizens voluntarily abandoned the whole city. Lucullus
thought it best that he with the whole power of his army, should march through the

Mediterranean and Cappadocia against the king and his whole kingdom. Cotta thought they
should try to recapture Heraclea. Triarius thought they should take the fleet and intercept
Mithridates' ships which were sent into Crete and Spain when they returned through the
Hellespont and Propontis. (Memnon, c. 45.)

4172. When Mithridates knew of their plans, he prepared for war. He quickly sent for forces
from his son-in-law Tigranes the Armenian and to his son Macharus who was reigning in
Bosphorus and from the Parthians. He also ordered Diodes to go to the bordering Scythians to
solicit them with many gifts and a great weight of gold. However, he ran away with the gifts and
the gold to Lucullus. The others also refused to meddle. Tigranes delayed for a long time. (A
letter of Mithridates to Arsaces inserted in the 4th book of Salust's histories, confirmed that this
war was begun and he refused to help from the start.) However, he promised to send supplies.
Mithridates' daughter wore on him until he yielded. (Memnon, c. 45. cf. Appian.)

4173. The ambassador which Mithridates sent to Tigranes was Metrodorus Scepsius who left his
philosophy and became a politician. Mithridates had him as such a close friend that he was
called the king's father. He was made a judge and it was not lawful for any man to appeal his
sentence to the king. Tigranes asked the king's ambassador what he thought of this business of
sending forces against the Romans. The ambassador replied:

vv As I am an ambassador I advise you to send, as I am a counsellor I am against it."

4174. Tigranes sent Metrodorus with his answer back to Mithridates but Metrodorus died on the
way. Either the king had him killed or he died of some disease, for there was talk of both.
Tigranes had informed the king of what Metrodorus had said and thought that Mithridates would
never think any the worse of Metrodorus. To express his sorrow for what he had done, Tigranes
interred his body very nobly and spared for no cost for him whom he had betrayed when he was
alive. (Strabo, 1. 13. p. 609, 610. Plutarch in Lucullo.)

3933a AM, 4642 JP, 72 BC

4175. Mithridates sent several generals against Lucullus. They fought some battles but the
Romans won most of them. (Memnon, c. 45.) At the first Lucullus was very short of food. There
were 30,000 Galatians who followed the camp who were to each bring a measure of grain on
their shoulders. After he had marched a little farther, he subdued and plundered all the way.
Shortly after this, he came to a country that had not been ravaged by war for many years. A
slave was sold for 4 drachmas and an ox for one drachma. Goats, sheep, clothes and other things
were equally cheap. They were not able to carry away all the booty because there was so much.
Some of it was left behind and the rest destroyed. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4176. After this, Lucullus attempted to subdue Amisus and Eupatoria which Mithridates had
built near it. He had called it by his own surname and made it his royal palace. A brigade of
Lucullus' army was sent to take Themiscyra that was on the Thermodoon River. They used
towers against the Themiscyrians and cast up works and dug such large mines that the sides
often fought underground. The townsmen opened their mines from the top and through the holes
let down bears, other wild beasts and swarms of bees among the invaders. They met stiff
resistance at Amisus. The Amisians fought bravely in their own defence. They sometimes
sallied out in force and other times just a few went out. (Appian.)

4177. Lucullus spent much time before Amisus in a long siege. His army began to complain at
the delay and grumbled quite a bit that they were not allowed to plunder all the cities they
captured. It did not matter whether the city surrendered freely or was taken by storm. Lucullus
replied that he had good reasons for drawing out the seige. By this, he hoped to wear down
Mithridates' forces little by little. He did not want Mithridates to think he overpowered him lest
he go to Tigranes for help and thus make another enemy for them to fight with. Plutarch said
Lucullus spoke this:

""It is but a few days march from Cabirae into Armenia where Tigranes lives who is that lazy
king of kings. He is so powerful, that he wrests Asia from the Parthians, carries the Greek cities
into Media, holds Syria and Palestine, dethrones the kings, Seleucus' successors and steals their
daughters and wives from their mansions and takes them with him as prisoners. This Tigranes is
a neighbour to Mithridates and is his son-in-law."

4178. Cotta moved his camp and marched with his Romans first to Prusia which was formerly
called Cierus. From there he went down to the Pontic Sea, and passed by the sea coast. He
camped before the walls of Heraclea which stood on the top of an hill. The Heracleans did not
trust too much the strength of their location. They joined with the soldiers which Mithridates
had garrisoned among them and fought against Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them.
More fell on the Roman side than of the other. However, the Heracleans received many wounds
from the Roman arrows. Therefore Cotta gave up the attack and sounded a retreat to his soldiers.
He camped farther off and started to besiege the city. When the Heracleans were short of food,
they sent their ambassadors to the colonies around them and wanted to buy food. The embassy
was well received. (Memnon, c. 49.)

4179. A little before this, Triarius who was equipped with the Roman fleet from Nicomedia,
attacked the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent toward Crete and Spain. When he knew
that the rest of the ships had returned to Pontus he chased them. Many of them were lost by
storms and naval battles in various places. He overtook them at Tenedus and attacked them.
Lucullus had 70 ships and the Pontics less than 60. After they had ran violently on one another
with their prows, the king's side endured the enemy attack very well for a while. Later they were
forced to retire and the Romans obtained a complete and famous victory. This was the end of
that large fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia. (Memnon. c. 50.)

3933b AM, 4643 JP, 71 BC

4180. Mithridates sent abundant provisions, arms and soldiers to the besieged Amisians from
Cabriae. He made Cabriae his winter quarters and levied another army (Appian.) of 40,000 foot
soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Plutarch & Appian) Memnon said there were 8000 cavalry.

4181. Olthacus, whom Appian calls Olcabas, was a Scythian and prince of the Dardarii who live
around Lake Maeotis. He was highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel and civil
deportment. He was in some of Mithridates' garrisons and contested with some of the princes
and his countrymen for superiority. He promised to do a great exploit for Mithridates and would
kill Lucullus. The king highly commended him but pretended as if he had been angry with him
for it and very formally reproached him. Thereupon he rode off to Lucullus and was treated very
friendly by him. (Plutarch.)

4182. The first year of the 177th Olympiad was now approaching. In the spring, Lucullus left
Muraena with 2 legions to continue the siege at Amisus. He marched with 3 other legions
through the mountains against Mithridates. (Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. 1. in Bibliotheca Photii.
Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian.) Muraena was a lieutenant to Lucullus who was the general. He was
the son to Muraena, whom Sulla had left as praetor in Asia. Cicero in a speech on his behalf
says:

vv During the time when he was lieutenant, he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemy
forces, took many cities, some by storm, others by siege. He behaved himself so well in Asia,
which at that time was well provided with all luxuries that he left not the least hint of his
covetousness or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war that he did many
noble acts without the general's assistance and the general did nothing without him."

4183. Mithridates had ordered his guards that they might keep Lucullus out and give notice by
fires in case any unusual thing should happen. Phoenix, who was one of the royal blood, was in
charge of them. According to agreement, he warned of Lucullus' approach, but he and all his
forces defected to Lucullus. By this action, the mountains could be crossed safely and Lucullus
marched down to Cabirae. (Appian.)

4184. After Mithridates crossed the Lycus River he came into a wide plain and tried to provoke
the Romans to fight. (Plutarch.) He sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their
armies, by daily skirmishes, only tested one another's strength. (Memnon. c. 45.) Later their
cavalry fought and the Romans fled. Lucullus was forced to retreat to the mountains. In this
fight, Pompey or Pomponius, who was the general of this cavalry, was taken prisoner and
brought to Mithridates. He was seriously wounded. When Mithridates asked him that if he
allowed him to live, would he be his friend in the future? He replied:

vv Truly, I shall, if you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, I shall remain
your enemy."

4185. After this reply, the barbarians would have killed him, but the king would not allow them.
He said that he would not allow any cruelty on a valiant man merely because of misfortune.
(Plutarch & Appian.)

4186. After this, Mithridates drew his forces into battle array and stood in that posture for many
days. Since Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked for a way to march up to him.
(Appian.)

4187. In the meantime Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian who had saved many Romans in the
last battle of the cavalry was admitted into Lucullus' inner circle at meal time and knew their
counsels and secrets. He came with his usual short dagger by his side, to Lucullus, as he was
sleeping at noon in his tent. He said he had some matter of great importance to tell Lucullus but
Menedemus, Lucullus' chamberlain refused to let him in. Olcabas feared lest he might be
questioned and stole away from the camp and rode on horse back to Mithridates. (Plutarch &
Appian.) He revealed to the king another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away
to Lucullus, who was immediately seized. (Appian.)

4188. Lucullus was afraid to come down to the plain because the enemy cavalry was too strong.
However, he was perplexed about how to pass through the mountainous region which was a
long way and full of woods and quite dangerous. By chance, he came upon some Greeks who
had hidden themselves in a certain cave around there. The oldest of them was Apollodorus who,
as Appian says, was an hunter and knew the mountains well. He guided Lucullus and his army
to a place where he might safely camp. It also had a citadel overlooking Cabirae. Lucullus used
this guide, kindled fires in the camp and marched away. He went through the woods without any
difficulty by an unused path and finally arrived at that citadel. At daybreak, he was seen pitching
his tents above the enemy. He chose his place so that if he wanted to fight he could and if not, he
could not be forced into a fight. He still avoided the plains for fear of the enemy cavalry and
camped where there was plenty of water. (Appian.)

4189. Neither army thought of fighting at present. It is reported that as the king's party was
chasing a deer, the Romans came that way and stopped their chase. A skirmish began and more
came flocking in from both sides. Finally the Romans fled. Lucullus came down alone to the
plain and ran up to the forest from where the Romans came running. He ordered them to stop
and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitted to the general and the
others stopped also. They rallied together and easily made the enemy flee and pursued them to
their very camp. When Lucullus returned from pursuing the enemy, he publicly disgraced those
who ran away. He took away their weapons and ordered them to dig a 12 foot trench while all
the other soldiers stood by and looked on. (Plutarch.)

4190. When Lucullus ran short of food, he sent a party into Cappadocia to forage. He often
skirmished with the enemy until at one time the king's troops began to flee. Mithridates ran from
the camp and derided them for fleeing and forced them back again. That put such a dread upon
the Romans that they ran back without stopping to the mountains. Although the king's troops
abandoned the chase, the Romans were so terrified that they still kept running and thought the
enemy was at their heels. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts to tell of his victory. (Appian.)

4191. Sornatius was sent by Lucullus with a legion of foot soldiers to get provisions. He saw
Menander, one of Mithridates' commanders and followed after him. He stopped until they came
to him. Then he fought with them and killed many and put the rest to flight. (Plutarch.)

4192. After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia to
supply the army with food. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates' generals, sent Menemachus
and Miron, against him with 4000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. They hoped to ambush their
wagons as they returned to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 45. Phlegon. year 1. Olymp. 177. &
Plutarch.) Since Cappadocia was the only place where Lucullus might expect supplies,
Mithridates hoped to put him in the same distress as he was put in at the seige of Cizycum.
(Appian.)

4193. The king's party, attacked by chance a party of the foragers in some narrow passes. They
did not wait until they came to a more open place and so the cavalry could not help them.
Thereupon the Romans, drew themselves up as fast as they could into battle array. The
roughness of the places helped them. They attacked the king's troops and killed some of them
and forced others down the precipices of the rocks. The rest fled away. (Appian.) When the
Romans, had received some troops from Lucullus, they pursued them to the very camp of
Diophantus and Taxiles. In a fierce battle, the Pontics stood their ground for a while. As soon as
their commanders began to give ground, the whole army retreated. The commanders were the

first that told of this defeat to Mithridates. (Memnon. c. 45.) Plutarch said that all the cavalry
and foot soldiers who came with Menemachus and Miron, were killed except for only two.
Eutropus wrote that 30,000 of the king's best soldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. (1. 6.)
Livy stated that Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good success, and
killed more than 60,000 of the enemy. (1. 97.) He took into account those who were killed a little
later when Mithridates was made to flee.

4194. Mithridates heard this news before Lucullus did. (Appian.) Adrianus had marched by
Lucullus' camp in great pomp and brought along with him a large number of wagons laden with
provisions and spoil. This sight depressed Lucullus and his soldiers began to fear and tremble.
(Plutarch.) However, the king, was sure Lucullus would suddenly attack him, now that he had
lost his cavalry. He began to be afraid and think of fleeing. In his pavilion, he told his friends the
fix they were in. They did not wait so long until the trumpet sounded to gather up their baggage
and moved all their goods from the camp before daybreak. There was such a company of them
that the beasts of burden began to crowd one another. No sooner was this seen by the army who
knew the drivers of the beasts of burden and feared for the worse. They were not notified and
were quite upset and rushed violently from their trenches. (Appian.) They ran in a great chase to
the gates and rifled the packs. They attacked those that were carrying them away and killed them
all. Dorylaus the general was killed. He only had a purple garment on his back and was killed
for that very garment. Hermaeus, a soothsayer, was trampled to death in the gates. (Plutarch.)

4195. The soldiers ran away over the fields in no order and everyone cared only for himself and
did not wait for orders from their generals and commanders. As soon as the king knew of the
disorder and speed with which they fled, he ran out of his pavilion. He hoped to say something
to them. Nobody would listen but pressed so hard on him that he fell down in the crowd.
(Appian.) Memnon wrote that he stayed for some time at Cabirae and later made his escape, (c.
46.) Appian stated that he soon went on horseback and fled away to the mountains with only a
small retinue with him. Plutarch stated that Mithridates had not lost a soldier and went from the
camp with the other throng. Neither was there any of the king's party which had a horse ready.
Finally though late, Ptolemy the eunuch, who had a horse, saw Mithridates tossed to and fro in
the fight. He leaped off his horse and offered his horse to the king.

4196. When Lucullus knew of the victory of his foragers and saw the flight of their enemy, he
sent a good brigade of cavalry to pursue after them in their flight. He surrounded with his
legions those who remained in the camp and had put themselves in a defensive position. He told
his troops not to pillage the enemy camp, until such time that they had killed as many of them as
they could. When the soldiers saw the gold and silver vessels and the rich garments, they
ignored the general's prohibition. (Appian.) The king had been overtaken by a company of
Galatians, who had caught up with him in the chase although they would not have known him
except for one of his mules which carried the king's treasure. It was placed between the king and
his pursuers either of its own accord or by the king's plan to slow them down. For while they
were busy in gathering up the gold and quarrelling among themselves about the spoil, the king
escaped. (Memnon, c. 46. Plutarch & Appian.) When they had taken Callistratus the king's
secretary, Lucullus ordered him brought to the camp. Those who escorted him, found he had
500 crowns in the belt he wore and killed him along the way. (Plutarch.) Cicero wrote this of the
escape of Mithridates from Pontus:

vv Mithridates fled away and left behind in Pontus, a very large store of gold and silver and other
precious things. Part of this he had received from his ancestors and part taken in his first war in

Asia and added it to his other treasures. While our men were over busy in gathering up all they
found, the king escaped."

4197. Lucullus came as far as Talaura in pursuing Mithridates. This was now the 4th day and
Mithridates had an head start and so escaped into Armenia to Tigranes. (He did not go to Iberia,
as it is incorrectly stated in Josephus, 1. 13. c. 24.) Lucullus marched back again and gave the
soldiers the plunder of the king's camp. (Plutarch.) He sent M. Pompey as commander-in-chief
against Mithridates while he, with all his forces, moved to Cabirae. (Memnon. c. 47.)
Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, (in 1. 4. histor. Salust.) stated the matter in this way.

vv After I recruited my army at Cabirae and had many battles between me and Lucullus, both of
us were short of food. He was supplied from Ariobarzanes' kingdom of Cappadocia which had
not been touched by the war. Since all parts about me were wasted and destroyed, I withdrew
into Armenia."

4198. Mithridates got safely to Comana and from there hurried away to Tigranes with 200
cavalry. (Appian.) He could by no means get his son-in-law to help him for he would not own
him, who had lost so great a kingdom, nor much as to come into his fight for him nor
acknowledge him as his kinsman. However, Mithridates procured from him a grant for the
protection of his person and was assigned a princely table in some of his citadels nor was he
lacking such duties of hospitality. (Memnon, c. 48. Appian.) Although, Plutarch wrote that he
put him off with a great deal of contempt and scorn and Mithridates was cooped up in some
remote corner in the swampy and unhealthful places.

4199. When Mithridates was on his flight, he sent Bacchus or Bacchides, one of his eunuchs, to
kill any way he could his sisters, wives and concubines, who were kept at Pharnacia. (Memnon.
c. 49. Plutarch. & Appian.)

4200. Among these were 2 of the king's sisters, Roxane and Statira who had lived as virgins for
almost 40 years. Also were 2 of his Ionian wives, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian.
Bacchides came to them and told them that they must die but they should have the freedom to
choose what kind of death they thought most easy and free from pain. Monima took the diadem
from off her head and made it fit for her neck and hanged herself by it. However it broke and
she said:

vv O thou cursed band, wilt thou not serve for this use?"

4201. Then she kicked it about and spit on it. She exposed her throat to Bacchides. Berenice
took a cup of poison and gave part of it to her mother who was present there and asked for it. So
they drank it both together. The poison did work on the weaker body but it did not kill Berenice
since she had not taken her full dose. Therefore when Bacchides saw her in pain and a long
while in dying, he strangled her. It is also reported that of those two virgin sisters that Roxane,
after many a curse and reproach against her brother drank her poison. But Satiras spoke nothing
bitter or unworthy of him but praised him highly in that when he was in danger for his life that
he should think of them to provide that they should die free women and not raped. (Plutarch.)

4202. When Lucullus besieged Cabirae, the barbarians surrendered conditionally. He made
peace with them and took over their strongholds. (Memnon, c. 37.) After the surrender of

Cabirae and many other cities, he found rich treasures and prisons in which were many Greeks
and also many of the king's friends locked up. They had long thought themselves as dead men
and were released to a new life by Lucullus' favour. Nysa, Mithridates' sister, was found among
the rest and freed. (Plutarch.)

4203. Most of the governors of Mithridates' garrisons defected to Lucullus. (Appian.) Among
these, was Strabo, the geographer's grandfather, by the mother's side and brother to Moaphernes,
the governor of Colchis under Mithridates. (Strabo, 1. 11. p. 499.) He defected because
Mithridates had recently killed his first cousin, Tibius and his son Theophilus. He was
instrumental in the defection of 15 other garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. (Strabo, 1. 12.
p. 557.) Thus Pontus was wide open to the Roman legions which before was blocked on all sides
so that the Romans could not enter it. (Cicero, pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia.)

4204. When the Romans had finished their work with Mithridates, they attacked the Cretians,
merely from ambition to subdue that noble island. They pretended their reason was that the
Cretians favoured Mithridates and had let him have mercenaries for his army against the
Romans. Mithridates had entered into an alliance with the pirates whom M. Antionius was
chasing at that time. The Cretians had offended Antionius when he was a delegate and had given
him two arrogant repliess. Thereupon Antionius soon confidently invaded the island and was so
sure of victory that he carried more chains than arms in his ships. However, the enemies
intercepted many of his ships and bound those that they took prisoners with sails and ropes and
hung them up. In that manner the Cretians hoisted sail and returned back triumphantly to their
harbours. Antionius became sick and died thus ending the war which he had started with little
success. In spite of that he obtained the surname of Creticus. (Livy 1. 97. Flor. 1. 3. c. 7.
Asconius in Oratio. de pratura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.)

4205. Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius had stayed almost 2 whole years at Rome
with his brother and had not yet received a promise from from the senate for those things which
he demanded concerning the kingdom of Egypt. On his return home, he journeyed through
Sicily and came to Syracuse and stayed in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along
with him to Rome a candlestick, very elaborately made of bright gems which he intended to
bestow in the capitol. Since the temple there was not yet completed, he planned to carry it back
again with him into Syria. He would send it back to the capitol by his ambassadors with some
other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiter's image which was done in the next year by
Q. Catulus. Verres, the praetor of Sicily, cheated him of this candlestick, many other cups of
gold inlaid with gems and another cup for wine which was cut from one large gem. When he
demanded them back, Verres ordered him to leave the province before night and told him that he
had received news that the pirates were coming from his kingdom into Sicily. (Cicero in Verina
6. or 1. 4. in Verrem.)

4206. After frequent massacres in Judea by the Pharisees, the old friends of Alexander Jannaeus
went to Queen Alexandra and told her what was happening. The leader of them was Alexandra's
younger son, Aristobulus. They made their addresses to the court and asked the queen that they
might either be all killed there or else that they might be dispersed into various citadels where
they might spend the rest of their lives safe from their enemies' treacheries. Thereupon she, for
want of better counsel at that time, entrusted them with the command of all the citadels, except
for Hircania, Alexandrium and Machaerus. In these places, she had stored her best treasures.
(Joseph. Antiq. 1. 13. c. 24.)

4207. Cotta still besieged Heraclea and had not yet made an assault against it with his whole
army. He had only brought up against the town a few of his Romans and placed the Bithynians
in the front lines. When he saw how many of them were wounded and slain, he resorted to his
engines. None terrified the besieged so much, as the one which they called their turtle, (Latin
testudo). This was an engine enclosed with boards and raw hides and under its shelter they
might safely scale the walls. Thereupon Cotta brought up all his troops from the camp. He led
them up against a tower which they had good hopes of making a breach in. The tower had
endured one or two batteries without any damage at all. Contrary to all their expectations, the
ram broke off from the engine. The Heracleans were encouraged and Cotta began to despair of
ever taking the town. The next day they used their engine again but with little results. Therefore
Cotta burnt the engine and cut off the carpenter's head who made it. He left a sufficient guard at
the walls of the city and he camped with the rest of his army in the plain of Layca which had
plenty of provisions. Thereby he reduced the city to dire need since all the country about
Heraclea was utterly destroyed. Thereupon they immediately sent an embassy to the Sevthians,
the inhabitants of Chersonesus and to the Theodosians and to the princes about Bosphorus. They
wanted to make a league which they agreed to. (Memnon, c. 51.)

4208. While the enemies attacked the city from without, they were almost as badly plagued by
disputes among themselves within the town. For Mithridates' garrison was not content to eat
what the townsmen lived on. They scourged the citizens, and made them provide things which at
that time were quite scarce. Connacorix, the governor, was worse than his soldiers for he did not
restrain their insolence but freely permitted them to do what they wanted. (Memnon, c. 51.)

3934a AM, 4643 JP, 71 BC

4209. Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans and the Tibarenians. (Plutarch.) He captured Armenia the
less which Mithridates previously controlled. (Plutarch & Eutrop. 1. 6.) After he had gone over
all Pontus and subdued the province, he came with his fleet to its coastal cities. (Appian.)

4210. Amisus was still besieged. Callimarchus, the governor, had worn out the Romans with his
engine devices and his plots. (Plutarch) Lucullus came to besiege them and exhorted them to
surrender. When he saw they would not, he moved the siege to Eupatoria and acted as if he had
been very careless in attacking them. Those that kept the garrison also became careless and
continued still in their false sense of security. Thereupon Lucullus commanded his soldiers to
quickly scale the walls. So Eupatoria was taken and immediately pulled down to the ground.
(Memnon, c. 47.)

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421 1. Not long after Amisus was taken, which (as Plutarch confirms from Salust,) had held out
for another winter's siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus usually
withdrew his soldiers to allow them to refresh themselves, Lucullus scalled the walls with his
ladders. (Memnon, c.47 & Plutarch.) When a little part of the walls was taken by the enemy,
Callimachus burned the city either from his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty
or else contriving by this to escape. For nobody hindered any that would sail away. As soon as
the flame caught hold on the walls, the soldiers immediately started plundering. From pity for
the burning city, Lucullus tried to stop the fire from outside the walls and ordered his soldiers to
help to quench it. None heeded him but shouted and rattled their armour. Hence Lucullus was

forced to give the plunder to the soldiers that he might save the city from being burnt to the
ground. However, they did the exact opposite. When the fire was almost everywhere, the
soldiers themselves set fire to some houses. While the city was being taken, the fire was put out
by a storm which happened miraculously. Lucullus repaired many places before he left.
(Plutarch,) He prevented his soldiers from any further slaughter of the citizens and he gave both
the city and the country to those that survived. (Memnon, c. 47.)

4212. At the same time, Tyrannio the grammarian was taken prisoner. Lucullus did not want to
make him a slave and gave him to Muraena who freed him. Tyrannio was a citizen of Amisus by
birth as Strabo states, who was one of his students. (Strabo, 1. 12. p. 548.)

4213. Selene the queen asked the Syrians to help to drive out Tigranes. She was otherwise called
Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, reigned jointly with her sons in
that part of Syria which Tigranes king of Armenia had not captured. She had some cities of
Phoenicia defect from him. Thereupon Tigranes entered Syria with a vast army to quell the
rebellion. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 24. cf. Plutarch in Lucullo.) In this expedition, it is likely that
Tigranes recovered those 70 valleys of Armenia which were naturally fortified with hills and
mountains. When Tigranes was a Parthian hostage, he gave this to the Parthians as a gift. He
wasted the countries of the Parthians around Ninus and Arbela. (Strabo, 1. 11. p. 532.) For this
undoubtedly was that recent war of Tigranes against the Parthians which is mentioned by
Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces the next year (in 1. 4. histor. Salust.) and which also Dio
affirms. (1. 35. Histories) He stated that a certain disputed country was taken from the Parthians.

4214. In the 9th year of Alexandria, queen of the Jews, Josephus was born to Matthias Curtus,
the priest's son. Josephus was the grandfather to Josephus the historian as Josephus states in the
beginning of the book of his life.

4215. Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy Mennaeus.
He had been a very troublesome neighbour to that city. Alexander marched back again without
any results. (Joseph. 1. 13. c. 24.)

4216. About this same time it was rumoured that Tigranes had entered Syria with an army of
500,000 men and that he would suddenly come into Judaea. This news terrified the queen and
the Jews. Thereupon they dispatched ambassadors to him with rich presents as he beseiged
Ptolemais and captured it soon after. When the ambassadors found him there, they told him the
queen and the Jews would deal honestly and fairly with him. He commended them for their
coming on so long a journey to do homage to him and wished them all well. (Joseph. 1. 13. c.
24.) Appian wrote that Tigranes overran all the counties of the Syrians on this side of the
Euphrates as far as Egypt. (Syriac. p. 118.) Lucullus stated (Plutarch) that he captured Palestine.
However, Eutropius stated that he did not march toward Egypt beyond Phoenicia and that
Tigranes was master of only part of Phoenicia. (Eutropius 1. 6.)

4217. Lucullus sent his wife's brother, Appius Claudius as an ambassador to Tigranes to demand
Mithridates from him. (Memnon. c. 48. & Plutarch.) The king's captain brought him through the
upper countries by a circuitous and round about way. Finally one of his own free men, a Syrian,
showed him the right way. Using him for their guide, they reached the Euphrates River in 5 days
and came to Antioch which was called Epidaphne. He was ordered to wait there for Tigranes
who was gone to subdue some other cities of Phoenicia which were not yet under his power. He

made many of the princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenians heartily, to side with
the Romans. Zarbienus king of the Gordians was one of them. (Plutarch.)

4218. Appius promised Lucullus' help to many other cities under Tigranes' control. They had
secretly sent ambassadors to him. He ordered them not to rebel at the present time. The
Armenians treated the Greeks very badly. The king was worse than the rest and grew more
arrogant and conceited with his success. Whatever mortal men wish for themselves and admire,
he thought was for him and purposely created for him. Many kings waited upon him as his
servants. He had 4 in his retinue as his attendants and guards who on their errands ran on foot by
his horse's side. When he sat on his throne and answered questions the countries had asked of
him, they stood with their hands clasped together and their fingers folded one within another.
This posture more than any other was a sign of their submission to him. (Plutarch.)

4219. L. Motellus was appointed to succeed Verres as praetor of Sicily. (Ascanius in Divinat.)
Motellus went against the pirates in Sicily, (not Cilicia, as incorrectly written in Livy's Epitome)
and was victorious. (Livy 1. 98. Oros. 1. 6. c. 3.) When the Sicilians impeached Verres for
extortion, Cicero was appointed to represent them. Cicero had a dispute with Hornensius, who
was designed consul. (Cicero in Bruio.) In this Q. Cecilius Niger tried his best to prosecute the
impeachment of Verres instead of Cicero. Q. Cicilius Niger was Verres' quaestor in that island.
He was a Sicilian by descent (as Pedianus noted in Divination adversus Cacilium) and a free
man and a Jew by religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero where he relates the jest which
Cicero made of Caecilius for being a Jew. It was based on a play on the the word "verres" which
means castrated pig in Latin.

vv What has a Jew got to do with a pig?"

4220. The passage of Cicero (1. 5. against Verres) shows the condition of things at that time.

vv Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretians in a battle,
let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemy king, let him speak and think whatever
Hortensins would have him."

4221. This agreed with another passage in an letter which Mithridates wrote the next year to
Arsaces. (Salust. 1. 4. histor.)

vv The Cretians were at that time the only people who retained their freedom and king Ptolemy.
A little later Ptolemy delayed the battle he was hired to fight. When the Cretians had been
attacked once, they were resolved not to stop until they were utterly defeated."

4222. By comparing the two passages, we may gather that the Romans used for their own
advantage the right which Antiochus Asiaticus claimed to the kingdom of Egypt. They deemed
it convenient that Ptolemy Alexander should be called king as long as he would purchase the
quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant tribute. Also that the Romans were fully
resolved to start again the first war with Crete which was ended by the death of M. Antionius.
This all happened in the following year as we shall see.

4223. Lucullus marched into Asia, which was still in arrears a quarter part of the fruits because

of a fine which Sulla had imposed. This tribute was proportioned according to their houses and
number of servants. (Appian.) The collectors and money lenders had made such havock of the
cities of Asia and had treated them so slavishly. They were compelled to sell privately their sons
and their daughters into slavery and sell their ornaments, pictures and images. The end of this
was that they became slaves to their creditors.

4224. Lucullus took such an action with those pestilent fellows that within 4 years all
obligations were satisfied and possessions were restored free again to their owners to inherit.
This public debt was 20,000 talents which Sulla had imposed upon Asia. The creditors were
allowed only double the sum which by their usuries had amounted to 120,000 talents. The
creditors thought this was too hard a measure and slandered Lucullus at Rome and had the
important Romans to be against him. However Lucullus was very well liked by those countries
where he had done those good services. He was greatly endeared to all the other provinces who
esteemed those people very happy whose lot it was to have such a governor as he was appointed
over them. (Plutarch.)

4225. After Lucullus had fully settled Asia with many excellent laws and an universal peace, he
relaxed and enjoyed himself. He lived at Athens and he delighted the cities with shows,
triumphal feasts, wrestling and fencing. The cities kept the holiday of Lucullia to honour him.
He was not as affected by this as the affection they bore toward him. (Plutarch.)

4226. Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena after he kept her securely as a prisoner in the
citadel at Seleucia. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 749.) Antiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of
recovering the kingdom of Egypt by right of his mother, was dispossessed of that part of Syria
which she held.

4227. As soon as Tigranes returned to Antioch, Appius the delegate declared publicly that he
was come to take Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus' triumph and if Tigranes refused to
surrender him, he was to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled with
the delegate's outspoken behaviour but held his peace to see what else he would say. In almost
25 years, he had not heard anyone speak freely to him until now. It was for so many years he
had reigned or rather played the part of a forager. He replied to Appius that he knew very well
that Mithridates was a very wicked man yet he must respect the alliance between them. All the
world might well cry out against him, if he should surrender his wife's father into the hands of
his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates and if the Romans started a
war, he could put up a good fight. He was very offended at Lucullus because in his letter he had
greeted him as king only and not as king of kings. Therefore to get even, when he wrote back,
he did not address Lucullus by the title of general. Appius returned quickly to the general. Of the
many other presents the king offered him, he accepted only one cup of gold. He feared lest he
offend the king if he refused all the presents. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 749. cf. Memnon, c. 48.)

4228. When Tigranes learned that Zarbienus, the king of the Gordians, had secretly allied
himself with Lucullus, he killed him with his wife and children. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.)

4229. As soon as Appius was returned and the war with Tigranes was planned, Lucullus paid his
holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the victory had been already won. He marched back
again into Pontus and camped before Sinope or rather besieged the king's party of Cilicians who
were garrisoned there. (Plutarch, in Lucullo. cf. Appian. p. 228.) For as the city was assaulted

from outside the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the commander whom
Mithridates had appointed to keep the town. The commander was called Cleochares according
to Orosius, or Bacchis, according to Strabo. He feared treachery among the citizens and
therefore committed various massacres among the citizens. Hence the citizens neither had heart
to courageously resist the enemy nor were they in a position to conditionally surrender. (Strabo,
1. 12. p. 546.) Memnon said this about that event.

4230. The king had entrusted Leonippus along with Cleochares to defend the city. Leonippus
saw that things were hopeless and sent to Lucullus about surrendering the city. However,
Cleochares and Seleucus, the chief pirate who was Mithridates' delegate and was in equal
authority with the rest, detected a plot. They called a council and accused Leonippus. The
citizens paid no attention to the accusation since they had a very high opinion of the man's
integrity. Thereupon Cleochares' faction was afraid of his following among the common people
and treacherously killed him at night. The common people were deeply disturbed by this.
However Cleochares and his party prevailed and did what they wished. They thought that by
carrying things with such an high hand, they could escape being calling into account for the
murder of Leonippus. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4231. Meanwhile Censorinus, admiral of the Roman fleet, sailed with 15 galleys of 3 tiers of
oars which were loaded with provisions. They sailed from Bosphorus for the Roman camp and
arrived near Sinope. Cleochares' and Seleucus' Sinopian galleys under the command of Seleucus
put to sea and fought with Censorinus. The Italians were defeated and their ships with their
provisions were taken away as a prize. Cleochares and his colleague was elevated with this
success and behaved more tyrannically than before. They hailed the townsmen to execution
without any legal processes and cruelly abused them in other ways. It happened that Cleochares
and Seleucus became at odds with each other. Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war but
Seleucus wanted to kill all Sinopians and surrender the city to the Romans as a good gratuity.
Since they could not agree about the business, they put all they had into ships and sent them
away to Machares, Mithridates' son, who at was at that time living at Colchis. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4232. About that time, Lucullus drew up closer to the city and made a most intense attack on it.
Machares, Mithridates' son, sent an embassy to Lucullus and requested a league of friendship
between them. The petition was courteously received and he told him that there should be a firm
league between them provided that they send no more supplies to the Sinopians. Machares
observed this and whatever was intended for the relief of Mithridates' party, he ordered it sent to
Lucullus. (Memnon c. 56.) Machares, king of Bosphorus, gave Lucullus a coronet valued at
1000 crowns and was admitted as an ally and confederate of the Romans. (Livy 1. 98. cf.
Plutarch, & Appian.)

4233. Cleochares and Seleucus saw how things went and knew they were in a desperate
condition. Thereupon they massacred many of the citizens and carried an abundance of wealth
to their ships. They let their soldiers plunder the town then they burned it. After this they burnt
their larger ships and they sailed away by night with the smaller ones to the inner parts of Pontus
and lived by the Sanegians and the Lazians. When Lucullus saw the fire he guessed what had
happened and ordered his soldiers to scale the walls. As soon as he entered the town, he killed
8000 of the king's party who remained behind. He had great pity on the rest and hurried to put
out the fires and restored the citizens' goods. Thus was this miserable city by the hands of
friends and foes, ruined by those who came to defend it and preserved by those who came to
ruin it. (Memnon, c. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosius 1. 6. c. 3.)

4234. The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope and later enfranchising it
was this. It was rumoured to be some admonition which he received in a dream. For in his sleep
one appeared at his bed side and spoke these words:

vv Go a little forward Lucullus for Autolychus is coming to meet thee"

4235. When he awoke, he could not possibly imagine what this meant. The same day that he
took the city, he saw a statue lying by the sea shore in his pursuit of the Cilicians who fled away
by ship. The Cilicians planned to have made it their companion in their escape and to that end
wrapped it up in clothes and bound it up with cords. They did not have enough time to get it
onto the ship. When the Romans unwrapped it, Lucullus saw that it looked like the one who
appeared to him in a dream the previous night. Later he learned that it was the statue of
Autolychus who was the founder of the city of Sinope. When he heard this, he remembered
Sulla's warning who wrote in his commentaries that nothing is to be accounted so sure and
certain as that which is shown in dreams. (Plutarch, & Appian.) This statue of Autolychus was
made by Sthenides. Lucullus took it and Billarus' sphere with him but left all other ornaments of
the city behind. (Strabo, 1. 12.)

4236. After he was finished at Sinope, he restored Amisus to its inhabitants who fled away in
ships. He granted the city the right to use their own laws and gave them their freedom. (Appian.)
He repopulated cities for other Greeks, even for as many who wished that favour from him. He
added to each city 15 miles of land. Moreover, he was kind to the Athenians who in the time of
Sulla had escaped there to live because of Aristion's tyranny. He gave the ones still living
clothes and 200 drachmas each and sent them back to their country. (Plutarch.)

4237. Amasea, Strabo the geographer's country, still held out against the Romans, but yielded
soon after. (Memnon, c. 56.)

4238. After Cotta had destroyed all around Heraclea, he again attacked the walls. The soldiers
lacked enthusiasm for this and he gave up on it. He sent for Triarius and ordered him to quickly
blockade the way and intercept the supplies that came by sea for the townsmen. (Memnon. c.
51.)

4239. Triarius came with his 23 ships and 20 Rhodian ships. He sailed with this fleet to Pontus.
He notified Cotta of his arrival who drew up his army to the walls of the city and Triarius
showed himself at sea. Thereupon the Heracleans were somewhat troubled at Triarius' sudden
arrival with his fleet and put to sea with 30 ships. They were not as well manned as they should
have been since all the other men were used in defending the city against the enemy's assaults.
The Rhodians first attacked the Heraclean ships and 3 Rhodian's ships and 5 of the Heraclean's
were sunk. Thereupon the Romans came into the battle. Although they were soundly defeated in
the battle, they did more harm than they received from the enemy. At the end, they routed the
Heracleans and forced them to retreat back to the city with the loss of 14 of their ships. The
conquering fleet rode into the great port and Cotta withdrew his foot soldiers from storming the
town. (Memnon. c. 52.)

4240. Every day Triarius' men made their sallies from the port to hinder supplies from coming
to the besieged. There was such a shortage of food in the city that a bottle of grain was sold for

80 attics. To make matters worse, a pestilence broke out among them that may have been caused
by unhealthy air or a poor diet. They all did not die in the same way but appeared to suffer from
different diseases. Lamachus' pangs of death were more violent and tedious than any of the
others. This disease raged most among the soldiers of the garrison so that 1000 of the 3000
soldiers died. (Memnon c. 52.)

3935a AM, 4644 JP, 70 BC

4241. Conacorix was now ready to betray the city to the Romans because of the siege. To buy
his own safety, he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, helped to effect
the plot. He was a great rival with Lamachus in all matters and after Lamachus' death, he was
appointed over the garrison. Conacorix did not trust Cotta who was a devious man but told the
matter to Triarius. Damopheles was also anxious to complete the matter and arrived at a fair
bargain for the surrender. The conspirators thought themselves safe and went about their work.
It happened that the conspirators' business became public knowledge. Thereupon citizens came
together and called for the governor of the city and then for Brithagoras who was an eminent
person of authority among his country men. They earnestly asked Conacorix that he would
secure their safety too from Triarius. He was very much opposed to this but he very craftily led
the Heracleans on with this flattering words for a while. (Memnon. c. 53.)

4242. Thereupon in the dead of the night, Conacorix shipped all his men and left the town. This
was the agreement he had made with Triarius that they would march away quietly with all their
baggage. Damopheles opened the gates and let in the Roman army with Triarius. Some of them
came rushing in at the gate and others clambered up the walls. When the Heracleans saw that
they were betrayed, some of them surrendered and the rest were killed. They plundered their
household goods and whatever things they had laid aside in hopes of saving. Indeed; the enemy
acted very cruelly against the citizens, for the Romans remembered what great losses they had
received in the recent navel battle and what great trouble they had in assaulting the town. In
revenge, they did not spare those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places. They
slew them near the altars and the temples even though they begged for mercy. Their condition
seemed so desperate, that many escaped over the walls and dispersed themselves about the
country while others were forced to flee to Cotta. (Mennon. c. 53.)

4243. Cotta was told by those that fled to him that the city was taken and many men were killed
and the town was plundered. He was upset by this news and in a very great indignation he
marched as fast as he could to the city. His army was also very deeply discontented because they
had lost the glory of their valiant achievements and were cheated of all their plunder.
Thereupon, they attacked most fiercely Triarius' men and outdid one another by killing each
other. When Triarius heard of the rebellion, he put an end to the battle by pacifying Cotta with
good words and promised faithfully an equal share of all the plunder they had taken in the town.
(Memnon. c. 53.)

4244. Cotta was told that Conacorix had seized Teium and Amastus and immediately sent
Triarius to recover their cities again from his hands. Cotta stayed at Heraclea and took into his
custody those that surrendered themselves and the prisoners. He went on to other matters. All
his administration was done very cruelly. He searched up and down in every corner for the
wealth of the city. He did not spare the consecrated things. He took down the statues and images
even the very good ones and had a good number of them. He carried Hercules from the market
place and ripped off his ornaments from the pyramid and various other things from the temple

and city that were every bit as rare and beautiful as they. These he put on his ships. For his
farewell, he ordered his soldiers to bring fire and they burnt the city in many places. Thus was
Heraclea taken and subdued after withstanding a 2 year siege. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4245. Triarius arrived at the cities assigned him by Cotta and recovered them when they
surrendered conditionally. He allowed Conacorix to sail away who had thought to conceal his
betrayal of Heraclea by seizing these two cities. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4246. After Cotta had finished matters he turned over all his foot soldiers and cavalry to
Lucullus and dismissed the auxiliaries whom he had from their various allies. Cotta sailed away
with his fleet. It happened that part of the fleet which carried the spoils of Heraclea, was
overloaded and sank not far from shore and the other part was dashed against the sands by a
contrary north wind and lost much of their cargo. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4247. Lucullus left Sornatius behind with 6000 soldiers to order the province and took along
with him 12,000 foot soldiers and less than 3000 cavalry. (2 legions and 500 cavalry according
to Appian) He entered Cappadocia where Ariobarzanes was his friend and made very long
marches to the Euphrates River where Cappadocia borders Armenia. (Salust. Histor. 1. 4. with
Nonium, in vos, Naves codicaria. Memnon, c. 58. Plut. Appian.)

4248. At that time in the winter, the Euphrates River was swollen and rough. About evening, the
water began to recede and by daybreak the river was running within its own banks. Thereupon
the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus. The waters did not go down before but only
at the very time he came to allow him an easy crossing. As soon as he had crossed over with his
army another favourable prodigy happened. One of the oxen came to Lucullus. These animals
were consecrated to the Persian Diana whom the barbarians beyond the Euphrates River worship
with high reverence. Those beasts are usually not captured without much trouble. However, this
one came of its own accord to him and he sacrificed the bull to the Euphrates River for his easy
crossing. He camped there all that day. (Plutarch.)

4249. During the time he marched through Sophenes, he did not offend in any way the
inhabitants and they surrendered to him and cheerfully entertained his army. (Plutarch.) He only
requested some money from them. The inhabitants of those countries did not like fighting so
they would not interfere when Tigranes and Lucullus were fighting. (Appian.)

4250. In those parts there was a citadel, where a great deal of treasure was thought to be stored.
The soldiers wanted to attack the place but Lucullus pointed at Taurus which might be seen in
the distance and said:

vv Let us rather attack that stronghold. What is stored here is only reserved to reward
conquerors."

4251. So they marched on and he crossed the Tigris River and entered Armenia. (Plutarch.)

4252. At the same time as Lucullus invaded Armenia, Alexandra, queen of the Jews, became
very sick. Thereupon Aristobulus, her young son, desired the kingdom and stole out in the night
and took along with him only one servant. He went to the citadels which his father's friends

controlled. Only his wife knew of his plans whom he left at home with his children. The first
place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was in command. He received Aristobulus very
enthusiastically. (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 24. cf. Belli. 1. I.e. 4.)

4253. The next day, the queen noticed Aristobulus' absence, but did not think that he plotted to
take over the kingdom. When messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this
citadel and then of that citadel being seized by her son, then both the queen and the whole
country were in confusion. They feared lest if he should takeover the kingdom, he would call
them to account for their hard usage of his close friends. It was therefore thought best to secure
Aristobulus' wife and children in the citadel which was near the temple. In the meantime, there
was a large crowd of men who defected to Aristobulus and hoped to get something by this
revolution. He behaved like a king and gathered an army from Mount Libanus, Trachonitis and
the neighbouring provinces. (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 24.)

4254. Thereupon Hyrcanus, the high priests, and the elders of the Jews addressed the queen.
They desired her advise about this emergency. She told them to do whatever they thought best
for the public interest and to use the present strength and treasure of the kingdom for that. She
was in such a weak condition of mind and body that she could not help in the public
administration. She died not long after this. (Josephus, 1. 13. c. 24.)

4255. Hyrcanus, her oldest son, succeeded her in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad when Q.
Hortensius and Q. Metellus (later surnamed Creticus) were consuls. (Josephus Antiq. 1. 14. c. 1.)
His mother in his lifetime had turned over the kingdom to him. However, Aristobulus exceeded
him in strength and authority. (Joseph. 1. I.e. 4.)

4256. When the consuls cast lots for their provinces, the managing of war against the Cretians
fell to Hortensius. He was more interested in the city and the forum, in which he had the first
place after Cicero and freely gave this expedition to Metellus. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)

3935b AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC

4257. When the senate declared war on Crete, the wisest of the Cretians thought it best to send
ambassadors to Rome to clear them of all the allegations, to pacify the senate with good words
and secure their reconciliation. This was agreed to and they sent 30 of their most eminent men
on this embassy to Rome. They hoped that they would obtain a new ratification of their former
contract and be thanked for the favour they had showed to their quester and soldiers whom they
had taken prisoners in the recent battle with M. Antionius. The ambassadors by privately
visiting the senators at their houses, won them over to their side. When they were brought into
the senate, they answered the charges against them and recalled the good services they had done
and their alliance in war under the Roman general. It was resolved that the Cretians
impeachments should be removed and that after this they would be allies of the Romans.
However, Lentulus who was surnamed Spinther, had this decree reversed. Thereupon this
particular business was debated several times by the senate. It was concluded that since the
Cretians had sided with the pirate ships and had shared in the booty, they should send to Rome
all their pirate ships even to boats of four tiers of oars. They should also return the ships which
they had taken from the Romans. They were to return all prisoners, renegades and the 300 good
hostages. Lasthenes, who had fought with Antonius and Panares, also demanded 4000 talents of
silver. (Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)

4258. The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians who were at home. They soon sent
one of the consuls to receive what was demanded and if they refused, to wage war with them. It
was certain they would not comply. For was it imaginable that those, who, at the beginning,
before any such things were exacted from them or before they had obtained a victory, would
acknowledge any wrong committed by them? However, now after they had a victory, would
they meekly submit to such haughty demands? The Romans knew full well what would be the
result and suspected the delegates would be bribed to obstruct the wars. Hence they made a
decree in the senate, prohibiting any person from lending the delegates anything. (Dio. Legat.
37. or 38.)

4259. When the Cretians debated the commands of the senate, the most politically astute were of
the opinion that every detail should be observed. Those of Lasthenes' faction were somewhat
obnoxious and feared lest they should be sent to Rome and there be punished for what they had
done. They stirred up the people and exhorted them earnestly to fight for their liberty. (Diod.
Sic. Legat. 35.)

4260. When Cotta had returned to Rome, he was highly honoured by the senate and honoured
with the surname of Ponticus because he had taken Heraclea. (Memnon. c. 61.)

4261. Mithridates had lived in the parts of Armenia for 20 months and had not yet been admitted
to see Tigranes, his son-in-law. At last overcome by his desire to present himself, he met him
with a gallant train and received his father-in-law with princely magnificence. Nevertheless, 3
days passed without any conference between them. Later by the sumptuousness of the
entertainments, he gave sufficient signs of his affection toward him. (Memnon, c. 57.) Then in
the conference which was held very privately at court, they allayed the suspicion of Metrodorus
Sceptius and other friends on both sides. So Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus with
10,000 cavalry. (Memnon.)

4262. Lucullus drew up a company of troops against the city in which he was told that Tigranes
had secured his courtesans and most of his precious things. (Memnon. c. 58.)

4263. Tigranes hung a man as a trouble maker who brought the first news of Lucullus' coming
with his army. After that no one brought him any news. At last when he found it to be true, he
sent Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with 2000 (as Appian) or 3000 (as Plutarch has it) cavalry
and a vast number of foot soldiers. He was ordered to take Lucullus alive and bring him to
Tigranes to deter others from doing the same. (Plutarch and Appian.)

4264. Part of Lucullus' forces were camped and the remainder were on their march when the
scouts brought news of the enemy's approach. Thereupon Lucullus feared lest the enemy should
attack his men when they were not ready for battle. He halted the march and started to fortify his
camp. He sent Sextilius, the delegate, with 1600 cavalry and almost as many foot soldiers with
orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy. He was not to move until he received word
that the camp was thoroughly fortified. However, Mithrobarzanes came so quickly on him that
he was forced to fight. Mithrobarzanes was killed in this battle and most of the rest fled and
were killed in the pursuit. (Plutarch.)

4265. Tigranes left Tigranocerta and committed the custody of the city to Mancaeus. He went
about the country to levy an army and retreated to Taurus. He made that place his headquarters.

(Plutarch cf. Appian.) Lucullus followed him so closely that he could not assemble an army. For
he sent Muraena to attack and take all troops he found marching to Tigranes. Sextilius was sent
another way to attack a large band of Arabians and to prevent their coming to the king,
(Plutarch.)

4266. Sextilius attacked the Arabians before they knew what happened as they were camped. He
captured most of them. Muraena marched after Tigranes and overtook him with a very great
force in an uneven and narrow dale. Muraena had some advantage by the terrain and he fought
with Tigranes who left behind all his wagons and fled as fast as he could. Many Armenians died
in the battle but far more were taken prisoners. (Plutarch.)

4267. Sextilius forced Mancaeus to retreat into Tigranocerta and started plundering the king's
palace which was located outside the walls. He made a trench around the city and the castle to
place the batteries and undermine the walls. (Appian.) At last Lucullus came to them, and closelt
besiege to the city. He thought that Tigranes would not allow him to besiege the town but would
come down in a rage to fight him. (Plutarch) The barbarians hindered his actions greatly. They
shot many arrows and they shot their naphtha or fire pitch from their engines. This naphtha was
a type of a pitchy substance and was so scalding that it burnt all it stuck to. Water would barely
quench it. (Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4268. Mithridates sent ambassadors with letters, (as Plutarch states and not in person) and then
met with Tigranes (as Appian has it) and warned him not to fight the Romans and to rove
around the country with his cavalry. He was to lay it waste if possible and by this deprive the
enemy of food. This was what Lucullus did to Mithridates not long ago at Cyzicum and made
him lose an army without fighting a stroke.

4269. The Armenians and the Gordians joined with Tigranes. Every man of the Medes and
Adiabans were brought by their kings. The Arabians also came in numbers from the Babylonian
Sea. Many Albans came from the Caspian Sea along with the Iberians, their neighbours who
were a free people who lived near Araxes. (Plutarch.) Some came for love of their king and
others came because they were induced by gifts. (Plutarch) Others came from fear. (Cicero, in
Oratione Maniliana.) For the barbarians thought the Roman army came solely to ransack their
countries and their wealthy temple. For this reason many countries including the larger ones
went to fight against Lucullus.

4270. These forces came together. At Tigranes' eating tables and council rooms, they talked
only of victory and how roughly they would handle the enemy when they had captured them.
Taxiles, who was Mithridates' delegate and his assistant, was in danger of losing his head
because in a council of war, only he was opposed to fighting with the Romans. He said that the
Romans were unconquerable. Mithridates envied the glory of the victory Tigranes would have
lest he did not wait until he came and not share with him the glory of the day. (Plutarch.)
However Tigranes sent for Mithridates to come quickly to help him. (Memnon, c. 58.)

427 1 . Tigranes ordered about 6000 soldiers to go and defend the city where his courtesans were
kept. These charged through the Roman brigades and got into the town. They found their return
trip intercepted by a valley of archers and sent away the king's concubines and his treasures
safely by night to Tigranes. At daybreak the Romans and the Thracians fought with those
Armenians and killed many of them and took at least as many prisoners. (Memnon, c. 58. &

Appian. whose account is corrected from Memnon.)

4272. Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the rest of his army. He was very troubled that he
would now only fight with one of the Roman generals, Lucullus, and not with the whole army.
Tigranes had in his army, 20,000 archers and slingers, 55,000 cavalry, 150,000 heavily armed
foot soldiers who were divided partly into regiments and partly into squadrons and 35,000 who
were intended for barricading passes. (Plutarch.)

4273. As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host at Taurus, he viewed from the top of a hill
the Roman army which besieged Tigranocerta. The barbarians in the city welcomed the king's
arrival with howlings and acclamation. They annoyed the Romans from the top of the walls and
pointed to the Armenians on the hill. (Plutarch.)

4274. Lucullus left Muraena with 6000 foot soldiers to continue the siege of Tigranocerta and
marched himself against Tigranes having in his army 24 regiments of foot soldiers of about
10,000 men along with all his cavalry, slingers and archers who numbered about 1000. He
camped near a river in a large spacious field. (Plutarch.) No sooner had Tigranes seen the
Roman camp but he presently mocked their small numbers and reproached them, saying:

vv If these men came as ambassadors, there are a large number of them indeed, but if as enemies
there is but 40 companies of them." (Memnon. c. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4275. As Lucullus was wading with his army over the river, some of his commanders advised
him to be careful what he did that day since it was a black or unlucky day on their calendar. For
on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under Cupidus. Lucullus replied:

vv It behooves us therefore to fight more bravely now, if perchance this may make this dismal
and black day, a day of happiness and rejoicing for the Romans."

4276. That day was the day before the nodes of October. (Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camillo &
Apophthegmat.) according to the Roman calendar at that time. However, according to the Julian
calendar it was July 5th and the the beginning of the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. This is the
time of this battle as referred to by Phlegon.

4277. Lucullus knew that his soldiers were afraid of the heavily armed foot soldiers and
encouraged them. They would have more trouble in stripping them than in defeating them. He
first charged them on the hill and when he saw the barbarians give ground he cried out:

"We have overcome them, fellow soldiers." (Plutarch in Apothegm.)

4278. No sooner was Tigranes' right wing forced to flee but the left also began to retreat. In the
end, they all turned their backs and so the Armenians fled in confusion and haste. The army was
slaughtered. (Memnon. c. 59.) The Romans continued the killing for 15 miles and trampled all
along the way on bracelets and chains until night came. They were forced to give up the chase
and they started stripping the dead bodies. Lucullus had ordered them not to do this until the
enemy was soundly defeated. (Appian.)

4279. Phlegon says Tigranes' forces lost 5000 men and more were taken prisoners. Orosius said
(1. 16. c. 3.) that 30,000 men were reported killed in that battle. Plutarch said that more than
100,000 foot soldiers were killed and very few of the cavalry escaped. The Roman army had 5
killed and 100 wounded. Antiochus the philosopher, in his commentary, De Dias, in mentioning
this battle says there was never a day like it. Strabo (1. histor.) relates how that the Romans
themselves were ashamed of what they had done and jeered themselves for fighting against such
cowardly slaves. Livy said that the Romans never in all their history were so outnumbered as 20
to 1. (Plutarch.)

4280. If we say with Eutropius, Sextus Rufus and Jornandes that Lucullus had 18,000 men in his
army, then that number multiplied by 20, would make 360,000 in Tigranes' army, not 150,000 as
Plutarch stated but 250,000 foot soldiers according to Appian. He would have not 50,000
cavalry as Appian stated but 55,000 as noted by Plutarch. To this host, Plutarch adds 20,000
archers and 35,000 pages. The total would be 360,000. If this is correct then neither Phlegon's
nor Memnon's account are accurate and are far too low. The one assigned to Tigranes' army
40,000 foot soldiers and 30,000 cavalry. The other allowed him a total of 80,000 foot soldiers
and cavalry together. As their accounts are underrated so Eutropius is as much overrated. The
Clibanarii were cavalry in armour of proof, as they are described by Salust. (1. histor.. 4. cited by
Nonius in Voc. Cataphracti,) Plutarch intimates that Lucullus himself wrote to the senate that
Tigranes had in his army only 17,000 of those Clibanarii. So there is no doubt that Eutropius
was extremely mistaken in stating that total was 600,000. In Sextus Rufus' Breviary said there
were not more than 7500 of those Clibanarii but 120,000 or 130,000 archers.

4281. At the very start of the battle, Tigranes fled from the field and ran as fast as he could to
one of his citadels with barely 150 cavalry with him. He found his son as depressed as he was
and he took off the diadem and turban from his head and turned his men over to his son. He
urged him tearfully to shift for himself if he could devise any possible means which had been
tried. The young prince dared not carry those royal ensigns with him but committed them to a
most trusted friend to keep for him. It was his friend's misfortune to be taken prisoner soon after
this and brought to Lucullus. The soldiers took the turban and the diadem and gave them to
Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 59. & Plutarch cf. Oros. 1. 6. c. 3. and Xiphilin. in Epitome Dionis.)
Lucullus marched back to Tigranocerta and continued the siege with more zeal than before.
(Memnon. c. 59.)

4282. Mithridates did not hurry to the battle for he thought that Lucullus would manage this war
with the same caution and delay as he did before. Based on this when he was sent for by
Tigranes, he was not very fast in coming. Soon after, he came upon by chance in the way some
Armenians. They were terrified and ready to fall down for fear. Mithridates suspected
everything was not well with Tigranes' side. Soon after this, he met with other companies of
stripped and wounded and was told of the great defeat. Mithridates hurried as fast as he could to
find Tigranes. When he found him desolate and depressed, he did not gloat over his misfortune.
He dismounted his horse, and after mutually bemoaning each other's sad misfortune, Mithridates
turned over to him his own princely retinue who attended him and encouraged him for the
future. (Plutarch.) After he cheered him up a bit, he gave him royal robes as rich as anything he
had ever worn. He made also some proposals concerning levying new forces. Since Mithridates
already had a considerable army, he said there would be another battle to reverse this
misfortune. Tigranes ascribed more prowess and discretion to Mithridates and thought he would
be better to deal with the Romans than himself. Therefore Tigranes put Mithridates in charge of
the war effort. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4283. Mancaeus saw from the walls of Tigranocerta the sad view of his defeated friends. He
started to disarm all the Greek mercenaries because he suspected they would not remain loyal.
They feared lest they should be laid hold on and took precautions and drew themselves up into a
body and so remained together day and night. When they saw Mancaeus marching against them
with his armed barbarians, they wrapped their clothes about their arms for bucklers and bravely
charged them. Now that they had enough weapons, they seized some forts on the walls and they
called in the Romans that besieged them and received them into the town. (Appian & Plutarch)
Dio (1. 55) related that most of the inhabitants were Cilicians. When they had a disagreement
with the Armenians, they let the Romans into the town by night who plundered everything
except what the Cilicians owned. However, Memnon stated that when Mithridates or rather
Tigranes' commanders saw how desperate things went on their side, they conditionally
surrendered the town to Lucullus. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4284. After Lucullus had captured Tigranocerta and taken the king's treasures which were there,
he let his soldiers plunder the city. In addition to what else they found, they found 8000 talents
of coined money. Moreover Lucullus gave from the spoil 800 drachmas to every soldier. He
found many players which Tigranes had brought there from all over. Tigranes was about to
dedicate the theatre he had built. Lucullus used them for his interludes and triumphs. (Plutarch)
He preserved many wives of the chief officers from harm who were taken. By that means he
won their husbands to his side. (Dio. 1. 35.) He outfitted the Greeks for their journey back into
their country. He allowed the Cappadocians, Cilicians and other barbarians who were forced
there, to also return home. So it happened, that by the ruin of one city (for the works was only
half finished and Lucullus had demolished them and left only a small village) many cities
received back their former citizens and hence many cities were restored. These cities esteemed
him later as their founder, (Plut. with Strabone, at end 1. 11. p. 532. & 1. 12. p. 539.)

4285. Ambassadors came there from almost all the east begging his friendship. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 3.)
The countries of the Sophenians allied themselves to him. Antiochus, the king of the
Commagens (which is a country of Syria located by the river Euphrates and Taurus) also came.
Alchaudonius, a petty prince of Arabia and some others sued for peace through their
ambassadors and Lucullus received them. He added a large part of Armenia to Rome. (Plutarch.
& Dio. 1.35.)

4286. C. Metellus went with 3 legions to the Cretian war and defeated Lasthenes near the city of
Cydonia. He was called emperor and destroyed the whole island with fire and the sword. He
forced the Cretians into their citadels and cities (Floras 1. 3. c. 7. Phlegon year 4. Olymp. 174.
with Photium. Appian legat. 30.) and refused to make peace with them.

4287. Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolemy was born at Auletta. She was the last queen of Egypt of
the Macedonian family and lived 39 years. (Plutarch in Antonia.) Tigranes and Mithridates went
around various countries and raised another army which was placed under the command of
Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4288. Magadates, who managed the army in Syria for 14 years for Tigranes, brought it to the
help of his king. By this act Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Silena, obtained
the kingdom of Syria with the help of the Syrians. He was surnamed Asiaticus because he was
educated there. Lucullus, who had recently defeated Tigranes, did not interfere with his actions
in Syria. (Appian in Syriac. p. 118, 119, & 133.) However, Strabo (1. 11 fin.) wrote that Lucullus

drove out Tigranes, from Syria and Phoenicia and after he defeated Tigranes, Antiochus, the son
of Cyzicenus, (or rather his grandchild by his son) was called king of Syria until Pompey took
that away from him which Lucullus had given to him. Justin (1. 40. c. 2.) stated that 4 years
elapsed between the time he received it and the time it was taken away by Pompey.

4289. Tigranes and Mithridates sent ambassadors begging aid from their neighbours and of
Arsaces the Parthian King. They condemned the Romans and suggested that when they were
destitute and forsaken by others, the Romans had conquered them. After that they would attack
him. (Dio. 1. 35.)

4290. Arsaces was called this because it was the common name of the kings of Parthia. His
proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus but he was called Phradates from Memnon. Phlegon
Trallian (in Photii Bibliotheca cod. 97.) stated that in the year before which was in the 3rd year
of the 177th Olympiad that Phraates succeeded Sinatrucus, the deceased king of the Parthians.
However Dio stated Phraates succeeded Arsacus. Appian said he succeeded Sintricus, which we
shall see was correct. Arsaces had ruled the empire for 6 years before the 3rd war of Mithridates
started. These words are mentioned in a letter he wrote to the same man (of which we shall say
more later) to prove this:

vv You are far removed and all others are obnoxious, so I again renewed the war."

4291. From this we conclude that his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux.

4292. This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for starting a new war about a certain country
that was in dispute between them. Tigranes gave this country back to him again. Moreover the
Parthian also wanted to have the great valleys of Mesopotamia and Adiabene given to him as the
reward for his alliance. However, when Lucullus knew of the embassy that Tigranes and
Mithridates had sent to Arsaces, he also sent some ambassadors. They threatened Arsaces if he
assisted Tigranes and made promises to him if he would side with the Romans. Lucullus'
ambassadors urged him to either help the Romans or remain neutral. Arsaces secretly promised
friendship to both sides and performed it to neither. (Memnon c. 60. Plutarch. & Appian & Dio.
35.)

4293. Among the remains of the 4th book of Salust's History, there is an entire letter of
Mithridates that was sent to Arsaces about this very affair. In it he seemed to turn the
indignation Arsaces had against Tigranes for waging the recent war to his own advantage. He
said:

vv For being guilty you shall receive what alliance you please"

4294. He excuses the great victory the Romans had against him by saying:

vv They forced the multitude into such narrow places that they attributed their victory to their
own strength which indeed was but his imprudence."

4295. Later Mithridates stirred up Arsaces against the Romans by saying:

"You to whom Seleucia is the greatest city, the kingdom of Persia and very great riches do
belong, what can you look for but deceit for the present and war for the time to come? The
Romans have war everywhere, but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries
affords the richest spoil. They invade and they beguile. One war leads to the occasion for
another. By those means (being made great) they either thwart the designs or destroy those that
fight with them. This is not difficult if you in Mesopotamia and surround in Armenia their
armies while they are without food and relief, &c. You shall bravely have the reputation to have
assisted great kings and to have suppressed great robbers. Which I do desire and exhort you to
do, unless you had rather by our ruin enlarge one empire than by our friendship become a
conqueror yourself."

4296. As soon as the unwelcome news of what M. Cotta had done at Heraclea arrived at Rome,
he was a public disgrace and his great riches increased their envy. To avoid this he brought back
most of the spoils to the treasury. However, the Romans were just as suspicious in that they
suspected he restored just a few things from that great abundance he had taken. They also
learned that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddenly to be freed by a public decree. (Memnon c.
61.)

4297. Moreover, Thrasymedes from Heraclea publicly accused Cotta before an assembly and
praised the benevolence of his city to the Romans. He showed that if they had anyway
transgressed, it was not done by the consent of the city but by the fraud of their magistrates and
the power of their adversaries. He cried as he told them about the burning of the city and
tearfully told them how Cotta had plundered all for his private gain. There came also a large
number of men and women captives with their children. They came clothed in mourning clothes
and kneeled down and with many tears held up their hands. The Roman nobles were inclined to
sympathise with their case when Cotta came. After he had pleaded a little in his own language,
he returned. Carbo arose and said:

"We O Cotta gave you commission to take, not to destroy the city."

4298. After him others arose and made similar statements and expressed their indignation
against him. Therefore, many thought he should be banished. In the end, they only took away
his dignity. They restored their lands, sea and harbours to the Heracleans on the condition that
none of them should be made slaves. (Memnon c. 61.)

4299. After this was over, Thrasymedes sent back the people to their country but he stayed with
Brithagora and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome. They did those things
required to represent their country. (Memnon c. 62.)

4300. Lucullus was condemned by strangers and by his own citizens in that he would not pursue
Tigranes but allowed him time to escape when he might easily have subdued him. They thought
he wanted to prolong his own command. Therefore the government of Asia (properly so called)
which was committed to him before, was assigned to the praetors. (Dio, 1. 35.)

4301. Lucullus went to the Gordyens and attended the funeral of their king Zarbienus whom
Tigranes had killed. Zarbienus had secretly entered into a league with Lucullus. Lucullus lit the
fire to the pile of wood that was decorated with royal robes, gold and the spoils had been taken
from Tigranes. At the funeral with his friends and kindred, Lucullus declared him his friend and

a confederate of the Romans. He commanded a beautiful monument to be paid for from the
king's treasury and dedicated to him. By this the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus, they
would have left their houses and have followed him with their wives and children. (Plutarch.)

4302. In the courts of Zarbienus, they found much silver and gold. In his granaries, there was
stored 3 million medimni, or 18 million bushels of grain. The soldiers were supplied by this and
it was a great honour for Lucullus that he had taken nothing from the treasury, but financed the
war from the spoils of the war. (Plutarch.)

4303. Lucullus welcomed ambassadors from Arsaces, the king of the Parthians and they desired
his friendship and alliance. He sent Sicilius or Sextilius to Arsaces. However, Arsaces suspected
from his expertise in military matters that he was sent to spy out the military strength of the land
than to confirm the treaty. He did not give any help to the Romans but remained neutral in the
war. (Plutarch with Dione, 1. 35.)

3936a AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC

4304. When Lucullus had learned that Arsaces was wavering in his loyalty and that he desired
secretly from Tigranes, Mesopotamia for a reward for his friendship, Lucullus decided to treat
Tigranes and Mithridates as defeated enemies. He hurried to march against the Parthians to try
their valour and strength. He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his ambassador there and to
several others that they would bring the forces they had there to him as if he had been ready to
advance from the country of the Gordyens against the Parthians. However, their soldiers were
obstinate and could not be persuaded. They said that if they were left there without help, they
would depart to Pontus. Lucullus' soldiers were corrupted by this news. They saw their riches
and luxury and desired ease and hated the severity of war. However, as soon as they understood
the fury of the Pontics, they said those were fit to be imitated and esteemed. They said they had
already merited their rest and discharge by their many achievements. Hence Lucullus was forced
to forgo his expedition into Parthia. (Plutarch.)

3936b AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4305. Furthermore the island of Delos which is located in the Aegean Sea, was a main centre for
merchants. The island was full of riches yet it is small and without a wall yet it was secure and
feared nothing. (According to Cicero in his Oration, pro lege Manilia) The pirate, Athenodorus,
captured it and carried the inhabitants captive and destroyed the images of their gods. However,
Caius Triarius repaired the ruins and built a wall around it, (Trallianus Phlegon 1. 5. Chronicles),
in the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. (In Bibliotheca, Phocii, cod. 97.)

4306. Mithridates levied troops from every town and called a muster and determined that the
entire force was almost all Armenians. From this he selected 70,000 foot soldiers and half as
many cavalry and sent the rest home. He had arranged them into companies and troops
according to the Italian discipline and he had the Pontics train them. (Appian.)

4307. In that year when Q. Marcius held the office of consul alone, Lucullus could not attack
Tigranes until the middle of summer because it was too cold before that. After he had passed the
Taurus Mountain and saw the green fields, he was astonished that the season was so late there
because of the cold. Nevertheless, he came down into the plains, and after being attacked by the

Armenians in 2 or 3 battles, he routed and dispersed them. (Plutarch, with Dione, 1. 35.) While
Mithridates remained on a hill with the foot soldiers and part of the cavalry, Tigranes with the
rest attacked the Roman foragers and he was defeated. After this the Romans got their
provisions with more security. They moved their camp nearer to Mithridates (Appian.) and
intercepted the supplies for Tigranes. They caused great hardship on the enemy because of lack
of provisions. (Plutarch.)

4308. Lucullus destroyed one part of the country and thought that the barbarians would be
goaded into fighting for it. When he found that they would not, he marched out against them and
his cavalry was distressed by the enemy cavalry. There was no conflict with the foot soldiers.
Lucullus came in with his shields to their relief and scattered the enemy. The enemy was not
greatly harmed by the encounter but shot their arrows back toward those that pursued them.
Many were killed and wounded. The wounds were very serious and hard to be cured for the
arrows had a double point. They were so placed that they were lethal whether they were pulled
out or left in. (Dio.)

4309. In Crete, Lasthenes the governor of Cydonia was besieged by C. Metellus the proconsul.
Lasthenes had fled from there to Gnosus and Panares, another governor of the city, made peace
and surrendered the city to Metellus. Metellus later besieged Gnosus and Lasthenes put all his
wealth into a house and burned it and fled from Gnosus. (Appian. Legat. 30.) Gnosus, Lyctus
and Erithraea along with many other cities were taken by Metellus. (Livy, 1. 99. Floras. 1. 3. c. 7.
Appian Legat. 30.) The Cretians were besieged by Metellus for a long time and brought to great
extremity. They were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urine and their cattle's
urine. (Valer. Max. 1. 7. c. 6.)

4310. Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata, Tigranes' court, where his wife and children
were. Tigranes could not stand for that and raised his camp, and after four days march came and
camped by the Romans. The Arsamia River was between them which the Romans had to cross
to attach Artaxata. (Plutarch.)

431 1. After Lucullus had performed his sacrifice to his gods, he drew out his army, as if he had
been certain of victory. He placed 12 cohorts in the front, he held the rest for reserves lest they
might be surrounded by the enemy. The enemy had a large number of cavalry. Before the
cavalry were the Mardian and Iberian lancers that used arrows also an horseback. Tigranes
trusted these the most as the most valiant among his strangers. However, they did nothing
remarkable and only skirmished for a while with the Romans. They were not able to endure the
force of the legions and they ran away and had the cavalry follow them. (Plutarch.)

4312. As soon as they were dispersed and Lucullus saw Tigranes' cavalry advance, he kept his
soldiers back from chasing the fleeing troops. He suspected Tigranes had a large number of well
trained cavalry. In the meantime with those nobles and officers he had around him, Lucullus
marched up against them that came towards him. The enemy was terrified and fled before they
started to charge. Of the 3 kings, that were then in the field, Mithridates, the king of Pontus, ran
away most shamefully and did not so much as endure the shout of the Romans. The Romans
pursued them all night and were weary of killing and taking prisoners and were tired with taking
and carrying away their money and spoil. Livy reports, that in the former battle, there were
more, but in this the best soldiers and a large part of the enemy were taken or slain. (Plutarch.)

4313. The pirates were at this time so powerful that they covered the whole sea. They
intercepted provisions intended for the fleet and would land and destroy provinces and islands.
The Romans, who had conquered the whole world, did not control the seas. (Plutarch in
Pompey, Appian. in Mithri. Dio 1. 36. Eutrop. 1. 6. Oros. 1. 6. c. 4.) The next year, Cicero in his
speech for the Manilian law reminded them of this:

vv What confederate have you defended? Who was protected by your ships? How many islands
do you think are deserted? How many cities are either forsaken for fear or taken by pirates from
your friends? It was the ancient custom of the Romans to wage war far from home and rather
use their forces in the defence of their friend's fortunes than of their own. Shall I say for these
many years your sons have been a help to your friends and though our army was at Brundusius,
they dare not plant but in the midst of winter? Why should I complain when they were taken that
came to us from abroad when the very ambassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed. Shall I
say the sea is not safe for our merchants when 12 of our guard (there were two praetors Sexilius
and Bellino taken, according to Plutarch) fell into the hands of the pirates? Why should I remind
you of Colophon and Samos, the two noble cities or of many more that have been taken when
you know your own harbours and those very parts you inhabit yourselves have been taken by
those enemies. Where was this government, when the Roman ambassadors, praetors and
questers were intercepted, when public and private commerce from old provinces was forbidden
us, when the merchanise was so confined that we could have no trading either in private or in
public?"

4314. He expressed this, as all other things most elegantly.

4315. The common base of these pirates was Cilicia which was called "the rough" and was the
main base for their activities. They had in every place citadels, towers and deserted islands and
secret creeks for their ships. More especially they that came from this part of Cilicia which was
called "the rough." It had no harbours and had very high rocks rising from the shore. From this,
by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians. This evil which started in
Cilicia, attracted the Cyrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians, Pontics and all the eastern countries
together. Because of Mithridates' war, they were more inclined to do mischief then to endure it.
They exchanged the land for the sea, so that in a short time there became many thousands of
them. (Appian p. 234.)

4316. They had more than 1000 places and 400 cities that they had taken. They pillaged the
temples at Clarius, Didaemaeus and Samothrace that were sacred and untouched before. They
plundered that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion, to Aesculapious at Epidaurus, to
Neptune in Isthmus, Taenarus and Calauria, Apollo in Actium and Leucade, Juno in Samos
Argin and Lucanium. They performed some rites of strangers in Olympus and some secret
mysteries of those who worshipped the sun. They went out of their way to insult Romans. If any
of their prisoners called himself a Roman, they presently feigned fear and knocked their knees
together and falling down at his feet and humbly implored his pardon. While he imagined them
real and sincere, some of them furnished him with shoes, others with garments lest he should be
otherwise any longer unknown. When they had mocked and deluded the man for a long time,
they put down a ladder into the sea and they bade him go down in safety. If he refused, they
threw him down headlong and drowned him. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

3937a AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4317. About the autumnal equinox severe storms unexpectedly struck Lucullus' army. It snowed
for the most part and froze when it was clear. The ice was troublesome for the frozen rivers gave
them little water for the horses. If they broke the ice, the pieces hurt their legs and made it
difficult to cross. The country was forested and they were daily covered with the fall of snow
from the trees and constrained to rest inconveniently in the wet. Therefore, they petitioned
Lucullus through their tribunes and later there was a riot in the night. Lucullus begged them
earnestly but in vain and beseeched them that they not give up until they had destroyed the
greatest work of their enemy the Armenians, since Carthage was taken. It was reported (See note
on 3816c AM «3151») that Artaxata was built by the advice of Hannibal, the Carthaginian.
He failed and was forced to retreat. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Concerning this retreat of the Roman
army, Cicero tried to excuse in his speech for the Manilian law in this way:

""Although our army had taken a city in Tigranes' kingdom called Tigranacerta and had fought
several successful battles, yet were they discouraged by the tediousness of their march. I will not
say any more here. The result was it was complained, our soldiers' return from those places was
more sudden than their march was long."

4318. Lucullus returned through Armenia to Mesopotamia and past Taurus in another place. He
descended into the country of Migdonia which was a very warm and fruitful country. It
contained a large and populous city called by the barbarians, Nisibis, by the Greeks, Antioch
Migdonica. (Plutarch in Lucullo with Orosio 1. 6. c. 3.)

4319. The city was built by the Macedonians (Joseph. 1. 20. c. 2.) but Tigranes had taken that
and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians. He had placed his treasure and many other valuable
things there. It was surrounded with a double brick wall of large thickness and a ditch so deep
and broad that the wall could neither be shaken nor undermined. (Dio. 1. 35.) Guras, Tigranes'
brother, was commander-in-chief and under him was Callimachus. He had performed noble
exploits at Amisus was respected as a person of great knowledge in fortifications and of much
experience in war. (Plutarch.)

4320. Lucullus besieged the city with all manner of engines. (Plutarch.) In the beginning of the
winter the barbarians thought themselves certain of victory and began to be careless. The
Romans had already departed. Lucullus returned one night when the moon was not out and a
fierce thunder storm was going on. The barbarians could neither see nor hear what was
happening. For that reason they left only a few there and had almost deserted the outer wall and
the ditch between the walls. Lucullus by his works, easily scaled over the wall and killed
without much trouble those few sentinels he found. He filled up part of the ditch with earth that
he threw in for they had before this thrown down their bridges. When the enemy could not harm
them with their arrows nor fire because of the rain, he captured the ditch and immediately
captured the city. Their inner walls were not made so strongly because they placed most of their
confidence in the outer wall. (Dio.)

4321. Those that fled into the castle, he received upon terms. (Dio.) Guras the brother of
Tigranes surrendered and was treated civilly. Lucullus put Callimarchus in chains to be
punished even though he promised to show him where large sums of money were hidden.
Callimarchus had burnt Amisus and robbed Lucullus of his glory and ruined that thing which
should have been his gift to the Greeks. (Plutarch.) Much money was later found and Lucullus
wintered at Nisibis. (Dio.)

4322. In the meantime, those who had influence in the assembly and envied Lucullus, charged
that he had prolonged the war from covetousness and desire of command. One said Cilicia,
Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia and all the provinces as far as Phasis,
were already conquered. Now Lucullus was only foraging in Tigranes' countries as if he had
been sent to plunder princes rather than to vanquish them. It is reported that Lucius Quintius one
of the praetors spoke this and persuaded the people of Rome to order another commander to
replace him and disband many of those soldiers that had served faithfully under him. (Plutarch.)

4323. In Lucullus' camp, P. Clodius was a man of great insolence and dissoluteness and greatly
disturbed the camp. He was brother to Lucullus' wife, with whom (she was a lascivious woman)
he was said to be intimate. Lucullus removed him from his command because he degenerated so
much by his behaviour. Clodius stirred up the Fimbrians, (or Valerians) against him. By this we
mean those that he had brought from Fimbria who killed L. Val. Flaccus, the consul and wanted
to command them. When these men were seduced by Clodius, they would not follow Lucullus
against Tigranes or Mithridates. Since it was winter, they extended the time at Gordyene and
expected another commander to come and replace Lucullus. (Plutarch.)

4324. When Lucullus was besieging Nisibis, Tigranes thought the city was invincible and did
not go to its relief. He sent Mithridates into his own country while he marched into Armenia.
For a while he besieged Lucius Fannius, until Lucullus heard of this and marched to his rescue.
(Dio. 1. 35.)

4325. Mithridates marched into Pontus which was the only kingdom that he had left. He had
4000 of his men and 4000 from Tigranes. (Appian.) He invaded one of the Armenian's and other
countries and suddenly attacked many straggling Romans and killed them. He fought fairly and
defeated and recovered many places quickly. The men were inclined to him because he was
born in that country and his father had ruled there before. They did not like the Romans because
they were strangers and some of their governors were tyrants. Hence they came freely to
Mithridates. (Dio.) Concerning this Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law said:

""Mithridates had now gotten his own soldiers and those who had joined themselves to him from
his kingdom along with large numbers from foreign countries and kings. He was reenforced in
this by what we have heard indeed does frequently happen, that a prince's calamities do easily
generate compassion from most men. This is especially true if they be either king's themselves
or live under his government because the name of a king is very reverend and sacred. By this he
has done more by being defeated than if he had been victorious in all that he did."

4326. Mithridates defeated M. Fabius whom Lucullus had left as governor of those parts. He
was helped by the Thracians, who were angry with Fabius although they had been paid by him
previously. The slaves in the Roman camp also helped defeat the Romans. (Dio. cum Appian.)

4327. Fabius had sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they returned with imprecise
information. Fabius advanced without due care and was suddenly attacked by Mithridates. At
that time the Thracians revolted and attacked the Romans. They were routed and 500 were
killed. After that, Fabius feared all the slaves that were in his camp, when Mithridates promised
liberty to the slaves. They also defected to his side and would have doubtlessly killed all the
troops of Fabius had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee. Because of that he was
hit under his eye with an arrow and he was suddenly carried off the field. While the barbarians

were taking care of their king, Fabius used the opportunity to safely retreat with the rest of his
men. The Agari were a people of Scythia who were well skilled in medicines made from the
poison of serpents and for that reason they were always near the king. They had the care of the
king. (lid. inter se callati.)

4328. After this Fabius was besieged in Cabiris and was relieved by C. Triarius as he was
marching that way from Asia to Lucullus. He knew of Mithridates' success and he assembled as
many troops as he could and terrified Mithridates so much that he moved his camp. Mithridates
imagined that he had the entire Roman army with him. This encouraged Triarius and he pursued
them into the country of the Comagenus, (or rather Comans, in Cappadocia, which Dio says
more on later.) He fought and defeated them. Mithridates had camped on one side of a river and
the Romans came down on the other. Mithridates hoped he might find them weary after their
march and he immediately advanced and ordered the rest to attack over another bridge while
they were fighting. They had fought a long time and the battle was indecisive. The bridge
collapsed because so many men had crossed over it and this prevented Mithridates' troops from
helping him. Hence Mithridates was defeated. Since it was now winter, both sides established
their winter quarters after this battle. (Dio. c. 35.)

4329. Aulus Gabinius, a tribune, prevailed with the people that a commander might be chosen
from those who had been consuls. He would have full and absolute power against the pirates and
his command would last for 3 years. He would be furnished with very large forces and many
delegates. It is not certain whether Pompey put him up to this (even though he did not ask for
Pompey) or this was his own idea to ingratiate himself to Pompey. Gabinus was a very wicked
man and whatever he did was not for the benefit of the republic. (Dio. 1. 36.) Cicero in his
speech about him after his return to the senate said:

vv Who, had he not been protected by his being a tribune he could neither have avoided the
power of the praetor, the number of his creditors, nor the proscription of his goods. At that time,
had he not got that order concerning the war with the pirates, necessity and wickedness would
have constrained him to become a pirate himself. This would have been less dangerous and
detrimental to the commonwealth since their adversary would have been from without not
within."

4330. The senate confirmed this order of the people although against their will. (Dio 1. 36.)
Velleius Paterculus, (1. 2. c. 31.) related that like in a war and not as like common thieves the
pirates had frightened the whole world with their ships. This was not by any sudden or secret
expedition of theirs. Moreover they destroyed some cities in Italy. Cnaeus Pompey was sent to
suppress them and had an equal authority with the proconsuls within 50 miles of the sea. By this
decree of the senate, the government of the whole world was placed on one man. However, the
same thing was decreed 2 years earlier in the praetorship of M. Antonius, as Velleius states.
However, it seems to me that it should rather be 6 years earlier than 2 since it appears that M.
Antonius died 3 years before in the Cretian war and that Marcus Antonius died in the Cretian
war 2 years earlier and that "the great care of all the sea coasts within the Roman empire", was
committed to him in the consulship of Lucullus and Cotta. Asconius Pedianus, in his speech of
Verres' praetorship in Sicily has stated this. (See note on 3930 AM «3624» and 3934 AM
«3727».)

4331. By this Gabinian law, for 3 years Pompey had the command of the navy and (as Plutarch
says) over all men in the provinces within 400 furlongs (50 miles) of the sea in all the

Mediterranean. Around it, he had the power to command all kings, governors and cities to help
him. Appian (p. 235.) said it was 50 miles while Velleius and Plutarch said it was 400 furlongs,
allowing 8 furlongs to a mile. Xiphilinus (Dion 1. 6.) says it was 400 furlongs and from (Dion 1.
35.) said it was 3 days' journey from the sea. They considered a day's journey to be 133 furlongs
or about 16 miles.

4332. By the same law, Pompey had the power to choose 15 deputies from the senate. He would
assign these the charge of various provinces. He might take also from the treasury as much
money as he needed. He could take 200 ships and levy what forces he pleased. He called an
assembly of the people and he prevailed with them for much more and doubled his preparation.
He outfitted 500 ships although Appian said he had only 270 including the smaller vessels. He
raised 120,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry (4000 according to Appian). He chose from the
senate, 24 captains for the troops (25 according to Appian) and made them officers under him.
He had two quaesters given to him and 6000 Attic talents. The job seemed so considerable to
pursue so many navies in so large a sea. There were many hiding places where they could
escape to if attacked and launch an attack suddenly from later. (Appian.)

3937b AM, 4647 JP, 67 BC

4333. Pompey was very well supplied with his own ships and his confederates from Rhodes. He
controlled both sides of the sea with his commanders and through them he boxed up the pirates
in every port, bay, creek, recess, promontory or island. (Floras, 1. 3. c. 6.) He gave ships, cavalry
and foot soldiers along with the praetorian standards to those officers he had chosen from the
senate when he had settled matters at sea. Everyone of them had absolute authority in that place
where they were assigned to. Those pirates that were taken by one party were turned over to
others lest any should have too long a pursuit or by sailing too far away, they might prolong the
war. (Appian.)

4334. The Gaditane Straits were given to Tiberius Nero, the Balearic sea, to Manlius Torquatus,
to both of them was committed the care of Spain. Cratilius blocked up the Ligurian Sea, M.
Pomponius, the French, and the sons of Pompey, (the emperor) the Adriatic, Sardinia, Corsica.
The adjacent islands were controlled by Publ. Attilius, the Libyan area by Lentulus. The
Egyptian area was controlled by Marcellius and Lu. Gelliuis had the command of the Tuscan
Sea and the coasts of Italy. C. Lentulus controlled all between Sicily and Epirus. The Ionian Sea
was assigned to Plothus Varo and Terentius Varo. He was the most learned of the Togati of
whom Pliny said (1. 3. c. 1 1 & 1. 7. c. 30. & 1. 16. c. 4.) that he was presented with a naval crown
by Pompey for his efforts in this war. L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus, Attica,
Eubaea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Boeotia. L. Cullius was given all the Aegean Sea and the
Hellespont, although Floras assigned the Asiatic to Caepio. Metellus Nepos was given Lycia,
Pamphylia, Cyprus and Phoenicia. P. Piso was assigned Bithynia, Thracia and Porcius. Cato
besieged the straits so tightly with his ships that he blocked up the Propontis as if it had been a
gate. (Floras, 1. 3. c. 6. & Appian. p. 236.) Pompey, like a king of kings, overlooked all and
required everybody to stay in their areas lest while he found the pirates defeated in one place, he
would be attacked from another area. He ordered that while all were ready to relieve one
another, they should not allow the enemy to escape by sailing around. (Appian. p. 236.)

4335. When his forces were dispersed in this manner through the whole sea, Pompey began
from the lower part and surrounded the enemies' navy and dragged them as with a net into their
harbours. Those who escaped, fled into Cilicia to hide themselves like bees to a hive. (Plutarch

in Pompey.) In 40 days, he with his officers had cleared the Tuscan, African Sardoan, Corsican
and Sicilian seas. He returned to Rome and he did what he wished. (Plutarch in Pompey & Livy
1. 99.& Appian. p. 236.)

4336. Pompey sailed from Brundusium with 60 very good ships to start the war in Cilicia. The
enemy prepared to fight him not because they thought they could beat him but they were very
oppressed and had little to loose. They only attacked once and then found themselves
surrounded. They threw away their arms and oars and with a general shout as a sign of their
submission, they begged their lives. (Floras, 1. 3. c. 6. & Plutarch & Appian.) Cicero affirmed
this in his Manilian speech that in 5 1 days after, he sailed from Brundusium, he had brought all
Sicily in subjection to the Romans. This story of the recovering all Cilicia in so short a time
should be considered as a rhetorical device to praise Pompey. (See note on 3941 AM « ».)

4337. After news came that Mithridates had defeated Fabius and was marching against
Sornatius and Triarius, the Fimbrian (or Valerian), the soldiers were ashamed and followed
Lucullus when he went to their relief. Mithridates in the meantime when Manius Acilius Glabro
and Cai. Piso were consuls, camped opposite Triarius near Gaziursa. He tried to provoke him to
fight by training and exercising his men in the sight of the Romans to engage him before
Lucullus came. He hoped to defeat the Romans and recover the remainder of the kingdom.
Mithridates was not able to draw him out so he sent some of his men to Dadasa to besiege a
citadel which the Romans had left behind them. He hoped that the Romans would come to its
relief so he could attack them. Triarius was not fooled for he feared the number of troops
Mithridates had and expected that Lucullus whom he had sent for, would come soon. Hence he
stayed in his camp. When his soldiers heard that Dadasa was besieged, they were afraid of
losing the goods they had there. In a rebellious manner they threatened that unless he would lead
them out, they would go to defend them without his permission. By this he marched out against
his will. (Dio. 1. 35.)

4338. When Triarius had come out against Mithridates, there was a violent storm that was worse
than anyone could remember. It blew over the tents in either camp, drove the cattle from the
way and knocked down some of the soldiers from the hills. This storm made both sides retire.
When it was told Triarius that Lucullus was near, he attacked Mithridates' camp before day as if
he desired to snatch the victory from Lucullus. After they had fought long with equal fortune
and courage, the king trusted his own wing and at length prevailed and pressed upon the enemy.
He forced their foot soldiers into a dirty ditch where they were cut down because they had poor
footing. Mithridates lost only a few men. After his victory, he courageously pursued their
cavalry through the fields, until a Roman centurion, running like a servant by his side as fast as
his horse, gave him a deep wound in his thigh. The centurion could not kill him because of his
breastplate and was quickly killed by Mithridates' troops. Mithridates was carried into the
farthest part of the army. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.)

4339. After this, the king's friends sounded a retreat and called back the soldiers from this
notable victory. This was unexpected and made fearful lest some bad had happened somewhere
else. They gathered tumultuously around the body of their king. Finally Timothy the physician
stopped the bleeding and held him up on high in their sight. Except for this accident, the
Romans would have been utterly destroyed but escaped by this delay. When Mithridates came
his senses, he reproved them that sounded the retreat. The same day Mithridates broke camp and
marched against the Romans. The Romans were very afraid and utterly deserted. More than
7,000 soldiers were killed in this fight, including 150 centurions and 24 tribunes. In no other

battle before this, were so many officers lost. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.) Appian says this
encounter happened near the Scotius Mountain:

vv a famous place in those parts by reason of Mithridates' victory, Triarius' defeat and the loss of
the Roman army." (Appian p. 254.)

4340. Hirtius states in his commentaries of the war in Alexandria that this was about 3 miles
from Zela, a town in Pontus.

4341. This is the defeat which Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law a year and an half later
remembers:

vv Your army was resolute and victorious but Mithridates attacked them. Allow me in this place,
like those who write of the Roman affairs, to skip over our misfortunes which were so great that
the news did not come to Lucullus by a messenger from the battle but by rumour."

4342. Later he said:

vv After we were defeated in Pontus concerning which a little before I reminded you of against
my will, our friends and confederates were afraid and the wealth and courage of the enemies
increased. The province had no garrison or troops to trust to and Asia would have been lost, O
Romans, had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief
of those countries. His arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his success and held
back Tigranes who with great strength was threatening Asia."

4343. When Mithridates was healed of his wounds, he suspected there might be more of the
enemy among his men. He selected a party on another pretence and ordered everyone suddenly
to their tents. The Romans were found alone and killed. (Dio. 1. 35.)

4344. From there he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the "Lesser." He took all the
provisions he could carry with him and the rest he spoiled lest it should be useful to Lucullus.
About that time Attilius, a Roman senator, was found guilty of conspiracy. He had fled for fear
of justice long ago to Mithridates and had been received into his favour. From respect for his
former office, Mithridates would not torture him but was content only with his death. He
grievously tormented his companions but sent his servants away untouched whom he had made
privy to his design. (Appian.)

4345. Lucullus came to Triarius whom the angry soldiers requested and privately carried him
away. (Plut. in Lucullo.) They left unburied those who had died in the fight. This was thought to
be the first thing that alienated the affections of his own soldiers. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4346. Mithridates waited with his army on a hill near Talaura for Tigranes who was coming to
him with great forces. He refused to fight until he came. However, Mithridates the Mede, one of
Tigranes' sons-in-law, suddenly attacked the Romans as they were scattered abroad and gave
them a great defeat. (Plut. Appian. Dio.)

4347. Quintus Marcius, who was the sole consul the previous year, was sent as proconsul into

Cilicia, Lucullus' main province. Marcius marched with 3 legions through Licaonia and Marcius
asked Lucullus to help him but Lucullus said his soldiers would not follow him. (Salust.
historian 1. 5. apud Priscian. 1. 18. & Dio. 1. 35.)

4348. When Marcus entered into Cilicia, he received graciously Menemachus who had revolted
from Tigranes. Marcus made P. Clodius commander of the navy. Marcus had married Clodius'
sister and Lucullus had married another sister of Clodius. Clodius had fled from Lucullus for
fear of what offences he had committed at Nisibis. (Dio. 1. 35.)

4349. Clodius was attacked by the Cilician pirates by surprise and was taken prisoner. They
demanded a ransom for him. He sent to Ptolemy, the king of Cyprus to see if he would pay it.
Ptolemy only sent 2 talents which the pirates despised. However, they feared Pompey, they
thought it best to free him for nothing. (Strabo, 1. 14. p. 684. Appian. Bell. Civil. 1. 2. p. 441.
Dio. 1. 35, & 38.)

4350. By the Gabinian law, Manius Acilius Glabrio who was the sole consul that year was made
successor to Lucullus in the command of Bithynia and Pontus. The Valerian or Fimbrian legion
that had been discharged before and reemployed, were again disbanded. These troops began to
rebel and despised Lucullus when they luxuriated with the fruits of victory and lived at ease and
with plenty when Lucullus was not present. (Salust. Historiar. 1. 5. with Priscian. 1. 18. & Dio. 1.
35.)

4351. Dio (1. 35.) stated that P. Clodius was the main instigator of this rebellion. Cicero affirmed
this in his speech in reply to prognosticators. He said that when Clodius was freed by the pirates,
he treacherously corrupted Lucullus' army and he fled there. Dio said that he went to Antioch in
Syria to help them against the Arabians whom they had war with. Again he stirred up a rebellion
and was very nearly killed. (Dio 1. 35.)

4352. Lucullus was in a fix. He dared not move from his place nor dared he stay there. Finally
he resolved to march against Tigranes and hoped to attack him by surprise or when he was tired
after his march. He hoped that this would settle the rebellions in his camp but it did not. His
soldiers followed him for a while but when they knew they were heading for Cappadocia, all of
them unanimously without speaking one word turned their backs. When the Valerians or
Fimbrians heard they were discharged at Rome, and that Lucullus' command was given to
others, they all stole from their colours. Lucullus in the meantime tried to reconcile them, and in
great dejection with tears in his eyes, he went to their tents and begged everyone to come back.
He took some of them by the hand but they refused his embraces. They threw down their empty
purses and declared that as he had alone enriched himself by them that he should alone fight
with his enemies. (Plut. & Dio.)

4353. This rebellion of the soldiers who would not follow Lucullus, kept him pursuing
Mithridates and Tigranes and completing his victory over them. The Valerian Legions cried out
that they were disbanded and forsook him. (Livy 1. 98.) Finally they were overcome by the
intreaty of their fellow soldiers, they agreed to keep to their colours that summer on condition
that if no one came to fight them in that time, they might depart. Lucullus was forced to agree
with these men or leave that province with no garrison to defend against the barbarians. He did
not command them or lead them out into battle but thought it sufficient if they only stayed. He
allowed Tigranes to forage in Cappadocia and Mithridates to range over the whole province.

(Plut. in Lucullo.)

4354. Lucullus had written to the senate that he had finished the war with Mithridates and
officers came to him to settle the affairs in Pontus, as if all had been peaceful. (Plutarch, in
Lucullo, Dio. 1. 36.) However, they found that even he was not in control of his troops but was
mocked and derided by the soldiers. When the summer was past they had become so insolent
and contemptuous of their commander, they took up their arms and drew their swords. They
called for their enemies which they could not find anywhere. They retired from the camp with
shouting and throwing up their arms and declared that the time they had promised Lucullus to
stay, had expired. (Plut. in Lucullo.)

4355. When Acilius Glabrio, the consul, arrived at the province that was assigned to him, he
sent criers about and announced that the senate had discharged Lucullus' army and confiscated
his goods because he had prolonged the war and refused to obey their commands. When the
soldiers heard this, most of them forsook him. Only a few stayed with him who were very poor
and did not fear their punishment. (Appian.) As a result of this, Mithridates recovered most of
his kingdom and did much damage to Cappadocia. Lucullus did not fight with Mithridates nor
did Acilius defend the country. For although he hurried as if he would have robbed Lucullus of
his victory, yet when he understood their condition that Lucullus came with no army, he
prolonged his stay in Bithynia. (Dio. 1. 30.)

4356. Cicero in his Manilian speech to the Romans in which as a favour to Lucullus, he excused
what happened by saying:

VV L. Lucullus who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes, was
constrained by your command, (because you had resolved according to ancient custom to
remove his authority.) He dismissed that part of his army which had served out their time and
sent the other to Glabrio."

4357. We conclude this section about Lucullus and will return to the war with the pirates or the
maritime war (as Salust and Cicero calls it) that Pompey completed this summer.

4358. Most of the pirates had sent their children, wealth and the a large multitude into their
citadels and strong holds near the Taurus Mountain. They fought with Pompey at Coracesion in
Cilicia and were defeated and they were soon besieged. Finally they sent out commissioners and
surrendered themselves, their islands and towns. Because of their strength, these would have
been very difficult to capture. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4359. Pompey advanced into Cilicia with a very great number of engines and planned to attack
those pirates that were located on the rocks. This he did not need to do for his fame and the news
of his preparation terrified the pirates. They thought he would be more merciful if they did not
fight him. First those who commanded the great citadel of Cragus and Anticragus and later all
the Cilcians on the mountains, came in and submitted themselves. They turned over many arms
that were either finished or being made including many ships half completed in the docks and
others ready for sale. As well they turned over brass and iron prepared for those ships and sails,
ropes and other material. They surrendered a large number of captives who were forced to
ransom themselves or work in their prisons. Pompey burned the materials, carried away the
ships and sent the prisoners home. Many of them saw their own monuments that their relatives

had made when they assumed they were long dead. (Appian in Mithridatic.) Thus the pirates
were overcome and the whole strength of the pirates subdued in every part of the sea in no more
time than 3 months (Plut. in Pompey.) or 2 months if we will follow Lucan (1. 2.).

Before twice Cynthia did wax and wane. The frightened rover left th' all horrid main To seek a
dwelling in some private plain.

4360. Pompey burnt more than 1300 small boats and destroyed their places of retreat. (Strabo 1.
14. p. 665.) 72 ships wre taken by force and 306 surrendered. (Appian) Plutarch stated that 800
surrendered and of these 90 had prows of iron. Pliny affirmed that there were taken or sunk 846
ships, (1. 7. c. 25. & 26.) 120 towns, citadels and storehouses. 10,000 pirates were killed in the
fight. (Appian.)

4361. There were 20,000 of the pirates left alive whom Pompey planned to let live. However, he
did not think it was safe to allow them to leave or that many soldiers and desperate persons stay
together. (Plut.) Lest poverty might constrain them to future actions, he relocated them into a
certain place remote from the sea and he gave them those fields for farming which he saw
abandoned. He put some in cities that needed inhabitants and gave them a capacity of living
without resorting to thievery. (Livy 99. 1. veil. Pater. 1. 2. c. 32. Floras 1. 3. c. 6. Dio. 1. 36.) He
ordered them to settle in Maltum, Adana, Epiphania and other remote towns in Cilicia (the
Stony) (Appian.) and into a sea town of Cilicia called formerly Solos which he called
Pompeiopolis. He repaired it after it had been destroyed by Tigranes, the Armenian king. He
transferred many to Didymena which lacked inhabitants. (Strabo. 1. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. 1.
36.)

4362. Thus that war that was so long and of so large an extent and effected all countries was
concluded. Pompey prepared for it in the midst of winter, began in the spring and finished in the
middle of summer. Cicero in his Manilian speech said before:

vv This war was so cruel, so ancient and so widely dispersed that who would ever have thought
that either all the commanders in the world could have finished it in one year or any one
commander in all the ages of the world?"

4363. Floras also said that besides the swiftness of execution and the felicity in the success,
there should not be one ship lost. From then on there would be no more pirates. This was done
by the singular conduct of the captain by removing them that had been so used to the sea from
the sight of it and pinning them up as it were in the midland countries. Should not he be listened
to when he speaks of the speediness of the conquest because what had happened only of his
success in the lower seas, (which has indeed enough of wonder in it) he attributes to the
general's seduction. He says this was all finished in 40 days. Cicero denies this and so does Dion
who signifies in these words, ta pleiw awtoethshmirwse that the larger part of the seas were
made safe by Pompey within a year's time.

4364. In Crete, (which after Cilicia Plutarch stated was the next haven of the pirates) the
prisoners were so harshly dealt with that most of them poisoned themselves. Others sent to
Pompey, although he was absent and said that they would surrender to him. (Floras 1. 3. c. 7.)
Pompey was then in Pamphylia, where their ambassadors came and promised all the cities in
Crete would surrender themselves to him. He did not disappoint them but he demanded

hostages. (Cicero, prolege Manilia) In the meantime he forbade Metellus from interfering in that
war and wrote to the Crizens that they should not obey him. (Plutarch in Pompey.) He also
ordered Metellus to leave the island, for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care
committed to him. (Appian. legat. 30.) He sent one of his officers, L. Octavius, there without an
army. He was not to go to wage war but to receive the cities into the favour of the people of
Rome. He shut himself up within the walls with those that were besieged. He fought with them
and made Pompey's name odious and contemptible. (Plut. in Pompey. Dio. 1. 36.)

4365. Metellus despised Pompey's command who was in another province and continued in his
intended war. He was the more bitter in the war in that he exercised the right of a conqueror on
his enemies and hurried to subdue them before Pompey could come. (Floras, Plut. Dio.) He sent
letters to Rome and complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey. He
sent his ambassador into Crete to accept the surrender of the city. Pompey replied to them that
they should surrender. (Livy 1. 99.)

4366. Cornelius Sisenna who at this time was governor of Greece, came with his army into
Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people. He could not persuade him and
did nothing that compelled him to be more tolerant. (Dio. 1. 36.)

4367. Aristion marched from Sidon after he had defeated Lucius Balsus who had come out to
attack him. He took Hierapidna and defended that city against the Romans (Dio. 1. 36.)

4368. Metellus bribed many within the city of Elcuthera and took it by treachery. The
conspirators softened a great tower of brick that was extremely hard to be taken, with vinegar
for some nights so that it could easily be broken. Later he imposed a tax on Elcuthera and took
Lappa by force. He was not deterred by Octavius commanding there and did him no harm. He
only killed the Cilicians he found about him (Dio. 1. 36.) and dismissed Octavius after he had
been mocked and abused with many ignominies in the camp. (Plutarch.)

4369. Octavius did not like this treatment and did not waste time as before. He took command of
Sisenna's army who had recently died of a disease. He relieved those who were oppressed by
Metellus and then went to Aristion. There he managed their war by common consent and for
some time continued in that position. When they heard that Metellus was advancing against
them, they forsook their citadels and sailed away. They were hit by a storm and after the loss of
many of their men, they were forced to run ashore. (Dion. 1. 36.)

4370. Marcus Cotta had dismissed his treasurer P. Oppius on suspicion of defrauding the
treasury and conspiring against him. Oppius had gathered a large amount of money in Bithynia.
He was accused by C. Carbo who was made consul for this although before he had only been a
tribune. (Dion. 1. 36.) (See note on 3935b AM «3805».)

3938a AM, 4647 JP, 67 BC

4371. After Sinatruces (whom Appian called Sintricus, Dio by the common name of the kings of
Parthia, Arsaces) died, his son Phraates succeeded him. He was the 2nd king of Parthia by that
name who by a most impious title was called, "the god." (Appian. in Mithridatic p. 242. & Dio.

1. 36. collat. cum Plegont. in Bibliothec. Photic, cod. 97.) (See note on 3935b AM «3798».)

4372. Hyrcanus (as we read in Josephus, 1. 16. c. 9.) was driven from his kingdom by
Aristobulus, his younger brother, 3 months after the death of his mother Alexandra. However
since it appears there were 6 years from the time Hyrcanus began to reign when R. Hortensius,
and C. Metellus were consuls to the latter end of Aristobulus. It was that year that Jerusalem was
taken by Pompey when C. Antionius and M. Tullius Cicero were consuls. Josephus allows 3
years and 3 months to Aristobulus. Therefore Hyrcanus must have ruled for about 3 years not
three months. If we deduct 2 months from this then the time will be exact.

4373. About this time, they fought at Jericho and many of Hyrcanus' men defected to his brother
Aristobulus. Hyrcanus fled into the citadel where the wife and children of Aristobulus had been
placed by Alexandra his mother. The rest fled to the temple from fear of Aristobulus and
surrendered a short time later. Finally the brothers came to a peace treaty. Aristobulus would
rule and his brother would be allowed to lead a private life and enjoy that wealth he had gotten
by his wits. They made this covenant in the temple and after all oaths were made, they embraced
one another in the sight of the people. Aristobulus took over the court and Hyrcanus retired as a
private person to Aristobulus' house. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 1.) Thus Aristobulus held the kingdom
and chief priest's office for 3 years and 3 months. (Joseph. 1. 20. c. 8.)

4374. Lucius Tullus and Aemilius Lepidus were consuls at the beginning of their consulship in
January which was really October on the Julian calendar. At this time the senate set aside a law
that was passed by the people the night before and sponsored by C. Manilus, a tribune of the
people. The law stated that those servants who were freed should be allowed the same voting
privileges as their masters. For this reason Manilus feared for his safety since he was only a
mercenary and representative to those that were in power. To ingratiate Pompey, he proclaimed
another law. This stated that the charge of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates along with the
legions and provinces that were under Lucullus, Cilicia which was under the command of
Marcius the sole consul and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio should be handed over to Pompey.
Also there would be no change in Pompey's maritime command. (Dio, 1. 36. with Livy 1. 100.
Vellei. Pater. 1. 2. c. 33. Asconio Pedian. in Ora. Cornelianam, & Plutarch in Pompey.)

4375. Livy noted that this law was past with great indignation from the nobility. It seemed to the
senate no less than an obvious insult to Lucullus. Pompey was not sent to succeed him in the
war so much as in the victory and to take possession of the spoils he had taken rather than the
administration of the war. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Nor did it please those who were forced to
recall Marcius and Acilius from their commands before the time they had given them had
expired. (Dio. 1. 36.) They were chiefly jealous of Pompey's power to whom by this means, the
whole Roman empire was subjected. For those provinces which by the former Gabinian law, he
did not control like Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis and
Armenia, by this law were under his power. (Plutarch in Pompey.) Also he received power to
make war and settle a peace and that he might by his own will, judge anyone his enemy or make
any his friend and associate as he thought best. He had also the command of all the armies
which were from Italy. No Roman before him had so much power. (Appian. p. 238.)

4376. At this time, Cicero who was then a praetor, made his speech for the Manilian law in the
23rd year after that cruel slaughter of the citizens of Rome which was perpetrated in Asia by
Mithridates' order in one day:

vv He now reigns, the 23rd year from that time and reigns so not as to hide himself in Pontus or
Cappadocia but to break out and invade the tributaries and breathe your Asian air."

4377. Pompey was still following up on his victory over the pirates in Cilicia. However,
Plutarch (in Pompey) stated that the war was ended and he had nothing to do and was visiting
the cities around there. When he received letters from Rome, he knew what had happened there.
His friends congratulated him on the news. However, he is reported to have frowned and struck
his thigh as if he were already weary and discontented with his command. They all knew he
really wanted that opportunity. (Plutarch in Pompey, Dio. 1. 36.) Although he had formerly made
a plan of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now and all his maritime business as if
there was nothing left undone. He applied himself fully to war with the barbarians. (Dio. 1. 36.)
He recalled the soldiers to him and requested the assistance of those kings and potentates he had
received as friends. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4378. Tigranes the younger, the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter, revolted from his
father, Tigranes, and was defeated but not captured. He joined with the chief men who were
discontented with his father and defected to Phraates, the king of the Parthians. (Livy 1. 100.
Appian. p. 242. Dio, 1. 36.)

4379. Pompey continued in his war with Mithridates and renewed his league with Phraates, the
king of Parthia (Livy.) on the same conditions which were previously offered with Sulla and
Lucullus. Pompey (Lucan 1. 8.) said this about that:

-If those pacts were sworn to me By th' Latian Thund'rer, continu'd be Which your own Magi
joined-"

4380. According to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger invaded Armenia which was
subject to Tigranes. They advanced as far as Artaxata, overcoming all opposition on the way and
besieged it. Tigranes the elder retired among the mountains from fear. (Dio.)

3938b AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4381. Pompey wanted to find out Mithridates' intentions and sent Metrophanes to him with very
friendly proposals. Mithridates hoped that Phraates who was the new king of Parthia would have
joined with him and rejected the proposals. When he knew that Phraates had a league with
Pompey and was engaged to invade Armenia, he had second thoughts and immediately sent
ambassadors with propositions of peace. Pompey required that he should lay down arms and
surrender those that had revolted. (Dio.)

4382. As soon as Mithridates' army heard this, the runaways who were many in number,
suspected they would be turned over and the barbarians thought they would have to continue the
war without their help and rebelled. This would have been disastrous for Mithridates, had he not
pretended that he sent his ambassadors to spy out the strength of the enemy rather than to desire
peace. (Dio.) He swore moreover he would neither have friendship with the Romans because
they were so covetous and neither would he surrender any of them or do anything unless it was
for the common good. (Appian.)

4383. When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him (Dio.) at the citadel of
Danala. (Strabo. 1. 12. p. 567.) Lucullus, in respect of his age and dignity of his consulships was

the better man but Pompey's dignity, in respect of the number of his commands and two
triumphs that he had, was the greater of the two. Both of them had garlands of laurel carried
before them in honour of their victories. Pompey's laurels were dead and withered because he
had come a long journey through dry and squalid countries. When Lucullus' lictors saw this,
they courteously presented him with some of theirs which were fresh and green. Pompey's
friends looked on this sign of friendship as a good omen that he should carry the rewards of
Lucullus' victories. (Plutarch in Lucullo & Pompey.)

4384. Lucullus told him that all things were already subdued and there was no reason for that
expedition at all. Also he said that persons had come who were sent by the senate to settle
affairs. He failed to persuade Pompey to go back and started to complain and slander him (Dio,
1. 36.) so much so that there began to be a great argument between them. Pompey objected to
Lucullus' covetousness and Lucullus about Pompey's insatiable desire for command. Neither of
them could be accused of saying anything false in what they said. (Velleius Pater. 1. 2. c. 33.
Plutarch in Pompey.)

4385. For this reason Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he
pleased and gave away many good gifts besides. Pompey sharply reproved him for this in that
he settled and conferred honours and rewards while the enemy was not defeated. This was not
normally done until the war was over. Pompey was offended and moved his camp a little further
from him and ordered that no one should obey or come near Lucullus. He made a public edict
and forbid the confirmation of Lucullus' acts or the council his officers should suggest. Since
Pompey had the larger army, he was the most formidable. Pompey left him only 1600 for his
triumph and took away all his soldiers. They were as useless to him by their rebellious
behaviour as they were to Lucullus. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Lucullo.) Only the Valerian or
Fimbrian legions served Pompey faithfully although they were rebellious with Lucullus. (Dio. 1.
35, &36.)

4386. Lucullus returned from there to Rome and brought along with him a good number of
books which were part of his spoil from Pontus. (Isidor. Origin. 1. 6. c. 3.) He placed them in his
library which was always open to all people especially the Greeks. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He was
also the first one who brought cherries into Italy. (Pliny, 1. 15. c. 25.) In spite of his poor
treatment by Pompey, he was received very honourably by the senate. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

4387. When Metellus had defeated the island of Crete, he took away the laws from an island
which before that time was free. (Livy 1. 100.) He removed their liberty which they had for so
long enjoyed, by imposing his taxes on them. (Velle. Patere. 1. 2. c. 38.) Orosius (1. 6. c. 4.)
stated that Metellus subdued that island in 2 year's time and wore it out with continual
skirmishes. Eutropius (1. 6.) said that he overcame the whole country in 3 years in several large
battles. Velleius Patere agrees with him and said (1. 2. c.34.) this:

vv About that time the island of Crete was subdued by the Romans. They had resisted with an
army of 24,000 young men who were pernicious with respect of their agility, patient in respect
of labour and skilful in respect of the management of their arms. Under the command of Panares
and Lasthenes, they had for 3 years together tired the Roman army."

4388. L. Flaccus along with the commander-in-chief, bore the brunt of that war. (Cicero pro
Flacco.) Caius Nasennius, a Suessan freeman, commanded the 8th century and was called the

chief. (Cicero ad Brutum. epist. 8.) Cnius Plancius was a person very much approved by C.
Sacerdos, the ambassador and by L. Flaccus. He was a soldier under C. Metellus. (Cicero pro
Plantio.)

4389. Hence the men of Crete who were before free and had never yet known any foreign
command, were brought under the yoke and Metellus received the name of Cretensis after them
by the senate. (Dio. 1. 36.)

4390. Antipas who was also called Antipater, was the governor of Idumea and father to Herod,
the king of Judea. He was a rich man, a trouble maker and energetic. He feared Aristobulus'
power because of some grudges between them and he sided with Hyrcanus' party. When the
secret aspersions of Aristobulus prevailed then Antipater stirred up the chief of the Jews to enter
into a conspiracy against him. He suggested it would be very unwise to let Aristobulus occupy a
position he had usurped by force and displaced his older brother and robbed him of the
prerogative of his birth. Antipater worked away on Hyrcanus continually. He added that his very
life was in danger unless he fled, for Aristobulus' friends were continually plotting how they
should establish the authority on another when they had removed him out of the way. However,
Hyrcanus was a good man and not easily moved by rumours and gave little credence to his
information. His quiet disposition and gentleness of mind had given him the reputation of being
slothful. However, Antipater continued to complain about his brother as if he had plans to kill
him. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 2.)

4391. Phraates found the siege of Artaxata would likely last for a long time. He left part of his
forces with Tigranes' son and returned home. (Dio. 1. 36.)

4392. The nearer Spain was allocated to C. Julius Caesar when he was a quester. He was
ordered by the praetor to travel about the various countries and decide matters of law. When he
came to Gades, he saw in Hercules' temple, Alexander the Great's tomb. He was depressed that
he had done nothing of note by the time he was 34 when Alexander had conquered the world.
He became greatly depressed and begged that he might be sent back to Rome so that he might at
the first opportunity attempt some noble thing. He left before his time and went to some Italian
colonies that were in rebellion. He would have stirred them to do something, had not the consuls
kept them in control with their legions which were raised to go into Cilicia. (Sueto, in Julio.
Caesare, c. 7, 8.)

4393. Pompey controlled all the seas between Phoenicia and the Bosphorus with his navy. He
advanced against Mithridates with a select army of 30,000 foot soldiers arranged in a phalanx
for the safe keeping of his country. Plutarch said he also had 2000 (3000 Appian) cavalry. (Plut.
in Pompey. Appian. p. 238.) Moreover that because Lucullus had recently pillaged that country,
he had caused a great shortage of provisions for the enemy. Many fled to Pompey although
Mithridates used all the severity he could to prevent this. He threw them down steep rocks or put
out their eyes or burned them alive. This prevented many from defecting but they were very
short of provisions. (Appian. p. 238.)

4394. Pompey placed some troops in ambush and sent out others to face the king's camp and
provoke him to battle. They were ordered to turn and flee after they came out and thereby draw
them into his trap. The king suspected it and drew out his foot soldiers. They might possibly
have pursued them as far as their camp. This was the first skirmish between the cavalry. (Appian

p. 238.)

4395. Mithridates was outnumbered and avoided fighting Pompey and destroyed the countries
where he came. He tried by marching up and down to wear out his enemy or cause them a
shortage of provisions. Pompey went into Armenia the Less, which was subject to Mithridates,
partly to get food and partly to take it over since it was without enemy troops. Finally,
Mithridates went there lest that province in his absence should fall into the hands of his enemies.
(Dio. 1. 36.)

4396. Mithridates camped on a strong and secure hill opposite his enemy. He stayed there
quietly with his whole army and hoped to drive the Romans into distress by intercepting their
provisions and thereby defeat them. Mithridates was in his own country and was well supplied
from all parts. Under this hill there was a plain into which he sent some cavalry to encounter and
cut off all they met. By this it happened that many defected from the enemy to him. (Dio. 1. 36.)

4397. Pompey did not dare to attack the enemy in that place and moved his camp to another
spacious area that was surrounded by woods. By this he secured himself from their troops and
arrows. He laid ambush in a convenient place and he made a few advances and faced their camp.
After raising a tumult, he drew the enemy from their works to the place he had planned and gave
them a great defeat. By this victory, the Romans were encouraged and Pompey sent out others to
the other parts of the country to bring in provisions. (Dio. 1. 36.)

4398. Mithridates left the hill where he camped because he thought it was a barren, dry place.
Pompey came and occupied it. When he saw how the plants grew so well and the hollowness of
the place, he thought there must be water there. He ordered his troops to dig wells up and down
the hill. They soon had so much water in their camp that he wondered why Mithridates had not
found it long ago. (Plutarch.)

4399. Mithridates camped on a mountain near Dastira in Acilisena which had abundant water
and not far from the Euphrates River which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Less. (Strabo, 1.
12. p. 555.) Orosius wrote that Pompey blockaded the king's camp near the Dastrocus Mountain
in Armenia the Less, (1. 6. c. 4.) and made a line around the king of about 18 miles. He built
several citadels there so that he might intercept their foragers. The king did not hinder the work
either from fear or folly which was often the forerunners of disaster. (Appian.) Mithridates was
besieged for 45 days (Plutarch) but Appian said it was for 50 days. They could scarcely keep
themselves alive after they had killed all the cattle they had and only spared the horses.

4400. Finally Mithridates knew that the enemy had been supplied with provisions and had
captured a country in Armenia called Manaitin. Many of his men defected to Pompey and
Marius' army along with the legions which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia where he
was governor were coming to Pompey. Mithridates was afraid and planned to leave that country.
(Dio.) He killed those who were sick and of no use and he went out in the night with the entire
army very quietly and escaped. (Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius) He planned by marching in the
night to go into Armenia the Greater which was subject to Tigranes (Dio.) and there to drive off
Pompey if he pursued him. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 4.)

4401. The next day, Pompey after much trouble caught up to him and attacked his rear. The
king, in spite of his friends' advice, would not fight and was contented to beat back the enemy

with some cavalry only. In the evening he retired into the woods. (Appian.)

4402. The next day, Mithridates occupied a village, that was surrounded by rocks on all sides
and there was only one way in. He guarded that with 4 companies of foot soldiers. The Romans
also guarded the entrance to prevent the escape of the king. (Appian.)

4403. When they were come to the borders Pompey feared Mithridates would get ahead of him
and cross the Euphrates River and make his escape. He resolved to force a battle with them at
night. (Plutarch & Dio.) He moved his camp and deceived the barbarians who rested until noon.
He marched the same way they were to come. He occupied a convenient place among the hills
and drew up his men into the highest parts of it and waited for the enemy. The barbarians did
not suspect this and since the Romans did not fight with them, they did not even send scouts
ahead to spy out their way. (Dio.)

4404. It is said that at that time Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of
what was to happen. He seemed to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontic sea and came within
sight of the Bosphorus. He was overjoyed with certain and unquestionable safety and began
pleasantly to accost those who carried him. Suddenly, he found himself deserted and tossed
about on a small part of the ship. While he was thinking about this vision, his friends who were
around him awoke him and told him that Pompey was near. Therefore he was forced to fight for
his camp and brought out his army. Both sides drew into battle array. (Plutarch.)

4405. When Pompey saw that they were prepared for a fight, he thought it best not to fight in the
night but to surround them so they could not escape. He could attack them next morning with
his army which was much stronger. However the older and chief of his officers by their urging,
provoked him to attack then. (Plutarch.)

4406. Therefore, it was agreed that all the trumpets would sound a charge together. After this,
the soldiers and the whole multitude would give a shout and then some would strike their spears
against their brass vessels. The mountains echoed and made the noise more horrible. When the
barbarians suddenly heard this in the night in a deserted place, they were exceedingly dismayed
and supposed they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the meantime, the
Romans from above threw down stones, arrows and darts on every side. Since there were so
many barbarians almost every object hit someone. After they had shot all their arrows, they ran
down violently on the barbarians. They were kicking and pressing each other forward and were
killed and not able to defend themselves nor attack the enemy. Most of them were cavalry men
and archers who could do little in the dark and in confined a space. (Dio.)

4407. As soon as the moon was up, the barbarians thought they might repel the enemy in its
light and were encouraged. This might have helped them but the moon was on the Romans'
backs. As the moon began to set and their shadows appeared long ahead of their bodies and
close to the enemy. They judged their distance by these long shadows and shot arrows not far
enough to hit the Romans. The Romans later attacked them and easily defeated them. (Dio. cum
Flo. Plut. & Eutrop.)

4408. This battle was in the night. (Livy, 1. 100, Floras 1. 3, Plutarch in Pompey, Dio 1. 36,
Eutropius 1. 6. Orosius 1. 6. c. 4.) Only Appian says it was in the day and happened like this.
Both armies were drawn up early in the morning and some soldiers from both sides advanced

and skirmished among the rocks. Some of the king's cavalry men came running on foot without
orders to relieve their fellow soldiers. They were charged by a large number of the Roman
cavalry and they ran back in one company to their tents to get their horses to better confront
their enemy. The Pontics who were on guard, saw from an high place the noise and haste as they
ran and thought their camp had been breached in some other part and that was the reason of their
flight. They threw away their arms and fled but there was nowhere to escape. They ran afoul of
one another until by their crowding they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easy for
Pompey to perform the rest and to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed and so
entangled among the rocks. There were 10,000 slain and their camp was taken along with all
their ammunition and baggage. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 239, 240.)

4409. Plutarch stated that many more than 10,000 were killed. Dio said that there were very
many killed and as many taken prisoners. Eurtopius stated the total was 40,000. Orosius stated
there were this many either killed or captured. Eutropius says Pompey lost only 20 or 30 of his
men and 2 of his captains. Orosius stated the Romans had 1000 wounded and about 40 killed.

4410. Mithridates with a troop of 800 cavalry broke through the Roman lines. Finally the rest
abandoned him and he was left with only 3 in his company. Hypsicratia was one of these whom
the king called Hypsicrates because of her masculine spirit. Plutarch calls her his concubine but
Valer. Maxim, and Eutropius said she was his wife. Although she wore a Persian man's cloths
and rode on horseback, yet she was neither tired by the tediousness of her own flight nor with
the care and solicitousness of the king. (Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. 1. 4. c. 6. Eutropius, 1. 6.) His
daughter Dripetine, accompanied him in this distressing time. She was born to him by Laodice
the queen but was very deformed by a double row of teeth. (Valer. Max. 1. I.e. 8.)

441 1. Hence the king escaped through the confusion of the battle and was helped by a clear
night. He lead his horse by his hand when he came into places and trembled at every noise he
heard. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 4.) Finally, he came to some mercenary cavalry and 3,000 foot solders and
was escorted into the citadel of Sinoria where he had stored much money. (Appian.) Plutarch
calls the citadel Inora, Strabo, Sinoria or Synoria and it was located on the border of Armenia
the Greater and the Less. (Strabo, 1. 12. p. 555.)

4412. He gave gifts and a year's pay to those who had escorted him in his flight. He took
(Appian) 6000 talents along with him. He also gave expensive garments to those that came to
him from the rout. He also gave deadly poison to his friends to carry about with them lest any of
them should fall into the enemy's hands. From there he marched into Armenia to Tigranes.
(Plutarch.)

4413. Tigranes was pestered by the ambassadors from Mithridates and would not receive
Mithridates but threw his ambassadors into prison. He pretended that Mithridates was the cause
of his son's rebellion. Thus Mithridates' hopes were frustrated. He crossed over the Euphrates
River and fled into Colchis (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.) which was formerly subject to him. (Strabo,
1. 12. p. 555.)

4414. He did not stop and on the 4th day he crossed the Euphrates River. They armed
themselves for 3 days and assigned those troops he had with him or who came to him. He
attacked Chotenis the chief town in Armenia because the Chotenians and Iberians had tried to
impede the march with slings and arrows but he was able to beat off their attack. Then he

advanced to the Absarus River. (Appian.)

4415. Pompey sent out troops to pursue Mithridates but he had crossed the Phasis River and
escaped. So Pompey built a city in the same place where he won his victory (Dio. 1. 36.)
between the two rivers which had their source in the same mountain. These were the Euphrates
and Araxes Rivers which are located in the Lesser Armenia and for that reason he called the
city, Nicopolis. He gave this city with the consent of his soldiers to those who were old or lame
or sick or wounded or disbanded. Many of the neighbours moved there also and the
Nicopolitans lived after the customs of the Cappadocians. (Dio. 1.36. & Strabo, 1. 12. p. 555. &
Appian. p. 243, 251. & Oros. 1. 6. c. 4.)

4416. Tigranes, the father, advanced against Tigranes, his son, who was left alone to besiege the
Artaxati and defeated him. He fled first toward Mithridates, his grandfather. When he heard that
he also was defeated and was likely in more need of help than being able to help him, Tigranes
defected to the Romans. (Dio. 1. 36.) He was willing to help them, even though he was the
grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter. (Appian.) He met Pompey at the Araxes River
(Plutarch.) and guided Pompey and his army into Armenia against his father who was
considered a confederate of Mithridates. (Dio. 1. 36.) They went to Artaxatis to the court of
Tigranes. (Appian.)

4417. When Tigranes, the father, knew of this he was exceedingly terrified. He heard that
Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature and he sent a trumpeter to him and by him turned
over Mithridates' ambassadors that he imprisoned. His son prevented him from obtaining any
tolerable conditions and Pompey nevertheless crossed the Araxis River and approached near to
Arraxatis. Finally Tigranes surrendered the city and all the garrison was in it. He with his friends
and kindred went out to meet Pompey without sending so much as an herald before them. He
surrendered all his right into his hands and appealing to him for justice against his son.
(Plutarch. Appian. Dio.)

4418. So that he might appear to Pompey worthy of respect and compassion, he said he would
retain a mediocre position between his former dignity and his present misery. He had taken off
his gown that was half white and his royal robe of purple but wore his diadem and the
ornaments for his head. (Dio.) When Pompey sent the captains and officers of his cavalry to
meet and honour him, his friends that were with him, fled for they worried about their security
because they had sent no heralds ahead of them. (Appian.)

4419. When Tigranes came to Pompey's camp which was 16 miles away from Arraxatis, two
lictors from Pompey came to him and ordered him to get off his horse. According to the customs
of his country he had entered the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the
Roman camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed and unbuckled his sword and delivered it to them.
(Eutr. Plut. & Dio.) Pompey saw him enter on foot after he had thrown away his crown. He
prostrated him himself on the ground according to the custom of the barbarians. Pompey was
touched with compassion and he ran over to him. He caught him by the hand and lifted him up
and put on his crown again that he had cast away. Pompey ordered him to sit down on one side
of him and his son on the other side. Tigranes' son did not rise up to greet his father nor show
him any respect. (Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. 1. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch, in Pompey &
Lucul. & Cimonis collatione.)

4420. Tigranes surrendered himself and his kingdom to Pompey, for he had previously stated
that there was no man in Rome or any other country that he would have surrendered to except
Pompey. He said that he would be content with whatever happened to him, whether it was good
or bad. He also said that it was no disparagement to be conquered by him, whom it was a sin to
conquer, nor was it dishonourable to submit to him whom fortune had exalted above everyone.
(Vel. Pater. 1. 2. c. 37.) He and his son were later invited by Pompey to supper but the son
excused himself and gave Pompey a reason to be offended at him. (Dio.)

4421. The next day after their disputes were heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia,
(the ancient possession of his forefathers,) to Tigranes, the elder. Strabo stated he added the
greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (1. 16. p. 747.) and took away those countries he had
gained in the war. He imposed a fine of 6000 talents of silver on him which was to be paid to the
people of Rome because he had waged war with them without a cause. He gave his son the
command of Gordena and Sophena with the freedom of joining the rest of Armenia to it when
his father died. He gave the treasure in Sophena, (a country in the borders of Armenia) to the
father otherwise he would not be able to pay his fine. (Cicero, Velles. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio.
& Eutrop. as was said before.)

4422. Tigranes, the father, was very glad for these conditions and that he was called a king by
the Romans. He left and went through Cappadocia, some parts of Cilicia, and all of Syria and
Phoenicia from the Euphrates River to the sea. He controlled these provinces with part of Cilicia
when he had driven out Antiochus Pius. (Livy, 1. 101. Vellei. Patercul. 1. 2. c. 37. Plutarch,
Appian, Dio, & Eutrop.)

4423. Tigranes, the younger, was badly disappointed and plotted to escape. Pompey knew of
this and restrained him but with liberty to move around. He sent messengers to those that kept
the money, to demand it for Tigranes the elder. They refused and stated they only took orders
from Tigranes the younger whom they thought this country belonged to. Tigranes was sent to
the citadel and was shut out. Against his will, he ordered them to open to him, but the keepers
refused and said he only made the order because Pompey forced him to. Pompey was displeased
and chained the younger Tigranes and finally got the treasure for his father. (Dio. 1. 36.)

4424. Appian said that the Armenians who deserted the king on his journey to the Roman camp,
asked his son who stayed with Pompey to dispose of his father but he was taken and put in irons.
However, when he was bound, through his messengers he persuaded the Parthians to fight the
Romans and pretended he was imprisoned for the triumph.

4425. After the father received his money, he gave a greater portion of money than was agreed
on by Pompey. He freely gave to every soldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo says) 150, to every
captain 1000, every colonel 10,000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but
6000 drachmas. By this he was counted among the friends and confederates of the people of
Rome. (Strabo, 1. 11. p. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio.) Pompey delivered the money due to the
people of Rome, according to his custom, to the treasurer for the public use. (Velei. Pater. 1. 2. c.
37.)

4426. Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whole kingdom of Cappadocia, Sophena and Gordena,
which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger. This area was later called the province of
Cappadocia. Pompey also gave him Cabala, (or Gabala) a city of Cilicia and some others which

Ariobarzanes later left entirely to his sons. (Appian. p. 243, 244.)
3939a AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4427. A few days before C. Julius Caesar entered into the office of the aedile, he was suspected
of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the consul. Sulla and Antionius were also suspected as
their term as consuls expired. They were condemned for trying to overthrow the republic at the
beginning of the year. (January corresponded to October on the Julian calendar when Cotta and
Torquatus entered the consulship.) They planned to invade the senate and kill whom they
pleased and Crassus was to become the dictator and he should be called the master of his horse.
The whole state would be run as they saw fit and the consulship would be restored to Sulla and
Antonius. From this it was that Cicero in an letter to Axius stated that when Caesar was consul,
he settled the kingdom as he planned to when he was an aedile. (Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c. 9.)

4428. Pompey left Armenia under the command of Afranius and pursued Mithridates through
those countries that lie around the Caucasus. These were the large countries of the Albanians
and Iberians. They allowed him to go through when he first came. (Plutarch) However, Livy (1.
101.) said that Pompey fought and overcame them because they refused to allow him access.
This battle is briefly mentioned by Plutarch and Appian. Dio. gave more details. Pompey
divided his army into three parts and took his winter quarters near the Cyrnus River in the
country around Tanais. In spite of this he did not have peace. Oroesus, the king of the Albanians
who inhabited the country above the Cyrnus River (or Cyrus) (Floras, 1. 3, c. 5. & Eutropius, 1.
6. & Orosius, 1. 6. c. 4. called him Orodes.) advanced against the Romans. He did this partly to
gratify his friend, Tigranes the younger but especially because he feared the Romans would
invade Albania. He hoped that if he attacked in the winter by surprise, then they would not have
pitched their camp in one place. He wanted to do some brave exploit. He advanced with his
army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals. He personally marched against
Metellus Celer who had Tigranes with him. Others went against Pompey while others against
the commander of the third party under Lucius Flaccus. He wanted to attack all three at once so
they could not help one another. (Dio, 1. 36.) Appian stated that Oroezes, the king of the
Albanians and Otocus, (or rather Artocus) the king of the Iberians, set an ambush with 70,000
men for Pompey near the Cyrnus River. Plutarch stated that at least 40,000 barbarians crossed
the river against Pompey in the Roman festivals to Saturn which were celebrated in the month of
December. (In that year it happened in September or the Julian October that is in the beginning
of autumn or winter according to those that divide the year into two parts only, summer and
winter. This we saw in Thucydides history of the Peloponnesian war.)

4429. Metellus defeated Oroesus. Flaccus made an inner ditch around his camp. The first ditch
around his camp was too large to be defended. The enemy thought he did this from fear and
advanced into the outer ditch. Flaccus made an unexpected sally on them and killed many in the
conflict and many in the chase. Pompey knew of the barbarian attacks on the two camps. He
attacked those who were marching against him and defeated them. Pompey went directly against
Oroesus himself but could not find him. After Oroesus was beaten by Metellus and had heard of
the defeats of the others, he fled. (Dio.)

4430. Pompey camped where they crossed the Cyrnus River. He finally agreed to their
supplications and gave them peace. He planned to recompense their attacks by invading their
country. Since it was winter, this would be difficult to do. (Dio 1. 36. fin) Plutarch wrote that
Pompey routed a great number of them and brought in their colours. Later their king sent

ambassadors and he made peace with him.

4431. Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade (Appian. p. 240.) where the isthmus between the
Euxine and the Caspian Sea begins. (Strabo. 1. 11. p. 468.)

4432. Antipater urged Hyrcanus to flee to Areta, the king of the Arabians and promised to help
him. He was barely able to convince him, yet he finally did go. Arabia bordered on Judea.
Antipater was sent ahead to the king to get his promise that he would not deliver up Hyrcanus to
his enemies. As soon as he had given his word, Antipater returned quickly to Hyrcanus at
Jerusalem. Antipater took him by night along with him and they stole from the city and after a
long journey, they came to a city called Petra where Areta's court was. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 2.)

4433. Antipater was very close to Areta and requested that he would restore Judea to Hyrcanus.
His constant urgings and his presents finally convinced him to help Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus
promised if he would help him get his kingdom again, he would return to him a country with 12
cities which his father, Alexander Jannaeus, had taken away from the Arabians. The cites were
these: Medaba, Naballo, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athone, Zoara, Orouae, Marisa, Rydda,
Lusa and Oryba. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 2.)

3939b AM, 4649 JP, 65 BC

4434. Alexander 2nd, the king of Egypt and the son of Alexander 1st, was expelled by the
Alexandrians. (Suet, in Juli. Casare.) Ptolemy, a natural son, replaced him and he was the son of
Ptolemy Lathurus. He was called Dionysius the New, or Bacchus and Auletes because he most
effeminately followed the ways of the Dionysii. He put on women's clothes and danced to the
cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus. (Lucian de non tern. cred. calum.) He also practised
their piping so much that he boasted of it. He was not ashamed to celebrate contests in his court
in which he contested with others. (Strabo. 1. 17. p. 796.)

4435. Aretas, the king of the Arabians, with 50,000 men defeated Aristobulus. After this battle
many ran away to Hyrcanus so that Aristobulus was abandoned and fled to Jerusalem. Aretas
brought his army with him and besieged him in the temple. The people helped Hyrcanus and
only the priests were loyal to Aristobulus. Aretas, with the Jewish and Arabian army, most
vigorously continued the siege. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 3.)

4436. These things were done before the time of the feast of unleavened bread. The leaders of
the Jews abandoned their country and fled into Egypt. Onias in Judea was an honest and just
man. In a great drought, he prevailed by the piety of his prayers for rain. When he foresaw the
civil war that followed, he hid himself in a cave. However, the Jews caught him and brought
him into their camp. They wanted him to curse Aristobulus and his side just as he had prayed for
rain. For a long time he refused. Finally the multitude compelled him and he stood in their midst
and prayed:

vv O God, thou that art King of the whole world, for as much as these that are with me are thy
people and those that are besieged are thy priests, I beseech thee that thou wouldst neither hear
these against them nor them praying against these."

4437. After this some wicked men of the Jews surrounded him and killed him with stones. God
immediately revenged this wickedness and punished the slaughter of Onias in this way. (Joseph.
1. 14. c. 3.)

4438. While Aristobulus was besieged with his priests, the feast of the passover arrived. It was
the custom for them to make many sacrifices to their God. Because of the siege, they asked the
Jews that besieged them if they would give them sacrifices at whatever price they would set.
They demanded 1000 groats should be sent them for every ox. Aristobulus and his priests
willingly agreed to this and let down their money from the wall. When they had the money, they
gave no animals in return for the sacrifice. This was the height of impiety in that they broke their
faith with men and robbed God of his due honour. But the priests who were defrauded, prayed to
God that he would take vengeance on them. This soon happened. A violent storm greatly wasted
their grain so that a bushel of wheat was sold for 15 groats. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 3.)

4439. Pompey waged war with the Iberians. They were exceedingly desirous to gain the favour
of Mithridates and to drive out Pompey. Up until now they had never been subject to the Medes,
Persians, Alexander or the Macedonians. (Plutarch.) When Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquarus
were consuls, Artoces, their king, feared lest Pompey would attack him. He sent ambassadors to
Pompey under pretence of treating for peace but in the meantime he prepared to attack them by
surprise. Pompey knew this and before Artoces had sufficiently prepared and secured the passes,
Pompey attacked their country. Before Artoces knew anything of his coming, Pompey had
advanced as far as the city of Acropolis which was located in those passes where the Caucasus
Mountains runs. It was fortified for the defence of that pass. Artoces lost the opportunity of
strengthening himself and he was terrified. He crossed the Cyrnus River and burned the bridge.
When the city saw him flee and themselves beaten, they surrendered the town. By this means,
Pompey got control of the passes and put a garrison over them. He marched from there and
subdued the whole country that lay on that side of the river. (Dio. init. 1. 37.)

4440. Pompey was about to cross Cyrnus River when Artoces begged a truce by his
ambassadors. He offered to make him a bridge and to furnish him with all supplies besides. This
he did to obtain peace. As soon as Pompey had crossed that river, Artoces immediately fled to
the Pelorus River. He ran from Pompey whom he had helped cross the river when he might have
prevented his crossing. Pompey was aware of this and pursued him. When he caught up to him,
he fought and defeated him easily. Before the bowmen came to fight, he had routed them. When
Artoces had crossed the Pelorus River and burnt that bridge also, he fled. The remainder were
cut off. Some died in the battle and some attempted to cross the river on foot. Many fled to the
woods and held out for some days by shooting arrows from the large trees. Pompey had the trees
cut down and they also died. (Dio. init. 1. 37.) Plutarch reports there was 6,000 killed in the
battle and more than 10,000 taken prisoners.

4441. Artoces sent ambassadors to Pompey to sue for peace. They brought presents of a bed, a
table and a chair, all of gold which he begged him to accept. Pompey took the presents and
turned them over to the quaesters to be recorded in the public records. He refused to give them
peace unless Artoces would deliver his sons for hostages. Artoces hesitated until the Romans
had found a ford in the river in summer time and crossed it with much trouble although no one
hindered their crossing. Artoces sent his sons for hostages and made peace with Pompey. (Dio. 1.
37. & Plutarch. & Flor. 1. 3. c. 4.) Eutropius stated that Pompey defeated Arthaces, the king of
Iberia, in battle, and received him into favour on some conditions. Sextus Rufus and Jomandes
stated that the kings of both Iberia and Arthaces, surrendered themselves to him. However,

Orosius (1. 6. c. 4.) stated that he defeated Artoces, the king of the Iberians, and subdued all of
Iberia.

4442. Mithridates travelled through the country of the Scythians who were offended by his
presence. He persuaded some and others he constrained by force to help him. He went to the
Heniochians but the Archaeans tried to resist him and were defeated. Later he entered into the
Maeotic countries and defeated many of their commanders. Because of the fame of his
achievements, he was warmly welcomed. He gave and received many gifts. He formed marriage
alliances with the most powerful men there. (Livy, 1. 101. Appian p. 240, 241, Dio. 1. 36.) Strabo
also refers to this place. (1. 11. p. 496.) The Heniochi had 4 kings at that time when Mithridates
fled through their country into Bosphorus from Pontus. He gave up any hopes of passing
through the Zygians because the way was difficult and the people were fierce. Therefore with
much trouble he was many times forced to follow the sea and marched along the shore. Finally
he arrived among the Achaeans who received him. (Appian said they resisted him.) Here he
ended his journey of almost 500 miles which began at Phasis. Strabo stated the countries he
passed through, based on those writers who wrote of the affairs of Mithridates. The countries in
this order were: the Achaeans, the Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans, Moschians and the
Colchians. (p. 497.) Hypsicrate his queen went through all these unruly countries with an
indefatigable mind and body. She followed her distressed husband. So she might more easily
share in his labour and pains, she shaved her hair. She was accustomed to ride on horse back and
bear arms. She was faithful in all his distresses and was the greatest and most pleasant asset to
Mithridates. He seemed to wander with his whole fortune and family while his wife
accompanied him in his banishment. (Valer. Maxim. 1. 4. c. 6.)

4443. Machares, the son of Mithridates, reigned in Bosphorus Cimerius and favoured the
Romans. He heard that his father in so short a time had overcome so many fierce and warlike
countries and passed the very borders of Scythia which were never passed before. He sent
ambassadors to him to let him know it was of necessity that had forced him to that friendship
with the Romans. He knew his father's animosity so he fled into Pontius Chersonesus and
burned his ships to prevent his father from following him. When he sent against Mithridates
another fleet, he was killed. (??) Mithridates killed all those friends that he had sent with his son
for companions when Machares first went into his kingdom. Mithridates sent his servants away
safely. (Appian p. 241.) However Dio (1. 36.) stated that the father corrupted his son's friends
with promises of safety and with bribes. He persuaded them to kill his son. Orosius said that
Machares was killed by his father. (1. 6. c. 5.)

4444. Pompey made his journey into the northern parts of Scythia by the stars as if he had been
at sea and attacked the Colchi. He camped beneath the Caucasus Mountains and ordered their
king Orodes to come down into the plains. (Floras 1. 3. c. 5.) Floras said that Orodes was king of
the Alcans along with Eutropius and Oronus. For "Orodes" in this place means the name
"Olthaces", whom Appian said was the king of the Colchi and was led in triumph by Pompey (p.
253.) or "Aristarchus", whom Appian said (p. 251.) and Eutropius (1. 6.) was said to be made
king of Colchis in his place.

4445. Plutarch says that at the Phasis River, Servilius met Pompey with the fleet which was left
for the defence of Pontus. The pursuit of Mithridates who had hid himself in the countries
around Bosphorus and Maeotis had caused him much trouble. Pompey went to Colchis that he
might see the place of the wanderings of the Argonauts and Castor and Pollux. He especially
wanted to see the place where Prometheus was said to be bound to the Caucasus Mountains.

These sights drew him from the neighbouring countries. (Appian. p. 241, 242.) He won the
Colchi also and the hostile countries to his side, partly by fair words and partly by fear. He
found that his journey would be difficult by land through many warlike and unknown countries.
If he went by sea it was would be worse. The inhabitants were hostile and the country lacked
ports. Pompey commanded his ships to stay there and to watch Mithridates that he might not be
allowed to escape and to block all provisions going to him. Pompey headed against the Albani
but took a round about way so they would think themselves safe and he could come suddenly on
them and easily defeat them. However, Plutarch stated that the Albani finally revolted and that
Pompey was incensed with anger and desire for revenge. He marched immediately against them
but he returned to Armenia and crossed the Cyrnus River. It was fordable at that time of the
year. (Dio. 1. 37.)

4446. After great difficulty, he crossed this river. The barbarians had for a long time fortified it
by pounding down stakes into it. (Plutarch.) Where the river was calm, Pompey first crossed
over with his cavalry, then his train and then his foot soldiers. He had the horses break the force
of the river with their bodies and if anything of the train should be carried away by the current it,
would land against those who accompanied it and be carried no further. (Dio.) After he had
come from a long, dry and rocky way, he filled 10,000 water bottles and continued his journey.
(Plut.)

4447. Finally, with no resistance from the enemy, he arrived at the Gambyses River. His whole
army was badly bothered by the heat and from thirst although they marched mainly in the night.
He selected guides from the prisoners but they did not show him the easiest way. Moreover the
river proved harmful too. The water was extremely cold and they drank too much and it made
them quite sick. They did not rest until they came to the Abans River. All that time they took
only water, for the inhabitants bountifully supplied their needs. Hence they marched through and
did them no harm. (Dio.)

4448. When they had crossed the river, they heard that Oroeses was coming toward them. (Dio.)
He had in his army 60,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 or 22,000 (according to Strabo) cavalry.
Most of these were poorly armed and clothed with only the skins of wild beasts. They were
commanded by Cossis, the king's brother. (Plut. & Strabo, 1. 41. p. 502.) Pompey wanted to
draw them into a battle before they knew the numbers of the Romans. He first drew up his
cavalry and told them what to do. Behind them he placed his foot soldiers. He had them lay
down and cover themselves with their shields and lie still without making any noise. By this,
Oroeses had no knowledge of them until he had joined battle. He despised the cavalry whom he
thought were all alone and attacked them. In a moment they fled as they were ordered to by
Pompey and Oroeses chased them furiously. The foot soldiers rose up suddenly and made a
space to allow the cavalry to retreat through. They charged the enemy and surrounded a large
number of them and killed them. The rest were killed by the cavalry who came around on the
right hand and the left and attacked their rear. So the cavalry killed a large number. The enemy
fled to the woods which was set on fire and killed them. The Romans shouted to them to
remember what happened at the Saturnals. About that time as is said before, the Albani laid an
ambush and attacked the Romans by surprise. (Dio. 1. 37.)

4449. In the battle, Cossis the king's brother charged Pompey himself, and with his dart struck
him through the joint of his arms. Pompey ran him through with his spear and killed him. In this
fight it was reported that certain Amazons that lived in the mountains next to the Thermontes
River, came to help the barbarians. While the Romans were taking the plunder in the field, they

found some Amazon shields and buskins but no women were found. (Plut.) Also Appian (p.
242.) stated that this and the former battle with the Albani were the same battle. However,
Orosius with Eutropius and Sextus Rufus stated that Pompey defeated Oroeses, the king of the
Albani and his commanders. (1. 6. c. 4.)

4450. Pompey destroyed the country around there. Finally he was persuaded to accept a peace
from Orodis or Oroeses. He sent Pompey a golden bed and other presents to make peace.
(Floras, 1. 3. c. 5. Dio. 1. 37, Eurtop. 1. 6. Oros. 1. 6. c. 4.) They commemorated their Italian
origins because they followed Hercules from the Mount Albanus and they greeted Pompey as
one of the mothers of their country. (Justin, 1. 42. c. 3.) Pompey made peace with the Albans and
all the inhabitants from Mount Caucasus in the Caspian Sea even so far as that mountain that
was in Pontus. These people requested peace through their ambassadors. (Dio. 1. 37.) Strabo
wrote that from all parts and both the Chipeari and the Cholchian, he warred against the
Ibearians and Albani. (1. 11. p. 492.) Pompey wanted to see Hyrcania and the Caspian Sea since
it was only a 3 day journey from there. He was thwarted from that plan by the number of deadly
serpents in the area. Hence he went into Armenia the Less. (Plutarch) (This paragraph in both
the English and Latin copies is almost unreadable. Editor.)

4451. After Pompey had crossed the Taurus Mountains, he advanced to Antiochus Commagenus
and finally received him into favour (Appian. p. 244.) when he surrendered to Pompey Seleucia,
a castle in Mesopotamia with all that he had captured in his excursion there. (Appian. p. 251 &
Strabo. 1. 16. p. 745.) Pompey defeated Darius and the Medes either because he had helped
Antiochus now or Tigranes previously. Appian in his Mithridatic. (p. 244.) stated that Darius
and the Medes were numbered among the princes and peoples that Pompey defeated, (p. 250,
253.) Velleius Patercules, (1. 2. c. 40.) numbered Media among those countries Pompey had
successfully invaded. Although Plutarch stated that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the
kings of the Medes and Elymaes who had sent ambassadors to him.

4452. Phraates, the king of the Parthians saw Pompey warring so successfully that Armenia and
that part of Pontus that was next him was taken by Pompey's commanders. Gabinius had crossed
the Euphrates River and was advancing as far as the Tigris River. He was frightened and sent
ambassadors to Pompey to renew the peace with the Romans which they had before. The
embassy was unsuccessful because Pompey was elated with his present successes and the hopes
he had of future conquests. Hence he had little respect for Phraates. Among his arrogant
demands, he ordered that Cordenies or Gordyones be given to him. This was a disputed country
between Phraates and Tigranes. The ambassadors did not have the authority to do this so they
did not reply. Hence, Pompey wrote to Phraates. (Dio. 1. 37.)

4453. In his letters Pompey neglected to give Phraates the title of King of kings. All other
people gave him this title including the Romans and Pompey did, after in his triumph. He
addressed him only as a king. Phraates scorned the letter since his kingdom was plundered also.
Pompey did not wait for a reply but sent Afranius immediately with an army into Cordenies.
They defeated those Parthians that had invaded it and pursued them as far as Arbelius. Thus they
restored the country to Tigranes. (Dio. 1. 37. Plut. in Pompey.)

4454. Josephus stated that Gabinius was sent from Armenia into Syria by Pompey (Belli, 1. I.e.
5. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 4.) This we think was Armenia the Lesser into which we have learned from
by Plutarch that when Pompey retired there when he had finished the war with the Albanians.
Josephus was mistaken by the similarity of the names and thought it was the Greater. Therefore

he wrote that at the same time when Pompey was fighting with Tigranes, Gabinius was sent into
Syria. This could not be unless with Appian, he made Tigranes defeat to follow after his
expedition against the Albanians. This we showed from Livy, Velleius, Floras, Plutarch, Eutrop.
and Orosius, to be before not after that expedition.

4455. As soon as Scaurus came to Damascus, he found it recently captured by Metellus and
Lollius. He left there and understood that something was happening in Judea. He went there as a
convenient place. As soon as he had entered the country, he met ambassadors from Hyrcanus
that had besieged the temple of Jerusalem and from his brother, Aristobulus who was besieged
there. Both asked for his help. When Aristobulus offered 400 talents, Hyrcanus offered him as
much. However, Scaurus preferred Aristobulus and when he received his money, he sent
ambassadors to Hyrcanus and Areta the king. They were helped by many of the Nabathae
although they were not very enthusiastic about the war. He commanded them in the name of the
Romans and Pompey, to lift the siege. Aretas was frightened and withdrew from Judea into
Philadelphia and Scaurus returned to Damascus. Aristobulus gathered all the forces together that
he had and planned to punish Aretas and Hyrcanus. He fought with them at Papyron and
defeated them. About 7000 of the enemy were killed including Cephalius, the brother of
Antipater. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 14. c. 4.)

4456. Pompey returned from Armenia and met with certain kings and rulers, whom Plutarch
stated to be 12 barbarian kings. He heard their complaints and gave them his judgments. He
confirmed some in their kingdoms. He increased some kingdoms and he took away from others
their kingdoms. (Xiphilin ex Dione) Va. Maximus seems to refer to this famous time in history.

4457. Ariobarzanes turned over his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn.
Pompey. Ariobarzanes had taken the throne by Pompey's invitation. When he sat on the throne,
he saw his son with his secretary in a place inferior to his dignity and fortune. He could not
stand to see his son beneath himself, so he arose from his seat and put the crown upon his head.
He urged him to go up to the throne. The young man immediately started weeping and his body
trembled and the crown fell to the ground. He could not bring himself to ascend to the throne.
Even when his father urged him to receive the kingdom he refused. This matter was not settled
until Pompey concurred with his father. Pompey called his son, king and ordered him to take the
crown and to sit in the ivory chair. (Valer. Max. 1. 5. c. 7.)

4458. From there, Pompey went into Coelosyria and Phoenicia which were recently liberated
from their kings and invaded by the Arabians and Tigranes. He stayed there although Antiochus
tried in vain to recapture them. Pompey subdued them and made them into one province. They
received the laws from him and were administered according to the custom of the people of
Rome. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)

4459. Justin, (1. 40. c. 2.) Appian in Mithridatic. (p. 244.) and Porphyrius, (in Gracis Eusebianis
Scaliger, p. 227.) stated that this was Antiochus Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus. However,
the same Appian more correctly in his Syriacis, (p. 1 19 & 133.) stated that he was Antiochus
Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena. 4 years earlier, either by Lucullus' favour or
permission, he was given the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had abandoned. In Pompey's
festivals, (which he mentioned on p. 133.) while Pompey was busy in other matters, Antiochus
kept it for one whole year. This was after Tigranes had most justly surrendered what he had in
Syria to the people of Rome. Although in Pompey's presence he desired his father's kingdom,
yet Pompey did not give it to him even though he had done nothing against the people of Rome.

Indeed, it was an easy matter for so large an army to oppress an unarmed prince. However,
another reason was given in that it seemed unfair that after the ancient kings who had been
defeated by Tigranes' armies and driven from Syria, that the kingdom should go to the defeated
Seleucians rather than the Romans who defeated them. Pompey did not think it was right to give
Antiochus that which he was unable to defend from being invaded by the Jews and Arabians.
(Justin. & Appian in places noted above)

4460. When Julius Caesar was an aedile, he won the favour of the people and tried through
some of the tribunes to get the government of Egypt by an order from the people. There was a
reason for this command in that the Alexandrians had driven out their prince who was an
associate and friend of the Romans. The senate disallowed this commission by the people
because a large number of the nobles opposed it. (Sueton, in Julio, c. 11.)

4461. Pompey was called into Egypt by Alexander the second who was expelled. Pompey was
to quell some rebellions there. He was presented with many gifts like money and clothes for his
whole army. Pompey did not go there either from regard of the envy of his enemies or because
of the oracle of Sibyl or for some other reasons. (See note on 3948 AM « ») (Appian.
Mithridatic. p. 251.)

4462. Pompey came to Damascus and went about Coelosyria. At that time, ambassadors came to
him from all parts of Syria, Egypt and Judea. At the same time, it appears that the 12 kings came
to him that Plutarch mentions. Josephus mentioned this from Strabo's history: (Antiq. 1. 14. c. 5.)

vv There came from Egypt an embassy with a crown of 4000 crowns of gold. Judea sent a vine or
a garden which piece of workmanship was called "the Delight". We saw this present at Rome
and it was dedicated in the temple of Jupiter Capitoline with this inscription, "From Alexander,
the king of the Jews." It was valued at 500 talents."

4463. This present was placed by Alexander Jannaeus in the temple at Jerusalem and sent to
Pompey by his son Aristobulus, whom Pliny among the "Acts of Pompey's Triumphs" described
like this: It was a square mountain of gold with harts and lions and all kinds of apples with a
vine of gold surrounding it. (Pliny, 1. 37. c. 2.)

3940a AM, 4649 JP, 65 BC

4464. Ambassadors again came from Judea to Pompey, Antipater for Hyrcanus and Nicomedes
for Aristobulus. Aristobulus' ambassador complained of Gabinius, that he had received 300
talents of money and later of Scaurus who had received 400 talents to become his enemies.
Pompey commanded both parties, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, to appear before him. (Joseph. 1.
14. c. 5.)

4465. Afranius came to Syria after the treaty began between Pompey and Phraates. He lost his
way as he went and endured much hardship because it was winter and supplies were scarce. He
would have died unless he had been rescued by the Macedonian colony of the Carrenses and
brought them back. (Dio. 1. 37.)

4466. Pompey made his winter quarters at Aspis in Pontus and received into favour all those

parts of the country which before were hostile. This we gather from the fragments of Dio (1. 37.)
which the reader easily may compare them and deduce that this happened in the consulship of
Caesar and Figulus. Pompey did not touch any of Mithridates' concubines who were brought to
him and sent them back to their parents and kindred. They were mainly the wives and daughters
of rulers and commanders. (Plutarch.)

4467. Dio stated that Stratonix was found in the citadel of Symphori and brought to Pompey.
She was the daughter of a musician and one of the king's wives or concubines. She was furious
that she was abandoned by Mithridates while he was wandering about Pontus. She sent most of
the garrison out for provisions and let the Romans in on this single condition. Pompey would
take her son Xiphares prisoner and keep him in safety for his mother. She knew of a large
treasury that was hidden underground which consisted mainly of many brass vessels bound
about with hoops of iron. She told Pompey where it was. He only selected the items he thought
would give most splendour to the temple and to his triumph. He gave the rest to Stratonix. (Plut.
Appian. Dio.)

4468. When Mithridates knew of this, he had her son, Xiphares, to be killed while his mother
watched on the other side of the river. He then threw away his body without burial and
neglected all piety so that he might make her repent of what she had done. (Appian.)

4469. Pompey also took that almost impregnable citadel, called the "New". Mithridates had
stored his most valuable things here and Pompey later dedicated these to the capitol. (Strabo. 1.
12. p. 556. 557.) Pompey took many of Mithridates' most secret records from there which he
freely examined to determine the extent of Mithridates' numbers and his wealth. (Plutarch.)
Among them there were also some physical inventions of Mithridates which Pompey ordered
Lenaeus, a learned grammarian, to translate into Latin. (Pliny. 1. 25. c. 2.)

4470. Phraates sent ambassadors to Pompey by whom he complained of the wrongs he had
received. Pompey kept Tigranes the younger as prisoner and Phraates desired that his son-in-law
might be returned. He assumed the Euphrates River was the extent of his empire and he warned
Pompey of crossing it. Pompey replied that Tigranes ought to be turned over to his father rather
than his father-in-law and he would respect his boundaries. (Plut. cum Dio.)

4471. In the spring when Lu. Caesar and C. Figulus were consuls, Phraates made an expedition
against Tigranes. He was defeated in one battle but later he defeated his enemy. (Dio. 1. 37.)

4472. In the beginning of the spring, Pompey drew out his forces from their winter quarters and
marched into Damascus. On the way, he demolished a citadel in Apamia which Antiochus
Cyzicenus had fortified. Pompey also attacked the country of Ptolemy Mennaeus who was no
less dangerous than Dionysius Trioplitanus who was allied to him and beheaded. Ptolemy paid
1000 talents and redeemed himself. Pompey distributed this among his soldiers. He also
destroyed the citadel of Lysias whose governor was Silas a Jew. After that he marched by
Heliopolis and Chalcis and crossed the middle of the mountain, he came into Coelosyria and
from Pella and arrived at Damascus. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 5.)

4473. There he listened to the Jews and to Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, their princes. They were at
odds with each other as their country was with both of them. In their ancient laws, the Jews have
a precept that they should give obedience to the priests of God and refused to be governed by

kings. These two were of the priestly line but planned to change the government and bring the
people into servitude. Hyrcanus complained that his younger brother, had taken most of the
country by force and invaded and usurped it. On land he had made hostile invasions on his
borders and at sea he had harbours for his pirates. There were above 1000 of the leaders of the
Jews whom Antipator had persuaded to confirm what he said was true. On the other side,
Aristobulus pleaded that Hyrcanus was removed for his sloth and he was held in general
contempt among the people of his own country. He had taken the government by necessity, lest
it might have been transferred to some other family. He called to attest this, some insolent young
men who offended everybody by the fineness of their cloths, the exactness of their hair and their
other accoutrements. Their dress was much more proper had they come to a triumph rather than
a court. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 5.)

4474. Pompey heard their cases and rebuked the violence of Aristobulus. He dismissed them
peaceably with this promise, that he would come himself into their country as soon as he had
settled the affairs of the Nabataei. In the meantime he urged them to be peaceful and treated
Aristobulus with great civility lest if he were provoked, he would oppose Pompey's journey.
However, he gained no favour from Aristobulus, who had arrayed himself with as much
splendour as was possible. He did not like the way he was treated and thought it intolerable to
endure anything beneath the majesty of a king. He left Diospolis and went to the town of Delius.
From there, he went to Judea to order his own affairs. (Joseph. 1. 14. c. 5. & Belli, 1. I.e. 5.)

4475. When Alexander the 2nd was driven from Egypt, he went to Tyre and died there. In his
will, he left his kingdom of Egypt to the people of Rome. Cicero on his first speech that he made
the first day of his consulship said this about that:

vv The Decemvirs say, that which was often spoken by many, that Alexander the king had in his
last will, left his kingdom to the Romans. The Egyptian wanted to give Alexandria to those
privately whom you did oppose publicly and fought with in battle."

4476. In his second speech, he said more fully:

vv What about Alexandria and all Egypt, how secretly doth it lie? How privately is it kept? How
obscurely reported to the Decemviri? Which of you are ignorant that it is said that kingdom was
by Alexander's last will conferred on the Romans. In this case I, though a Roman consul, am so
far from determining anything, that I withhold my opinion. For it seems to me no small matter,
not only to judge, but to speak of this thing. I see him that will assert the making of the will. I
suppose there still are records in the senate concerning their possession of their heritage. After
that time when Alexander died, we sent ambassadors to Tyre for the restitution of the money
that was disposed by us. This I remember I have often heard L. Philippus affirm in the senate. It
is granted almost by all sides, that he, who at this time rules, (Ptolemy Auletes) is neither of the
royal family nor the honour of a king. On the other side it is said there is no will and that the
people of Rome ought not to appear covetous of every kingdom. It was the richness of the fool,
and the plenty of all things that attracted the people there. Concerning so great an affair, P.
Ruffus, with the rest of the his colleagues on the Decemviri will judge."

4477. It is also reported that when M. Crassus, who was the censor and tried to make Egypt a
tributary to the people of Rome, strongly opposed Lutatious Catulus, his colleague in his
censorship. The dissention became so sharp that they voluntarily laid down their office and

power. (Plutarch in Crasso.)

4478. Pompey wanted to recover Syria and so to pass through Arabia to the Red Sea. In his
pursuit of the Albani he had extended the Roman Empire almost to the Hyrcanian (or Caspian)
Sea, just as in the west the Roman Empire was bounded by the Atlantic. Likewise in his
conquest in the east, he wanted to extend it to the Red Sea. He saw much difficulty in taking
Mithridates for he was more troublesome in his flight than when he stood and fought him. He
hoped to starve him out by having his ships intercept merchants who traded into the Bosphorus
with Mithridates. He threatened them with death if he captured them helping Mithridates. Then
Pompey took most of his army and he started his journey. (Plutarch in Pompeio.)

4479. He invaded Coelosyria and Phoenicia. First he overran the Ituraeans and Arabians,
(Appian. p. 244. Iutrop, 1. 6. Oros. 1. 6. c. 6.) who lived in the hilly country around Libanus and
invaded and plundered their neighbours. Their retreats were very strongly fortified. On the hills
were Sinna, Borrhama and other strongholds. In the valleys were Botrys, Gigartus besides a port
by the sea side. There was a citadel on a mountain called the "face of God". Pompey dismantled
it and overran Biblus or Palaebiblus which was a country of Cinyrae. He freed it by cutting off
the governor's head. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 755.)

4480. After Afranius had subdued the Arabians near Amanus, he came down to Syria which had
no king. He subdued it and made it a Roman province. (Strabo, 1. 16. p. 755.) He received a sum
of money from Antioch and enfranchised their city but left them to the use their own laws.
(Porphyrie in Gracis Eusebianis Scaligeri, p. 227.) He indulged the citizens of Antioch and
restored the place of their public confession which was in decay. He respected them greatly
since they traced their lineage from the Athenians. (Johan. Malela Antiochenus, in Chronico.)

4481. He gave Seleucea (Pieria) a very strong city, which was adjacent to Antioch, its liberty
because it had refused to admit Tigranes. (Strabo. 1. 16. p. 751. Eutrop. 1. 6.) He released the
hostages from Antioch. He gave to the Daphnenses a certain parcel of a field for the
enlargement of their grove. This place was delightfully pleasant and had plenty of water.
(Eutrop. 1. 6.) Strabo noted that the grove was 10 miles in circumference and well watered with
springs. (1. 16. p. 750.) Sextus Rufus in Breviario wrote that Pompey consecrated this grove of
the Daphnenses and enlarged it. Jerom added in his commentary on Ezekiel 16 that it was
planted by Pompey's orders by the hands of his soldiers. In his chronicle, he said it was
consecrated to Apollo which if spoken of the new trees that were added, may be true. (See not
on 3704 AM «2636», & see note on 3834a AM «3257» concerning the old grove.

4482. Cato Minor was in Syria and was later called Uticensis. He was a philosopher of the sect
of the stoics. Although he was a young man he was held in great esteem. Because of the great
friendship between his father and him, he was invited to Syria by Dejotares king or tetrarch of
the Galatari. He travelled through Asia and observed the manners, customs and strength of every
province he passed through. He always walked on foot while his friends who accompanied him,
rode. He came to see Antioch in Pompey's absence and saw a great throng of people in white
before the gate. The men were on one side of the way and the children on the other. He thought
this ceremony was for him. Therefore he odered his friends to get off their horses and walk with
him. As they approached, an old man who ordered and commanded the whole multitude
approached and carried in his hand a rod and a crown. He talked first to Cato and without so
much as greeting him, he inquired how Demetrius was and when he would come there.
Demetrius had been Pompey's servant but was freed and because he had much influence with

Pompey, he was reverenced by everybody. Cato's friends burst out laughing. Cato cried out, "O
miserable city", and passed on without any other answer. As often as he remembered it, he
started laughing at himself. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Cato Minor.)

4483. When Tigranes the Armenian was defeated by Phraates the Parthian, he requested help
from Pompey who was then in Syria. Phraates presently sent ambassadors to Pompey and
accused both the Romans and Tigranes so earnestly that they made Pompey both afraid and
ashamed. So he did not help Tigranes nor, although many urged him to, he did not wage war
later with Phraates. He said he had no commands from the people of Rome for that expedition
and that Mithridates was still at large. For the present he was contented that Tigranes should
meet with misfortune at last. He extenuated Phraates accusations and did not refute them. He
hoped to get some difference between him and Tigranes about their boundaries. This worked
and he promised to send 3 commissioners who would judge the matter. Pompey sent them and
they were received as arbitrators by the kings and settled all differences between them. Tigranes
was angry that he did not get help from the Romans. However, Phraates wanted Tigranes to be
safe. He would need his help if things came so about in the future against the Romans. It was
obvious to both of them that whoever overcame the other, he was certain to have a fight with the
Romans and more easily to fall into their power. When they considered this, they made peace.
(Dio. 1. 37. & Plutarch, & Appian. p. 244.)

4484. While Pompey was thus occupied, Mithridates went around Pontus and took over
Panticapaeum which was a market town in Europe at the mouth of the Pontic River. (Appian. p.
244.) He sent also ambassadors to Pompey who was in Syria. Pompey did not know if
Mithridates was still alive. They promised that if Pompey would restore him his father's
kingdom again, he would become tributary to the people of Rome. When Pompey urged that the
king should come to him as Tigranes had done, he refused to come. He said this was not suitable
to Mithridates but he said he would send his sons and others of his friends. (Appian. p. 245.)

4485. After these things, Mithridates summoned all people indiscriminately as servants as well
as free. He made also a great supply of arms, arrows and other engines. He spared nothing, not
even their oxen for the plowing. These he killed that he might have their nerves for strings for
their bows. He laid a tax also on all the people which was raised but did great harm to many
although Mithridates was unaware of that. He was at that time troubled with a certain ulcerous
disease in his face. No one could see him but the eunuch that was his doctor. He was finally
cured. His army was ready at the same time and consisted of 60 companies each of them
containing 600 men and a numerous multitude of ships and places of convenience which his
commanders had fortified while he was sick. He carried part of his army to Phanagorium,
another town located in the mouth of the river too, so that on all sides he might secure the pass.
All this time, Pompey was in Syria. (Appian. p. 245.)

4486. In Bosphorus, while Mithridates was celebrating to Ceres, there was suddenly violent
earthquake which was the greatest in the memory of man, and destroyed many cities and
damaged the fields greatly. (Dio. 1. 37. Oros. 1. 6. c. 5.) This was not the same earthquake that
Justin ex Trago mentioned which killed 170,000 men and destroyed many cities in Syria. The
prognosticators said this sign predicted a great change in affairs. (Justin. 1. 40. c. 2.)

4487. At the same time, Castor that was commander-in-chief for Mithridates in Phanagoriam,
killed Tripho the king's eunuch by whom he had been previously abused as he was entering into
the town. After this he stirred up the people to fight for their liberty. He led them against the

citadel that was held by Artaphernes and the rest of Mithridates' children. They got wood and
other combustible things together from all places and set the citadel on fire. This forced
Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxathres, and Eupatia, the children of Mithridates to surrender.
Among these, Artaphernes was the only personwho was 40 years old. The rest were attractive
youths. Cleopatra another daughter stood out against them. Her generosity delighted her father.
Mithridates sent a squadron of galleys and rescued her. After Castor controlled the citadel, he
sent the children to the Romans. (Appian. p. 245, 246. Oros. 1. 6. c. 5.)

4488. Those citadels which were nearby and recently taken by Mithridates, followed the bad
example of the Phanagorenses and also revolted. These were at Chersonessus, Theudosia,
Nymphaeum and other places about Pontus that were good military positions. (Appian.)

4489. Mithridates was very angry and killed some of the renegades that he had taken and also
many of his friends including Exipodras, one of his children. (Dio. 1. 37. Oros. 1. 6. c. 5.)
Mithridates saw their great problems and suspected the entire army because they were forced
and under extraordinary taxes. He thought the adversity of his fortune would always be in the
minds of a mutable and constrained people. Therefore he sent his eunuchs to the princes of
Scythia, to ask about marrying their daughters. He wanted them to come quickly with their
forces to his relief. They were escorted by 500 soldiers and had not gone far from Mithridates,
when the soldiers killed the eunuchs. They did this because the eunuchs had great authority with
the king and had been always troublesome to them. After this they carried the ladies to Pompey.
(Appian.)

4490. Pompey left Syria and crossed into Asia where he furthered his ambition. He did the very
thing that he had so much reprehended Lucullus for. While Mithridates still controlled the
Bosphorus and had gathered a very considerable army, Pompey disposed of several provinces
and conferred gifts. (Plutarch.)

4491. Livy (1. 102.) stated that he brought Pontus into the form of a province in Mithridates'
lifetime. It was added to Galatia and divided into eleven regions and was called Bithynia.
(Strabo, 1. 12. p. 541.)

4492. Pompey captured Mithridatium from Pontus and gave it to Bogodiatorus. (Strabo, 1. 12. p.
541.) He made Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who was in honour with Sulla and the senate,
(See note on 3919 AM <3488») the chief priest of Luna. She was a goddess of the Comana in
Pontus. Pompey restored the princely dynasty and added to the sacred revenue of that office the
quantity of two schoeni or 60 stadii (about 7.5 miles) of land. He ordered the inhabitants of
Comana to obey Archelaus. Hence he was their prince, and the chief lord of all the priests of
that temple. More than 6000 lived in the city. He did not have the power to sell them. (Strabo, 1.
12. p. 558. & 1. 17. p. 796. & Appian, p. 251.)

4493. Appian stated that Attalus had the kingdom of Paphlagonia given to him by Pompey.
(Appian. p. 251.) Eutropius said it was given to Attalus and Polaemenes and Sextus Rufus and
Jornandes state that on his deathbed, Polaemenes left the kingdom of Paphlagonia to the people
of Rome. Pompey gave Armenia (the Less) to Dejotares, the king of Galatia (or rather tetrarch)
because he was an ally in the Mithridatic war. (Eutrop. 1. 6.) Pompey thought Dejotares was the
best friend the Romans had. (Cicero in Philippica 11.) Therefore Pompey gave to him
Godolonite, part of Pontus and all to Pharnacia and Trapezunte, the Colchi to Armenia (the

Less) and declared him king of that region. Before he had by inheritance from his father, the
tetrarch of the Tolistoborgians of Galatia. (Strabo. 1. 7. p. 547.) Pompey left Galatia to the
tetrarchs of his family. (Strabo 1. 7. p. 541. cf. Appian. p. 351.) A little later, it came into the
hands of three only, then of the two, and last of all into the sole power of Dejotares. (Strabo. 1.
12. p. 567.)

4494. After Mithridates had lost most of his children, many citadels and his whole kingdom, he
was not discouraged. He did not consider the lowness of his condition when he had also lost his
dignity and had no hope of any help from Scythia. He journeyed to the Europian Gauls whom he
had befriended before. He hoped to get their help. He planned to go through Scythia and Ister so
that with them he might cross the Alps into Italy. He hoped many Italians would join him who
also hated the Romans. (Flor. 1. 3. c. 5. Appian, p. 246. Dio. 1. 37.)

4495. The soldiers disliked these grand plans and were afraid of the boldness of the enterprise
and the length of the march. They were to fight against men whom they were not able to handle
in their own country. They thought Mithridates was in so desperate a condition, that he planned
to end his life valiantly than as a defeated man. They stayed with him for a while and quietly let
him go on planning because he was no lowly or contemptible prince even under the greatest
misfortunes. (Appian.)

4496. Aretas, the king of Arabia Petrea, (or the rocky) to the Red Sea, had often previously
invaded Syria. The Romans came to help the Syrians and defeated him. However, he still
continued the war. Pompey made an expedition against him and his neighbours. Phraates now
behaved himself and Syria and Phoenicia were well settled. (Dio. 1. 37.) The soldiers were not
all that happy about this expedition for they thought they should be going after Mithridates who
was their old enemy and was now recruiting his forces. He was prepared to march through
Scythia and Panonia to invade Italy with an army. However, Pompey was satisfied it was nobler
to defeat a warring foe than to take the body of a conquered and fleeing enemy. (Plutarch.)

4497. Before Pompey began his journey, he gave a very noble and handsome burial to the dead
that fell under Triarius in that unlucky fight they had with Mithridates in Pontus and whom
Lucullus had left unburied. Aretas, who before condemned the Roman arms, now was terrified
and wrote to Pompey that he would do whatever he would command. However, Pompey, to
better know his true feelings, attacked Petra. (Plutarch.) He easily defeated the king and his
allies and delivered them to custody (Dio. 1. 37.)after he captured their city Petra. (Oros. 1. 6. c.
6.) Although Josephus wrote that he did not fight them and went to fight Aristobulus. Plutarch
stated that when he was gone a little from Petra, he heard the news of Mithridates' death and he
returned from Arabia and came to Amisus.

4498. When P. Servilius Rullus, the tribune of the people at Rome assumed his office, he passed
the Agrarian law which created a commission of Decemviri. They were to sell or dispose into
colonies all the public revenues in Italy and Syria and the land gained by Pompey. This law was
passed in January which, as the year then went at Rome happened on the beginning of the Julian
October. This happened when Cicero became consul. He spoke against Ruffus and freed all
from the general fear they were in of that Law. (Cicero in 12. Agraria, & 1. 2. ad Attic, ep. 1.
cum Plut. in Cicero.)

4499. The Decemviri had the power to sell:

VV A11 those lands which Mithridates had possessed in Paphlagonia, Pontus and Cappadocia."

4500. In his second Agrarian speech before the people, Cicero reprehended the injustice of that
popular decree in this way:

vv Is it so? without any law made, without the vote of the emperor, before the war is ended, when
King Mithridates lost his army and is expelled from his kingdom, yet he makes his attempts in
the remotest regions and is defended by the rabble and the difficulty of the way and the height of
the mountains from the invincible army of Cn. Pompey, while the emperor is engaged in the war
and in those very places the name of a war remains? Will the Decemviri sell those lands, which
by the custom of our ancestors, ought to remain in the power and at the disposal of Cnius
Pompey?"

4501. L. Valerius Flaccus, who was the praetor at Rome, was sent as praetor into Asia. His
office in Asia was for one year. Quitus Cicero was the 5th that held it as Mareus Cicero, his
brother, witnessed in his speech accusing this Flaccus of bribery.

3941a AM, 4650 JP, 64 BC

4502. Pharnaces plotted against Mithridates. He was his best beloved son and whom he had
often appointed his heir in the kingdom. He did this either because he thought the Italian
expedition would permanently alienate the Romans or from some other cause or for
covetousness. Those who were guilty in the plot were put to the rack. However Menophanes
persuaded Mithridates to pardon his son. (Appian.) Dio (as Salianus notes) said nothing of the
pardon and stated that men were sent to take Pharnaces whom he persuaded to join his party.
After they had taken Panticapaeum, they captured his father. He also noted that although
Mithridates was otherwise a very wise king, he never considered that arms and multitudes of his
subjects are of little value without their good will and love. On the contrary if they are
unfaithful, there is the least safety where the greatest numbers are. Appian made the same
observation.

4503. Pharnaces knew that the soldiers were very much against the expedition into Italy. At
night, he went to those Romans that had defected to Mithridates and told them of the great
danger of their crossing into Italy which they well knew. He promised them great matters if they
would stay and he persuaded them to defect from his father. Presently, in the same night, he sent
messengers to other nearby tents and persuaded them also to join him. In the morning, first the
Italian fugitives and then all the other adjoining camps talked about this and so did the naval
forces. With a great shout, they proclaimed their defection. They were not told beforehand of
this nor were bribed. They were either induced by the example of so many whom they saw they
could not withstand or were overcome by the extremity of the old king's misfortune.

4504. When Mithridates heard the shout of the army, he sent some to know what they wanted.
They were told they wanted his son to be king. They wanted a young man instead of an old one
who was fond of eunuchs and who caused the death of many sons, captains and friends. When
Mithridates heard this, he went out to speak to them himself. Many of his guard defected to the
fugitives. They were not received unless they would do something to show their unfaithfulness
to the king. They showed them Mithridates' horse which was killed as he was fleeing. They now
greeted Pharnaces as king as if they had obtained their heart's desire. Some of them took a very

large skin of parchment which they had brought from the temple and put it around his head
instead of a diadem.

4505. The old man saw this from the upper porch and sent one after another to Pharnaces to
request a safe passage for him but none returned. He feared lest he might be turned over to the
Romans. He praised those men and his friends that still stood by him and sent them to the new
king. Some were killed by the army on the way, contrary to all expectations. (Appian.) When he
had begged from the walls his son in vain and saw him unbending, Mithridates is said to have
uttered these words when he was about to die.

vv O country gods, if you so grant that at some time or another, he may receive the same words
from his children."

4506. He went to his wives and concubines and gave them poison. (Oros. 1. 6. c. 5.)

4507. Two virgin daughters that were brought up with him, Mithridatis and Nissa and were
betrothed to the king of Egypt and Cyprus, earnestly entreated their father that they might drink
their poisoned potion before him. They desired for him to wait until they had done this.
(Appian.) However, neither the poison Mithridates always carried about in his sword nor the
wound he had given himself with the sword, were sufficient to kill him. Although he walked
about most strenuously so that the poison would spread itself through his veins and might act
more quickly, nothing happened. He had vaccinated his body against poison with daily
preservative medicines, which to this day are called Mithridatica. His sword wound was poorly
executed because of his age, his present distresses and the partial effect of the poison. He had
not killed himself but still lingered. The wall was now broken down and Bitoetus or Bithocus, a
soldier and Gaul wandered about. He was terrified by the majesty of his countenance.
Mithridates called him back and caused the soldier's trembling hand to put an end to his life.
(Dio. 1. 37. cf. Livy, 1. 102. Flor. 1. 3. c. 5. Valer. Max. 1. 9. c. 2. Pliny 1. 25. c. 2. Justin. 1. 37. c.
2. A Gelloi. 1. 17. c. 16. Appian. p. 248, Aurel. Vict, de Vir. Illust. c. 76. & Oros. 1. 6. c. 5.)

4508. Thus Mithridates ended his life at Panticapaeum in Bosphorus Cimmerius.

vv A man neither to be passed over in silence, nor to be spoken of without respect. He was most
valiant in war, of outstanding virtue, greatest, sometimes in fortune, but always in control. He
was a most discreet general and an excellent soldier of his troops." (Velleius Paterculus 1. 2. c.
18.)

4509. Cicero (in his Lucullus) called him:
vv The greatest king after Alexander."

4510. Because of these eulogies, I have been as careful about recording his life as I was about
Alexander.

4511. Orosius wrote thus of the time of the Mithridatic war: (1. 6. c. 1. fin.)

vv The Mithridatic war, or rather the end of the Mithridatic war which involved many provinces,

was carried on for 40 years. For it began in the 662nd year after the foundation of Rome, as I
said before, (1. 5. c. 19.) in the same year as the first civil war began. This was in the consulship
of Cicero and Antony, (that I may use the words of that excellent poet, Lucan."

" — Barbarico vix consummata veneno"

vv Scarcely ended by the barbaric poison of Mithridates. In this time there are found 30 years of
that war. Why most write 40, is not easy to know."

4512. We read in Justin, (1. 37. c. 1.) that Mithridates warred with the Romans for 40 years.
Appian, in the beginning of his Mithridatics, (p. 170.) said that the Mithridatic war lasted 42
years, (in Syriac. p. 118. & Mithridatics, p. 249.) Floras (1. 3. c. 5.) agrees with Appian.
However Eutropius (1. 6.) only allows 40 years. In Pliny, (1. 7. c. 26.) the title placed by Pompey
in the temple of Minerva showed that this war lasted only 30 years. From the beginning of the
first Mithridatic war to the death of Mithridates is only 26 years. This includes those years of the
peace between the two wars. So that the war may be said to last 30 years to make it a round
figure. Cicero (Orat. in L. Pisonem.) in his consulship hinted that he defended C. Rabirius 40
years earlier, who was guilty of treason, for the murder of Saturninus by the authority of the
senate. Dio (1. 37.) more accurately said this happened 36 years before. For more information
consult that Pisconian speech by Asconius Pedianus.

4513. At that time when Pompey was in Judea, he was angry with Aristobulus and marched
against him. Hyrcanus urged him to do this. He went with the Roman legions and with the
auxiliaries that he raised in Damascus, and in other parts of Syria. He went through Pella and
Scythopolis and came to Coreae near the border of Judea toward the Mediterranean. He learned
that Aristobulus had fled into Alexandrion, a good citadel that was located on the top of an hill.
He summoned Aristobulus to come to him. He was persuaded by many of his friends not to start
a war against the Romans and he came to Pompey. After he discussed his title with his brother
Hyrcanus about the kingdom, Pompey gave him permission to retire to his citadel again. He did
this 2 or 3 times and always flattered Pompey. He hoped to get the kingdom and feigned that he
would obey Pompey in all things. In the meanwhile, he returned and fortified the citadel. He
prepared for war, for fear lest the kingdom should be given to his brother Hyrcanus. (Joseph.
Belli, 1. 1. Antiq. 1. 14, c. 6.)

4514. Pompey commanded Aristobulus to surrender the citadels and he wrote to the governors
concerning this. They would not have obeyed him, unless the letters had been written with
Aristobulus own hand. Aristobulus submitted, but in discontent, he went to Jerusalem. He fully
intended to prepare for war. Pompey immediately followed him with his army and thought it
best not to give him any time for preparation. (Joseph. Belli, 1. 1. Antiq. 1. 14, c. 6.)

4515. As Pompey was marching near Jericho, a messenger came and told him that Mithridates
was killed by his son Pharnaces. (Joseph. Belli, 1. 1. Antiq. 1. 14, c. 6.) Those who brought the
news wreathed their javelins' heads with laurels. There was no high place for Pompey to speak
to the soldiers. The camp was made with turfs that were cut and laid one on top of another.
Hence they made a mound. Pompey ascended this mound and told his soldiers that Mithridates
had killed himself and that Pharnaces had reserved all things for himself and the Romans.
(Plutarch in Pompey)

4516. Thereupon the army greatly rejoiced and spent their time in sacrificing and feasting as if
by Mithridates death, had died huge numbers of their enemies. Pompey was very glad that he
had put an end to all Mithridates' acts and expeditions much easier than he thought he would.
(Plutarch in Pompey) For Mithridates had worried Pompey so much that although he conquered
all his kingdom, he did not think the war was over as long as Mithridates was alive. (Cicero, pro
Murena.) Lucan mentions Pompey bragging about this:

Skulking about Pontus, and while he watched to bring Ruin to the Romans that untamed king,
With better luck than Sulla, I've made to die.

4517. Pompey first camped at Jericho where there was most excellent dates and balsam which
was the most precious of all ointments. The next morning he marched toward Jerusalem.
Aristobulus was sorry for what he had done and came and met him. He promised him money
and that he would surrender himself and the city to him. He only desired that there would be no
war and that things would be settled peaceably. Pompey pardoned him and sent Gabinius with
the soldiers to receive the money. They returned without either for Aristobulus' soldiers would
not honour his promise. Pompey became very angry and committed Aristobulus to custody. He
marched in person against the city. It was strongly fortified except toward the north side which
was easiest to be battered. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 15. c. 7.)

4518. The citizens within the city were divided. Those that sided with Hyrcanus, said that the
city should be surrendered to Pompey. Many agreed who feared the determination of the
Romans. However, Aristobulus' side ordered the gates to be shut and to prepare for war because
Pompey held the king prisoner. These first seized the temple and cut down the bridge by which
they went into the city. They stood prepared to fight. Hyrcanus' party received the army within
the city and turned over to Pompey the city and the king's palace. Pompey committed these to
Piso, his lieutenant who fortified the houses and other buildings that were near the temple. First
he offered the besieged conditions of peace. When they refused, Pompey prepared for a general
assault and was helped by Hyrcanus in all matters. (Joseph. Bell. 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.)

4519. Pompey camped on the north side of the city, which was the easiest to attack. There were
also high towers and a handmade ditch in addition to a deep valley which was around the
temple. All places around the city went down quite steeply especially where the bridge was
taken away and on the side where Pompey camped. However, the Romans raised mounts daily
and cut down trees around there. They filled up the trench with materials that the soldiers
brought. The work was very difficult because the trench was so deep and the Jews fought from
above. (Joseph. Bell. 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.)

4520. Josephus stated that if the Jews had not observed the sabbath, the Romans could not have
finished the mounts for the Jewish resistance. For the law permitted the Jews to defend
themselves against an attacking enemy but not to hinder any work that the enemy does. This is
not a written law but received by tradition from their doctors. When the Romans knew the way
the Jews acted on the sabbath, they did not shoot any arrows against the Jews nor fought with
them in any way. They only erected their mounts and towers and planted their engines so that
they might use them on the next day against the Jews. (Joseph. Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.) King Agrippa
(Joseph. Bell. 1. 2.) said that Pompey especially chose those days to carry on the war to prevent
the Jews from attacking them on their sabbath.

4521. Pompey's letters were read in the senate concerning the death of Mithridates and the end
of that war. Cicero, the consul, proposed that there was to be a procession for 12 days decreed
for Pompey. (Cicero, de provinciis Consularibus.) The Romans kept these festival days, to
celebrate being freed from a great enemy. (Appian. p. 250.)

4522. Titus Ampius and Titus Labienus, who were the tribunes of the people, proposed a law
that Pompey should wear a laurel crown and the triumphal clothes in the Circensian and
Scenical plays. He only wore the purple gown and a laurel crown once in these plays. (Vellei,
Patercul. 1. 2. c. 40. Dio. 1. 37.)

4523. At Jerusalem the trench was being filled and the tower fitted upon the mounts. The
engines from Tyre were placed and the Romans shot huge stones and battered the temple stones.
However, the towers were exceeding strong and beautiful and endured the assaults of the
besiegers. The Romans were very tired and Pompey wondered at the faithfulness of the Jews.
Among others, he especially marvelled at their constantly observing the whole service of God
amid all their enemies' attacks as if they were at peace. All the time of the attacks, they
performed the daily sacrifices. Twice a day, the priests in the morning and at the 9th hour
offered sacrifices on the altar. They did not stop their sacrifices no matter what happened.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.}

4524. The Latin Feriae were held at Rome. (This feast was not on a set day but appointed by the
magistrates.) At this feast, a comet appeared and the moon was eclipsed on the 7th day of the
Julian November, 2 hours after midnight. Concerning this, Cicero in the second book of his
consulship mentions in these verses.

"When Albans snowy heaps thou viewdst, and when With glad milk the Latina celebratedst,
then Comets of fire did tremble in thy sight, And thou a conflict fancydst in the night. Which
time scarce escaped inauspicious; when The moon withdrew her light and sight from men, And
on a sudden left a starry night."

4525. In the 3rd month of the siege of Jerusalem, the largest tower fell after being shaken by the
many batteries of the ram. A large part of the wall fell with it. Through this breach large
numbers of the enemy broke into the temple. The first man who climbed the wall, was Cornelius
Faustus the son of Sulla, with his band of soldiers. Immediately after him, came the centurion
Furius with his regiment and between them both, the centurion Fabius with a valiant band of his
soldiers. These surrounded the temple while some fought to hide themselves. Others made some
resistance and were killed. Although many priests saw the enemies rushing in with their drawn
swords, they were not at all dismayed and continued their sacrifices. They were slain even while
they offered and burned incense in the temple. They preferred to observe their religious duty
rather than save their own lives. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.}

4526. All the places were full of the dead. Some of the Jews were killed by the Romans and
others by their own countrymen of the opposing faction. Many threw themselves headlong down
the rocks. Others set their houses on fire and burnt themselves alive. They could not endure to
behold those things that were done by the enemy. About 12,000 Jews died. Very few of the
Romans were killed but many wounded. Among the captives was Absalom, the uncle and father-
in-law of Aristobulus and the son of John Hyrcanus. Josephus {Josephus, Antiq, 1. 13. c. 20.}
wrote that he was honoured by Alexander Jannaeus because he was contented to live a private

life. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.}

4527. The temple was taken on the fast day when C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero were
consuls in the 179th Olympiad. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 8.} Eusebius {Eusebius,
Demponstrat. Evangel., 1. 8. c. 2. } stated that it was at the start of the year in the holy fast of the
3rd month on which the city was later taken by Sosius. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. ult.} It is to
be taken for the 3rd month of the civil year which started in the autumn according to the
Hebrews and other eastern accounts. {Josephus, Antiq, init. c. 4.} {Jerom, in the beginning of
Ezekiel} That is it was the 3rd month of the Syrians called by them, the "Former Canun" and by
the Hebrews "Chisleu". It was on the 28th day of this month the Jews, even to this very day,
keep a fast in memory of the sacred roll being burnt by wicked Jehoiakim. Jer 36:9,22,23 (See
note on 3398 AM «782-6») This fast was appointed for the first taking of Jerusalem by
Nebuchadnezzar when the Jews began first to serve the Babylonians. Peritrope noted that on the
same day of the same month, the temple was taken after 543 years by Pompey when the Jews
began to serve the Romans. Again 26 years later, it was taken by Sosius when they began to
serve Herod the Idumaean and his posterity. The 28th day of the month Chisleu corresponds to
the 28th day of the Julian December this year and (which also is worth noting) it was on a
Saturday or the Jewish sabbath when the temple was taken by assault. Dio notes that this was
reckoned the 79th year from the 170th of the Greek empire, in which it is read that the yoke of
the heathen was taken away from Israel. /APC IMa 13:41 From this, it may be gathered how
short a time they enjoyed their liberty.

4528. Pompey and many others entered the temple and saw those things that were not lawful to
be seen by any but the high priest. In the temple there was the table, candlesticks, with the
lamps, all vessels for sacrifice, the censers all of gold and an huge pile of spices. In the
treasuries of sacred money they found about 2000 talents. Pompey did not touch any of this but
on the next day he ordered them that had the charge of the temple to purify and cleanse it and to
offer their solemn sacrifices to God. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.}

4529. Pompey restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus because he had readily helped him in
the siege and he had hindered the Jews that were in the whole country from joining with
Aristobulus. (Joseph. Bell. 1. I.e. 5. Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.) Pompey also gave him the kingdom but
forbid him to wear a crown. From this time plus the previous 9 years in which he was high priest
during the reign of his mother Alexandra, he was the high priest for another 24 and an half
years. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. 1. 20. c. 8.}

4530. Pompey put to death those that were the main cause of the war and gave great honours
and rewards to Faustus and others who first had ascended the wall. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. &
Antiq. 1. 14. c. 8.}

3941b AM, 4651 JP, 63 BC

4531. Pompey made the Jews tributary to the Romans {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 8.} {Eusebius,
Chron. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. 1. 2.} and he took away the cities which they had previously
conquered in Coleosyria. He ordered them to obey their own governors and reduced the
boundaries of the country to their ancient bounds. As a favour to Demetrius of Gadara, a
libertine of his, (of whose insolence, Plutarch mentions {Plutarch, in Pompey}) he rebuilt
Gadara which the Jews had previously destroyed. He restored the inhabitants to their inland

cities of Hippon, Scythopolis, Pella, Dion, Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia and Arathusa. He
did not restore the inhabitants to any city that was destroyed. He did the same with the coastal
towns of Gaza, Joppe, Dora and the town of Straton. It was later magnificently rebuilt by Herod
and called Caesarea. Pompey set at liberty these cities and annexed all of them to the province
of Syria. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. & Antiq., 1. 14. c. 8.}

4532. Josephus stated: {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 8.}

"Hyrcanus and Aristobulus through their quarrelling and dissentions, were the cause of this
calamity to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. For at that time, we first began to lose our liberty and
were made subject to the government of the Romans. In addition, we were forced to surrender to
the Syrians that country we had recently taken from them in war. Also the Romans have exacted
from us more than 10,000 talents in a short time."

4533. After this Josephus affirms {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 12.} that Crassus alone took so
much from the temple. He may be understood to speak here of the tributes and taxes imposed on
the people.

4534. It is interesting to compare what Josephus wrote with other non- Jewish historians about
Pompey's action against the Jews. Cicero, in whose consulship these things happened is the
main writer. We found this testimony of Pompey's restraint. {Cicero, Pro Flacco}

"When C. Pompey had taken Jerusalem, he removed nothing from that temple. As in all things,
first he acted most wisely in this. In so large and rebellious a city, he permitted no place for the
speeches of slanderous detractors. I think the religion of the Jews was no offence, but a shame to
this excellent emperor."

4535. As much as could be expected from a heathen, he made a comparison between the Roman
and the Jewish religion in this manner.

"Every city has its particular religion and we have ours. While Jerusalem stood and the Jews
were at league with us, their religion did abhor the splendour of the sacred rites of our empire,
the majesty of our name and the institutions of our ancestors. Now, which is more, that nation
showed their opinion of us by their arms, it is sufficiently obvious how dear they are to the
immortal gods in that they are conquered, farmed and made servants."

4536. From Titus Livy, {Livy, 1. 102.} we find this.

"Cn. Pompey subdued the Jews and took their temple, which until that time had been
undamaged."

4537. Unless we should think that Eutropius and Orosius (as they did in many other parts of
their histories) borrowed this from him. Eutropius {Eutropius, 1. 6.} stated this:

"...passing over against the Jews, the 3rd month he took Jerusalem, the capital of the country.
12,000 Jews were killed and the rest were taken into league."

4538. Orosius {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 6. } wrote that Pompey went from Petra in Arabia against the
Jews:

vv over whom Aristobulus reigned after he expelled his brother, Hyrcanus (who was the first king
of a priest)."

4539. This shows that he took this part of his history not from Josephus but someone less
knowledgable in the Jewish affairs. In spite of this, he accurately relates what Pompey did.

vv He sent Gabinius with an army to Jerusalem, their city. He presently came later and was
received into the city by the chief elders. He was driven from the walls of the temple by the
common people and he planned to take it. The place was well fortified by its natural location
and surrounded by a very large wall. Notwithstanding one legion after another, night and day,
without stopping attacked the walls. He took 3 months to capture it. Finally after much trouble,
he captured it. 13,000 (Josephus and Eutropius have 12,000) Jews were killed and the rest made
a truce. Pompey ordered the walls of the city to be levelled to the ground. After he had beheaded
some princes of the Jews, he restored Hyrcanus to the high priesthood and brought Aristobulus
as a prisoner to Rome."

4540. Strabo (Strabo, 1. 6.) wrote:

vv When Judea was now openly oppressed with tyranny, Alexander was the first who had made
himself king instead of priest. His sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus fought for the government.
Pompey came in and deposed and demolished their bulwarks and first took Jerusalem by force.
That wall was all of stone and well guarded. Inside they were well supplied with water, but
outside, it was very dry. It had a ditch cut in the rock, 60 feet deep, and 250 feet wide. The walls
of the temple were made of the stone that were cut out from the ditch. Pompey took it, as it is
reported, by taking the opportunity of a fast day, in which they abstained from all manner of
labours. When he had filled the ditch, he crossed the wall by his scaling ladders. He commanded
all the walls to be demolished, and as much as he could, destroyed all the places of robbers and
all those places where the tyrant's treasures were stored. Two of them were located in the
entrance in Jericho, Thrax, and Taurus, the rest were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Macharus,
Lysias, and some places about Philadelphia, Scythopolis also next to Galilee. { Strabo, 1. 6. p.
792, 763.} Later, Pompey took away some places, that the Jews had captured by force and made
Hyrcanus, the high priest. {Strabo, 1. 6. p. 764, 765.}

4541. In Lucan, {Lucan, Pharsalia, 1. 3} stated that among the other countries that Pompey
conquered, that Judah was described thus:

To the Arabs and the war like Heniochi tamed And the fleece deprived Colchi I am known: my
famed Ensigns the Cappadocians, and the Jews, who adore, An unknown God, and soft
Sophene: fear full sore Taurus, Armenia and Cilicia I have subdued.

4542. Plutarch {Plutarch, in Pompey} stated:

vv He subdued Judea and took their king Aristobulus."

4543. Appian {Appian, in Mithridaticis, p. 244} said this:

vv He made war upon Aretas, the king of the Arabians of Nabathea, and the Jews also who had
revolted from their king, Aristobulus. He took Jerusalem, a city which in their conceit they
thought most holy."

4544. In Appian {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 119.} he stated:

vv Only the country of the Jews remained unconquered, whose King Aristobulus, the conquering
Pompey, sent to Rome. He overthrew the walls of Jerusalem, the greatest and most holy city in
all that country."

4545. Cornel. Tacitus, {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 5. c. 9.} stated:

vv Cn. Pompey was the first that conquered the Jews of all the Romans and entered the temple by
right of conquest. There was first published that their temple was on the inside without any
images and had an empty seat. The walls of Jerusalem were thrown down but the temple stood
still."

4546. L. Floras, {Floras, History, 1, 3. c. 9.} said concerning the same:

vv Pompey marched through Libanus in Syria and Damascus. He placed the Roman ensigns. He
passed through those sweat smelling groves of frankincense and balms. The Arabians were at
his service. The Jews were afraid to defend Jerusalem. He also entered and saw openly that
grand mystery of that wicked nation as under a sky of beaten gold. (Concerning this see
{Lypsius, Elector., 1. 2. c. 5.}) The brothers were at odds about the kingdom and Pompey was
made the umpire. He gave the kingdom to Hyrcanus and put irons on Aristobulus for refusing to
abide by the agreement."

4547. Dio, {Dio, 1. 37.} in the consulship of M. Tullius Cicero, and C. Antonius, stated:

vv Pompey marched into Syria Palestine because their inhabitants had invaded Phoenicia. This
country was governed by two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. They were at odds with each
other at that time about the priesthood of God which is the same as ruling the kingdom with
them. One of them filled the city with seditions. Pompey therefore presently, without fighting,
conquered Hyrcanus because he had no forces able to resist him. Aristobulus was besieged in a
certain citadel and was forced to accept conditions of peace. Since he would neither give him
money nor surrender the castle, Pompey cast him into prison and then easily conquered the rest.
The taking of Jerusalem caused Pompey much trouble. He easily took the city and was let in by
those that favoured Hyrcanus. However, he did not easily take the temple that was seized by
them of the opposing faction. It was located on an hill and fortified with a wall of stone. If they
had defended it on all days, it would never have been conquered. They did not defend it on
Saturdays and because they rested from all work on those days, they gave the Romans the
opportunity of overthrowing the wall. For when they observed this custom of the enemies, they
did nothing against the wall on the other days. When the week was past and Saturday came, then
they started working heartily and took the temple by force. Finally the Jews were overcome and
did not defend themselves. Their treasures were taken away and the kingdom was given to

Hyrcanus. Aristobulus was carried away prisoner. These things happened at this time in
Palestine."

4548. While Pompey made war about Judea, Ptolemy (Auletes) maintained 8000 cavalry at his
own expense and feasted 1000 guests with as many gold drinking cups. He always changed the
cups as they changed the dishes, as Varro relates. {Pliny, 1. 33.} He was paid annually 12,500
talents in tribute from Egypt, as Cicero said in a speech (which is lost.) {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 799.}
Although Diodorus Siculus stated that the revenue of Egypt at this time was only 6000 talents.

4549. Seleucis in Palestine was built by Pompey. {Appian. p. 253.}

4550. Pompey left the government of Coelosyria to Scaurus, from Euphrates River as far as the
borders of Egypt. Pompey departed into Cilicia with two legions and took Aristobulus prisoner
with him with his two sons and two daughters. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 8.} One son called
Alexander, escaped on his journey but the younger, called Antigonus with his sisters were
carried to Rome. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 5. fin.}

4551. Appian wrote that when Pompey left Syria he put his quaester, Scaurus in charge.
(Appian, in Syriacis, p. 119.} {Josephus, Wars, 1. 5. p. 676. 677.} Josephus added {Josephus,
Wars, 1. 1. c. 8} that he gave the government of Syria and Judea, also to Scaurus. Also
Ammianus Marcellinus {Ammianus, 1. 14.} affirmed this:

vv After Pompey had conquered the Jews and taken Jerusalem, he arranged Palestine into the
form of a province, he committed its jurisdiction to a governor."

4552. Hyrcanus retained the name of king but without a crown. He was so dull witted, that the
governors of Syria took the power to themselves. They managed the tributes and all other things
at their own pleasure in Palestine. This we shall see later in the government of Gabinius.

4553. When Cicero and Antonius were consuls, on the 9th day before the month of October,
Octavian was born to Octavian and his wife, Atia who was sister of C. Julius Caesar.
{Suetonius, in Octavio, c. 4, 5.} Octavian was later called Caesar Augustus and in whose reign
our Lord Jesus Christ, the saviour of the world, was born. Lu 2:1,6,7. Julius Marathus reported
that a few months before Augustus was born, a prodigy or oracle happened at Rome and was
publicly known. It stated that nature was about to bring forth a king over the people of Rome.
The senate was afraid and made a law that no male child that was born that year should be
raised. Those whose wives were pregnant objected for everyone thought this sign may apply to
their future son. They said this act should not be brought into the treasury and then enrolled.
Suetonius {Seutonius, in Octavio, c. 4, 5.} confirms his birthday on the 9th of the month of
October. Augustus agrees with Suetonius in a letter to his nephew Caius. {Gellius. 1. 15. c. 7.}
The new calendar {in Scriptionibus Gruteri 133.}, the Narbon stone {in Scriptionibus Gruteri,
p. 229. } and Dion {Dion, 1. 56. } state that he was born on the 23rd of September. For in the
Julian September of 30 days, the 9th of the month of October is the 23rd of September.
Although in the Pompilian September which has but 29 days, it is the 22nd of the same month.
However, September, as the year was (before the corrections of Julius Caesar) at Rome,
happened in June of the Julian period 465 1 .

4554. The Catiline conspiracy broke out at Rome. Q. Martius Rex and Q. Metellus Creticus

were both generals in the city. They were both prevented from a triumph by the false accusation
of some few, whose custom it was to assail all things whether honest or false. { Sallust, in
conjuration. Catiline}

4555. The Philadelphians calculate their years from the second year of the 179th Olympiad.
{Fasti Siculi} This Philadelphia is not far from Judea concerning which Josephus, { Josephus,
Wars, 1. 1. c. 5.} {Strabo, 1. 16. p. 760,763.} notes that around that area was the hang out of
thieves. It was captured this year and the thieves taken away by Pompey. This may explain the
reason of the first institution of this epoch.

4556. Pompey marched around the rest of Cilicia which did not acknowledge the Roman power
and subdued it to Roman authority without a fight {Appian, p. 244.} except that part which was
occupied by the Eleuthero-Cilices. Their town was located in the mountain Amanus and they
were later conquered by Cicero, the proconsul of Syria.

4557. Pharnaces sent to Pompey the body of his father Mithridates preserved in brine. He
surrendered to him both himself and his kingdom. {Dio. 1. 37.} Appian wrote that he sent it to
Pompey to Synope in a galley along with those that had taken Manius Aquilius and many Greek
and barbarian hostages. Pharnaces desired that he might retain either his father's kingdom or the
Bosphorus only which his brother Machan had received from Mithridates. Plutarch says that
when Pompey came to Amisus, he found many gifts brought from Pharnaces and many of the
royal family. The corpse of Mithridates was not very well known by his face but was known by
the scars by them who desired to see that sight. Pompey did not see it but sent it to Synope.

4558. Pompey thought that all hostility died with Mithridates and did no harm to the corpse but
ordered it to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers. {Dio, 1. 37. } He turned the corpse over to
them who would take care of it and paid for the funeral. He ordered that it should be royally
interred at Synope. He commended Mithridates for the excellence of his exploits as the most
famous king of his time. {Appian, p. 250.}

4559. Pompey admired the wonderful rich apparel and the arms he wore. However, Publius stole
the scabbard of his sword which cost 400 talents and sold it to Ariarathes. Caius, the foster
brother of Mithridates, privately gave Mithridates' hat of wonderful workmanship, to Faustus,
the son of Sulla who begged it from him. Pompey did not know about this but when Pharnaces
found out later, he punished those that had done those things. {Plutarch}

4560. Pompey enrolled Pharnaces and Castor Phanagonasis among the friends and allies of the
people of Rome. {Appian, p. 251.} {Dio, 1. 37.} He also gave the kingdom of Bosphorus to
Pharnaces because he had freed Italy from many difficulties. The Phanagorenses were not given
to Pharnaces. Pompey granted them their liberty because they were the first to trouble
Mithridates by revolting from him when he was again gathering up his forces and when he had
an army and fleet. By their example to others, they were the cause of his downfall. {Appian, p.
250.} After Pompey left, Pharnaces attacked the Phanagorenses and their neighbours until
through famine, they were forced to come out and fight with him and were defeated. He did not
harm them and he received them into friendship with him and only took hostages from them.
{Appian, p. 253,254.}

4561. Pompey recovered the citadels in Pontus. They were surrendered personally to Pompey by

the garrisons that controlled them because they thought if they turned them over to anyone else
the treasure would be looted and they would be held accountable. {Dio, 1. 37. } The city of
Talaura was the place where Mithridates stored his belongings. They found 2000 cups of onyx
stone that were fastened together with gold. They also found many cups for hot and cold drinks
as well as beds and chairs that were all most splendid. They found bridles for horses and
trappings for breasts and shoulders that were all covered with gold and precious stones. The
treasurer spent 30 days recording what was found. Part of the treasure came from Darius, the
son of Hystaspes, and was handed down to his successors. Cleopatra had deposited part of the
Ptolemy treasure at Cos which Mithridates had carried from there when the citizens handed it
over to him. Some of the treasure belonged to Mithridates who was being extremely desirous to
have a rich household of stuff. { Appian, p. 251, 252. }

4562. At Rome at the time when consuls are elected, Cicero, the consul, made a speech for
Murena who was chosen consul for the following year. He was accused for unlawful bribery for
the office. In the speech Cicero says that the army of L. Lucullus, which had come to his
triumph, came to help Murena in demanding the consulship. Concerning this triumph, Cicero,
{Cicero, on Lucullus} mentions this:

vv When he returned the conqueror from the Mithridatic war, he triumphed three years later than
he ought to have done, through the false accusations of his enemies. We that are consuls, were
most honoured to bring in the chariot of that famous man into the city."

4563. C. Mummius had set the people of Rome against him, as if he had embeazelled much of
the spoils and had protracted the war. Hence he persuaded the people that they should deny
Lucullus his triumph. However, the noble men, and those that were most in authority,
intermixed with the tribes and they intreated them so much by suit and persuasion that finally
they persuaded them to allow Lucullus' triumph. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4564. He made his triumphant entry not burdensome for its long show nor for the number of
things that he brought there as many captains had done before him. Instead he outfitted the show
place (called Circus Flaminius) with a large number of the enemy's weapons and with the king's
battering engines. This was a pleasant sight to see. In their triumph there was a certain company
of bravely armed men, ten chariots with scythes, and 60 friends and captains of the two kings
and 1 10 long ships that were armed on their prows. Also displayed was a six foot high solid gold
statue of Mithridates and a shield set with precious stones, the crown of Trigranes, twenty
cupboards of silver plate and 32 cupboards of golden vessels and armour and coins. These were
carried upon men's shoulders. Eight mules carried golden beds, 56 carried silver bullion and 107
that carried silver coins worth a little less than 2,700,000 drachmas. Moreover, there were books
of accounts carried of what he had given to his own soldiers which was 950 drachmas a piece.
Then Lucullus feasted all the cities and villages around there. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4565. After the triumph, an account was given of the Mithridatic war. Lucullus engaged in a
lifestyle that was far more magnificent than ancient temperance and behaviour of the Romans of
old. He was the first of the Romans that brought in all manner of luxuries after that he had
received the riches of the two kings, Tigranes and Mithridates. {Nicolaus Damascen. Historiar.

1. 27.} {Athenaeus, 1. 6. c. ult. & 1. 12. c. 21.} Velleius Paterculus also confirms that he was the
first that brought in the profuse luxury in buildings and household goods. {Velleius Paterculus,
1. 2. c. 33.}

3942a AM, 4651 JP, 63 BC

4566. Pompey rebuilt Eupatoria, which Mithridates Eupator had built and called after his own
name and destroyed it again because it entertained the Romans. Pompey gave to it lands and
inhabitants and called it Magnopolis. {Strabo. 1. 12. p. 556.} {Appian. p. 251.} He built Cabira
into a city and called it Diopolis. {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 557.} He appointed laws and statutes for the
Bithynians and those of Pontus. Pliny, the praetor of Bithynia, mentioned these in his letter to
Trojan. {Pliny, 1. 10.}

4567. Pompey marched from Pontus into Asia (properly so called) and wintered at Ephesus.
{Dio, 1. 37. } When he had finished his task on sea and land, he ordered the cities of Asia to
furnish him with a fleet, equivalent to the price of L. Sulla's imposition which he described.
{Cicero, pro Flacco.}

4568. L. Valerius Flaccus, who in the previous year was praetor at Rome, was this year praetor
of Asia. {Cicero, pro Flacco.}

3942b AM, 4652 JP, 62 BC

4569. About the end of winter, Pompey distributed the rewards to his conquering army. Each
received 1500 Attic drachmas. (Plutarch confirms that each man received at least that much.)
The tribunes and centurions received amounts according to their dignity. The total sum of
money was calculated to be 16,000 talents. {Appian, p. 252.} He gave to the lieutenants and
quaestors that defended the sea coast, 2000 festertium's and to each of the soldiers, fifty, if Pliny
is correct. {Pliny, 1. 37. c. 2.}

4570. When D. Julius Silanus and L. Murena were consuls, Metellus had a triumph for
conquering Crete {Eutrop. 1. 6. } in the month of June. (For as much as we can gather from the
fragments of the triumphal marbles.) This was in the Julian March. The main attraction of the
triumph was the captive captains who Pompey took from him. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 40}
He took Lasthenes and Panares with the help of one of the common people whom he persuaded
to. {Dio, 1. 36. } However, the triumph of Lucullus and Metellus were much favoured by every
good man because of their merit and especially in envy to Pompey {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
34.} Appian also makes mention of the triumph of Metellus Creticus. {Appian, Legat. 30.}

4571. Cato came to Ephesus to greet Pompey as one that was older and greater in dignity than
he. When Pompey saw him come, he would not allow him to come to him as he sat in his seat
but went to meet him as one of the chiefest noble men. He took Cato by the hand and embraced
and greeted him. He commended Cato in the presence of all men both when he was present and
when he was absent. However, Pompey was glad when he was gone as though he could not
command freely when he was there. He also commended to Cato the care of his wife and
children. Pompey never did this to any others that sailed to Rome although indeed Cato was
allied to them. {Plutarch, in Cato Minore.}

4572. Pompey had partly by war overcome many princes and kings, and partly allied them to
him by firm conditions of peace. He had taken not less than 900 cities and rebuilt 39 cities that
were either ruined or destroyed in war (as was Mazaca the head city of Cappadocia) and had
enlarged eight cities and countries with colonies. He instructed the most of the countries through

Asia that belonged to the Romans in his own laws and ordained a commonwealth for them.
Finally, he sailed from Ephesus through the islands and Greece and went toward Italy in very
great pomp. {Dio, 1. 37.} {Appian, p. 251.} {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4573. When Pompey was come to Lesbos, he released the city of all taxes as a favour to
Theophanes. {Plutarch, in Pompey} For the Mitylenians had surrendered Marius Aquilius and
other prisoners. They were granted liberty by Pompey as a favour to Theophanes. { Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 18.} This was Balbus Cornelius Theophanes a Mitylenian, a writer of
Pompey's deeds. Pompey esteemed him as one of his most intimate friends and made him a
citizen of Rome in the presence of the whole army. The Greeks bestowed divine honours on
Theophanes when he died. {Cicero, pro Archiapoeta} {Strabo, 1. 13. p. 617.} {Valerius
Maximus, 1. 8. c. 14.} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 1.} {Julius Capitolinus, in Maximo & Balbino}

4574. At Mitylene, Pompey saw the poets perform plays. The theme of all the performances was
Pompey's deeds and acts. Pompey was very delighted with the theatre and made a plan of it so
that he might make a similar one at Rome only larger and more magnificent. {Plutarch, in
Pompey}

4575. When he came to Rhodes, he heard the sophists dispute and gave each of them a talent.
Posidonius had written the disputation he made before Pompey, against Hermagoras the
rhetorician about the general question. {Plutarch, in Pompey} As Pompey was about to go into
Posidonius' house, he forbid his lictor (as the manner was) to knock on the door, and he himself
laid down the lictor's rod, at the door, to whom both the east and the west submitted. {Pliny, 1. 7.
c. 20.} Concerning this meeting Cicero {Cicero, Tusculine Questions, 1. 2.} relates this based on
Pompey's own account:

VV I have often seen Posidonius myself but I will tell you what Pompey had often said to me. As
he came from Syria and arrived at Rhodes, he intended to hear Posidonius. When he heard that
he was very sick and in great pain with the gout, he still wanted to see that famous philosopher.
When Pompey had seen him and greeted him, he gave him very good compliments. Pompey
told him that he was very sorry that he could not hear him. He replied that he may and would not
allow that pain of his body to frustrate the arrival of so great a man to me. So Pompey told me
that the philosopher disputed very gravely and fully concerning this subject, "That there was
nothing good, but what was honest." He was all on fire as it were with pain, as if so many
torches had been put to him. He often said in pain, "All that you do is nothing, although you are
troublesome, yet I will never confess you are evil.""

4576. Some also say that Pompey came to Rhodes at the time he went to the Mithridatic war.
The time when he was about to march against Mithridates, was the time when he talked to
Posidonius. As Pompey was leaving, he asked him if he would advise him in anything.
Posidonius repeated that verse in Homer:

vv Act nobly and remember to excel."

4577. This is recorded in Strabo. {Strabo, 1. 11. p. 492.}

4578. When Valerius Flaccus was praetor, he commanded the cities of Asia to furnish him with
money and sailors for a fleet. This fleet was half the size of the one Pompey used. He divided it

into two squadrons. One was to sail north of Ephesus and the other south. In this fleet, M.
Crassus sailed from Aenus, (in Thrace) into Asia, and Flaccus from Asia into Macedonia. Each
year gold was exported (in the name of the Jews) from Italy and all the Roman provinces to
Jerusalem. Therefore, Flaccus ordered that no gold should be exported from Asia. At Apamea
more than an hundred pounds of gold was intercepted. It was weighed before the praetor himself
in the court of Sextus Coesius, a Roman equestrian at Laodicea. More than twenty pounds of
gold was weighed before L. Peducaeus at Adramirum by the lieutenant Cn. Domitius. At
Pergamus not much gold was taken. (??) This gold was stored in the treasury. These things are
mentioned in Flaccus' speech for him and defended these actions. (??)

4579. Scaurus, who was left president of Syria by Pompey, marched into Arabia. Because the
way was difficult, he did not go as far as Petra. However, he wasted the country around there.
He endured much suffering for his army was afflicted with famine even though Hyrcanus by
Antipater's means supplied him with grain and other needs from Judea. Antipater also was sent
as ambassador from Scaurus, to Aretas, because he was his very close friend. He tried to
persuade him that by paying a sum of money, he might redeem his country from destruction. He
paid to him 300 talents on the condition that the war was ended. Thus the war ended to the
satisfaction of neither Scaurus nor Aretas. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 6. & Antiquit., 1. 14. c. 3.}
Scaurus had a silver coin to be stamped in his aedilship. One side showed a king wearing
barbarous clothes who kneeled before Scaurus. He was wearing a loose coat and hose. He was
presented a crown from him that was riding on a camel's back. These letters were written about
it, "M. SCAVRVS AED. CVR. EX. S. C." This meant "M. Scaurus aedile by the decree of the
senate." Below was written "REX ARETAS", or King Aretas. {Pighius, Annals Roman, torn. 3.
p. 341.362.}

4580. When Pompey had sent his lieutenant Piso to demand the consulship for Piso, the Romans
deferred the request until Piso arrived. They chose Piso as consul by the general consent. This
commendation of Piso by Pompey was confirmed by both his friends and enemies for they were
all afraid of Pompey before he had dismissed his army. {Dio, 1. 37.}

3943a AM, 4652 JP, 62 BC

4581. About the time of Piso's consulship, (in the Julian November) Pompey came into Italy.
{Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1. 1. epist. 9. & 11.} It was feared that he would come with his army
and he would order the public liberty after his own pleasure and make himself lord of all Italy
and all the power of the Romans. As soon as he came to Brundusium, he voluntarily discharged
all his forces, before there came to him any decree either from the senate or the people.
{Velleius Paterculus 1. 2. c. 40.} {Plutarch} {Appian} {Dio} Plutarch said that when Pompey
had kindly discharged his soldiers, he ordered them to meet him again at his triumph. However,
Dio affirmed that he did not intend to use them at his triumph. {Dio, 1. 37.}

4582. In a speech at Rome, Pompey declared that he had made war in the East with 22 kings.
{Oros. 1. 6. c. 6.} When he received command for Asia, it was the outmost province but now
when he restored it to his country again it was the middlemost. {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 26. } {Floras 1. 3.
c.5.}

4583. Q. Tullius Cicero, the younger brother of Marcus, was chosen to be praetor by lot over
Asia and succeeded L. Valerius Flaccus. {Cicero, Pro Flacco} {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1.1.}

4584. When he was to go into his province, he wanted that T. Pomponius Atticus, his wife's
brother, should go with him as his lieutenant. He thought it not befitting him that if he was not to
be a praetor, to be a servant of the praetor. {Cornelius Nepos, Life of Atticus} Cicero was
offended by this. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1. 1. Epist. 14.}

4585. P. Clodius was accused of the revolt of Nisibis, of entering into a temple in woman's
clothes (which it was not lawful for a man to enter), of defiling the wife of Metellus the high
priest and of C. Caesar, and unseemly behaviour with his own sister. He was acquitted by the
judges who were bribed with money. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1. 1. epist. 13.} {Livy, 1. 103.}
{Plutarch, in Cicero} {Dio, 1. 37.}

4586. Cicero wrote to Atticus that he had taken from the consul Piso, Syria that was promised
unto him. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1. 1. epist. 13.} Therefore Marcius Philippus, who had
been praetor, was sent as the successor to Scaurus who was left in Syria by Pompey. He had
skirmished with the Arabians, who lived near there and invaded Syria. {Appian, in Syriac, p.
119,120.}

4587. In the ninth year of the priesthood and government of Hyrcanus (that is from the death of
his mother Alexandra, before Gavinius took the government from her) in the month Panemus or
June, the decree of the Athenians, in the honour of Hyrcanus seemed to have been published as
recorded by Josephus. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 16.} Although, Josephus refers that time to a
former decree of the Roman senate. It was set out both in the time of the previous Hyrcanus, the
son of Simeon, and on the ides of December. (See note on 3877a AM «3605».) However, this
decree made in the honour of Hyrcanus, the second son of Alexander was written on the 1 1th
day of Munychion Attic, (about the 28th day of the Julian April), by Euclis, the son of
Menander the Almusian. He was the secretary and delivered to the governors on the pemph
apisntos of the Macedonian Panemus, or the 27th day, (answering to the 20th day of the Julian
June) Agathocle who was the praetor at Athens. This we have shown in the first chapter of the
book, "Concerning the Solar Year of the Macedonians and Athenians."

3943b AM, 4653 JP, 61 BC

4588. First, Cicero, eased the cities of Asia of the cost of providing sailors and a fleet {Cicero,
Pro Flacco.} and restored many cities that were almost deserted. Two of these were Samos, a
most illustrious city of Ionia and Halicarnassus, a city of Caria. {Cicero, Letter to Quintum
Fratrem, 1. 1 epist. 1.}

4589. Pompey deferred his triumph two days before his birthday which he celebrated on the day
(??) before the month of October. (His birthday, happened either in July or June of the Julian
account.) M. Messala and M. Piso were consuls when this happened as may be gathered from
the "Marble Fragments of the Triumphal Records". It may be more fully deduced from the
"Records of the Triumphs of Pompey". {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 26. & 1. 37. c. 2.} He had a most
magnificent triumph of so many kings for two whole days. { Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 40. }
{Appian. in Mithridatic. } Even though this triumph lasted for two days, Plutarch says the
greatness of it was not fully seen. A great part of the preparation, which would have served to
furnish another triumph was not presented.

4590. They who tried to compare Pompey in all things with Alexander the Great would have us

believe he was not yet 34 years old when he was really 40 years old if we believe Plutarch's
account. Pompey, even from his youth, by the talk of his flatterers, believed that he was like
Alexander and he imitated both his actions and counsels. {Sallust, Historiar. 1. 3.} {Nonium
Marcellum, in voc. Emulus. } However, Velleius very elegantly observed that they were too
much concerned about the age of that great man. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 53.}

vv who were deceived by five years. Whereas the setting right of these things was easily done
from the consulships of C. Attilius and Quintus Servilius."

4591. Plutarch made the same mistake while he corrects others. He said that Pompey was only
40 years old when indeed he was 45.

4592. Pompey made his first triumph over Africa, the second over Europe and the third over
Asia. He made the three parts of the world as monuments of his victory. {Velleius Paterculus, 1.
2. c. 40.} {Plutarch in Pompey} Thereupon this great triumph was called "The Triumph of the
whole World". {Dio, 1. 37. } By this the whole assembly greeted him by the surname of "Great".
{Livy, 1. 103.} He was pleased with this surname although by his famous deeds he might have
received many new names. {Dio, 1. 37.}

4593. The preface of the triumph (as it is described in {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 26. } from his own records)
was this:

vv When he had freed the sea coast from pirates and had restored the command of the sea to the
people of Rome, he triumphed over Asia, Pontus, Armenia. Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia,
Syria, Scythians, Jews, Albanians, Iberia, the Isle of Crete, Bastarna, and above all these, over
the kings, Mithridates and Tigranes."

4594. Plutarch adds:

vv Media, Colchis, Mesopotamia and Arabia."

4595. Appian adds:

vv the Heniochi and Achaeans."

4596. Pompey brought 700 ships that were intact. There was a vast number of wagons that
carried the armour and also the ramming prows of the ships. After these came a multitude of
captives and pirates who were not bound but clothed in their country clothes. After them came
noble men, captains or sons of the kings. Some were captives and others were hostages for a
total of 324. These went before Pompey who sat on a lofty chariot. {Appian}

4597. Among these was Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, the king of Armenia, with his wife and
daughters and Zosime the wife of Tigranes himself. Moreover the sister and five sons of
Mithridates (Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius and Xerxes) and two daughters, Orsabaris
and Eupatra were in the procession. There was also Olthaces, the king of the Colchians,
Aristobulus, the king of the Jews and the tyrants of the Cilicians. There were women of the royal
family of the Scythians, three commanders of the Iberians, two of the Albanians, along with

Menander of Laodice, who was general of Mithridates' cavalry. Also there were the hostages of
the Albanians and Iberians and of the king of the Commagenians. He had many other trophies in
the procession according to the number of battles that either he or his lieutenant had won in
various places. {Appian} {Plutarch}

4598. Although Tigranes and Mithridates were not present, pictures of them were carried
showing how they fought, gave ground and fled. The attacks of Mithridates were displayed and
how he secretly fled away by night. Last of all came pictures showing his death and the virgins
who were the companions of his death displayed. Tables were carried with the images of his
sons and daughters that died before him and the figures of the barbarian gods in their own
country attire. {Appian}

4599. Pompey was carried in a chariot set with precious stones, clothed, as was reported, in the
armour of Alexander the Great. After his chariot came the companions of this expedition, the
colonels both of the cavalry and foot soldiers. {Appian}

4600. The day before the month of October which was his birthday, Pompey brought a pair of
tables with the men of two precious stones. The tables were three foot wide and four long. On
them was a thirty pound golden Moon, three parlour tables, nine cupboards of gold plate and
precious stones. There were three golden images of Minerva, Mars, and Apollo as well as three
crowns set with pearls. There was a square golden mount, covered with stags, lions and fruits of
all kinds. These were surrounded by a golden vine. (See note on 3939 AM «3980») There
was a bower of pearls on the top of which was a sundial. Pompey's own image of pearl was
there. {Pliny, 1. 37. c. 2. } Pompey also wrote that he carried trees in the triumph, namely the elm
tree and the balsam tree, which only grew in Judea. {Pliny, 1. 12. c. 4. & 25.}

4601. There were also carts and other vessels laden with gold and various other ornaments.
Among them was the bed of Darius the son of Hystaspes and the throne and sceptre of
Mithridates Eupator and a golden image of him twelve feet to his breast. {Appian} There was a
silver statue of Pharnaces who first reigned in Pontus and gold and silver chariots. {Pliny, 1. 37.
c. 12.} Also there were 7000 myriads of silver coins and 510 drachmas. {Appian} Moreover it
was shown in the records that all the tribute of the people of Rome before this totalled only 5000
myriads but with these that Pompey had gotten for the people of Rome amounted to 8500
myriads. {Plutarch}

4602. There was also carried a table containing a summary of those things which Pompey had
done in the east. It was inscribed with this title. "800 ships with prows were taken; eight cities
built in Cappadocia, in Cilicia, and Coelosyria, twenty in Palestina Seleucis. Kings conquered:
Tigranes the Armenian, Artoces the Iberian, Orozes the Albanian." This was the title, {Appian}
and a similar one Pliny mentions {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 26.} was placed in the temple of Minerva and
dedicated of the spoils.

vv Cn. Pompey Magnus, captain general, finished a war of thirty years. He overthrew, routed,
killed and had yielded to him, 2,183,000 men, sunk and taken 846 ships, had surrendered to him
1538 towns and citadels. He conquered from the lake of Maetis to the Red Sea and deservedly
offers this vow to Minerva."

4603. He brought into the public treasury in plate and in gold and silver coins, 20,000 talents.

{Plutarch} Among the other gifts that were dedicated by him in the capital, was the cabinet of
King Mithridates as Varro and other authors of that time confirm. This first gave the Romans an
appetite for pearls and jewels. {Pliny, 1. 37. c. 1.} There was also dedicated all the most precious
things of Mithridates that were found in the new castle {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 556, 557.} as well as
that golden vine that was brought from Judea. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 5.} There was also six
cups of the stone of murra (fluorspar), then first brought to Rome. These were soon commonly
used and popular material for plates and dishes. {Pliny. 1. 37. c. 2. }

4604. When Pompey came triumphing into the capital, he put none of the captives to death as
those that had triumphed before him used to do. He paid their expenses from the public money
and sent everyone home to his own country, except those that were of royal extraction.

{ Appian} It appears incorrect what Appian adds that Aristobulus was put to death and after him,
Tigranes because Aristobulus later returned into his country. Josephus and Dio confirmed this
and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flavius, a senator, by the order of Pompey. He was
released from his custody by Clodius, the tribune of the people, which Asconius Pedianus
confirmed in his commentary on the Milonian Speech.

3944a AM, 4653 JP, 61 BC

4605. After the Gazenses were freed from the rule of the Jews, they began the epoch of their
times from this event. {Fasti. Siculi. year 4. Olymp. 179.} The Gazenses began their year about
the 27th day of the Julian October, as we gathered from Marcus, a deacon of Gaza, in the life of
Porphyry, a bishop of Gaza.

4606. Cicero's brother Marcus was the cause that no one succeeded Quintus Cicero in the
praetorship of Asia. Cicero in a letter to him showed this. Among other things that were well
done by him in the province, he lists this that the thieveries of the Mysians were stopped and
murders in many places suppressed. Peace was settled throughout the whole province. The
robberies and thieveries of travellers in the countries and the town and cities was suppressed.
{Cicero, Letters to Quint. Fraer., 1. 1. epist. 1.}

4607. M. Cicero had sent a commentary written in Greek about his consulship to Rhodes to
Posidonius. (He was the Apamean and was a philosopher and an historian. Cicero wanted him to
rewrite this in better style.) When he had read what Cicero wrote, he wrote back to him that he
was not encouraged to write but that he was clearly afraid. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1. 2. epist.
1.}

4608. Ptolemy Auletus had a son born to him in his old age. This son succeeded him in his
kingdom. Hence he was not older than 13 years when Pompey fled to him after the battle of
Pharsalia. {Dio, 1.42.}

3944b AM, 4654 JP, 60 BC

4609. Pompey requested from the senate that they would confirm all the things that he had
granted to kings, governors and cities. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 432.}

4610. Lucullus had spent his time in luxurious living. The senate asked him to use his authority

to deal in matters of state and he presently attacked Pompey's legislation. {Plutarch, in Pompey}
He and Metellus Creticus remembered the wrongs Pompey had done to them. They and some of
the nobility resisted Pompey that those things that were either promised to cities or the rewards
to them that had deserved evil of him, should not be distributed according to Pompey's own
pleasure. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 40.} Lucullus requested that Pompey should propose to
the senate concerning his actions in detail and not demand that they should be all approved in
one measure. Otherwise it would be unjust to approve all his acts together before they knew
what they were as if they had been done by some god. Since Pompey had disannulled some of
Lucullus' acts, he demanded that both of their acts should be proposed in the senate that they
might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation. Cato, Metellus Celer who was
the consul, and others that were of the same opinion, earnestly defended Lucullus. {Dio, 1. 37.}
Lucullus bragged also that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him and drew Crasius to his
side. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 432, 433.} Thereupon he obtained a confirmation of his
decrees which Pompey had disannulled {Plutarch, in Pompey} and overthrew all the
constitutions that Pompey had made after he had defeated the kings. Lucullus and Cato hindered
Pompey's request that lands might be divided among his soldiers. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

461 1. Pompey was thwarted in the senate and was compelled to appeal to the tribunes of the
people. {Plutarch, in Pompey} He saw that L. Flavius the tribune had demanded that lands be
divided among Pompey's soldiers and that all the citizens might give their say that by this means
this might be more easily granted. Also he wanted all Pompey's acts confirmed. Metellus the
consul so eagerly opposed him that he was carried to prison by the tribune. Notwithstanding, the
consul resolutely persisted in his opinion as also did others, so that Pompey was forced at length
to yield to his demands. He regretted that he had discharged his soldiers and exposed himself to
the wrongs of his enemies. {Dio, 1. 37.}

4612. Meanwhile, C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the consulship. Pompey allied
himself with him and promised that he would do his best to help Caesar become a consul. By
this Pompey hoped that finally his acts which he had done in the provinces beyond the seas and
were opposed by so many, would be confirmed by Caesar when he was consul. Pompey and
Crassus were at great odds ever since the consulship that they had held together. Caesar
reconciled them and entered into an alliance with both of them. Based on this contract, nothing
would be done in the state which displeased any of the three. This conspiracy was destructive to
the city and all the world and finally to themselves also. {Livy, 1. 103.} {Velleius Paterculus 1. 2.
c. 44.} {Suetonius, in Julius Caesar, c. 19.} {Plutarch, in Lucullus, Crassus, Pompey, Caesar}
{Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. } {Dio, 1. 37. }

4613. Barro who was the best writer of this time, wrote in one book about this conspiracy of the
three principal men of the city. He called it tricaranon or three headed. {Appian, p. 433. }
Asinius Pollio also began to write his history of the civil war from the same book which was
made in the consulship of Metellus Celer. {Horace, 1. 2. carm. ode. 1.} His interpreters, Acron
and Porphyrie confirm this, for neither (as many thought) the dissention of Caesar and Pompey
brought in the civil wars. Their agreement rather of conspiring together to root out the nobility
first and then they fell at odds among themselves. {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4614. In this very year, the 180th Olympiad was solemnized and Herodes, (a different person
besides that Herod of Athens of whom Pausanias and Gellius mention as the most famous man
of his time) was archon in Athens. Diodorus Siculus began the history of Caesar's affairs. In that
year he showed that he travelled over Egypt in the reign of Ptolemy who was called "New

Bacchus". {Bibliothec. historiar, 1. 1. part. 1 & 2.}
3945a AM, 4654 JP, 60 BC

4615. There was a third year added to the praetorship of Quintus Cicero in Asia. Suetonius
stated that he governed the proconsulate of Asia with little distinction. { Suetonius, in Octavian
Augustus, c. 3.} In this year, there was written an excellent letter by Marcus Cicero concerning
the good government of a province. This was placed first among those that were written to his
brother Quintus.

4616. The senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus, one that had been praetor, to succeed Marcius
Philippus in the government of Syria. { Appian, in Syriacis} Each of them spent two years in
fighting with the Arabians who bordered Syria and invaded their country.

3945b AM, 4655 JP, 59 BC

4617. Julius Caesar, the consul, confirmed all Pompey's acts as he had promised him without
slandering Lucullus or anyone else. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 435.} {Dio, 1. 38.}

4618. Pompey also obtained from the senate that they should not confirm those honours that
Lucullus had promised to some of Pontus. He said it was unjust that the distribution of rewards
and honours should be given to one who did not finish the war. {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 558.} After he
filled the city with arms and soldiers, he expelled Cato and Lucullus from the forum and
confirmed his acts by violence and force. {Plutarch, in Pompey, Lucullus}

4619. Suetonius wrote that Caesar, in his first consulship, planned to sell societies and
kingdoms. { Suetonius, c. 54. } He took from Ptolemy alone, 6,000 talents in the name of himself
and Pompey. Dio related {Dio, 1. 39. } that Ptolemy (Auletes) spent vast sums of money on
certain Romans both of his own and what he borrowed. He hoped that through them the
kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed to him and that he might be called their friend and ally.
Plutarch {Plutarch, in Caesar} related that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 myriads. A thousand of
this, Caesar extracted when he came into Egypt after Pompey was killed. He forgave the rest of
the debt to Auletes' children.

4620. In this year when Caesar was first consul, he in the third commentary of the civil war,
showed that Auletes, by a law and a decree of the senate, was taken into the alliance of the
people of Rome. Caesar obtained this honour from the senate before the proscription of
Ptolemy's brother Ptolemy Cyprior, (which was in the next year.) Cicero confirmed in the
Sectian speech. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1. 2. epist. 16.}

4621. C. Antony was condemned and Cicero in vain (who was his collogue in the consulship)
defended him. {Dio. 1. 38.} He lived as a banished man in Cephalenia and had all the island
under his command as his own possession. He began to build a city but did not finish it. { Strabo,
1.10. p. 455.}

4622. It is decreed that P. Clodius should go as an ambassador to Tigranes, the king of Armenia.
When he objected, he who was a patrician, was made a plebian by adoption so that by that

means he was chosen as a tribune of the people. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1. 2. epist. 7. & Orat.
pro domo sua} {Dio, 1. 38.}

4623. Bruhagoras was a man of great authority among the Heraclenseus of Pontus. He and his
son Propylus went to Julius Caesar and became his friend. They followed him up and down
through all lands for 12 years together so that Caesar might do good to his fellow citizens.
{Memnon, c. 26.}

3946a AM, 4655 JP, 59 BC

4624. P. Clodius was made tribune of the people. So that he might draw the new consuls to his
side, he decreed to them large provinces. To Gabinius, he gave Syria, with Babylon and Persia.
To Piso, he gave Achaia, Thessalia, Greece, Macedonia and all Boeotia. {Cicero, pro Sextrus,
pro domo sua, de provincis consularibus } {Plutarch, in Cicero}

3946b AM, 4656 JP, 58 BC

4625. When Q. Cicero had governed Asia three years, he left the province. {Cicero, 1. 2. Letters
to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 15. & Letters to Atticus, 1. 6. epist. 6.} Marcus Cicero was then in exile
in Thessalonica and wrote to Atticus concerning his brother's journey. {Cicero, 1. 3. ep. 9.}

vv My brother Quintus had departed from Asia, before the month of May, (about the end of the
Julian February) and was come to Athens on the Ides. He was forced to hurry lest there might
happen some more calamity in his absence if perchance anyone should not be content with the
ills we suffer already. Therefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome, than come to me."

4626. By a tribunal law of P. Clodius, the priest of Cybile in Pessinus, a city of Phrygia was
removed from his priesthood. Brogitarus was a Galatian. (He is thought to be that Bobodiatorus,
to whom as Strabo writes, Pompey gave Mithridatium after he took it away from Pontus.
{Strabo, 1. 12. p. 567.}) He was a wicked man and desired the priesthood not for the reverence
to the temple but for violence. He bought the office of priesthood with a great sum of money
though his ambassadors to Clodius. The priests of Pessinus in ancient times had been petty
kings. {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 567.}, By the same tribunal law, Dejotarus was often thought worthy of
that name by the senate as well as his son-in-law Brogitarus who had never asked it from the
senate. He had only agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond and was
ordained to be called king. However, Dejotarus received that part of the law that agreed with the
senate that he should be a king without giving any money to Clodius. He preserved Pessinus in
their ancient religion and had rather that his son-in-law enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius than
that the temple should lack her ancient religion. {Cicero, de Aruspicum respons. & pro Sextio. }

4627. Clodius wanted to get his revenge on Ptolemy the king of Cyprus, who was the brother of
Auletes, the king of Alexandria. (If we believe Velleius Paterculus, he was most like him in all
his vicious manner of life.) Ptolemy had previously neglected him when he was captured by
pirates. Even though Clodius lived quietly and enjoyed his ease and without showing any reason
or mentioning any wrong Ptolemy had done, he favoured a law for reducing his kingdom into
the form of a province. All Ptolemy's goods and money would be confiscated. The law would
send M. Cato from the commonwealth under an honourable title to carry out the law. Although
Cato was for the law also, he went unwillingly to Cyprus to command there with praetorian

power and had a quaester with him also. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & prodomo sua} {Livy, 1. 104.}
{Floras, 1. 3. c. 9.} {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} {Strabo, 1. 24. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus,
1. 2. c. 45.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 541.} {Dio. 1. 38.} Cicero in his speech for Publius
Sextius, speaks thus of Ptolemy:

vv That miserable Cypriot, who was always an ally, was always a friend, concerning whom there
was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him, either to the senate or to our
generals, (as they say) lives to see himself, his very food and cloths confiscated. Behold, why
should other kings think their fortune stable, since by this wicked example of that lamentable
year, they may see themselves by one tribune and six hundred artificers stripped of all their
fortunes and all their kingdom."

4628. Thereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus {Ammianus Marcellinus, 1. 14.} was not ashamed
to say that the people of Rome invaded that island from covetousness (from lack of money in
their treasury) than justice. Sextus Rufus in his breviary said that the poverty of the people of
Rome and the shortage of money in the treasury provoked them to seize that island that was so
famous for its riches. They got the command of it more covetously than justly.

4629. Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, a king and an enemy, was still kept prisoner by Pompey's
command at L. Flavius' house, who was the praetor. Clodius, the tribune of the people, was
bribed to ask Flavius that he would give Tigranes permission to dine with them that he might see
him. When Tigranes came, he feasted him and took him from prison and let him go free. (??)
Clodius would not turn him over when Pompey demanded him. When Tigranes had escaped by
ship, he was driven back by a storm. Clodius, the tribune, sent Sextius Clodius to bring Tigranes
to him. As soon as Flavius heard of it, he went to apprehend Tigranes. Within four miles of the
city, there was a skirmish and many were killed on both sides, however Flavius' party fared the
worse. Papirius was killed. He was a Roman equestrian, a publican and very close friend of
Pompey. Flavius barely escaped to Rome by himself. Clodius, the tribune, contemtuously
treated Pompey and Gabinius who did not approve of this. Clodius beat and wounded their
companion and broke the fasces of Gabinius, the consul. He confiscated his goods. {Cicero, pro
domo sua Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Milonianam} {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, 1. 38.}

4630. Piso and Gabinius, who were the consuls, expelled Syrapis, Isis, Harpocrates and
Cynocephalus. They were forbidden to come to the capitol. The consuls overthrew their altars
and curtailed the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions. {Tertullian, in Apologetico}

4631. Ptolemy Auletes was told by the Egyptians to request from the Romans the island of
Cyprus or to renounce their alliance. He did not agree to do this. He had incurred their hatred
both for this reason and for the high taxes he imposed on the Egyptians to pay his debt that he
had incurred by purchasing of the Roman alliance. Therefore, when he neither could persuade
them to be quiet, nor could compel them by force, (for he had no mercenaries) he fled from
Egypt and sailed to Rome. {Livy, 1. 104.} {Dio. 1. 39.} He wanted Caesar and Pompey to use
their army to restore him again. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} However, Timagenes (who
under Augustus' reign, wrote some histories) from whom Seneca, {Seneca, 1. 3. de Ira. c. 23.}
affirmed that Ptolemy left the kingdom without any good reason or that he was compelled by
any necessity. Theophanes convinced him to leave Egypt because he would give Pompey an
opportunity to get money and of starting new wars. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4632. When Cato sailed to Cyprus, Clodius the tribune would not give him any ships, soldiers or
servants to go with him. He only had two secretaries. One was a notorious thief and the other a
client of Clodius. If the business of Cyprus had been but a small matter, Clodius ordered him to
restore the exiles of Byzantium to keep Cato away from Rome as long as he possibly could.
{Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4633. Cato through his friend Canidius whom he sent before him to Cyprus, talked with Ptolemy
and tried to persuade him to yield without fighting. He gave Ptolemy the hope that he would
neither live poorly nor in contempt and that the people would give him the priesthood of
Paphian Venus. Meanwhile, Cato stayed at Rhodes to make preparations and to wait for an
answer. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} When Ptolemy knew what was decreed against him, he
dared not fight against the Romans. Neither did he think he could live, if he were expelled from
his kingdom. Therefore he put all his treasure into ships and sailed. He hoped to sink his ships
and died as he wished with his treasure so his enemies would not get their hands on it. He could
not endure to sink his gold and silver and so he returned home again and killed himself by
drinking poison. Although he held the title of king, he was a slave to his money. {Plutarch, in
Cato the Younger} {Floras, 1. 3. c. 9.} {Strabo, 1. 14. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 45.}
{Valer. Maxim. 1. 9. c. 14.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2 p. 441.} {Dio, 1. 39} {Ammianus
Marcellinus, 1. 14.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario}

4634. Ptolemy Auletes sailed for Rome. When he had arrived at Rhodes, he wanted to meet
Cato and sent for him and hoped that Cato would come to him. Cato replied to Ptolemy that if
Ptolemy wanted to see him Ptolemy would have to come to him. After Ptolemy came, Cato
neither went to meet him nor rose from his seat but greeted him as he would one of the common
people and asked him to sit down. At first it amazed Ptolemy and he wondered to see such
superciliousness and severity in one that had so simple and lowly a train. When they began to
talk of his business, Cato accused him of folly for leaving his own country, he had subjected
himself to such dishonour and such great pains only to satisfy the covetousness of the chief men
of Rome. This he could never do even if all the kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver.
Therefore, he counselled him to return with his navy and to reconcile himself to his subjects.
Cato offered to go along with him and to help him to be reconciled. The king was brought to his
senses by this speech and when he perceived the truth and Cato's wisdom, he intended to follow
his advice. However, his friends turned him from this good advice. As soon as Ptolemy came to
Rome and was forced to wait at the magistrates gates, he began to lament his inconsiderate
enterprise and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man. {Plutarch, in Cato the
Younger} However, his coming caused so much trouble to the Romans later, that Crassus
{Cicero, pro Caelius} used that speech of the tragedian, "Vtinam ne in monte Pelio." That is:

vv If only not in Mount Peliom"

4635. The Alexandrians did not know of Ptolemy's journey to Italy and thought that he was
dead. They set his legitimate daughter, Bereice, over the kingdom along with her older sister
Tryphaena (who was older than Cleopatra). {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, 1. 39.} {Porphyrius, in
Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri., p. 226.} They sent Menelaus Lampon and Callimachus to Antiochus
Pius, (or Asiaticus rather his son, whom Pompey had dispossessed of his kingdom) to ask him to
reign together with the women. However, he was sick and died. {Porphyrus, in Grac. Eusebian.
Scaligeri., p. 227.}

4636. Both the consuls went into the provinces as soldiers, Piso into Macedonia and Gabinius

into Syria. The people followed them with their curses. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & in L. Piso} When
Gabinius was about to set sail in Syria, he invited Antony (who was later in the triumvirate) to
go along with him to the wars. He refused to do this as a private soldier, but when he was put in
command of the cavalry then he went with him to the wars. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4637. T. Ampius, through the help of P. Clodius the tribune, obtained the province of Cilicia,
which was contrary to the custom. {Cicero, pro domo sua.} {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 1.
epist. 3.}

4638. Cicero mentions this about Gabinius' journey to Syria and his first arrival. In his speech of
consular provinces he said:

vv His journey into the province was like this. King Ariobarzanes hired your consul to commit
murders as if he had been a Thracian. When he first came into Syria, he lost many of his cavalry
and later the best of his foot soldiers."

4639. Cicero also mentions the loss of Gabinius' cavalry and foot soldiers in his speech for
Sextus. {Cicero, pro Sextius}

3947a AM, 4656 JP, 58 BC

4640. Although it was said that the king of Cyprus left a vast sum of money behind him, yet
Cato determined to go first to Byzantium. M. Brutus, his sister's son, (the murderer of Julius
Caesar later) was in Pamphylia, where he then lived to recover his health. Cato wrote to him that
he should immediately come to him from there to Cyprus because he suspected that Canidius
was meddling with money and would appropriate some for himself. Brutus undertook this
journey much against his will. He thought Cato had slandered Canidius and that this job was too
menial and unsuited for him. Brutus was a young studious man. However, he behaved himself
so well that Cato commended him. {Plutarch, in Cato & Brutus}

3947b AM, 4657 JP, 57 BC

4641. Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who on the way to Rome had escaped from Pompey,
bothered Judea with his raids. At that time, Hyrcanus was not able to resist him, since he was
determined to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem which Pompey had thrown down. The Romans
who were there, hindered the work. Alexander travelled through the country and armed many
Jews. In a short time he had 10,000 foot soldiers and 1500 cavalry. He strongly fortified
Alexandrion, a citadel located near Corea, Hyrcanium and Michaeron, not far from the
mountains of Arabia. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1 c. 6., Antiq., 1. 14. c. 10.}

4642. A. Gabinius, the governor of Syria undertook an expedition against Alexander. He sent M.
Antony ahead with some commanders. These joined with some Jews who were under their
command whose captains were Pitholaus and Matichus. They also took some auxiliaries from
Antipater. These met with Alexander and Gabinius followed with the rest of the army.
Alexander drew near Jerusalem where the battle was fought. The Romans killed 3000 of the
enemy and took as many prisoners. When Gabinius came to the citadel of Alexandrium, he
offered the besieged men conditions of peace and promised them pardon for all that was past.

Since many of the enemy had camped outside the fort, the Romans attacked them. M. Antony
behaved very valiantly and killed many of his enemies. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1 c. 6., Antiq., 1. 14.
c. 10.} Antony was courteously entertained by Antipater. When Antony was in the triumvirate
and came into Syria 16 years later he showed toward Antipater's sons, Phasaelus and Herod, that
he remembered this courtesy. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1 c. 10., Antiq., 1. 14. c. 23.}

4643. Gabinius left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion and went to visit the rest of
Judea. He ordered that what cities he found destroyed, should be rebuilt. By this means,
Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnias, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, Gaza and
many others were rebuilt. They were later peacefully inhabited, when before they had been
deserted for so long.

4644. When he thus ordered these things in the country, Gabinius returned to Alexandrion.
When the Romans intended to attack it, Alexander requested pardon through his ambassadors.
He offered Gabinius the citadels of Hyrcanion and Machaeron and at last Alexandrion.
Gabinius, by the advice of the mother of Alexander, levelled these with the ground lest they
should be a reason for new wars. The woman was solicitous for her husband and children, who
were carried captive to Rome and favoured the Romans. She used all her charms toward
Gabinius and obtained from him whatever she desired. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1 c. 6., Antiq., 1. 14.
c. 10.}

4645. After Gabinius had settled his affairs, he took Hyrcanus to Jerusalem and committed the
care of the temple and priesthood to him. He made others of the nobility, rulers of the Jewish
state. He appointed five seats for courts and divided the whole province into so many equal
parts. Some went to court at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, (otherwise Dora) some at Amathus,
some at Jericho and some at Sephora. Thus the Jews were freed from the single command of one
alone and they were willingly governed by an aristocracy. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1 c. 6., Antiq., 1.
14. c. 10.}

4646. Philippus Euergeres, the son of Gryphus and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemy, the
eighth king of the Egyptians, (who 35 years before was king of Syria) was sent for by the
Alexandrians to take over the kingdom of Egypt. He was hindered from doing this by Gabinius,
the governor of Syria. {Porphyr. in Gracis, Eusebian. Scaligeri p. 227.}

4647. At Rome, Pompey took up Ptolemy Auletes' cause and commended it to the senate and
asked for his restoration. {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 796.} However, Ptolemy requested that he might be
restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the consul, to whom the province of Cilicia was given
in charge. {Dio. 1. 39.} Spinther also favoured Ptolemy's restoration to his kingdom by himself.
A decree of the senate was made to that end. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 1. epist. 1. cum
Orat. in L. Pison. & pro Rabirio Posthumo.}

4648. It was said that this advice was given by the same consul that a greater authority of
providing grain through all the Roman Empire, by sea and land, might be given to Pompey. He
hoped that Pompey would be occupied in this greater charge and the consul himself might be
sent to help Ptolemy. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4649. The Alexandrians sent an hundred men to Rome that they might defend their cause
against the accusations of Ptolemy and also might accuse him of the wrongs he had done to

them. The leader of the embassy was Dio, an academic. {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, 1. 39.}

4650. Ptolemy sent out certain men into all parts and laid ambushes for the ambassadors. Most
were killed on their journey and some of them he killed in the very city. He bullied or bribed the
rest into submission. He so arranged matters that they did not so much as dare to bring before
the magistrates their cause from whom they were sent or once make any mention of them who
were killed. {Dio, 1. 39.} Cicero mentions the murdering of the Alexandrian ambassadors
against all law and honesty. {Cicero, in the speech, de Aruspicum respons.} He also mentions
the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoh. {Cicero, pro Coeli.}

4651. This business was so commonly known, that the senate was very angry, especially Marcus
Favonius who stirred them up. Many ambassadors of their allies who were sent to Rome, were
violently killed. (Cicero, {Cicero, in orat. de Auruspicum responsiis}, mentions one in
particular, Theodosius who was sent as an ambassador from a free city and was stabbed by the
means of P. Clodius and Hermachus, a Chian.) At that time, many Romans were corrupted by
bribes. Therefore, the senate called Dio, the leader of the embassy to them so that he could
testify to them concerning the truth of the matter. However, Ptolemy's money had so much
prevailed that neither Dio came into the senate neither was any mention made of those who were
killed, all the while that Dio was at Rome. {Dio, 1. 39. }

4652. Finally, Dio was murdered. He was a very learned man who lodged with Lucceius. (He
was also a most learned man, of whom Cicero requested {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 5.
epist. 12.} he would write the history of his consulship.) Dio knew Lucceius from Alexandria. P.
Ascitius was not found guilty of this murder nor was Ptolemy punished. Ascitius was acquitted
in his trial. Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house and helped him all he could. Although
many had taken bribes and were later accused before the judges, very few were condemned
since there were so many that were guilty of the same fault. Everyone for fear for himself,
helped the other. Hence men committed those wicked deeds for the love of money. {Cicero, in
Orat. pro Coelio} {Dio, 1. 39.}

4653. After M. Cato had reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens and
established a firm concord in Byzantium, he sailed into Cyprus. The Cypriots willingly received
him and hoped that in the place of servants as they had been, they should now become friends
and allies with the people of Rome. Cato found there a large and royal preparation in plates,
tables, jewels, and purple. All of this was to be sold for money. Hence he gathered a little less
than 7000 talents of silver. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger, Brutus} {Strabo, 1. 14. fin} {Dio, 1.
39.}

4654. Cato was very careful in searching out all things and to set the highest price and account
for every last penny. He did not trust the ways of the forum but suspected all apparitors, criers,
appraisers and friends. He also talked with them privately that set the price and forced many to
buy and sold many things by this means. By this he offended many of his friends by distrusting
them and especially his most intimate friend, Munatius whom he provoked almost to an
implacable offence. This gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing Cato in the book that
Munatius wrote called Anticaron. This Munatius (who was called Rufus, {Valerius Maximus, 1.
4. c. 3}) wrote a commentary about Cato and his journey to Cyprus. (Thrasias mainly followed
Munatius.) In the book, Munatius did not write that this difference grew between them from any
distrust of Cato's. However, when he came later to Cyprus, Cato did not entertain him and
preferred before him Canidius who was already there and had proved his fidelity to Cato.

{Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4655. In the last month of his consulship (then happening on the Julian
September) when the new tribunes of the people entered their office, P.
Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his journey to his province of
Cilicia. Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome as the passage from {Annal.
of Fenestella, 1. 22.} as quoted by Nonius Marcellus shows.

vv As soon as the tribunes entered their office, C. Cato who was
troublesome and a bold young man and one that could speak reasonably
well, began to stir up the people with his speeches against Ptolemy who
was now departed from the city and against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was
now preparing for his journey."

4656. However, Ptolemy's cause was defended by Cicero, as he himself
seems to show in his speech for Coelius and Fortunatianus more clearly
confirmed by quoting by name that very speech of his for King Ptolemy.

3948a AM, 4657 JP, 57 BC

4657. In the beginning of the consulship of L. Marcius Philippus, and
Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was struck
with lighting. This halted the restitution of Ptolemy for when the
Sibyls' books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold that a
king of Egypt with crafty councils (as it is in {Cicero, in the oration

pro Rabinio Posthumo}) should come to Rome. Concerning this suspicion of
him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her sentence:

vv If a king of Egypt needs your help and shall come here, you shall not
deny him friendship but you shall not help him with any forces. If you
shall do otherwise, you will make labours and dangers."

4658. The oracle was told to the people by C. Cato the tribune of the
people. It was not lawful to tell any prophesies of the Sibyls to the
people unless the senate had so decreed it. It seemed to be the less
lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Therefore Cato feared that
the sentence of the oracle would be suppressed and he compelled the
priests to translate it into Latin and to declare it to the people
before the senate had decreed anything about it. {Dio, 1. 39.}
Notwithstanding, this was the opinion of the people of Rome that this
name of a pretended omen was brought in by those against Lentulus
Spinther (the proconsul of Cilicia.) This was so much to hinder him as
that no one planned to go to Alexandria but for the desire of an army,
which among the rest, Pompey was most desirous. (??) {Cicero., Letters
to his Friends, 1. 1. epist. 4.}

4659. Ammonius Ptolemais, the ambassador, publicly opposed the subduing
of the king by Spinther and used money to help convince others. The few
that were for the king wanted the matter committed to Pompey. The senate
approved the forgery of the religious oracle, not for religious reasons

but for ill will and for hatred of the king's large bribes. {Cicero,

Letters to his Friends, 1. 1. epist 2, 1. 2. epist. 2.} {Appian, in
Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthic. p. 134.}

4660. Pompey understood from the oracle that he demanded that Pompey
might come to aid him instead of Spinther. There were little notes found
that were thrown about in the forum and the senate house that indicated
the same. Thereupon the king's letter concerning this business was read
publicly by Aulus Plautius, the tribune of the people. His colleague,
Caninius, (Plutarch incorrectly calls him Canidius) proposed a law that
Pompey without an army and only accompanied with two lictors would bring
the king into favour again with the Alexandrians. Although the law did

not seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the senators partly
under the pretence of the grain law that was already committed to him
and of false concern about the safety of Pompey's person (as they
pretended to be afraid for him.) {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, 1. 39.}

4661. The senate had various opinions about this business. Bibulus
thought that Ptolemy should be established in his kingdom without an
army by three ambassadors who were only private citizens. Crassus
thought that the three ambassadors should either be private citizens or
ones holding office. When Lupus purposed this law, Volcatius, the
tribune of the people thought Pompey should go. Afranius, Libo,
Hypsaeus, and all the close friends of Pompey agreed. Hortensius, Cicero
and Lucullus thought that it ought to be done by Lentulus Spinther.
However, Servilius denied that the king ought to be established at all.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 1. epist. 1. & 2.}

4662. In the month of February (or the Julian November) C. Cato
published a law to deprive Lentulus of his command. This gave his son a
reason to change his garment as mentioned by Cicero. {Cicero, ad Quintum
fratrem, 1. 5. epist. 5.} This must mean the law of establishing Ptolemy

in his kingdom again according to the decree of the senate granted to
him in his consulship. It is obvious from the letters of Cicero written
to him {Cicero, 1. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow} that he retained
after the passing of this law, the proconsulship of Cilicia with the
addition also of Cyprus. (Cato had left from Cyprus already.) Cyprus was
now made tributary and reduced into the form of a province by the
Romans. {Strabo, 1. 14. fin)

4663. When Ptolemy saw that he would not be established in his kingdom
again by neither Pompey (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, he now
despaired of his return. He went to Ephesus and stayed there in the
temple of Diana. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4664. Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus, escaped from Rome and
returned to Jerusalem. A large number of Jews came to him again. They
wanted a change and he still commanded their affections. He planned to
rebuild the citadel of Alexandrion that was torn down. { Josephus, Wars,
1. I.e. 6,Antiq. 1. 14. c. 11.}

4665. Gabinius, the governor of Syria, sent soldiers under their

captains, Sisinna (his son) Antony and Servilius to prevent Aristobulus
from seizing Alexandrion and to capture him if they could. For many
other Jews had resorted to him for the reputation that he had. Also
Pitholaus, the governor of Jerusalem, had left the Roman party and came
to him with 1000 well armed men. Since many of them that came to him
were not well armed, Aristobulus dismissed them, as unsuitable for war.
He took only 8000 armed men, (among whom those that Pitholaus brought)
and marched to Macherus. The Romans pursued them and fought with them.
Aristobulus' side valiantly held out for a good while but after they had
lost 5000 men, they were forced to flee. Nearly 2000 fled to a certain
mountain. From there, they got away and provided for their own safety as
well as they could. Another 1000 with Aristobulus broke through the
ranks of the Romans and fled to Mathaetus and began to fortify the
citadel. They were not able to hold out in the siege for more than two
days. After many had been wounded, Aristobulus was taken prisoner along
with his son Antigonus and brought to Gabinius. { Josephus, Wars, 1. 1.
c. 6, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 11.}

4666. Plutarch gives more details of this event and ascribes the whole
victory to the honour of Antony.

vv When Antony was sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebel,
he was the first man that climbed the wall of a most strong citadel of
Aristobulus. Antony drove him from all his strongholds. Then he fought
with a few men of his and overthrew a great army and put them all to the
sword, except a few. Also Aristobulus with his son, was taken
prisoner."

4667. Dio, {Dio, 1. 39.} incorrectly wrote that Gabinius went into
Palestine and captured Aristobulus (who was fled from Rome and made a
rebellion.) He sent him to Pompey and imposed a tax on the Jews. He went
from there into Egypt to establish Ptolemy again in his kingdom.

4668. Tyrannio who was teaching in Cicero's house, orderly arranged his
library with the help of Dionysius and Menophilus, who were two book
binders that were sent him by Atticus. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., 1. 2.
epist. 4. & ad Atticum. 1. 4. epist 4. & 8. } This was Tyrannio Amisenus,
who (fourteen years earlier) was taken by Lucullus and who became rich
and famous in Rome and accumulated about 30,000 books. {Suidas, in Voc.
Tyrannio } Tyrannio had the books of Aristotle copied from the library of
Sulla. It is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the copies and

that he published the copies that we now have. {Suidas, 1. 13. p. 608.}
{Plutarch, in Sulla}

4669. Valerius produced witnesses of the help of M. Cato in the
administration of the business of Cyprus. {Valerius, 1. 4. c. 3. }

v \..Epirus, Achaia, the islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the
province of Cyprus. When he undertook the charge of bringing away the
money, he took no bribes and handled the matter fairly. For although he
had the king's riches in his own power and the required places of

lodging on his trip were most delightful cities, he behaved most
discretely. Munatius Kusus, his faithful companion in that journey
indicated as much in his writings."

4670. Cato feared a tedious journey and prepared various coffers, each
of which held two talents and 500 drachmas. He tied each of these to a
long rope and fastened at the end a large piece of cork. If the ship was
sunk, the cork would indicate the place. Thus was all the money, except
for a very little, brought very safely. Cato had made two books, in
which he had recorded the accounts of all things that he had gotten.
Philargyros, a free man of Cato, carried one of these books. He sailed
from Cencrea and was drowned with all his belongings. Cato took the
other himself until he came to Corcyra. He stayed in the market place in
his tent. The soldiers made many fires because of the cold and
accidently set the tents on fire. So Cato lost that book also. Although
the king's stewards might easily silence his enemies and detractors, it
bothered Cato because he had not kept these accounts to vindicate his
fidelity but that he might give an example to others of diligence.
{Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

3948b AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC

4671. Cato, with great diligence, travelled up the Tiber River in light
boats that carried the riches of Cyprus as if they had been spoils taken
from an enemy and carried in a fleet. {Floras, 1. 3. c. 4.} {Valerius
Maximus, 1. 4. c. 1.} {Ammianus Marcellinus, 1. 14.} This brought more
money to the treasury of the people of Rome than any triumph. {Floras,
1. 3. c. 4.}

4672. When the news of Cato's arrival was known, all the magistrates and
priests along with the consuls, (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus,
the father of Marcia, Cato's wife) the whole senate and many of the
people went to the river side to meet him. His arrival differed very
little from the show and splendour of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his
insolence was observed in this. He did not come ashore to the consuls
and praetors that came to meet him, nor altered his course but sailed by
the shore in one of the king's galleys with six tiers of oars. He did

not come ashore until he came with his fleet to the place where the
money was to be landed. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 45.} Plutarch
{Plutarch, Cato the Younger} stated that when he landed, the consuls and
the rest of the magistrates were ready to receive him all courtesies.
They were more happy to see Cato safely home again than they were to see
the vast sum of gold and silver the fleet had brought. { Valer. Maxim. 1.
8. cult.}

4673. As the money was carried through the market place, the people
wondered at the treasure which was far greater than they had hoped for.
{Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Cato could not be accused by anyone
because he gathered together many slaves and much money out of the
king's riches and had honestly turned over everything. Cato received no
less honour than if he had returned a conqueror from the wars. For many

men had allowed themselves to be corrupted with bribes but he caused it
to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money than to conquer an
enemy. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4674. Pliny stated that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian
expedition, a philosopher. {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 30.} Cato had the senate
grant Nicias, the king's steward, his freedom. Cato testified to his
fidelity and diligence. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Clodius intended
that those slaves who were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian
because he had sent Cato there. Cato opposed this and Clodius was
thwarted. Therefore they were called Cyprian for Cato would not allow
them to be called Porcian, although some were of that opinion. {Dio, 1.
39.}

4675. Clodius was angry with Cato because he had opposed him and
calumniated the service that he had done and demanded an account of his
deeds. He did not think he could accuse Cato of any unjust act but
because he thought it would make something for him that almost all the
records were lost in the shipwreck. Caesar helped Clodius in this
business although he was absent and (as some report) sent accusations
against Cato to Clodius by letters. {Dio, 1. 39} However, Cato told them
that he had brought as much money from Cyprus although he had not
received so much as one horse or soldier as Pompey had brought from so
many wars and triumphs when all the world was in turmoil. {Plutarch, in
Cato the Younger}

4676. Cato opposed Cicero who insisted that none of those things that
Clodius had done in his tribuneship should be confirmed in the senate.
He did not do this as a favour for Clodius but because that among other
acts that should be revoked was his commission for Cyprus because the
tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen. {Plutarch, in Cato the
Younger, in Cicero }

4677. Phraates the second was wickedly put to death by his sons and
Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians. His brother
Mithridates was expelled from Media where he governed according to Dio.
{Dio. 1. 39.} The sons contended for the kingdom and it seems Orodes was
first banished and after him Mithridates also. However, Surenas a rich
man and one among the Parthians next the king in blood and authority,
brought Orodes back again from banishment. It was his prerogative by
birth that he should always crown the new king of the Parthians. He
subdued Seleucia the great to the king's power. Surenas was the first
man that scaled the walls and defeated with his own hands those that
defended it. Although he was not as yet thirty years old, he was held in
esteem for his advice in council and his wisdom, for they report these
things of him. {Plutarch, inCrassus} {Appian, in Parthicis, p. 140,
141.} However Appian, both in {Appian, Parthicis, p. 134, Syriacis, p.
120. } states that at another time that Mithridates was driven from his
kingdom by his brother Orodes. Although Justin noted {Justin, 1. 42. c.

4. } that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the
Parthian nobility and that his brother Orodes seized the kingdom when

the throne was vacant. Although Justin very incorrectly there makes this
Mithridates the same with Mithridates the king of the Parthians to whom
his famous acts gave him the surname of "Great". Between this
Mithridates the Great and he who was the brother of Orodes, there was a
various succession of many kings among the Parthians. This appears from
the very prologue of the 42nd book of Tragus Pompey, an epitome of which
Justin has given us.

4678. Mithridates was driven from his kingdom either by the Parthian
nobility or his brother Orodes, and came to Gabinius, the proconsul of
Syria when he was preparing for an expedition against the Arabians. He
reasoned so with Gabinus that he should let the Arabians alone and go
against the Parthians and help to restore him to his kingdom. {Appian,
in Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthicis, p. 134.} {Dio, 1. 39.}

4679. On the ides of May (which happened in the Julian February) the
letters of Gabinius were read in full to senate concerning the war that
he had with the greatest countries and tyrants of Syria, (under whose
name, the princes of Judea, Commagena, Chalcis, Emesa, Thrachonitis,
Batanea, and Abilene, are usually called) but they were not believed.
The senate denied him the triumph he wanted at Rome. {Cicero, ad
Quintum, 1. 1. fratr. epist. 7, Orat. de provincis consularibus, in L.
Pisonem}

4680. When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the king and his sons to Rome,
the senate kept him prisoner but sent his sons immediately back again
into Judea because they understood by Gabinius' letters that he had
promised his mother this for the delivery of the citadels. {Josephus,
Wars, 1. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 11.} Josephus further added that
Aristobulus held the kingdom and priesthood for three years and six
months. The Arabian collector of the Jewish History, (set forth by the
same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages in c. 40.)
understood it of the time of the former government until he was taken
prisoner for the first time. However it seems rather to be understood of
that former and this later time both taken together so that he reigned
three years and three months before the former captivity, {Josephus,
Antiq. 1. 20. c. 8.} and before his second captivity, three months also.

4681. M. Cicero, in the speech before the senate, "de Pro vinciis
Consularibus", advised that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose consulship
he was banished) might be recalled and their provinces of Macedonia and
Syria would be assigned to the future consuls. He objected to these
things among others against Gabinius.

vv When he was governor in Syria nothing was done but some work for money
with the tyrants, confiscations, plundering, thieveries and murders. As
the general of the people of Rome, when his army was in battle array, he
stretched out his right hand and exhorted not his soldiers to gain
honour but cried that all things were by him already bought or to be
bought. Now he has delivered the wretched publicans into slavery, to
Jews and Syrians, countries that were themselves born to slavery. He has

continued in this that he will not do justice to a publican but he had
revoked all agreements made between them without any wrong done by them.
He had taken away all watches, he had freed those who paid tribute and
many pensioners. In whatever town he was in or wherever he went, he
forbid any publican or publican's servant to be there."

4682. Gabinius had afflicted Syria with many wrongs and had done more
wrong to the province than the thieves who were very strong at that
time. However, he accounted all this gain that he had gotten but very
little and therefore planned an expedition against the Parthians and
made preparation for that journey. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4683. Pompey made Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, the high priest of
the Comani in Pontus. (See note on 3940 AM « ») He was living there
with Gabinius and he hoped that he should be his companion in the
Parthian wars that he was preparing for but the senate would not allow

it. {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 558. & 1. 17. p. 796.}

4684. Gabinius led his army against the Parthians and crossed the
Euphrates River. Ptolemy came with letters from Pompey and promised that
he would give a huge sum of money to Gabinius and his army, part to be
paid now and part when he was restored to his kingdom. It was 10,000
talents that Ptolemy promised Gabinius as confirmed by Plutarch and
Cicero. {Cicero, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumous} Cicero reckoned
the sum to be 2,160,000 sestertiums. Most of the commanders were against
it and Gabinius was hesitant to do it also although he would have liked

to have lightened Ptolemy of those 10,000 talents. However, Antony, who
was covetous of doing great matters and desirous to gratify Ptolemy's
request, was very ready to go and persuaded Gabinius to undertake this
war. The law forbid any provincial governor to go beyond the bounds of
their own government nor undertake any war on their own initiative.
Based on the oracle of Sibyll's verses, the people of Rome had forbidden
the restoration of Ptolemy at all. The more he knew it was wrong the
more he viewed the potential gains in wealth. Hence, he abandoned the
Parthian expedition and he undertook the expedition against the
Alexandrians. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. 1. 14. c. 11.}
{Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, in Syriacis. p, 120. & Parthicis. p.
134.} {Dio, 1.39.}

4685. At that time, Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held the kingdom
of Egypt. She had sent for Seleucus from Syria, who as he said himself,
was of the stock of the Syrian kings. She married him and made him a
partner in the rule of the kingdom and of the war. He was a most
repulsive man, (as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. c. 19.) and
was surnamed in contempt, Ptolemy Cocces and Cybiosactes, "Changeling".
He broke open the golden coffin that the body of Alexander the Great was
buried in but did not profit by that thievery. When the queen saw that

he was so base a man, she strangled him within a few days since she
could no longer endure his sordidness and niggardliness. She looked for
another husband of royal extraction. Some friends brought Archelaus, the
high priest of the Comani, who was then in Syria. He pretended that he

was the son of Mithridates (under whom his father Archelaus had waged
war against Sulla and the Romans.) She married him and deemed him fit to
rule the kingdom under the same conditions that Seleucus did. He ruled
the kingdom together with her for six months. {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 794,
796. &1. 12. p. 558.} {Dio, 1. 39.}

4686. C. Clodius, the brother of P. Clodius, obtained the province of
Asia through P. Clodius' office as praetor (which Dio, {Dio, 1. 39.}
says he held this year.) {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 4. epist. 14} C.
Scribonius Curio was his quaester in that province. Cicero sent many
letters to him which are still extant. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends,
1.2.}

3949a AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC

4687. By a law made by C. Trebonius, the tribune of the people,
provinces were assigned to the new consuls. Cn. Pompey was given Spain
and Africa and M. Licinius Crassus was assigned Syria with the adjacent
countries. Power was given to both of them to take as many soldiers from
Italy and from their allies as they wanted and to make peace or war with
whom they wished. {Livy, 1. 105.} {Plutarch, in Crassus, Pompey, Cato
the Younger} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 437. 438.} {Dio, 1. 39.}

4688. As soon as Crassus had by lot obtained his province, he could not
conceal his joy and supposed that nothing better could ever have
happened to him. He would talk among his close friends so vainly and
childishly so that it was not becoming his age and wisdom. He planned
the conquest of Syria and Parthia and had vain hopes of even conquering
the Bactrians, Indians and the eastern ocean. However, in the decree
made by the people concerning his government, no mention was made of the
Parthians yet all men knew that Crassus longed for that conquest. When
Caesar wrote to him from Gaul, he commended his resolution and advised
him to go on. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4689. A. Gabinius left his son, Sisenna, who was very young, with very
few soldiers. This exposed the province which he governed, to the
actions of thieves. He went through Palestine to Egypt {Dio, 1. 39.}
against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their king. {Livy,
1. 105. } In this expedition he used his friends Hyrcanus and Antipater
for all the things that were necessary for the war. Antipater helped him
with money, arms, men and grain. { Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 6. Antiq., 1.
14. c. 10.}

4690. They came to cross through deep, dry, sandy places about the fens
and marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the breath of Tyrphon.
M. Antony was sent ahead with the cavalry (whom Gabinius had made
commander of the cavalry even though he was very young.) {Appian, Civil
War, 1. 5. p. 676.} Antony took the pass and also the very large city of
Pelusium. {Plutarch, in Antony} The Jews who inhabited Pelusium and were
the guards of the pass into Egypt, were drawn to his side. {Josephus,
Wars, 1. 1. c. 6. Antiq., 1. 14. c. 10.}

4691. After the garrison of Pelusium was conquered, Antony made the way
safe for the army and settled in a fair way the victory for the general.

As soon as Ptolemy had gone into Pelusium, he was so inflamed with anger
and hatred that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antony
interceded and would not allow him to. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4692. When Gabinius had marshalled his army into two battalions, he
marched from Pelusium and the same day routed the Egyptians that opposed
him. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4693. Cicero, in a speech that he made at Rome, extorted from the
ignoble king of the Commagenians, the little town Zeugma that was
located on the Euphrates River. He also spoke many things against him
and he exposed him to ridicule by all men, the purple gown that he had
gotten when Caesar was consul. {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., 1. 2. epist.
11.}

4694. On the ides of February (which happened on the Julian November)
the Tyrians were admitted into the senate and oposite them were many of
the Syrians and publicans. Gabinius was extremely upset. However, the
publicans were chided by Domitius because they followed Gabinius' horse.
(??) {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., 1. 2. epist. 12.}

3949b AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC

4695. About the month of May (which happened on the Julian February)
there was a great rumour at Puteoli that Ptolemy was in his kingdom.
{Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 4. epist. 9.} He indeed was in Egypt and Gabinius
had taken Archelaus who came out against him sooner than they thought he
would. So there was no more business to be done. However, Gabinius
feared lest having done nothing he should receive less money from
Ptolemy than was agreed upon. He also hoped that because Archelaus was a
brave man and of good reputation that he would receive more money. He
had received a great sum of money from Archelaus and he let him go as if
he had escaped from him. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4696. M. Antony had done many noble acts in the fights and battles. By
this he showed himself a valiant and wise commander. He was honoured
with many excellent gifts especially for his tactic of surrounding the
enemy from the rear and by that means he gave the victory to them that
were attacking from the front. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4697. The people of Egypt marched from the walls of the city under the
command of Archelaus against Gabinius. Archelaus had ordered that the
camp should be fortified with a rampart and a ditch. They all cried out
that the work should be done with the public money. Therefore their
minds were so engrossed with pleasure, they could not withstand the
attack of the Roman army. {Valer. Maxim., 1. 9. c. 1.} Gabinius again
obtained a victory by sea and land. The Alexandrians were brave and
daring and by nature were heady and rash to speak anything that came
into their minds. However, they were most unfit for war. Although in

seditions (which happened often among them, and those were very great)
they soon started to murder each other. They thought it good to die in
this way. {Dio, 1. 59.}

4698. When Gabinius had conquered them and killed many in the fight
including Archelaus, he was master of all Egypt which he turned over to
Ptolemy. {Dio, 1. 59.} {Livy, 1. 105.} {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 558. & 1. 17.

p. 796.} All of this Cicero mentions in a few words, in his speech
against Piso and refers to the madness of Gabinius.

vv That vast wealth was now spent that he had drawn from the fortunes of
the publicans, from the countries and cities of the allies. Part of it
was devoured by his insatiable lust, part by his new and unheard of
luxury, part by the purchases that he had made in those places that he
had wholly plundered, part by bartering, and all for building up this
mountain of Tuseuluni. When the intolerable building was stopped for a
time, he sold to the Egyptian king, his fasces, the army of the people
of Rome, in spite of the power and the threatening of the immortal gods,
the answer of the priests, the authority of the senate, the commands of
the people for the fame and dignity of the empire. Whereas the bounds of
his province were as great as he wanted, as great as he could desire, as
great as he could buy with the price of my life, yet could he not
contain himself within them. He brought his army from Syria. How dared
he carry it from the province? He made himself a mercenary soldier to
the king of Alexandria and what was more vile than this? He came into
Egypt and fought with the Alexandrians. When had either the senate or
the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria. What could he expect
more from his madness but that he would send letters to the senate
telling of all the famous acts that he had done?"

4699. Dio observed that he did not send the letters lest he himself
might be the witness of his own villainies.

4700. M. Antony contended for the body of the dead Archelaus (who was
his close friend) and gave it a royal burial. He was famous among the
Alexandrians for this deed. {Plutarch, in Antony} In Pontus, the son of
Archelaus received the priesthood of the Commani after his father.
{Strabo, 1. 12. p. 558.}

4701. Gabinius left some of his soldiers for a guard with Ptolemy at
Alexandria. These later lived after the manner of the Alexandrian life
and licentiousness. They forgot the name and discipline of the people of
Rome and married wives by whom they had many children. {Caesar, Civil
War, 1. 3.} Lucan adds: {Lucan, 1. 10.}

— The greater part were Latins born, But they, corrupted into foreign
manners, Did so forget themselves, they did not scorn, To obey a
sergeant, follow a servant's banners, Whom the Pharian tyrants rule was
much below.

4702. When Ptolemy was restored to his kingdom, he put to death his
daughter, the queen Bernice. {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, 1.39.}

{Porphyr. in Grac. Eusebian. Scaliger. p. 226.} He also killed many of
the rich noblemen because he needed much money. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4703. C. Rabirius Posthumous was a Roman equestrian who had rashly
trusted Ptolemy when he was in his kingdom and when he came to Rome.
Ptolemy left with his money and the money of his friends. In order to
recover the money, he was forced to change the Roman robe for the Greek
robe at Alexandria. He had to undertake there the proctorship and
stewardship for the king. He was made the king's overseer by Auletes.
Notwithstanding, he was later put in prison and saw many of his close
friends put in bonds and death was always before his eyes. At last he

was forced to flee from the kingdom, naked and poor. {Cicero, pro C.
Rabirius}

4704. While Gabinius stayed in Egypt, Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
again seized by force the government and made many of the Jews revolt.
He gathered a large army and foraged the country. He killed all the
Romans he found and besieged all those that fled to Mount Gerizim. When
Gabinius returned, he sent Antipater who was known for his great wisdom,
to the rebellious Jews. He was able to make many submit to him in
obedience. However, Alexander had with him 30,000 Jews and fought with
Gabinius near the Itabyr Mountain. The Jews lost 10,000 men. After
Gabinius had settled the affairs of Jerusalem by following Antipater's
advice, he went against the Nabateans whom he overcame in one battle.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 11.}

4705. King Mithridates, the son of Phraates the second, was abandoned by
Gabinius and did not recover the Parthian kingdom with the help of the
Arabians. (This was commonly believed from the incorrect interpretation
of the words of Appian. {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120.}) Rather, he
retired to Babylon, as is gathered from Justin. When his brother,
Orodes, had long besieged and finally, because of the famine, he forced
the city to surrender. Mithridates trusted on the fact that he was his
brother and surrendered to him. However, Orodes took him rather for an
enemy than a brother, and commanded him to be killed before his eyes.
{Justin. 1.47 c. 4.}

4706. Gabinius secretly sent back Mithridates and Orsanes who were men
of renown among the Parthians and who had fled to him. He spread rumours
among the soldiers that they had fled. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 6.,
Antiq., 1. 14. c. 11.}

4707. The Syrians complained very much about Gabinius. Among other
things that because of his absence, they were grievously bothered with
thieves. The publicans also complained, that by reason of the thieves,
they could not gather the tribute and were deeply in debt. The Romans
were angry and determined to have the matter judged and were prepared to
condemn him. Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius and was of the
opinion that the Sibyl's oracles should be read again. He convinced
himself that there was some punishment determined for him who had
violated the oracles. However, both Pompey and Crassus, who was one of

the consuls, favoured Gabinius. Pompey favoured him of his own will. He
did this to gratify his colleague and also for the money that Gabinius
had sent. Since both of them publicly defended him, they allowed nothing
to be decreed against him. They had Cicero banished. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4708. In his second consulship, Pompey dedicated his theatre by
exhibiting most magnificent plays and shows. {Cicero, de Offic. 1. 2.,
Letters to his Friends, 1. 7. epist. 1., Ascon. Pedian. in Orat.
Pisonianam. } Although it was reported that this theatre was not built by
Pompey himself, but by his freed man Demetrius, (who was a Gadarene)
from the money that he had obtained when he was a soldier under him. He
gave the honour of this work to Pompey lest he should be ill spoken of
that a freed man of his should get so much money and that he could spend
so much. {Dio. 1. 39.}

4709. Gabinius did not allow the lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to
succeed him in the province of Syria. He kept it as if he had received a
perpetual government. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4710. The tribunes of the people hindered Crassus, the consul, from
raising any soldiers and endeavoured to make void the expedition that
was decreed to him. Crassus took up arms. The tribunes of the people,
saw that their liberty was threatened and for lack of arms were helpless
to withstand his actions. They stopped their actions but cursed him to
the pit of hell. As Crassus went into the capital to make his accustomed
prayers for a prosperous journey, they told him what unlucky signs and
prodigies had happened. {Dio, 1. 39.}

471 1. Ateius, the tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus'
departure as were many others who were offended that he should plan to
make war against men that were at peace with them and who were
confederates. Crassus feared this and desired that Pompey would go with
him from the city for Pompey was held in high esteem with the common
people. Although many were prepared to hinder Crassus, yet when they saw
Pompey go ahead of him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they
held their peace and made a path for them. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4712. When Ateius, the tribune, met Crassus, he forbade him to go any
farther. Then he ordered a sergeant to lay hold on him and carry him to
prison. However, the rest of the tribunes would not allow it and Crassus
got outside the walls. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, 1. 39.} However,
Ateius ran to the gate and there started a fire. As Crassus passed by,

he cast in perfumes and made sprinklings over it and pronounced horrible
curses and called on the terrible and strange names of the gods. The
Romans thought these secret and ancient exhortations to be of such force
that he that was so cursed could not escape their power nor he that
cursed anyone would ever prosper. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4713. Floras {Floras, 1. 3. c. 11.} wrote that Metellus, the tribune of
the people, made hostile curses on Crassus when he started his journey.
Velleius Paterculus {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 46.} stated that all

the tribunes of the people cursed Crassus. Appian, {Appian, Civil War,
1. 2. p. 438.} and Dio {Dio, 1. 39.} noted:

— The tribunes so ill befriended Crassus, with curses he his march
attended.

4714. Lucan {Lucan, 1. 3. } said that P. Ateius mainly pronounced those
curses and set a sign before him and warned him of what would happen
unless he took heed. Cicero, {Cicero, de divinatione., 1.1.} from whose
house Crassus left for the province, for Cicero had dined with him in
the gardens of his son-in-law Crassippes. {Cicero, Letters to His
Friends, 1. 1. epist. 9. } From there Cicero went to Tusculanum about the
middle of November (which happened on the Julian August) and Crassus
went on his journey clad in his armour. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 4. epist.

12.} At Brundusium, Crassus shipped his army. {Cicero, de divine, 1. 2.}

4715. Crassus sailed from Brundusium before the storms were over on the
seas and he lost many of his ships. He landed his army from those that
survived and he marched by land through Galatia. He found King
Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new city and mocked him by saying:

vv Do you begin to build in the afternoon?"

4716. The king smilingly answered:

vv Truly I think, O General, you do not go against the Parthians in the
morning!"

4717. Crassus was older than 60 and his face made him seem older than he
was. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

3950a AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC

4718. Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence
against the new consuls and many that had been consuls. {Cicero, Letters
to his Friends, 1. 5. epist. 8.}

3950b AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC

4719. Crassus had not much to do in Syria, for the Syrians were quiet
and those that had troubled Syria were afraid of the power of Crassus
and did not stir. Crassus undertook an expedition against the Parthians.
There was no reason for making war upon them, only that he heard that
they were rich. He hoped that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be
overcome. {Dio, 1. 40.}

4720. When he heard of the riches of the temple of Jerusalem, which
Pompey had left untouched, he turned aside into Palestine and came to
Jerusalem and took away the riches. {Oros. 1. 6. c. 13.}

4721. In the temple was a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew
pounds or 750 common pounds. It was enclosed in an hollow beam of wood
on which they hung the hangings of the temple which were admired for

their beauty and esteem. Eleazar, a priest, who was the keeper of the
sacred treasure, only knew about this. When he saw Crassus so greedy in
gathering up the gold, he feared lest he should take away all the
ornaments of the temple. He turned over to him the golden beam as a
ransom for all the rest. He first bound him by an oath that he would not
take anything else. In spite of this, Crassus took this and immediately
broke his oath and took from the temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had
not touched as well as all the rest of the gold which tallied to 8000
Attic talents. Josephus tried to prove the existence of these vast
riches for he was persuaded that it would scarcely be believed among
people of other counties. He cites the historical writings of Strabo of
Cappadocia which are now lost and from others that there was found there
in olden times gold sent from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia and
Cyrene. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 12.}

4722. Crassus built a bridge over the Euphrates River and easily and
safely crossed the river with his army. He controlled many towns that
voluntarily yielded to him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} They did not expect
Crassus' arrival so that there was scarcely any established garrisons in
all of Mesopotamia. {Dio, 1. 40.}

4723. Talymenus Ilaces (or Syllaces) the governor of that country,
fought with Crassus with a few cavalry and was defeated. He was wounded
and retired to the king and informed him of the expedition of Crassus.
{Dio, 1.40.}

4724. In the meantime, Crassus recovered many cities, especially those
that belonged to the Greeks including Nicephorium. For many of the
inhabitants of the Macedonians and Greeks who served in the wars under
the Macedonians feared the tyranny of the Parthians. They hoped for a
better deal from the Romans and Crassus knew the Greeks favoured Rome
and they very willingly revolted from the Parthians. {Dio, 1. 40}

4725. Only the citizens of Zenodotia, where Apollonius was the ruler,
killed an hundred Roman soldiers. They had allowed them within their
walls as if they meant to surrender to them. Thereupon Crassus brought
his whole army there and captured the city. He sacked it and sold the
inhabitants because of this outrage. Although this was Crassus' first
encounter with an enemy, he allowed himself to be called "imperator" or
captain general. This turned out to his disgrace and to be thought of as

a lowly man as if he did not hope for any great matters since he was
puffed up with so small a success. {Dio, 1. 40} {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4726. Gabinius returned into Italy when Domitius and Appius were
consuls. {Ascon. Pedian. in init. orat. Pisonian. } These same consuls
were there again and gave judgment against Gabinius when he was absent.
Although Pompey stood very earnestly for him, the opinion of many of the
judges was against him. For Domitius was an enemy to Pompey, by reason
of the dispute about the demanding of the consulship and because he had
taken that office against his good will. Although Appias was a relative

of Pompey, he planned that by flattering the people, he hoped that if he

made any move, he would be bribed by Gabinius. To that end he directed
all his actions. Therefore it was decreed that the Sibyl's verses should
be read over again although Pompey was much against it. In the meantime,
the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome. The money wrought so
much that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great loss whether he was
absent or present. For there was then such confusion at Rome that when
Gabinius had but given part of that money to bribe the magistrates and
some of the judges, they did not want to bring the matter to justice.
Others had learned that they could be wicked with impunity and that
money easily bought "justice" and removed the threat of punishment.
{Dio.l. 39.}

4727. On the twelfth of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came
into the city. On the fourth of October, he entered the city by night
{Cicero, ad Quint. Fratr. 1. 3. epist. 1.} for he was so tormented by
his conscience for his ugly actions that it was late when he came into
Italy. He came by night into the city and dared not go out of his own
house for many days. {Dio, 1. 39.}

4728. Various factions accused Gabinius. L. Lentulus, the son of the
Flamen, accused him of treason. T. Nero, with various good men joined in
this accusation along with C. Memmius, the tribune of the people with
Lucius Capita. After he was accused of treason, he appeared by the edict
of C. Alsius the praetor. He was almost trodden under foot by the great
crowd and was hated by all the people. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., 1. 3.
epist. 1.}

4729. On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to
have given an account of the number of the enemies and his soldiers, he
was quite astonished in the midst of a great multitude. Appius, the
consul, accused him of treason. When his name was called he answered not
a word. When he wanted to leave, he was detained by the consuls and the
publicans were brought in. He was accused on all sides. When he was most
of all wounded by the words of Cicero, he could not endure it. With a
trembling voice Cicero called him a banished man. All the senate rose
against him with a shout so that they came to him where he stood.
Likewise the publicans did the same with the similar shout and with
violence. On the sixth, the ides of October, Memmius angrily put
Gabinius before the people so that Calidius could not speak for him. The
next day, there was a divination of Cato, the praetor's house, for the
appointing of an accuser against Gabinius. They selected between Memmius
or T. Nero or C. and L. Antony, the sons of Marcus. {Cicero, ad Quintum
Fratr., 1. 3. epist. 2.}

4730. There were many accusations against Gabinius and not a few
accusers. The first thing that was debated concerned the crime of
restoring Ptolemy to his kingdom. Almost all the people flocked to the
tribunal and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially
because Pompey was not there. Cicero had most sharply accused him. {Dio.
1. 39.} Cicero {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., 1. 3. epist. 2, 4.} denies

that he accused him. He did this from fear of having any quarrels with

Pompey or because he did not doubt that justice would be done whether he
was there or not, or he would be for ever disgraced if such an infamous
guilty person should escape justice if he pleaded against him.

VV I was much delighted (said he in epist. 4.) with this moderation, and
this also pleased me that, when I had sharply spoken both according to
condolence and religion, the defendant said that if he might be in the
city that he would give me satisfaction. Neither did he ask me
anything."

4731. In the ninth epistle, Cicero stated:

VV A11 that I did, I did with much gravity and unity as all were of the
same opinion. I neither urged it nor anything qualified it. I was a
vehement witness. I did nothing else."

4732. In this trial for treason, Gabinius was very slow in answering and
was hated by all kinds of men. Alsius was a sharp and good witness
against him. Pompey was very earnest to beg the judges to favour him.
{Cicero, ad quintuus Fratr., 1. 3. epist. 3.} Gabinius said that he
restored Ptolemy for the good of the state because he was afraid of the
fleet of Archelaus and because he thought the sea would be filled with
pirates. He said also that he might do it by law. {Cicero, in orat. pro
Rabinio. Posthumo. } The friends of Caesar and Pompey were very eager to
help him and said that the Sibyl referred to another king and another
time. They pleaded this the most because in the oracle there was no
specific punishment mentioned. {Dio, 1. 39.} Lucius Lentulus was
incredibly young to be a prosecutor. All said he was brought in on
purpose so that Gabinius might win. In spite of this, there had been
great disputes and intreaties by Pompey and a rumour of a dictatorship
which caused much fear. Gabinius had not replied to Lucius Lentulus.
When the judges gave their sentence, there were 32 who condemned him and
38 who absolved him. {Cicero, 1. 4. epist. 1., ad Quintum Fratr. 1. 3.

epist. 4. }

4733. Dio {Dio, 1. 39} stated that when Gabinius stood the trial for so
high crimes that he gave great sums of money. When he was absolved,
there wanted but little. However, the people killed the judges. Gabinius
was brought to the judgment of the people by Memmius and freed by the
intercession of Laelius, the tribune of the people. Valerius Maximus
{Valerius Maximus, 1. 8. c. 1.} stated what happened. A. Gabinius in the
midst of his infamy, was subjected to trial of the people by C. Memmius,
his accuser. It seemed as if all his hopes were dashed because the
accusation was fully proved and his defence was very weak. Those that
judged him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him. The
lictor and prison were always before his eyes. All this was thwarted by
the intervention of a propitious fortune. Sisenna, the son of Gabinius,
through the mere impulsion of amazement, fell humbly prostrate before
Memmius. From there he hoped for some assuaging of the storm at its
source. Memmius, the insolent conqueror, rejected him with a stern
countenance and took his ring from his finger and let it lie on the

ground a great while. This spectacle was the reason that Laelius, the
tribune of the people, ordered that Gabinius be dismissed. We may learn
by this example, neither insolently to abuse the success of prosperity
nor that anyone ought to be too much cast down by adversity.

4734. In spite of this acquittal, Gabinius was on trial again for other
reasons and that he had wrongfully extorted 100,000 (either drachmas or
pence) from the province. He was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was
gone from the city to provide grain, (for much grain was ruined by the
flooding of the Tiber River) was still in Italy. He hurried to be

present at the trial but when he saw that he came too late, he did not
leave the suburbs until the trial was finished. Pompey called the people
together outside the walls of the city, (because it was not lawful for a
proconsul to come into the city) and spoke to them on the behalf of
Gabinius. He read to them the letters that he had received from Caesar
concerning the safety of Gabinius. He used many intreaties with the
judges. He prevented Cicero from prosecuting Gabinius and persuaded
Cicero to defend him! However, all these things did not help Gabinius.
The judges condemned him partly for the fear of the people and partly
because they had not received any large bribes from Gabinius, (who being
accused for small wrongs did not bestow much money and surely thought he
would be freed.) They condemned him to banishment and Caesar later
restored him and brought him back. {Dio, 1. 39. }

4735. Cicero, (Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus) acknowledged that he did
very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they became friends who were
formerly great enemies. Although this favour is commended by Valerius
Maximus, {Valerius Maximus, 1. 4. c. 2.} Dio confirmed, that Cicero was
branded with the name and crime of a renegade. Truly Marcus Cicero quite
forgot what he had previously written to his brother Quintus. {Cicero,

1. 3. epist. 5.}

VV I would be ruined if I had defended Gabinius as Pansa thought I ought
to have done."

4736. Although he {Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus}, gives this account
of his actions:

vv The renewing of our friendship was the reason that I defended
Gabinius. Neither does it ever grieve me to have a mortal hatred and
immortal friendship."

4737. Timagenes, the Alexandrian (or the Egyptian, according to some)
was the son of the king's treasurer. He was captured in the war and
brought to Rome by Gabinius. He was redeemed by Faustus, the son of
Sulla, and taught rhetoric at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the
triumvirs and wrote many books. { Suidas in Timagenhj }

4738. When Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, the proconsul of Cilicia
had done well in the war, his army greeted him as "imperator" or captain
general. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 1. epist. 8, 9.}

3951a AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC

4739. About the end of his term as consul, Appius Claudius Pulcher, the
senate decreed he was to replace to P. Cornelius Lentulus. This law was
not ratified by the people and he went into Cilicia at his own expense.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 1. epist. 9., ad Quintum fratr., 1.

3. epist. 2., ad Attic. 1. 4. epist 56. } Lentulus went to meet him when

he came into the province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3. epist.

7. } When Appius took over the command, he most miserably afflicted the

province and almost destroyed it. {Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 5. epist. 16, 1.

6. epist. 1.}

4740. Crassus should have followed up his initial successes he had in
first taking the places in Mesopotamia with the full force of his army
and made good use of the fear the barbarians of him. He should have
attacked Babylon and Seleucia which were cities that were always enemies
to the Parthians. Instead he was weary of being in Mesopotamia and
longing after the ease and idleness in Syria. He gave the Parthians time

to prepare for war and occasions for attacking those Roman soldiers that
were left in Mesopotamia. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, 1. 40.}

4741. He had placed garrisons in those cities that had surrendered to
him. These amounted to 7000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. He returned
to Syria to winter there. His son, P. Crassus, came to him from Julius
Caesar from Gaul, who had bestowed upon him such gifts as generals
usually do. He brought with him a 1000 choice cavalry. {Plutarch, in
Crassus}

4742. Crassus spent his time in Syria more like a publican than like a
general. He did not spend his time in getting arms or training his
soldiers. Instead he tallied up the revenues of the cities and for many
days was weighing and measuring the treasures of the goddess of
Hierapolis. He also demanded soldiers from various people and then
discharged them for a sum of money. These actions brought him into
contempt. As they were going from the temple of the goddess of
Hierapolis, the young Crassus fell on the threshold and his father fell
on top of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Hierapolis is that city which some
call Bambyce, others Edessa and the Syrians, Magog. The Syrian goddess,
Atargatis, called by the Greeks, Derceto, was worshipped here. { Strabo,

1. 16. p. 748.} {Pliny, 1.5. c. 23.}

4743. Rabitius Posthumus was accused before the judges of treason
because he followed Ptolemy to Alexandria for the money that he owed
him. {Sueton, in Claudia, c. 16.} After Gabinius was condemned of
extortion and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because
the king made him his "dioecetes" or treasure. He had wore the clothes

of Alexandria and had gathered money from the tributes which was imposed
by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was very cold. This may
be deduced from his speech which is still extant.

3951b AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC

4744. M. Crassus and his son Publius were killed and the army was routed
and perished with shame and disgrace beyond the Euphrates River.
{Cicero, de divinatione, 1. 2.} Dio mentions this defeat {Dio, 1. 40}
but Plutarch treats it more fully. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Appian copied
Plutarch word for word in his writings. {Appian, de Parthicis} Therefore
it will be worth the work to record the main parts of this most famous
history, taken from these accounts as Salianus has done.

4745. Orodes, the king of the Parthians, sent ambassadors to Syria to Crassus. They were find
out why Mesopotamia was invaded and demand the reasons why he started this war. Orodes
also sent Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken or revolted. He
personally made an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the son of Tigranes, who reigned
there and was afraid of his own Kingdom, would send any help to the Romans. {Dio, 1. 40. }

4746. The ambassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria as he was drawing his forces from
of their winter quarters, (although Floras relates that this was done in Mesopotamia when
Crassus was camped at Nicephorium.) The reminded him of the league that they had made with
Pompey and Sulla and by this declared to him that if this army was sent against the Parthians by
the people of Rome that then they would have no peace with the Romans. If Crassus had
brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain and had seized his cities, then
their king would use him more favourably considering Crassus' old age and he would send back
his soldiers to the people of Rome. Crassus was blinded by the king's treasures and did not reply
nor did he pretend to excuse the war. Crassus said that he would answer them at Seleucia.
{Floras, 1. 3. c. 11.} {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, 1 40.} Then Vageses, the chief of the
ambassadors, smiled, and struck the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left and said
that hairs would sooner grow there then that Crassus would see Seleucia. So the ambassadors
returned and told King Orodes that he must prepare for war.

4747. In the meantime, certain soldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia, barely
escaped with great danger and brought Crassus news. The told of the approach formidable
multitude of the Parthians, what kind of weapons they used and how they fought. They spoke
from experience! This so discouraged the Romans that some of the captains were of opinion that
Crassus should stay and hold a council, about the whole business. Cassius, the treasurer of
Crassus was one who urged this. The soothsayers also tried to deter him but Crassus would not
listen to any of them.

4748. Crassus was mainly by Artabazes, the king of the Armenians, who came into his camp
with 6000 cavalry who were said to be the king's own guard. He promised him another 10,000
men at arms, and 30,000 foot soldiers whom he would pay. He also persuaded Crassus that he
should invade Parthia through Armenia and that he would abundantly supply his army. The
march that way would be safer because of the unevenness of the country and so not so much in
danger of the large numbers of Parthian cavalry. Crassus neglected this most wise counsel and
thanked the Armenian. He sent him back and told him that he would march through
Mesopotamia where he had left many good soldiers of the Romans.

4749. When he came to Zeugma, on the bank of Euphrates River, he ignored many bad

prodigies which Plutarch and Dio mentioned. The main one was this, as it is noted in Julius
Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. He stated that:

VV A sudden wind snatched the standard from the standard bearer, and it sank in the water. A
sudden darkness of the sky that fell and hindered their crossing."

4750. In spite of this Crassus was determined to go on. Floras, {Floras, 1. 3. c. 11.} stated this:

vv When the army had passed Zonguia, sudden whirlwind threw the standard into Euphrates
River where it sank."

4751. Crassus also ignored the council of Cassius. He advised him that he should refresh his
army in some of the cities where he had a garrison, until he heard some definite news of the
Parthians. Otherwise, he should march along the river to Seleucia and so the ships would supply
him with food and would follow the camp. The river would keep the enemy from surrounding
him.

4752. As Crassus was considering these things, Auganus or Abgarus Osroenus dissuaded him
from this good advice. He is correctly named by Dio. Floras {Floras, 1. 3. c. 11.} called him
Mazares the Syrian and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus vary. He was called Mazaras,
Marachus, Macoras and also Abgarus. In Plutarch, he was called Ariamnes, a captain of the
Arabians. Although in some copies of Plutarch and in those from which the Parthica of Appian
are taken, he is called Acbarus. This man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pomepy's
time but now followed the Parthians. Although he was on the Parthian's side, he pretended that
he was a good friend to Crassus and liberally gave much money to him. He found out all
Crassus' plans and told them to the Parthians. When Crassus was determined to march to
Seleucia, and from there to go to the city of Ctesiphon, Auganus persuaded Crassus that he
follow that plan because it would take too long. Instead, he should lead his army directly against
Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his captains. (He would leave Euphrates River behind him
which was his only supply line and fortification for him.)

4753. He then led his army through a vast sandy desert plain that lacked water and any green
herb. Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent ambassadors to him and
told him that he could send him no forces because he was fighting a major war for Orodes had
now wasted the country of the Armenians. He very earnestly advised Crassus to come into
Armenia and to join forces with him that together they might fight with Orodes. If he was not
pleased to do this then he should be sure to avoid those places that were most suitable for
cavalry. Crassus angrily rejected this advice and did not write to the king. He told them that he
had no time to think about Armenia but that on his return he would punish Armenian for its
treachery. Abgarus left immediately before his treachery was discovered. He had persuaded
Crassus that he might surround the enemies and rout them.

4754. They had not gone far when a few scouts returned (for the rest were killed by the enemy)
and told them that there were huge forces, who courageously marched on toward them. At this
Crassus was astonished and all the army was paralysed with fear. Crassus at the first followed
Cassius' advice and set his battle formation wide. Presently he changed his mind, and he
contracted his forces and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius
and the other to his son C. Publius. He led the battle in the middle. As soon as they came to the

Balissus River, most of the commanders tried to persuade him to camp and to lodge there all
night. In the meantime, they should send scouts to see what forces the enemy had and how they
were armed. Crassus ignored this good advice because his son and some of his cavalry were
eager for a fight. So he commanded them that would eat and drink. They should do it standing
and keep their ranks. Before this could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march,
not in formation and quietly until the enemies were seen.

4755. Surenas did not show all his forces at first nor the brilliance of their arms. He placed his
troops in a convenient place to terrify the Romans. When they tried with their lances to make the
Romans break rank, they could not. As soon as they saw the depth of the Roman forces and that
the soldiers kept their ranks, they retired. When they seemed to be in disorder, they surrounded
the Romans before the Romans realised it. After Crassus commanded his light cavalry to attack
them, they had not marched very far when they were showered with arrows and were forced to
retire to the main body of troops. This was the beginning of the fear and disorder of the Romans
especially when they saw the force of the weapons that broke through everything and caused
many nasty wounds.

4756. The Parthians left them and began to shoot with their arrows on every side at the whole
body of the army. No arrow fell in vain. They hit with so great a force that it made either an
horrible wound or most commonly resulted in death. The Parthians continued shooting even
when they withdrew from the Romans. The Romans were encouraged that when they had shot
all their arrows, then the battle would be fought by hand to hand combat. However, they soon
knew that there were many camels loaded with arrows from which they that had first shot all
their arrows, went to get more. Crassus began to despair and knew that there would be no end of
their shooting until they were all killed with their arrows. Thereupon, he ordered his son to
endeavour by all means to join battle with the enemy before they were surrounded.

4757. The young Crassus took with him 1300 cavalry (1000 of which he had received from
Caesar), 500 archers, and eight ensigns of the next footmen who had bucklers. He charged the
Parthians who fled on purpose to draw him a good way off from his father. Then they turned
around and shot them through with their arrows on every side. Publius, (whom Orosius
commended as a most famous and excellent young man, {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 13., Eutropius, 1. 6.})
commanded a gentleman to thrust him through the side because he could not use his hand that
was shot through. Censorinus, a senator and orator is said to have died in a similar way.
Magabacchus, who was valiant man both in body and mind, thrust himself through, as did the
rest of the nobility. The rest fled to an hill and were killed in the fight by the spears of the
Parthians. There were 500 said to be taken prisoners.

4758. They cut off Publius' head and marched toward Crassus who was expecting the return of
his son during the time the enemy did not press them so hard. However, messenger came upon
messenger and said that Publius was totally defeated unless he was immediately helped with a
very strong force. Crassus planned to march with the whole army when the enemies came upon
him. They made a terrible noise and had become more fierce because of the victory. They
brought the head of his son upon a spear. That spectacle broke the hearts of the Romans, in spite
of Crassus' endeavours to encourage his men to wipe the joy from the enemy of their victory and
to revenge their cruelty. The battle was renewed but the Romans were wounded on every side
again with their arrows. Many died miserably. For those who desperately thought that they
might escape the arrows, charged with large lances the enemy who were forced into a small
area. With one thrust, they struck through two bodies. This continued as night approached and

the Parthians retired. They bragged that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoan his son.

4759. That same night Octavian and Crassus called together the centurions and soldiers. Crassus
was overwhelmed with sorrow for the army's defeat and the death of his son. He kept himself in
the dark with his head covered. They feared what was yet to come and forced the rest of the
army to consider fleeing. The army in all places began to break camp without any sound of
trumpet. When those that were weak knew they were being abandoned, there was great tumult
and confusion and all the camp was filled with howling and lamentations. Then fear and terror
seized those that marched because they thought the enemy would be aroused by this noise and
come and attack them. Indeed the enemy did know that they were leaving but did not pursue
them. Three hundred light cavalry under their Captain Egnatius came to Carrae late in the night.
He called to the watch and ordered them to tell Coponius, the governor, that Crassus had had a
major battle with the Parthians. That is all he said and marched quickly to Zeugma. Coponius,
assumed by the vagueness of the message that this was not good news. He presently armed his
men and met Crassus who marched slowly because of his wounded men. He received him with
his army into the city.

4760. As soon as it was day, the Parthians went to the Roman camp and there killed 4000 that
were left there. Many also of their cavalry men were captured as they were wandering in the
plain. Among these there were four cohorts who were led by Vargunteius, a lieutenant, and had
lost their way in the night. These retired to an hill which the Parthians quickly surrounded. They
killed them all in a fight, except twenty soldiers. These broke through the midst of the enemy
and came safely to Carrae. Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius. {Orosius, 1. 6. c.
13.}

4761. Surenas was uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae or fled to some other
place. He sent certain men to Carrae that he might know the truth under a pretence of making a
league with the Romans if they would surrender Mesopotamia. The Romans approved of this
because they were in a desperate condition. The Parthians demanded a time and place for the
meeting of Crassus and Surenas. When Surenas knew that the enemy was shut up in Carrae, the
next day he came before it with his whole army and besieged the place. He commanded the
Romans that if they wanted any truce that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius as prisoners.
Hereupon, the Romans were exceedingly sorrowful that they were so cheated. They gave up all
hope of any help from the Armenians and they thought how they might escape by flight.

4762. This council was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians, however, Crassus told it to
Andromachus, who was the most perfidious of all men. Crassus used him for their guide on his
march. Thereupon the Parthians knew all their councils because of the treachery of
Andromachus. Since it was not the custom nor safe for the Parthians to fight at night, Crassus
went out by night. Lest the enemy should not be able to catch up, Andromachus led them,
sometimes one way and sometimes another. Finally he led them into deep bogs and places that
were full of ditches. There were some who suspected Andromachus' often turnings and would
not follow him for Cassius had retired to Carrae and from there with 500 men made his way into
Syria. Others, who got trustworthy guides, took the way of the Synaca Mountains and before
day, they retired into a safe place. These were almost five thousand men, under Octavian, a
valiant man and their commander.

4763. The day overtook Crassus, who was entangled in those difficult places and bogs because
of the treachery of Andromachus. He got through those areas with much difficulty along with

four cohorts of legionary soldiers, a few cavalry and five lictors. When the enemy approached,
he fled to another hill, within 1.5 miles of Octavian. It was not so well fortified nor too steep for
horses. It was below the Synaca Mountains and joined to it with a long neck of land that
stretched through the middle of the whole plain. Hence Octavian could easily see the danger that
Crassus was in. Therefore he first, with a few others came to his aid. The rest chided one another
and followed him and drove the enemy from the hill. He received Crassus into the middle of
them and covered him with their shields and encouraged him. No weapon of the Parthians could
touch the body of their general until they had killed those who defended him to the last man.

4764. Surenas saw that the Parthians were not so courageous as they should be and that it was a
dangerous thing to fight with desperate men, especially when they fought from higher ground. If
night should overtake them then the Romans could not be taken. They would keep to the
mountains and go to the Armenians and so might by their means, renew the war as Dio stated.
Surenas plotted another treacherous deed. He let some prisoners go free who had overheard
some of the barbarians say on purpose that their king was not altogether against making peace
with the Romans and that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be if he could
make peace. In the meanwhile, the barbarians stopped fighting and Surenas with some noble
men, came near the hill with his bow unbent. He held out his right hand and invited Crassus to
make a league with him. He told him that he had experienced of the force of the Parthians but
now, if he wanted, he would experience his humanity. Crassus did not go to him because he was
afraid of him and saw no reason for this sudden change of heart.

4765. However, the soldiers demanded peace even with harsh words to Crassus. He tried to
persuade and reason with them that if they could hold out for the rest of the day, then that night
they could march through the mountainous places. They should not abandon the hope of safety
that was so near them. They began to rebel and beat their harnesses and began to threaten him.
He was afraid and he went toward the enemy but turned around to his own men and said:

vv Yea, if Octavian and Petronius and all you Roman commanders that are here with me, see
what violence is done to me, yet, if ever any of you shall get away safely, say that Crassus was
deceived by his enemies and not delivered up by his own citizens."

4766. This he might seem to have said as he were trying by this friendly speech if he could
assuage their obstinate minds, while he provided for their honour. However, Octavian and the
rest did not remain on the hill but went down with him. Crassus forbid the lictors who wanted to
follow him for his honour's sake.

4767. The first who came from the barbarians were two half-breed Greeks. They dismounted
from their horses and greeted him in Greek and desired that he would send some ahead to see if
Surenas and the rest that came to the parley, had arrived safely. Crassus sent the two Roscii that
were brothers whom Surenas detained. Surenas came on horseback but Crassus was walking. He
commanded that an horse should be brought to him and that he should go to the river side to
write the articles of the peace. Because the Romans were not very mindful of their covenants,
Surenas gave him his right hand. When Crassus sent for an horse, Surenas told him there was no
great need, for the king has given you one. Soon an horse with a golden bridle was brought to
him. The grooms mounted Crassus and followed him behind and lashed the horse. First,
Octavian took hold of the bridle and after him, Petronius, one of the colonels. Then the rest of
the Romans came around him to steady the horse and to take him from them that pressed around
Crassus on every side.

4768. At first they were jostling and thrusting one the other, at last they started fighting.
Octavian drew his sword and killed a groom, one of the barbarians. Another struck Octavian
from behind and killed him. Petronius had no weapon and was being hit on his coat of mail. He
got off his horse and was not harmed. Promanaethros or Manarthes by name, a Parthian, killed
Crassus. Others said that he cut off his head and right hand when he lay dead. Dio leaves it in
doubt whether he was killed by his own men lest he fall alive into the enemies' hands or whether
he was killed by the enemies. Livy stated: {Livy, 1. 106. }

vv He was taken and resisted lest he be captured alive and he was killed. He was allured to a
parley by a sign given by the enemy. He would have quickly fallen into their hands unless the
resistance of the tribunes, had not stirred the barbarians to prevent the flight of the general."

4769. Floras stated {Floras, 1. 3. c. 11.} and Sextus Rufus followed him, in his Breviary to
Valentinian the Emperor and said:

vv Crassus himself was allured to a parley and might have been taken alive except for the
resistance of the tribunes, he escaped and while he fled, he was killed."

4770. Surenas, the general of the Parthians, took Crassus by treachery, and killed him at
Sinnaca, a city of Mesopotamia {Strabo, 1. 16. p. 747.} although he would rather have taken him
alive. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 13. } Velleius Paterculus stated that he was killed with most of the
Roman army. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 46.} Pliny stated that all the Lucanian soldiers were
killed with him of which there were many in the army. {Pliny, 1. 2. c. 56.} Jornandes wrote that
they lost almost eleven legions and their general. {Jornandes, de regno, succession.} It is said
that the number of those that were killed were 20,000. Only 10,000 were taken alive by the
enemy according to Plutarch and Appian. Of the 100,000 in the army, 10,000 barely escaped
into Syria. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 438.} This happened in the month of June. {Ovid,
Fastorusm, 1. 6.} Dio, {Dio, 1. 40.} said it was in the middle of summer. He also added that at
this time, the Parthians recovered all their country again that lay within the Euphrates River.

4771. The survivors of the Roman army shifted for themselves. They were scattered by flight
into Armenia, Cilicia and Syria, there was scarcely a man alive to bring the news of the
overthrow. { Floras, 1. 3. c. 1 1 . } As soon as this major defeat was known, many provinces of the
east would have revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome, unless Cassius
had gathered together a few soldiers from them who fled. He went to Syria and began to grow
proud with great virtue and moderation. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 13.} This is the same Cassius who
would not accept the command that the soldiers offered to him at Carrae from hatred to Crassus.
Crassus also willingly yielded to him when he knew the greatness of his loss. He was now
compelled by necessity, to assume the government of Syria. {Dio. 1. 40.} He was also the
treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria under Roman control and was also the same C. Cassius who
together with Brutus, later killed Julius Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 46, 56, 58. }

4772. Surenas sent the head and the right hand of Crassus to Orodes in Armenia. He spread a
rumour by his messengers at Seleucia, that he had taken Crassus alive. He dressed up Caius, a
captive who looked very much like him and so made a ridiculous show which in disgrace they
called a triumph. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4773. In the meantime Orodes was reconciled to Artabazes or Artarasers the Armenian, and
betrothed his sister to his son, Pacoras. They made feasts and revels during which many Greek
verses were sung, for Orodes understood Greek and was a scholar. Artavasdes had written
tragedies and speeches and histories. Jason, the tragedian of Trallis, was there singing some
verses from the Bacchis of Euripides. Agave Syllaces came into the dining room and threw the
head of Crassus before them. Pomaxaethres or Maxarthes rose from supper and took it for
himself since he thought it belonged more to him than any other. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4774. Among other indignities, some report that the Parthians poured molten gold down the
mouth of Crassus and insulted him with words. Floras recorded this about what happened:
{Floras,!. 3. c. 11.}

vv The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the king and they made sport of him. They
poured molten gold down his open mouth so that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of
gold while he was alive, his dead and bloodless carcass might be burnt with gold."

4775. Sextus Rufus, in his breviary and Jornandes, say similar things about this.

4776. Not long after, Surenas was punished for his perjury. He was killed by Orodes who envied
his honour. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4777. At Rome, M. Cicero was made augur in the place of young Crassus, who was killed in the
Parthian war. {Plutarch, in Cicero}

4778. With the death of Crassus, one head of Varro's triumvirate was cut off and the foundation
laid for the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar. After Crassus was killed who was above
them both, it remained for Caesar to eliminate Pompey who was above him so that he would be
the greatest. {Plutarch, in Caesar, Pompey}

Nee quenquam iam ferre potest, Casarve priorem, Pompeiusve parem. {Lucan, 1.1.}

Caesar would no superior fear, Nor Pompey any equal bear.

3952a AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC

4779. During the interim the senate decreed that neither any consul nor any praetor should have
by lot any foreign province until after the fifth year of his magistracy. A little later Pompey
confirmed this. {Dio, 1. 40.} Interrex, Servius Sulpitius, on the fifth of March in an intercalary
month (about the beginning of the Julian December) appointed Pompey as consul. {Ascon.
Pedian., in orat. Milonian.}

3952b AM, 4662 JP, 52 BC

4780. The Parthians invaded Syria with a small army because they thought the Romans lacked
soldiers and a general. Therefore, Cassius easily repulsed them. {Dio, 1. 40.}

4781. Cassius came to Tyre and arrived also in Judea. When he came the first time, he captured
Tarichaea and led away about 30,000 Jewish prisoners. He executed Pitholaus because he had
sided with Aristobulus' faction at the persuasion of Antipater who could do whatever he wished
with Pitholaus. For Antipater saw he was in great standing with the Idumeans and sought by
courtesies and friendship of others who were in power. He especially made an alliance with the
king of the Arabians, to whose custody he committed his children during the war that he had
with Aristobulus. Cassius had forced Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, to be at peace. He
moved his camp to the Euphrates River to keep the Parthians from crossing over. { Josephus,
Wars, 1. 1. c. 6., Antiq., 1. 14. c. 12.}

3953 AM, 4663 JP, 51 BC

4782. When M. Marcellus and C. Sulpitius were consuls, the league was renewed with the
Rhodians. It provided that one people shall not make war on the other but send mutual help to
each other. The Rhodians also swore that they would have the same enemies that the senate and
the people of Rome would have. {P. Lentulus with Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist.
15.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 4. p. 627, 630.} By this means Posidonius Apameensis, who had a
school at Rhodes, seemed to have come to Rome when M. Marcellus was consul. { Suidas, in
voc. poshdansos} He was a very noble philosopher, mathematician and historian. Cicero
{Cicero, divination, 1. 2} mentioned a globe he made.

vv If anyone should carry this globe into Scythia or Britain, which was recently made by a close
friend of mine, whose each turning performs the same actions of the sun and moon and the other
five planets do in the heavens each day, who in that barbarous land would doubt but that this
was a most exact representation?"

4783. By the decree of the senate and by the law of Pompey which was made the year before,
none could obtain either a consular or praetorian province, unless he had been consul or praetor
five years before. M. Calphurnius Bibulus, who had been consul seven years earlier and M.
Tullius Cicero who had been consul eleven years before and yet had never been sent into any
province, where assigned provinces by lot. Bibulus was given Syria {Dio, 1. 40.} and Cicero had
Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3. epist. 2.} Cicero wrote that he was now appointed
proconsul to Appius Pulcher, the captain general, whom he was to succeed. (For the army had
given him the title of captain general because he had done well in the wars in Cilicia) Cicero
also indicated that this happened against his will and he never desired that he should be forced to
go to govern in his province by the decree of the senate. Cicero had for his lieutenants, his
brother, Quintus Tullius, C. Pomponius, L. Tullius and M. Anneius. His quaesters were L.
Messinius and Cn. Volusius.

4784. Plutarch, {Plutarch, in Cicero} stated that he had in his army 12,000 foot soldiers and
1600 cavalry. Cicero said that he had the command of only two legions and those were so
undermanned {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 15.} that they were barely able to defend one town
as M. Coelius stated. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 8. epist. 5.}

4785. Ten days before June (as the year was then accounted at Rome which happened on the
sixth day of the Julian March) Cicero left for his province and came to Brundusium. There he
met with Q. Fabius, the lieutenant of Appius Claudius Pulcher, whom he was to succeed. He
told him that he needed a greater force to govern that province and almost all were of the

opinion that the legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied from Italy. The consul,
Servius Sulpicius, positively denied this request but yet there was such a general consent of the
senate that Cicero and Bibulus should quickly be sent, that he was forced at last to yield and so
it was done. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 3. epist. 3.}

4786. Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey (Julian March 7th), a little after noon, there
was an almost total eclipse of the sun, often and an half digits (88%). Dio said {Dio, 1. 40.} the
whole sun was eclipsed. Lucan wrote: {Lucan, 1.1.}

— Titan hides (When mounted in the midst of heaven he rides) In clouds his burning chariot, to
enfold The world in darkness quite: day to behold No Nation hopes. —

4787. Cicero sailed from Brundusium and came to Actium, the sixteen days before July, (the
29th day of the Julian March.) He journeyed by land and came to Athens six days before July.
(Julian April 8th) {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 4. epist. 9. & 10.} The day before he came there,
Memmius, who was condemned for unlawful bribery for an office and banished, had gone to
Mitylene. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 4. epist. 11.}

4788. In the month of the Julian April, Ptolemy Auletes died. M. Coelius mentions this in a
letter to M. Cicero written from Rome on first of August (the 15th day of the Julian May)
{Cicero, Letter to his Friends, 1. 8. epist. 4. } C. Marcellus was chosen consul for the next year.
News was brought to Rome and it was known for certain that the king of Alexandria was dead.
Of his two sons and two daughters, he left the oldest son and daughter as heirs. So that this
might be so, Ptolemy in the same will, did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods
and by the league that he had made with them at Rome, to make sure the will was carried out.
One copy of his will was sent to Rome by his ambassadors so that it might be placed in the
treasury and the other was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}

4789. His will directed that his oldest son, Ptolemy, after the ancient custom of the Egyptians
should be married to Cleopatra his oldest daughter and that both of them should rule the
kingdom. However, they should be under the guardianship of the people of Rome. {Dio, 1. 42. }
Cleopatra speaks to Caesar concerning this: {Lucan, 1. 10.}

I am not the first woman that have swayed The Pharian sceptre: Egypt has obeyed A queen; not
sex excepted: I desire Thee read the will of my deceased sire Who left me there a partner to
enjoy My brother's crown and marriage bed—

4790. The copy of this will was brought to Rome. Because of public practices, it could not be
put in the treasury and was deposited with Pompey. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. } Eutropius stated
Pompey was made tutor to the new king because he was so young. {Eutropius, 1. 6. }

4791. M. Cicero stayed a few days at Athens, on the 6th of July {Julian April 19th) he sailed
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 8.} from the harbour of Piraeum. He was carried by a
certain wind to Zorera which detained him there until the 7th. On the 8th of July (April 25th) he
came to the village of Cios and went from there to Gyaros, Scyaros and Delos. {Cicero, ad
Attic, 1. 5. epist. 12.} The 18th of July, (Julian May 5th) he came to Ephesus. He sailed slower
because the Rhodian ships were frail. He was met by a very large crowd and the Greeks very
willingly offered themselves to him as if he had been the praetor of Ephesus. {Cicero, ad Attic,

1. 5. epist. 13.} Q. Thermus was at Ephesus. He was the praetor of the Asian governments
(which were separated from the province of Cilicia.) He met with Cicero about a matter of his
lieutenant, M. Anneius, who had a dispute with the Sardineans. Cicero wrote many letters to him
later. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 13. epist. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57., ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 20.} P.
Silius was praetor of Bithynia at that time. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 13. epist. 61. }

4792. P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus and returned to Rome from his embassy. He was a
very learned man. Cratippus also came there from Mitylene to see and greet Cicero. Cratippus
was at that time the chiefest of all the peripatertics as Cicero states in the preface to Plato's
Timaeus, as he translated into Latin by himself.

4793. Cicero left Ephesus and travelled to Tralli by a very dry and dusty way. {Cicero, ad Attic,
1. 5. epist. 14.} Fives days before the month of August (Julian May 10th) he arrived at Tralli
where L. Lucilius met him with letters from Appius Pule her. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3.
epist. 5. } By these he knew that a rebellion of the soldiers was averted by Appius and that the
soldiers were all payed to the ides of July. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 3. epist. 14.}

4794. The day before the month of August (Julian May 14th) when Sulpitius and Marcellus
were consuls, Cicero came to Laodicea into a province which was almost destroyed by Appius.
That day marked the first day of his term of office that was assigned to him by the senate.
{Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 15. 16, 20, 21, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3. epist. 6., 1. 15. epist. 2,
4. } Cicero was told by the Cypriot ambassadors who came to meet him at Ephesus, that
Sceptius, the governor of Appius in Cyprus, besieged the senate in their senate house in
Salamine with some cavalry troops. He hoped to starve the senators out. The same day Cicero
first entered the province, he sent letters that the cavalry should immediately leave the island.
{Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 21. & 1. 6. epist. 1.}

4795. He saw by the time of the year, he must soon go to the army. After he had stayed three
days at Laodicea, (while the money was received which was owed him from the public treasury)
on the fifth of August (Julian May 17th) he journeyed to Apamea. He stayed there four or five
days, three at Synnada and five at Philomelium. At that town, there was a large gathering of
people. He freed many cities from the most heavy tributes, exorbitant usuries and large debts.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3. epist. 5. & 1. 15. epist. 4., ad Attic, 1. 5. epist 15, 16, 20.}

4796. Appius Claudius was allowed to stay thirty days in the province after his successor
arrived. This was according to the law of Cornelius Sulla, the dictator. During those days he sat
in judging at Tarsus and Cicero judged at Apamea, Synnada and Philomelium. {Cicero, Letters
to his Friends, 1. 3. epist. 6, 8., ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 16, 17.}

4797. M. Bibulus, the proconsul sailed from Ephesus about the 13th of August (Julian May
25th) and came to his province, Syria, by a very prosperous wind. {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 15. epist. 3.} When the Senate had allowed him to raise soldiers in Asia, he did not do
it. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 1.} The auxiliaries of the allies were through the
sharpness and injustice of the government of the Romans, either so weakened that they could be
of little help or so alienated from them that little could be expected from them. It did not seem
wise to trust the allies for troops. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 1.}

4798. Before Cicero arrived in the province, the army was scattered through a rebellion. Five

cohorts had no lieutenant, or colonel or centurions. He stayed at Philomelium while the rest of
the army was in Lycaonia.

4799. Cicero commanded his lieutenant, M. Anneius, that he should conduct those five cohorts
to the rest of the army. He should rally the whole army in one place and camp at Iconium in
Lycaonia. When Anneius had exactly done this, Cicero came into the camp six days before
September. (Julian June 7th) A few days before, according to the decree of the senate, he had
received a good band of newly raised soldiers, a number of cavalry and voluntary auxiliaries of
free people from the kings who were their allies. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 4.}

4800. Dejotarus, the son, who was declared king by the senate, took Cicero's sons with him into
his kingdom, while Cicero made war in the summer time. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 15. epist. 17,
18.} Plutarch stated {Plutarch, de Stoicorum repugnantiis} that Dejotarus, the father, killed all
his other sons so that he might establish the kingdom on this one son. Both the Dejotari, father
and son, reigned together. Cicero greatly commended both of them in the 1 1th Philippicho.

4801. Pacorus, the son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, to whom was married the sister of
the king of the Armenians, came with great forces of the Parthians and a great band from other
countries. They crossed the Euphrates River and attacked the province of Syria. {Cicero, Letters
to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4., ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 18.} Orsaces was the general and
Pacorus only held the title of general for he was barely 15 years old. {Dio, 1. 40.}

4802. The Parthians went into Syria and having subdued all places, they came as far as to
Antioch. They hoped to win the rest also for the Romans held that province with a small army.
The citizens barely endured the domineering Romans and were inclined to the Parthians since
they were their neighbours and close friends. {Dio, 1. 40} The proconsul, Bibulus, had not yet
arrived in the province. For although the province was appointed to him but for year, as in
Cicero's case, it was reported that for this reason he came so late into the province so that he
could leave later. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 16., 18.}

4803. Cicero, two days before September, (Julian June 11th) mustered his army at Iconium.
{Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 3. epist. 19.} On the first or third of September, the ambassadors that were
sent from Antiochus, the king of the Commagenians, arrived at the camp at Iconium. They were
the first who brought Cicero the news that large forces of the Parthians began to cross the
Euphrates River. It was said, that the Armenian king would make an invasion on Cappadocia.
When the news was brought to him, Cicero was troubled. Although there were some that
thought that not much credit should be given to the king's planned invasion, Cicero did not think
so. He was worried about Syria, his own province and indeed for all Asia. Therefore he thought
it best that the army should march through Lycaonia, the country of the Isaurians and that part of
Cappadocia which bordered Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4.}

4804. After he had stayed ten days at Iconium, he moved his army and camped at the town
Cybistra in the remotest part of Cappadocia, not far from Mount Taurus. He did this to show to
Artavasdes, the Armenian king, that whatever he intended to do, there was a Roman army not
far from his border. Hence he and the Parthians would think themselves shut out of Cappadocia
and so Cicero could defend Cilicia that bordered on them and keep Cappadocia. This would
hinder any new plans of the neighbouring kings who although they were friends of the people of
Rome, yet dared not be public enemies to the Parthians. {Cicero, ad. Attic, 1. 5. epist. 20.,

Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 2. & 4.}

4805. Cicero sent his cavalry from Cybistra into Cilicia so that the news of his coming would be
known to the cities in that part and the citizens would be more loyal to him. This would allow
him to quickly stop what was done in Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 2.}

4806. He was careful of the charge given to him by the senate that he should defend
Ariobarzanes, the king of the Cappadocians and ensure that he and his kingdom were safe. The
king with his brother Ariarathes and some of his father's old friends came to the camp to the
proconsul (where he stayed three or four days.) {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 2.} They
complained of treasons that were plotted against his life and desired that some cavalry and
Roman foot soldiers come and guard him. Cicero exhorted his friends that they should protect
with all care and diligence, the life of their king and learn from the sad example of his father.
Cicero exhorted the king that he should learn to reign by protecting his own life from whom he
was certain who plotted treason against him. Those he might do with as he wished and that he
should punish those who needed punishing and free the rest from fear. He should use the guard
of the Roman army more for terror to those that were in the fault then for fighting. Then it
would happen that when they knew the decree of the senate, should understand that Cicero
would be a guard to the king, whenever needed. Concerning the king, Cicero wrote at the end of
the second letter to the consuls and senate that he was more careful to inform them. In King
Ariobarzanes there were such signs of virtue, wit, fidelity and good will toward them that they
were wise to give him such a charge to protect him.

4807. Cicero established into great favour and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom
Ariobarzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaidis. (??) There would be a great
war in Cappadocia if the priest of the Comaniaus was to defend himself with armies. Hirsius
confirmed in his book {Hirsius, de bell. Alexandrin. } that the priest was considered second only
to the king in majesty command and power by the common consent of that country. The priest
was a young man and some thought he might start a war since he had cavalry, foot soldiers,
money and allies also who wanted to see a revolution. Cicero brought it so to pass that he left
the kingdom and so the king obtained the kingdom with honour and without any revolt or war.
The authority of his court was more confirmed to him. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 4.}
Although in another letter he thought that there was nothing more pillaged than that kingdom
and nothing more poor than that king. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 1.}

4808. In this way, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes was preserved for the king. {Cicero, Letters to
his Friends, 1. 15. in epist. 5. Cato} Cappadocia was reconciled to his obedience without fighting
and with much good will. {Plutarch, in Cicero} Concerning Ariobarzanes, Cicero brags of
himself to Atticus: {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 20.}

vv Ariobarzanes lives and reigns by my means, by the by, by my advice and authority. This
happened because I kept myself away from those that lay in wait for him and free from bribes.
Hence, I preserved both the king and the kingdom."

4809. In the meantime, Cicero knew by many letters and messages, that Cassius (Bibulus had
not yet arrived into Syria) was at Antioch with an army. Large forces from the Parthians and
Arabians had come to Antioch. There was a large body of cavalry who had passed into Cilicia
and were all killed by those cavalry troops Cicero had sent there and by a praetorian cohort

which was in a garrison at Epiphania. The Parthians were in Cynhestica, a part of Syria, that
borders on Cilicia. Therefore, when he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from
Cappadocia and were not far from the borders of Cilicia, he left Cylistra in Cappadocia, (when
he had camped for five days) and led the army into Cilicia. At the borders of Lycaonia and
Cappadocia twelve days before October, (Julian June 30th) he received letters from
Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus, a governor of the Arabians, who were considered friends
of the Roman commonwealth. They said that Pacorus, with a large body of Parthian cavalry had
crossed the Euphrates River and was camped at Tyba. Cicero shortly wrote to the consuls and
senate about this. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 1. 2. & 4., ad Attic. 1. 5. epist. 18.
&20.}

4810. A rumour of the arrival of Cicero, encouraged Cassius, who was besieged in Antioch and
made the Parthians afraid. They left Antioch before the arrival of Bibulus and were driven back
by Cassius. He pursued them in their retreat from the town and killed many of them. {Cicero, ad
Attic, 1. 5. epist. 20. 21., Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 20.} Dio gives a fuller account of this.

481 1. When the Parthians were hoping to capture Antioch, Cassius drove them off (for they
were very awkward at storming cities.) They marched toward Antigonia. The suburbs of that
city were planted with trees and so they dared not nor were able to come near it. They intended
to cut down the trees and to clear the place of the forest so that they might more boldly attack
the city on that side. This did not happen because it was a lot of work and time was quickly
passing. Cassius attacked any stragglers. They retreated from Antigonia and planned to attack
another place. In the meantime, Cassius had placed ambushes in the way they were to pass. He
showed himself to them with a few troops to draw them into pursuing him. Then he turned on
them. {Dio, 1. 40. } Orsaces, the great commander of the Parthians was wounded and he died a
few days later. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 20.}

4812. In Justin, {Justin, 1. 42. c. 4.} this story is not so accurately written:

vv Pacorus was sent to pursue the remains of the Roman army, after he had achieved many things
of Syria. He was recalled home through the mistrust of his father. In his absence, the army of the
Parthians that was left in Syria along with all its captains were killed by Cassius, the treasurer of
Crassus."

4813. Livy stated that C. Cassius, the treasurer of M. Crassus, killed the Parthians, who had
marched into Syria. {Livy, 1. 108.} Velleius said that he very successfully routed the Parthians
that came into Syria. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2, c 46.} Sextus Rufus, in Breviary, said that he
valiantly fought against the Persians, (for so he calls the Parthians) who made an invasion into
Syria and utterly destroyed them and drove them beyond the Euphrates River. Eutropius
{Eutropius, 1. 6.} said that with singular valour and great courage, he restored the state when it
was even lost so that he overcame the Persians in various battles. Orosius added {Orosius, 1. 6.
c 13.} concerning Cassius:

vv He overcame in battle and killed Antiochus and his large forces and by war he drove out the
Parthians that were sent into Syria by Orodes. They had advanced as far as Antioch. He killed
their general, Orsaces."

4814. Cicero, {Cicero, in the 11th. Philippic} stated:

vv He did many gallant things before the arrival of Bibulus, the chief commander. He utterly
routed the greatest commanders and large forces of the Parthians and freed Syria from an
horrible invasion of the Parthians."

4815. It should not be accepted what is added concerning Cassius in the 14th chapter of the
Jewish History, which is written in Arabic and is entitled the second book of the Maccabees:

vv He crossed over the Euphrates River and conquered the Persians and brought them under the
obedience of the Romans. He also secured the obedience of those twenty two kings that Pompey
had subdued and brought under their obedience whatever was in the countrys of the east."

4816. We saw in Orosius {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 6.} how Pompey bragged that he had made war with
twenty two kings.

4817. The day before the month of October (Julian July 1 1th) the senate was convened in the
temple of Apollo. They decreed that into Cilicia and into eight other provinces should hence
forth be sent propraetors who formerly had been praetors at Rome and had never had any
command in any province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 8. epist. 8.}

4818. Cicero marched with his army by the pass of the Taurus Mountains into Cilicia on
October fifth (Julian July 16th) On the same day the senate read the letters of Cassius which told
of his victory. He wrote that by himself, he had finished the Parthian war. Also the letters of
Cicero were read telling of the Parthian uprising. Thereupon little credit was given to Crassus'
letters. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 21.} The same day, Cicero went from Taurus Mountains
toward Amanus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3. epist. 8.} This mountain belonged both to
him and Bibulus and it divided Syria from Cilicia. This was a divide for the watershed and was
full of perpetual enemies to both provinces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 1. epist. 10., ad
Attic. 1.5. epist. 20.}

4819. The next day {Julian, June 19th} he camped in the plain of Mopsuestia where he wrote
his eighth letter {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3. epist. 8.} to Appius Pulcher, (whom he
succeeded in the proconsulship.) We read this in that letter:

vv If you ask concerning the Parthians, I think there were none. Those Arabians that were here
who lived like Parthians, are said to be all returned. They deny that there was any enemy in
Syria."

4820. When Cicero came to Amanus, he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch and
that Bibulus was at Antioch. From there, he learned that Dejotarus was quickly coming to him
with a large army of cavalry, foot soldiers and all his forces. Cicero saw no cause why he should
leave his kingdom. Cicero immediately sent letters and messengers to him, lest any unusual
matter should happen in his kingdom. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 4.}

4821. Cicero considered that it concerned both provinces very much to establish Amanus and
eliminate the perpetual enemy from that mountain and enter some other parts of Cilicia. When
he was gone about a day's journey from Amanus, he camped at Epiphania. Three days before the
month of October (Julian July, 23rd) toward evening, he marched quickly with his army so that

on the next day at daybreak, he went up the Amanus Mountain. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends,
1. 15. epist. 4.}

4822. He marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries. He with his brother Quintus, his lieutenant,
commanded some of these. Others were under his lieutenant, C. Pomptinus and the rest under
M. Anneius and L. Tullius. They came suddenly on the enemy before they were aware and
many were killed or captured and the rest were scattered. Fugerana (or rather Erana) which was
more like a city than a village because it was the main place in Amanus along with Sepyra and
Cerminoris (or Commons) resisted for a long time very stoutly. Pomptinus attacked that part of
Amanus from break of day till ten o'clock. It was taken and a large number of the enemy were
killed. Six well fortified citadels were captured by their sudden coming and more were burnt.
When they had done this, Cicero camped at the foot of the Amanus Mountain at the altars of
Alexander by the Isstis River where Darius was defeated by Alexander. He stayed four days in
destroying the remains of Amanus that belonged to his province and in wasting the country. For
this so just a victory, he was called by the army, imperator or Captain General. After he had
spoiled and wasted Amanus, he left it on the sixth day. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist.
4., ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 20.} {Plutarch, in Cicero}

4823. In the meantime, when Bibulus came to Amanus, he began to look for a laurel in a
mustard tree and seek after the vain name of captain general. However, he had a great defeat. He
wholly lost his first cohort, and a centurion of the vanguard who was a noble man and relative of
his called Asinius Dento. He also lost all the rest of the same cohort and Sextus Lucilius, a
colonel (the son of T. Gravius Coepio, a rich and renowned man.) {Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 5. epist.
20.}

4824. Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Cilicia which was inhabited by the
Eleutherociles. They were a cruel and fierce men who were well armed. They never had obeyed
their kings and hosted at this time fugitives. They were daily expecting the arrival of the
Parthians. Cicero attacked their town, Pindenissa, that was located in a steep and well fortified
place. This was the 57th day before the Saturnalia, (the 12th of November and on the Julian
August 1st) He surrounded it with a rampart and a trench and kept them in with six citadels and
very large brigades. He attacked it with a mount, engines and a most high tower. He used many
archers and a large number of battering rams. Cicero wrote this in a letter to M. Caelius Rufus
who was chosen aedile, which he wrote on the 25th day of the siege (Julian August 25th)
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 10.} This is also mentioned in his letters written after
the capture of the city, to M. Cato, {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 4.} and to
Pomponius Atticus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 5. epist. 20.}

3954a AM, 4663 JP, 51 BC

4825. Cicero accomplished his end after much work and preparation but without any cost to the
allies. Many of his men were wounded but the army was safe. On the very day of the Saturnalia
(the 14th of January, or Julian September 26th) his forces had the Pindenissenses at their mercy.
All the city was either beaten down or burnt. He granted the whole spoil of it to his soldiers,
except for the horses. The slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia. He took hostages
from the Tibareni, who were the next door neighbours to the Pindenessenses and were as wicked
and audacious as they. After this, he sent his army to their winter quarters under his brother
Quintus. The army should be quartered in those places that were taken form the enemy or that
were not well subdued. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 5. epist. 20.} So after he settled his

affairs for the summer, he appointed his brother, Quintus to command in the winter quarters and
to be over Cilicia. {Cicero, at Attic, 1. 5. epist. 21. } He had planned to use the summer months
to execute this war and the winter months to sit in judging cases. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends,
1.5. epist. 14.}

4826. Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Cilicia, as is gathered from Cicero.
{Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 21., Letters to his Friends, 1. 1. epist. 9.}

4827. The son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, came into Cyrrhestica, a country of Cilicia
where the Parthians also wintered. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 21., 1. 6. epist. 1.}

4828. Cicero sent Q. Volusius, who was a trusty man and uncorruptible by bribes, to Cyprus to
stay there a few days. Hence, those few Roman citizens, who had business to do there, would
not be able to say they had not been handled fairly. For it was not right that the Cypriots should
be called to courts outside of their own island. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5. epist. 21.}

4829. When Cicero was well received by the cities of Cilicia, on the fifth of January (Julian
October 13th) he went from the Taurus Mountains into Asia. He crossed over the Taurus
Mountains in the sixth month of his command. Wherever he went, he brought it to pass, that
without any violence or reproach and only by his authority and advice, the Greek and Roman
citizens, who had withheld their grain, promised to supply the people. There was a great famine
which raged in much of that part of Asia since there was no harvest. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 5.
epist. 21.}

4830. Dejotarus, (whose daughter was betrothed to the son of Artavasdes, the king of Armenia)
helped Cicero greatly. He came to Laodicea to live with the Cicero's children. He brought him
news that Orodes intended to come into those parts with all the Parthian forces at the beginning
of summer. {Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 5. epist. 20, 21., 1. 6. epist. 1.}

4831. At Laodicea, from the 13th of February, (Julian November 29th) to the first of May
(Julian February 26th) Cicero held court for that part of Asia that belonged to him. He held it
from the 13th of February for Cibara and Apamea and from the 15th of March for Synnada and
Pamphylia. Many cities were freed from their debts and many were very much eased. All of
them used their own laws and judgments after they were given permission to do so. They were
all greatly restored. {Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 5. epist. 21., 1. 6. epist. 2.}

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3954b AM, 4664 JP, 50 BC

4832. When L. Emilius. Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus were consuls, the senate at Rome
decreed a parade for Cicero, because he had conquered in Cilicia {Cicero, Letters to his Friends,
1. 2. epist. 11., 1. 8. epist. 11., 1. 13. epist. 5, 6, 13., ad Attic. 1. 7. epist. 1.}

4833. When C. Cassius, who had been M. Crassus' treasurer was about to leave after the
Parthian war from Syria, he commended M. Fabius to Cicero who was then at Laodicea.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 9. epist. 25. & 1. 15. epist. 14.} Cicero wrote back and
congratulated him for the greatness of the actions and his timing on leaving for he left the
province while he was greatly favoured and held in high esteem. Cicero advised him to hurry to
Rome because of his recent victory and his arrival would be very well received.

4834. Cicero commended to Quintus Thermus, the praetor of Asia, his lieutenant, M. Anneius,
whose wisdom, virtue, and fidelity he had proven in the war in Cilicia. Thermus was to go to
settle a dispute he had with the Sardinians and desired Anneius that might be sent back before
the month of May, when he intended to go into Cilicia. (??) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 13.
epist. 55. 57.}

4835. P. Cornelius Dolabella, who a little latter was married to Tullia, the daughter of Cicero,
was accused of treason and bribery for his office. Appius Claudius Pulcher, demanded a triumph
at Rome for the good work he had done in Cilicia. As soon as Dolabella came before the
tribunal, Appius entered the city and laid aside his demand of a triumph. Finally Q. Hortensius
and M. Brutus defended him and he was acquitted for each crime. {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 8. epist. 13, 16., 1. 3. epist. 10. 11, 12, ad Attic. 1. 6., de Claris Oratoribus.}

4836. The cavalry men that were left by Gabinius in Italy, killed two sons of M. Bibulus, the
proconsul. {Caesar. Civil War, 1. 3.} {Valerius Maximus, 1. 4. c. 1.} Cleopatra, the queen, sent
the murderers in bonds to Bibulus so that he might punish the murderers as he wished. He soon
sent them back to Cleopatra without harming them and said that the authority of punishing them
belonged to the senate and not to him. {Valerius Maximus, 1. 4. c. 1.} {Seneca, ad Marcian}

4837. Cicero thought of going into Cilicia, on the seventh of May. {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 2. epist. 13., ad Attic. 1. 6. epist. 2. } However he did not come to the Taurus
Mountains before the fifth of June, (Julian April 2nd) Many things troubled him. There was a
great war in Syria and many robberies in Cilicia. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 4. }

4838. He went from there and when he camped by the Pyramus River, Q. Servilius sent him
letters from Taurus that were written from Appius Claudius Pulcher. They were dated at Rome
the fifth of April (Julian February, 1st) and he wrote that he had been cleared of the charge of
treason. {Cicero, Letters to his Fiends, 1. 3. epist. 11.}

4839. Syria was in a turmoil with the Parthian war and there was great fear at Antioch. In spite
of the sorrow for the murder of his sons, Bibulus managed the war. Although there were great
hopes of having Cicero and his army help, yet it is said that Bibulus stated that he would rather
endure anything than get help from Cicero. Hence, he wrote to Thermus, the praetor of Asia

about the Parthian war and he never wrote to Cicero even though he knew that the greatest part
of the danger of the war belonged to him. Notwithstanding, his lieutenants sent letters to Cicero
that he should come and help them. {Cicero, Letters to Friends, 1. 3. epist. 17., ad Attic. 1. 6.
epist. 5.}

4840. Although Cicero's own army was weak, he had good auxiliaries from the Galatians,
Pisidians and Lycians. He thought it his duty to have his army as near as he could to the enemy
as long as he should command in that province according to the decree of the senate. Since the
term of his office lasted only a year and was almost expired, he agreed with Dejotarus that the
king should be in his camp with all his forces. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 1., 5.} Cicero, in his
11th Philippic, said about Dejotarus:

VV I and Bibulus were both captains general in near and neighbouring provinces. Often we were
both helped by that king with cavalry and foot soldiers."

3954c AM, 4664 JP, 50 BC

4841. The Parthians kept Bibulus besieged. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 2.} As long as the Parthians
were in the province, he stayed within the extremely well fortified town and with his men.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 19.} He never set foot out of the town as long as the
Parthians were on this side of the Euphrates River. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 8., 1. 7. epist.
2.}

4842. The Parthians left Bibulus only half alive. {Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 7. epist. 2.} By an
incredible stroke of good luck left {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 6., 1. 7. epist. 1., Letters to his
Friends, 1. 2. epist. 17.} for Bibulus had set the Parthians at odds with one another. He
befriended with Ornodophantes, who was a noble man and an enemy of Orodes. He persuaded
him by messengers who went between them that he should make Pacorus the king and that with
his help he should make war on Orodes. {Dio, 1. 40.}

4843. Bibulus, in his letter he wrote to the senate concerning the things that he had done stated
that the things that he and Cicero had done together, he claimed he had done alone by himself.
He said the things Cicero had done alone were done by both of them together. Cicero
complained of this in a letter that he wrote to Salust, his treasurer. {Cicero, Letter to his Friends,
1. 2. epist. 17.} He also notes as a mark of a poor, malicious and vain spirit that he attributed not
to Ariobarzanes the king but to his son (whom the senate called king and commended him to
Cicero.) When he that had done no great deeds tried to obtain a triumph, Cicero also thought it
would be a disgrace to him not to obtain the same. Bibulus' army had their hopes in Cicero's
army. Cicero also by the advise of his friends, began to think of a triumph. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1.
6. epist. 7, 8., 1. 7. epist. 2.}

4844. After the danger of the Parthians was gone, Cicero withdrew all the garrisons, which were
good and strong that he had provided for Apamea and other places. {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 2. epist. 17.}

4845. About two days before August (??) (Julian May 26th), Cicero's term of office was almost
over since it only lasted for a year. Someone had to replace him when he left according to the
decree of the senate. Cicero wanted C. Caelius Caldus to take over the government of the

province which was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. He was recently sent to him
from Rome to be his treasurer, (in the place of Cn. Volusius) and was a noble young gentleman
indeed but one that lacked gravity and self control. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist.
15., 19., ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 4., 6.}

4846. The 3rd of August, (Julian May 29th) when his annual command had expired, Cicero
sailed to Sida, a city of Pamphilia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 3. epist. 12.} From there, he
went to Laodice, the farthest bound of the province. At this place he ordered his treasurer,
Messinius to wait for him that he might leave his accounts according to the Julian law in the
province in the two cities of Laodicea and Apamea. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 7., Letters to
his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 7., 1. 5. epist. 20.} Cicero had not taken a penny of the plunder from
Mount Amanus, but left it all as also he did his yearly salary which was given to him. It
amounted to 1000 sestertia and was put into the treasury. (His cohort grumbled at this who
thought it ought to be distributed among them.) He took security also of all the public money at
Laodicea that it might be safely returned to him and the people without any danger of loss.
{Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 7. epist. 1., Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 17.}

4847. When the senate had received Bibulus' letters, Cato persuaded the senate to decree to hold
a very large parade lasting 20 days for M. Bibulus. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 7. epist. 2, 3.} The
legions were detained which the senate had decreed should be sent into Syria by Marius (who
was to succeed Salust in the office of treasurer.) The province was now freed from the fear of
the Parthian war. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 17.} The senate decreed that there
should be sent to Bibulus for the Parthian war, one legion from C. Pompey and another from
Julius Caesar. Pompey did not give any of the legions that he had with him. However, he
commanded the commissioners of that business that they should demand that legion from
Caesar that he had lent Caesar. Caesar, although he made no doubt but that his adversaries
intended that he should be left without any legions, sent back to Pompey his legion and also
gave another from his own number that he might satisfy the decree of the senate. Therefore
these two legions were furnished, as though they were to be sent against the Parthians. However
since there was no need of them for that war, the consul Marcellus feared that they should be
again restored to Caesar and kept them in Italy and gave them to Pompey. Although Caesar
knew well enough why these things happened, he determined to endure all things because he
saw here was offered him no absurd pretence of keeping those legions by him that he had
already and of raising more. {Caesar. Civil War, 1.1.} {Hirtius, The War in Gaul, 1. 8.}
{Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, 1. 40. fin}

3954d AM, 4664 JP, 50 BC

4848. Cicero persuaded Q. Thermus, the praetor, who was to depart from Asia that he would
leave a noble young gentleman, his treasurer, governor of that province. His name was C.
Antonius as Pighius showed in his annals. {Pighius, Annals, Tom. 3. p. 431.} {Cicero. Letters to
his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 18.}

4849. Cicero gave the publicans at Ephesus all the money which lawfully came to him there,
which was 22,000 sestertiums {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 5. epist. 20.} He was greatly
hindered by the easterly winds and on the first of October (Julian July 25th) he sailed from
Ephesus {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 8.} and landed at Rhodes {Plutarch, in Cicero} for his
children's sake. {Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 6. epist. 7., Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 17.} There he
heard of Hortensius' death. {Cicero, Brutus (init) or, de claris oratoribus.}

4850. With the winds against him, Cicero, on the 14th of October, (Julian August 7th) came to
Athens. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 14. epist. 5., ad Attic, 1. 6. epist. 9.}

485 1 . As the civil war between Caesar and Pompey approached, a little after sunrise, (Julian
August 21st) the sun was eclipsed almost two digits (about 17%). Pertronius seems to refer to
this in the signs of this war:

For blondy Sol appeared with visage like to death, Thou'dst think the civil wars just then began
to breathe.

4852. Bibulus departed from Asia on December 9th (Julian October 1st). {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 7.
epist. 8.}

3955a AM, 4664 JP, 50 BC

4853. On the first of January, (Julian October 22nd) when C. Claudius Marcellus and L.
Cornelius assumed the office of consuls, the senate decreed that Caesar should dismiss his army
before a certain day, and if he did not that this action would be assumed to be against the state.
M. Antony and Q. Cassius, the tribunes of the people had in vain interceded against this decree.
This was the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. {Caesar, Civil War, 1.1.}
{Cicero, in Philippic. 2.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 9.} {Dio. 1. 41, init.}

4854. On January 4th, (Julian October 25th) Cicero came to the city. He was given such a
welcome that nothing could be more honourable. This happened just before the civil war.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 16. epist. 11.} He did not enter the city. Amid these troubles, a
packed senate earnestly demanded a triumph for him. Lentulus, the consul, that he might make
Cicero's honour seem the greater, deferred this request. {Cicero, at Attic, 1. 7. epist. 1.} Since
the senate decreed a triumph for him, Cicero said that he had rather if there were a peace made,
to follow Caesar's chariot. {Plutarch, in Cicero} However, the discord increased and neither
Bibulus or Cicero ever received a triumph. {Cicero, at Attic, 1. 9. epist. 2., 6., 1. 11. epist. 6. }

4855. On January 7th, (Julian October 28th) the senate decreed that the consuls, praetors,
tribunes of the people, and all proconsuls that were in the city, (among whom Cicero was one)
should do their utmost so that the state would not be harmed. Immediately, the tribunes of the
people, who had interceded against that decree of the senate, fled from the city and went to
Caesar. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 1.} {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 16. epist. 11.} {Dio, 1. 41.}

4856. In the next day when the senate convened outside the city and Pompey was also present,
the provinces were assigned to private men, two of them were for the consuls, the rest the
praetors had. Syria was given to Scipio. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 1 } Metellus Scipio had married
Caesar's daughter Cornelia, the widow of Publius Crassus who was slain by the Parthians. He
shared Syria with Pompey this year, (that is two years before Pompey was killed) and had been
his colleague three years before in the consulship. {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, 1. 40.} Sextius
or Sestius, succeeded Cicero in the province of Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 5. epist.
20., cf. ad Attic. 1. 11. epist. 7.} He was sent as the first quaester, with praetorian authority to
Cyprus, which was after this was distinct from Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 13.
epist. 48.} The three governments of Asia (Cybyra, Synnada and Apemea) were taken from the

province of Cilicia and were given to the new proconsul of Asia, P. Servilius Sigonius. {Cicero,
Letters to his Friends, 1. 13. epist. 67.} {Cicero, de antiquo jure provinciarum, 1. 1. c. 11.}

4857. On the same day, seven days before March, (Julian December 1 1th) on which the Feralia
was celebrated, (as we may see in the inscriptions of Gruterus, p. 133.) Caesar came from
Corsinium to Brundusium in the afternoon and Pompey came from Canusium in the morning.
{Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 8. epist. 22. & 1. 9. epist. 2.} when autumn was already past. {Dio, 1. 41.}

4858. Pompey sent his father-in-law, Scipio and his son Sceus, from Brundusium to Syria to
raise a fleet. {Plutarch, in Pompey} In a letter Cicero {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 9. epist. 1.} wrote on
March 6th, (Julian December 23rd) he stated that Scipio went into Syria, either according as his
lot fell or for the honour of his son-in-law or he fled from an angry Caesar.

4859. On March 9th, (Julian December 26th) Caesar came to Brundusium and camped before its
walls as he wrote in a letter to Oppius and Cornelius Balbus. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 9. epist. 16.}

3955b AM, 4665 JP, 49 BC

4860. On March 16th, (Julian January 3rd) (according to {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 9. epist. 10.} not
three days before March as it is in Lipsius in the 31st epistle of the century to the Germans and
Frenchmen) when the Liberalia was celebrated. (This appears in the marble records in Grater's
inscriptions, p. 133.) Pompey sailed from Brundusium with all the forces that he had to Epirus
which was the very day of the Liberalia or Dionysia. Pompey's sons were defeated in Spain at
the battle of Munda, four years later that their father was said to go to the war. {Plutarch, in
Caesar} This was the same day when Pompey, their father, left Italy and made the centre of the
civil war in Greece. It was not that he fled from the city to make war, as mistakenly written by
Orosius. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 16.}

4861. The next day Caesar entered Brundusium and made a speech and marched toward Rome.
He wanted to be at the city before the first of the next month. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 9. epist. 18.}

4862. From there, Caesar sent Aristobulus to his own country of Palestine that he might do
something against Pompey. {Dio, 1. 41.} Josephus stated that Caesar sent Aristobulus after
freeing him from prison to go into Syria. He gave him two legions that he might the more easily
keep the province in order. Both of their plans were thwarted. Aristobulus was poisoned by
Pompey's side and he was buried by Caesar's side. {Josephus, Wars, 1, I.e. 7. Antiq. 1. 14. c
13.}

4863. Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, was beheaded at Antioch by Scipio according to
Pompey's letters. He was first publicly accused of what he had done against the Romans.
However, Ptolemy Mannaeus, the governor of Chalcis which was located in Libanus Mountain,
had sent his son, Philippio, to Ascalon to the wife of Aristobulus. He sent for her son Antigonus
and her two daughters. The youngest daughter was called Alexandra and Philippio fell in love
with her and married her. {Josephus, Wars, 1, I.e. 7. Antiq. 1. 14. c 13.} Pompey had a year to
raise forces in. Since he was free from war and as his enemy was not active, he assembled a
large fleet from Asia, the Cyclades Islands, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bithynia, Syria, Cilicia,
Phoenice and Egypt. He took care that a large navy should be built in all places and he exacted
also large sums of money from Asia, Syria, and all kings, governors, tetrarchs and the free

people of Achaia. He forced those provinces which were allocated to him, to pay him large sums
of money. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. } It is reported that 60 ships were sent to him from Egypt
from Cleopatra and Ptolemy who were then but a child king and queen of Egypt. He had also
auxiliaries from Ionia, archers from Crete, javelin throwers from Pontus and cavalry from
Galatia. Commagenians were sent from Antiochus, Cilicians and Cappadocians and some from
Armenia the less. The Pamphilians and Pisidians also came to him. { Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p.
458,472.}

4864. M. Cato was sent into Asia by Pompey, to help those who gathered the fleet and soldiers.
He took along with him his sister, Servilia, and a son that Lucullus had by her. After he had
persuaded the Rhodians to be on Pompey's side, he left Servilia and her son with them and
returned to Pompey. He was well furnished with very strong land and naval forces. {Plutarch, in
Cato the Younger} Pompey planned to make war in the whole world by sea and land and to stir
up barbarous kings and to bring armed cruel nations into Italy. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 8, epist. 11.}

4865. Pompey also tried to draw to his side, Orodes, the king of the Parthians. Although after
the death of Crassus, Pompey was reckoned an enemy. Orodes promised him his help if Syria
might be given to him. Pompey did not grant him Syria, so he brought no forces {Dio, 1. 41. }
although otherwise the Parthians were on Pompey's side. They favoured him because of the
friendship they had made in the Mithridatic war and also after the death of Crassus they heard
that his son was on Caesar's side. They knew his son would revenge his father's death if Caesar
won the war. {Justin, 1. 42. c. 4.}

4866. Pompey used a large fleet which he had provided from Alexandria, Colchis, Tyre, Sidon,
Andros, (or rather Arados) Cyprus, Pamphilia, Lycia, Rhodes, Byzantium, Lesbos, Smyrna,
Miletum, and Cos. They were to intercept the provisions from Italy, and to seize the provinces
from where the grain came from. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 9. epist. 11.}

4867. Pompey's son was the admiral of the Egyptian fleet. Over the Asiatic fleet were D.
Laebius and C. Triarius. Over the Syrian fleet was C. Cassius. Over the Rhodian fleet was C.
Marcellus. C. Pomponius commanded the light ships. The Achian fleet was under Scribonius
Libo and M. Octavian. Over all the naval forces was M. Bibulus, the chief admiral. {Caesar,
Civil War, 1.3.}

3956a AM, 4665 JP, 49 BC

4868. Julius Caesar was made dictator. After eleven days, he and Servilius Isauticus were
declared consuls and Caesar resigned his dictatorship. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. init.} {Plutarch,
in Caesar} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 457.}

4869. From this first dictatorship of Caesar, the Macedonians of Syria began their reckoning of
the time of the Caesars (of which there is mention made in an old stone, in the inscription of
Grater, p. 277.) This was the 24th of the Julian September, (on which we have shown in another
place, that the solar year of the Macedonians began.) From that day, not only the Macedonian
but also the Roman Emperors began their indictions or the cycle of 15 years. The Antiochians'
reckon the same way, (which was divided by 15 and always shows the indictions of the
emperors) although the form of the year was later changed and the Macedonian months made to
conform to the Italian ones. The Antiochians refer the beginning of their period and the rest of

the Eastern people, the beginning of their indictions, to the beginning of their new year, and
have moved it from the 24th of September to the first of September. Whatever is said
concerning the original of the indictions, (which they commonly refer to the times of
Constantine) it ought to be without controversy, that the start of the Antiochian period is to be
determined from the September of the Julian year 4665 or 49 BC.

4870. In the end of the year when Marcellus and Lentulus were consuls, Pompey was made
general of the Romans and the senate which was with him in Ephesus, bestowed honours on
kings and people that had earned them. Lucan mentions: {Lucan, 1. 5.}

Phoebus sea-powerful Rhodes reward was,

And Spartans rough, praised were the Athenian

Phocis made free where Massylians:

Faithful Dejotarus, young Sadalis,

The valiant Cotys and Rhasipolis

Of Macedonia were praised: Juba to thee

The senate gives all Libya by decree.

4871. By the same way, Lucan affirms that the kingdom of Egypt was at this time confirmed to
Ptolemy who was but a child. Those words refer to Pothinus, the governor of Ptolemy,
concerning Pompey, Lucan {Lucan, 1. 8.} mentions:

—The senate gave to me The sceptre when persuaded to it by thee.

4872. About the winter solstice, Caesar sent messengers to the army that they should meet him
at Brundusium. He departed from Rome in the month of December, not expecting to assume his
office as consul on the first of the next year. Hence, Appian, {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 458.}
thought that at that time there was the same account of the Roman year as was in his own time.
However, the first of January, when Caesar was to begin his second consulship, corresponded to
Julian October 11th. Floras makes a similar mistake and affirmed {Floras, 1. 4. c. 2.} that Caesar
sailed to go to the war although it was in the middle of winter. Likewise Plutarch {Plutarch, in
Pompey} wrote that Caesar came to Brundusium, sj hrspais hdh ou cfmwnos ottos and he left
there at the time of the winter solstice in the beginning of the month of January which he says
corresponds to the Athenian Posideon. Indeed Caesar {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} confirmed that
he set sail on January 4th with seven legions and the next day he landed at the Ceraunia.
However, that was not the Julian January, on which in the time of Plutarch the Athenian
Posideon fell but which the account of the Roman year used then. The 5th of January (when
Caesar landed at the Ceraunia) corresponded to Julian October 15th with winter approaching.
Thereupon, Pompey marched from Ephesus to his winter quarters to Apollonia and Dyrrachium,
as Caesar showed later. By no means was it winter, that is, the height of winter.

4873. Pompey provided for a large quantity of grain from Theslalia, Asia, Egypt, Crete, Cyrenia
and other countries. He planned to winter in Dyrrachium, Apollonia and in all the sea towns that
he might prevent Caesar from crossing the sea (although it was all in vain.) {Caesar, Civil War,
1.3.}

4874. Scipio, the governor of Syria and the father-in-law of Pompey, received some losses about
the Mountain Amanus and declared himself captain general. After this, he imposed large sums

of money on the cities and the tyrants and also extracted two years of taxes from the Publicans
of the province. He borrowed from them the money for the following year and ordered the
whole province to provide him with cavalry. When all the forces were gathered together, he left
the Parthians who were enemies on his border, behind him. He with his legions and cavalry
marched from Syria. When the soldiers complained that they would go against an enemy but not
against the consul and their fellow citizens, he brought the legions to their winter quarters into
the richest cities like Pergamos. He gave huge bribes and to confirm the soldiers to him he
allowed them to plunder the cities. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

4875. In the meantime, the money that was imposed on the cites, was most cruelty collected.
Moreover, many things were generally done for covetousness. The pole money tax was imposed
on both bond and free. Money was demanded for making of pillars and doors, for soldiers and
mariners, for arms and engines and wagons. If anything could be found that had a name, this
was sufficient reason for taxing it. There were governors with commands appointed, not over
cities and citadels but even villages. He that did anything most outrageously and cruelly, was
accounted the man and the best citizen. The province was full of lictors and commanders and
was over burdened with petty governors and tax collectors. These collected the money they were
supposed to and also lined their own pockets. They said that they were expelled from their own
houses and country and that they needed all necessary things that they might white wash their
business with some honest pretence. In addition to these exactions, large interest baring loans
were incurred, (which mainly happen in war.) In these things, they said that the extending of a
day was giving them as much. Thereupon the debt of all the province was much multiplied in
these two years. No less were money exacted for this cause from the Roman citizens of the
province than upon all the guilds and from every city a certain amount of money was exacted.
They told them that they borrowed this money by the decree of the senate. {Caesar, Civil War, 1.
3.}

4876. Moreover at Ephesus, Scipio ordered that the money that had been deposited there, should
be taken from the temple of Diana. When he came into the temple accompanied by as many of
the senators whom he had called together for that purpose, he received letters from Pompey that
Caesar had crossed the sea with his legions. He should quickly come to Pompey with the army
and set everything else aside. As soon as he had received these letters, he dismissed those who
he had called to him and began to prepare for his march into Macedonia. A few days later he left
and this action spared the money at Ephesus. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}

4877. In the meantime, Pompey had in his army besides the Roman and Italian legions, two
which Lentulus the consul raised. He also had archers from Crete, Lacedemon, Pontus, Syria
and other cities, for a total of 3000 slingers, six cohorts, two mercenary cohorts, 7000 cavalry of
which Dejotarus brought 500 Galatians, Ariobarzanes 500 from Cappadocia, 500 Gauls and
Germans whom Gabinius had left at Alexandria to guard King Ptolemy and the son that Pompey
had brought with the fleet. Tarcundarius, Castor and Domlaus sent from Galatia 300 troops. One
of them came along himself, the other sent his son. Antiochus, the Commagenian, on whom
Pompey had bestowed great rewards, sent 200 among who were many archers on horseback.
Scipio was expected to bring two legions from Syria. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}

3956b AM, 4666 JP, 48 BC

4878. After Caesar arrived at Ephesus many months passed and winter came on. Neither the
ships nor legions that had left Brundusium, arrived to Caesar. However, M. Antony and Fusius

Calinus sailed and had a fair south wind and brought with them three legions of veterans and
one recently raised legion along with 800 cavalry to Caesar. When Q. Coponius, who
commanded the Rhodian fleet at Dyrrachium, tried to hinder the ships, a storm arose and so
troubled the fleet that of the sixteen ships, fifteen were driven against one another and perished
by shipwreck. Most of the mariners and soldiers were dashed against the rocks and killed. Part
were dispersed by Caesar's forces, whom Caesar saved alive and sent home again. {Caesar,
Civil War, 1.3.}

4879. In Egypt, the young Ptolemy with help from his relatives and friends, expelled Cleopatra
who was his wife and sister, from the kingdom. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} {Livy, 1. 111.}

But all his power will and affections be Under Pothinus' girdle —

4880. This we find in Lucan, {Lucan, 1. 10.} where we read that Cleopatra was complaining.
Strabo stated how she was put out by the friends of the lad who made a rebellion. This affair is
attributed to Pothinus. {Plutarch, in Caesar} At that time Ptolemy ruled the kingdom, an eunuch
that was his governor called Pothinus, (as it is read in Caesar) who is called by the Greek
writers, Potheinus which is likely more correct. After Cleopatra was expelled, she left for Syria
with her sister, {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 796.} so that she might raise an army. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2.
p. 480.}

4881. Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates the king of Pontus and king of Bosphorus Cimmerius,
heard that there was civil war among the Romans. He hoped it would continue for a long time.
Since Caesar was not close, he revolted from the Romans from a desire of regaining all his
father's former possessions. He committed the government and defence of Bosphorus to
Asandrus. He subdued to him without much resistance, Colchis and all Armenia along with the
kingdom of Moschis where as Strabo notes that he spoiled the temple of Leucothea. { Strabo, 1.
11. p. 498.} Since Dejotarus was absent, he added to these some cities of Cappadocia and
Pontus which belonged to the jurisdiction of Bithynia. {Dio, 1. 42.} He also captured Sinope and
marched for Amisus. At that time he was not able to capture it. {Appian, in Mithridatic, p.
254.}

4882. Pompey sent his wife Cornelia secretly into the isle of Lesbos so that she could live
quietly at Mitylene free from all troubles of the wars. {Lucan, 1. 5. init. } She was accompanied
by her son-in-law Sextius, the younger son of Pompey. {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, 1. 42.}
However, Lucan said that he stayed in the camp with his father. {Lucan, 1. 6. fin.}

4883. L. Hirtius (otherwise called Hirrius) was sent as an ambassador to the Parthians (as it is
understood from Caesar, {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}) and did not get any help from Orodes but
was thrown into prison by him against the law of countries. {Dio, 1. 42. } Orodes did this
because Syria was not given to him. {Dio, 1. 41.}

3956c AM, 4666 JP, 48 BC

4884. Pompey besieged Dyrrachium for four months with huge siege works. Finally he was
utterly defeated in the battle of Pharsalus. {Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c. 35.}

4885. When Caesar came into Thessaly, (when the battle was fought at Palaeo-pharsalus) and a
few days later Pompey also came when the grain was ripe. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. } Appian
also confirmed that at the same time that the battle was, it was the Caesar's sitologia, {Appian,
Civil War, 1. 2. } that it was in the middle of summer and very hot weather, if we believe
Plutarch. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus}

4886. On the same day of the battle at Pharsalus, twice at Antioch people heard such a shouting
of an army, such sounding of alarms, such rattling of arms that the whole city ran up to the wall
with their weapons. The same thing happened at Ptolemais. From the vestry of the temple of
Bacchus at Pergamos where it was only lawful for the priests to enter, a loud noise of drums and
cymbals started and went through all the city. At Tralles, in the temple of victory, where they
had consecrated a statue to Caesar's, a green palm tree was shown in the root, which sprung out
of the pavement between the cracks of the stones. The Syrians also had two young men appear
to them and declared the intent of the battle and they were never seen again. {Caesar, Civil War,
1. 3.} {Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis} {Plutarch, in Caesar} {Dio, 1. 2.}

4887. In the army of Pompey, almost all the countries that live around the sea towards the east
were represented. There were troops from the Thracians, Hellespontians, Bithynians, Phrygians,
Ionians, Lydians, Pamphilians, Pisidians, Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Phoenicians,
Hebrews and their neighbours the Arabians, Cypriots, Rhodians, Cretian slingers and other
islanders. There were kings and governors: Dejotarus, the tetrarch of Galatia and Ariarathes, the
king of the Cappadocians, Taxiles who led those Armenians on this side of the Euphrates,
Megabates, the lieutenant of King Arrasias led those beyond the Euphrates. Other minor princes
helped also according to their power. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 472. } Since most of his army
consisted of Asians who were not used to the wars, Pompey was defeated. {Dio, 1. 41.}
Petronius also stated:

He who made Pontus and Hydaspes quake,

Did quell the pirates, by his triumph shake

Three times great Jove, to whom Pontus submits wave

And likewise Posphors their submission gave

To his shame! has fled and left the name emperor.

4888. When Caesar had taken Pompey's files he did not read nor make copies of the pirate
letters which showed their good will toward Pompey or their displeasure with Caesar. In a good
deed, he soon burnt them all lest from the letters he should be compelled to act too severely
against any man. {Pliny, 1. 6, 7. c. 25. fin.} {Dio, 1. 41. fin.} He later pardoned the kings and the
people who had helped Pompey and did not impose any punishment on them except for two
monetary fines. For he considered that he had either very little or no dealings with any of them.
Pompey had deserved very much at their hands and Caesar much more commended those who
had received favours from Pompey and yet had forsaken him in his greatest dangers. {Dio, 1. 41.
fin.}

4889. Pompey left the camp and fled to Larissa with very few accompanying him. He did not
enter the city although he was invited to by the citizens lest the Larissaeans should be punished
for receiving him. Later, he had asked them to seek the victor's friendship. When he had
received necessary supplies from them, he went toward the sea. {Dio, 1. 42. }

4890. Caius Cassius came into Cilicia with a fleet of Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cilicians. After
he burnt Caesar's ships, he learned of the battle that was fought in Thessalia and he departed
with his fleet. {Dio, 1. 42.}

4891. After the battle of Pharsalus, the Rhodian fleet, under C. Coponius, deserted Pompey's
side and returned home. {Cicero, de divinatione., 1.1.}

4892. L. Lentulus (Cms) who was consul the former year and P. Lentulus (Spinther) who had
been consul and others who had followed Pompey from the flight, arrived at Rhodes. They were
not received into either the town or the port. After they sent messengers to them, they were
ordered against their will, to get out of Rhodes. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

4893. Caecilius Bassus, an equestrian on Pompey's side, retired to Tyre. He hid himself in that
place where merchants used to trade. {Dio, 1. 47.} {Libo (??)} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 576.}

4894. M. Claudius Marcellus was afraid of Caesar and went to Mitylene. He lived there most
happily in the study of good arts, (as Seneca relates from Brutus, in his conciliation to Albina.)
Cicero in vain tried to persuade him that he should return from there to Rome and ask pardon of
Caesar. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 4. epist. 7. & 8.}

4895. Labienus left the battle at Pharsalus and brought news of the defeat of the Pompey's army
to Dyrrachium. M. Cato was there with 15 cohorts and 300 galleys. Thereupon both he and
Cicero and others that were with them were afraid and sailed away. As they looked back to the
town, they saw all their cargo ships on fire which the soldiers had burned because they would
not follow them. Cato crossed into Corcyra, (an island located under Epirus, in the Ionian and
Adriatic sea) where the fleet was with those that had fled for fear. He took the rest that had fled
from the battle of Pharsalus or otherwise followed Pompey. From the battle also came L. Scipio,
the father-in-law of Pompey, Labienus, Afranius and many other famous men. A little later
Octavian, who was guarding the Ionian sea, had taken C. Antony with him. Also Cneus
Pompey, (the oldest son of Pompey the Great) who sailed in the Egyptian fleet, had made
incursions on Epitus. When his father was defeated, the Egyptians went home and he went to
Corcyra. C. Cassius also, who had attacked Sicily and along with others fled to Cato, whom they
observed to excel all others in virtue. {Cicero, de Divinat., 1.1.} {Plutarch, in Cato the
Younger} {Appian, the Civil War, 1. 2. p. 482.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4896. There Cato resigned his command to Cicero since he was only a praetor and the others
had been consuls. When Cicero refused (he was a man, as Livy {Livy, 1. 3. } notes was not
bound for the wars,) and wanted to leave the wars, he was almost killed. The young Pompey and
his friends called him a traitor and drew their swords on him. Cato withstood them and kept
Cicero from being killed and withdrew him from the camp. {Plutarch, in Cato, Cicero}

4897. After this, the fleet was divided among Pompey's main friends. Cassius sailed into Pontus
to Pharnaces with an intent of stirring him up against Caesar. Scipio sailed into Africa with
Varus and his forces with him and the auxiliaries of Juba and Moor. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p.
482.}

4898. Cato surmised that Pompey had fled either into Africa or Egypt and he hurried after him.
Before he sailed, he gave permission to all that were not ready to follow him to either leave him

or go with him. {Plutarch, in Cato} Lucan describes the voyage like this: {Lucan, 1. 9.}

He sails to Corcyra's shore,

And in a thousand ships carries away

The conquered remnant of Pharsalus.

Who would have thought so great a fleet had held

All fleeing men? That conquered ships had filled

The straitened seas? from there they sailed away

To Ghost field Tenarus, and long Malea,

There to Cytherus: Boreas blowing fair,

Crete flies and getting a good sea they clear

The Cretan coast; Phycus, that dared deny

Their men to land, they sack deservedly.

4899. Phycus is a promontory of the country of Cyrene and a town, which, as the poet notes,
Cato gave its plunder to his soldiers. Leaving Cato we will now continue the narrative of
Pompey the Great's flight and of Julius Caesar pursuing him.

3956d AM, 4666 JP, 48 BC

4900. Caesar stayed two days at Pharsalus to offer sacrifices for the victory he had won and to
refresh his soldiers that were tired after the battle. On the third day, he pursued Pompey,

{ Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 482.} for he thought it best to set aside everything else and to
pursue Pompey wherever he went lest he should be forced again to raise new forces and to
renew the war again. Therefore he went every day with his cavalry as far as he possibly could
and commanded one legion to follow after him by shorter marches. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

4901. Pompey came to the sea and rested all night in a fisherman's cottage. About the break of
day, he went into a ferry and took with him all the freemen. He ordered all the slaves to go to
Caesar without any fear. He left the land. {Plutarch, in Pompey} Concerning this Lucan wrote:
{Lucan, 1. 8.}

Now to the shore he came where Peneus ran
Red with Pharsalus' slaughter to the main;
There a small barque unfit for seas and winds,
Scarce safe in shallowest rivers Pompey finds
And goes aboard

4902. As he sailed in this boat along the shore, he saw a large ship under sail. The captain of it
was Peticius, a Roman citizen. He knew Pompey and took him from the boat into the ship
together with the two Lentuli (who had been consuls, who, as we have shown from Caesar's
writings, were excluded from Rhodes), Favonius, (who had been praetor, {Velleius Paterculus,
1. I.e. 53.}) and all others that wanted to come. Shortly after this, King Dejotarus (who trusted
to the flight of birds, which he thought portended good success to him,) came to Pompey.
{Cicero, de Divinat., 1. 1.}) When they saw him riding toward them from the land, they took
him in also. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4903. At anchor one night, Pompey called to his friends at Amphipolis. After he had received

money from them for his necessary expenses and when he knew that Caesar was coming after
him, he left that place. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}

4904. After he sailed by Amphipolis, within a few days he came to shore at the isle of Lesbos.
{Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4905. He sent for his wife from Mitylene to sea where they bewailed together their bad fortune.
Then she ordered her baggage to be brought from the town and called her maid servants to come
to her. However, Pompey refused to come into the town of the Mitylenians although they came
to greet him and invited him in. He advised them to obey the conqueror and not to be afraid for
Caesar was merciful and generous. Then he turned to Cratippus, the philosopher (for he came
from the town to visit him) and bewailed his misfortune and disputed with him some things
concerning providence. The philosopher affirmed that:

vv by reason of the poor government of the commonwealth,"

4906. there was need of a monarchy. He asked Pompey:

vv How and by what token can we believe that you would have used your good fortune better
than Caesar if you had overcome Caesar?" {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4907. He was detained there for two days by a storm. He took other light ships and he put all his
belongings into four galleys which came from Rhodes and Tyre. He sailed along the coast to
Cilicia with his wife and friends and stopped along the havens that he might take on fresh water
and supplies. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Appian. p. 479, 480.} {Dio, 1.
42.}

4908. To these we may add what Lucan said: {Lucan, 1. 8.}

So hid the stars, and land discovered
When those that from Pharsalus' battle fled
To Pompey came, and first from Lesbos shores
He met his son; then kings and senators:
For Pompey yet (although at that sad time
Vanquished and fled) had kings to wait on him;
Proud sceptred kings that in the east did reign
Attended there in banished Pompey's train.
Then Pompey, King Dejotarus commands,
To go for help to furthest eastern lands.

4909. Pompey gave his instructions in which Dejotarus was sent to request help from the
Parthians, (which he never did.) Lucan, the poet, goes on to describe the journey of Pompey.

The king took leave at shore

And by the Icarian rocks great Pompey gone
Leaves Ephesus and sea calm Colophone,
Shaving small Samos foamy rocks he goes,

A gentle gale blows from the shore of Cos:
Gnidon and Phoebus honoured Rhodes he leaves
And sailing straight in the mid-ocean saves
Telmessus long and winding circuits. First
Pamphylia greets their eyes: but Pompey durst
Commit his person to no town but thee
Little Phaselis: thy small company
And few inhabitants could not cause fear
More in thy ships than in thy walls there were.

4910. The first town that Pompey entered was Attalia of Pisidia. Some ships came to him there
from Cilicia with some soldiers also and about 60 senators. When he heard news that his navy
was safe and that Cato had crossed into Africa with a strong force of soldiers that he had
gathered from the flight, then he began to regret that he had fought with Caesar so far from the
help of his fleet. But it was too late now to change what was done. {Plutarch, in Pompey} Lucan
stated that at Selinus in Cilicia, Pompey began to discuss with Lentulus, who was the previous
year's consul, and with the rest of the senators about some safe place where he might retreat to.
{Lucan, 1. 8.}

4911. Pompey sailed to Cyprus from Cilicia. {Caesar, Civil Wars, 1. 3.} Those who came to
offer their service to him at Paphos, assured him that Cicero had made a very honourable
mention of him. {Cicero, in Philippica. 2. } He also knew that by the general consent of all the
Antiochians and Roman citizens who traded there, the citadel of Antioch was already taken
merely to keep him out. It was also reported of them that they had sent messengers to all the
neighbouring cities where any had retired from the flight that they should not come to Antioch.
If they did, it would be at the risk of their lives. Now there was a report circulated around the
cities about Caesar's coming there. When Pompey knew this, he set aside his intention of going
into Syria. He took away the money that belonged to the guilds and also from private persons
and shipped this huge sum of money to defray the charges of the army. He took 2000 well
armed soldiers (some whom he took from the families of the guilds and some whom he forced
from the merchants and whomever he thought fit for this purpose), and he sailed to Pelusium.
{Caesar, Civil War, 1.3.}

4912. Theophanes, from Lesbos, and Pompey's other friends, persuaded him that he should
forget about every other place and go into Egypt. It was within three day's journey and was a
rich and powerful country. He might expect help from the king who was his charge, especially
since Pompey had restored his father to his kingdom with the help of Gabinius and the son was
not ungrateful but had sent ships to Pompey against Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 53.}
{Plutarch, in Pompey} {Appian, p. 480.} {Dio, 1. 42.} As soon as that opinion prevailed,
Pompey and his wife went into a ship of Seleucis and set sail from Cyprus. Some accompanied
him in long ships and others in cargo ships. {Plutarch, in Pompey} Lucan describes this voyage
thus: {Lucan, 1. 8.}

Pompey departing thence, his course he bend,
Round all the Cyprian Rocks that southward tend,
And got into the interposed main;
Nor by the nights weak light could he attain
Mount Casius, but with struggling sails and strength,
A lower port of Egypt reached at length,

Where parted Nile greatest channel flows,
And to the ocean at Pelusium goes.

4913. Caesar lacked galleys and crossed the Hellespont in small ships. As he was crossing in a
ferry boat, Cassius was coming to Pharnaces with ten war ships and met Caesar in the middle of
the crossing. Caesar did not avoid him but headed straight toward him and advised his adversary
to surrender. Crassus was astonished at the incredible boldness of Caesar and thought that they
sailed against him on purpose. He held Caesar's hand to help him from the galley and humbly
demanded his pardon. He immediately turned over the fleet of 70 ships to him, if we believe
Appian. {Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c. 63.} {Appian, p. 482, 483.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4914. As soon as Caesar came into Asia, he granted the Cnidians' liberty as a favour to
Theopompus who had collected the fables. {Plutarch, in Caesar} He received into favour the
Ionians and Aeolians. He pardoned the other countries who lived in the lesser Asia who asked
Caesar's pardon through their ambassadors. {Appian, p. 483} Caesar only asked money from
them which yet he recompensed with another benefit. He freed Asia from the publicans who had
grievously vexed it and converted part of the customs into a convenient payment of tribute.
{Dio, 1. 42. } He remitted the third part of the tribute to all the inhabitants of Asia. {Plutarch, in
Caesar}

4915. T. Ampius intended to take away the money from the temple at Ephesus and called the
senators of that province that they might be witnesses of what money he took. He was forced to
flee when he heard that Caesar was coming. Thus Caesar saved the money at Ephesus twice.
{Caesar, Civil War, 1.3.}

4916. Since no one knew for certain where Pompey planned to flee to, Caesar took part of his
journey alone with M. Brutus (who defected to him from Pompey's side and Caesar esteemed
among his chiefest friends.) Caesar asked his opinion and because they could make no certain
conjecture about Pompey's flight, they thought to take the most probable journey and set aside
all other places and headed straight for Egypt. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} They feared lest Pompey
got control of that kingdom that he should again rally his forces. {Dio, 1. 42. } Therefore he
crossed to Rhodes and did not wait until all his army had come together. He continued on with
the ships of Cassius and the Rhodian galleys with those forces that he had with him. He told no
one where he planned to go and set sail about evening. He ordered all the ship captains that by
night they should follow the light of the admiral's galley and his own flag by day. When they
were now far from land, he ordered his captain of his ship to direct his course for Alexandria
and they arrived there on the third day. {Appian, p. 483.}

4917. Lucan, {Lucan, 1. 9. } describes this voyage of Caesar more like a poet than an historian.
He stated how Caesar stayed at Ilium and the places around there. He sailed from there and he
came into Egypt on the seventh night.

This said, to shore

He hastens, takes shipping, and to Coreus lends
His full spread sails with haste to make amends
For these delays and with a prosperous wind,
Leaves wealthy Asia and fair Rhodes behind:
The west wind blowing still, the seventh night

Discovers Egypt's shore by Pharian light;
But ere they reach the harbour, day appears,
And dims the night by fires.

4918. Caesar explained what happened the most clearly. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}

vv After Caesar had spent a few days in Asia, he heard that Pompey was seen at Cyprus. Caesar
conjectured that Pompey had sailed to Egypt since he had ties with that kingdom and other
opportunities in that place. Caesar came to Alexandria with the legions, one which he ordered to
follow him from Thessaly, and another which he had ordered to come to him from Achaia under
his lieutenant Fusius with 800 cavalry in the ten Rhodian ships and a few from Asia. In these
legions were 3200 men. The rest were so weakened with their wounds in battle and with the
labour and length of the journey that they could not catch up to Caesar. Caesar trusted in the
fame of what he had done and made no doubt of what was going on. For all his forces were so
weak and he thought that each place would be secure enough for him."

4919. Lucan describes when Pompey came into Egypt ahead of Caesar. {Lucan, 1. 8.}

That time was come wherein just Libra weighs
The hours and makes the nights equal with days;
Then pays the winter nights hours which the spring
Had taken away.

4920. This was at the end of September as the year was then accounted that Lucan knew that
Pompey came into Egypt. Lucan knew that at the end of the same month in the Julian year
which was used in his time, the sun was entering Libra. Thereupon, not considering the different
account of the times, he wrote that Pompey came into Egypt about the autumnal solstice. This
was the time when the sun began to enter into Leo about the beginning of the dog days and the
Nile River began to flood. It was in Libra when the river usually recedes to within its banks.

4921. Not far from Pelusium, one of the mouths of the Nile, about the Mountain Cassius, which
is located between the borders of Egypt and Arabia, King Ptolemy was waging war with his
sister Cleopatra with large forces. He had expelled her from the kingdom a few months earlier.
His camp was not far from Cleopatra's camp. {Caesar, Civil Wars, 1. 4. } {Plutarch, in Pompey}
{Appian, p. 480.} {Dio, 1. 42.} Caesar stated that Ptolemy was only a boy in age. Mirtius says
he was a middle aged boy. {Mirtius, de bell. Alexandra. } Strabo said he was a very young boy.
{Strabo, 1. 17. p. 796.} Dio stated he was only a boy. {Dio, 1. 40.} Orosius stated he was a
young man. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 15.} Plutarch stated he was a very young man. {Plutarch, in
Pompey} Velleius said he was nearer a boy than a man. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2, c. 53.}
Appian wrote that he was at the most only thirteen years old. {Appian, p. 480.}

4922. When Pompey saw so large an army on the shore, he dared not land unless he might do so
safely.

Finding the king to keep within the Cassian Mount. He turned aside. {Lucan, 1. 8.}

4923. He sent some of his followers to the king who would humbly tell him of his arrival. They

were to intreat him, for the sake of the friendship he had with his father and the benefits
confirmed on himself that Pompey might be received into Alexandria and be protected by his
forces in this calamity. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Appian, p. 480} {Dio,
1. 42. } After those that went from Pompey had delivered their message, they began to talk more
freely with the king's soldiers that they should perform their duty to Pompey and not despise his
ill fortune. In this number were many of Pompey's soldiers whom Gabinius had received from
his army in Syria and had taken to Alexandria to establish Ptolemy. After that war was over, he
had left them with Ptolemy, the father of the lad. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

4924. The king did not reply but his friends who had the administration of the kingdom,
Achillas an Egyptian, who was lord general and Pothinus an eunuch, who was lord treasurer,
began to discuss Pompey's situation. They held a council and talked with other officers
including Theodoras. He was either a Chian or a Samian, a mercenary teacher of rhetoric. He
was held in great authority with the king since he was the king's school teacher. {Livy, 1. 1 12. }
{Plutarch, in Pompey} {Appian, p. 480}

4925. In this council, some were of the opinion that Pompey was to be received, and others that
he should be kept from entering Egypt. However, Theodoras who bragged of his eloquence and
skill in arguments, stated that both sides were mistaken. There was only one expedient thing to
do. They should receive him and put him to death. He added at the close of his speech that the
dead do not bite. {Plutarch, in Pompey, Brutus}

4926. The rest followed his opinion through fear. They later said that lest by tampering with the
king's army, Pompey would seize Alexandria and Egypt. If they condemned his misfortune, as is
commonly done in times of trouble, many of his friends would become enemies. Therefore they
publicly answered kindly to those who were sent to them from Pompey and asked him to come
to the king. Privately, they sent to kill Pompey, Achillas, the king's general and a man of
singular audacity and L. Septimius, a colonel, who in the wars against the pirates had a
command under Pompey. {Caesar, Civil Wars, 1. 3.}

4927. These with Salvius, another centurion and three or four such officers went aboard a little
ship and came to Pompey. In the meanwhile, the whole army stood in battle formation along the
shore as if it were in honour of his arrival. The king was at the head of them and clothed in his
robes. There were many of the king's ships around that were full of men to make sure Pompey
could not escape if they should change their minds. As the little ship approached, Septimius
arose first and in Latin greeted Pompey by the name of imperator. Achillas greeted him in Greek
and asked him to come aboard that little ship. It would be impossible to land in Pompey's large
ship because the sea was full of sand bars. The king desired to see him as soon as he could along
with all the chief men of those who had accompanied Pompey. All those who sailed with him
came to him and advised him that while they were out of danger of their weapons, he should set
sail back again toward the sea. When Pompey saw the army in battle array, the small ship that
was sent to him, that the king did not come to meet him, nor any of the chief noblemen, he also
began to suspect as much. However, he greeted Cornelia who had already bewailed his death.
He ordered two centurions and from his free men, Philip and a servant called Scynes, to board
the little ship ahead of him. Then Achillas helped him with his hand, Pompey also entered the
ship. Just before turning to his wife and son, Pompey spoke those lines of Sophocles.

Who deal with tyrants they shall surely be
Enslaved, though before they are never so free.

4928. As they sailed there was a dead silence and his suspicion was increased. He held a book in
his hand in which he had written the speech he intended to give to Ptolemy and he began to read
it when they came near the shore. They determined to kill Pompey before they came to land for
they feared lest he meet with Ptolemy, he should be safely delivered either by the king or by the
Romans who he had with him or the Egyptians (who bore him much good will.) Cornelia with
his friends from the ship, stood in great suspense and watched the whole thing. Pompey began to
be encouraged because at his landing point, he saw many of the king's friends come running to
greet him with honour. However, as Philip lent him his hand to help him up, Septimius first
came behind him and ran him through. After him, Salvius and Achillas thrust him through with
their swords. Pompey had no way of defending himself or escaping. With both his hands, he hid
his face with his gown. He neither spoke nor did anything unworthy of himself and only gave a
groan and patiently received all their thrusts. {Caesar, Civil Wars, 1. 3.} {Plutarch, in Pompey}
{Appian,p. 480.} {Dio, 1. 42}

4929. When his wife and friends who were on the ships saw this, they gave a great shriek which
was heard even on the shore. They held up their hands to heaven and implored the gods that
were the revengers of covenant breaking. They quickly weighed anchor and fled. {Plutarch, in
Pompey} { Appian, p. 480. } Some of those who were taken by the Egyptians that pursued them
and some escaped who {Dio, 1. 42} first sailed as far as Tyre and were shown hospitality by the
Tyrians in their flight. {Dio, 1. 42.} Of those that escaped, his wife Cornelia and his son Sextus
Pompey fled to Cyprus. {Livy, 1. 112.} The rest of Pompey's fleet was taken and everyone in it
was most cruelly murdered. Then Pompey, the Bithynian (of whom Cicero mentioned, {Cicero,
in Brutus or declaris of atoribus} as one who lived at that time) was killed. Lentulus, who had
been consul, was killed at Pelusium. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 15.} He was the same L. Lentulus who
was the consul in the previous year whom Caesar wrote was captured by the king and killed in
prison. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} Plutarch {Plutarch, in Pompey} noted that he together with
Pompey went to Cyprus and that he did not leave Cyprus for Egypt until a long time after the
burial of Pompey. A little after leaving Cyprus, he was taken at sea and killed.

4930. Caius Caesar and Publius Servilius were consuls when Pompey was killed in the 58th year
of his age, the day before his birthday. { Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 53. } On that very day, he
had triumphed in earlier times over Mithridates and the pirates. {Dio, 1. 42.} That triumph lasted
for two days and started on the third day before the month of October as we have shown from
Pliny. {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 29, 1. 37. c. 2.} Hence he died the day after his birthday. The last day of
September which was the last day of the life of Pompey, was Julian July 25th. The Roman
calendar was in a mess at that time.

4931. Septimius cut off the head of Pompey, (as Lucan says)and it was kept until Caesar arrived
and he hoped for a large reward. The body was thrown naked from the ship, to be seen by all
that would. Philip, his freed man, stayed by it until all had satisfied their eyes. Then he washed it
with sea water and wrapped it in a coat of his own. When he had nothing present, he looked
around the shore and he found the broken planks of a fishing boat. This was enough to burn the
naked body but not completely. As he was gathering the planks together and laying them in
order, a grave old citizen of Rome, who had served under Pompey in his younger days, came
and helped him to perform the funeral rites. {Plutarch, in Pompey} Appian wrote that a certain
man buried Pompey on the shore and made a little monument for him and another man added
this inscription: {Appian, p. 481.}

Scarce would the temple hold,

That which is covered over with a little mould.

4932. We read {Aurelius Victor, de viris illustribus, c. 77.} that the trunk of his body was cast
into the Nile and burnt. It was buried by Servius Codrus who wrote this on his tomb, "HERE
LIETH POMPEY THE GREAT". Lucan wrote: {Lucan, 1. 8.}

—To the shore did fearful Codrus come
Out of his lurking hole that was before,
Great Pompey's quaester and from Cyprus shore
Had followed him; he by the shades of night
Durst go true love had vanquish terror quite
To find his slaughtered lord, along the sand,
And through the waves to bring the trunk to land.

4933. For the poet more correctly seeks his body in the sea than Aurelius Victor who stated it
was in the Nile. It is shown by other writers that Pompey was killed and buried not far from the
Cassian Mountain. {Strabo, 1. 16. p. 760.} {Pliny, 1. 5. c. 12.} This was the end of the great
Pompey's life, who was accounted the most powerful among the Romans. He was surnamed
Agamemnon because he also had the command of 1000 ships but then died near Egypt in a little
ship like one of the smallest Egyptian's boats. He had an oracle a long time earlier that made
him suspect all the clan of the Cassian family. He was killed and buried near Mount Cassius.
{Dio, 1. 42. } This mountain is located not far from the border of Judea which he first subjected
under the Roman yoke.

4934. Those who were with Cato arrived in Cyrene and heard of the death of Pompey. {Dio, 1.
42.} Cornelia, with her son-in-law, Sextus Pompey, was driven there from Cyprus as Lucan
stated: {Lucan, 1. 9.}

They first arrived on Cyprus foamy shore,
From there a mild east wind commanding bore
Their ships to Cato's Libyan Camp

4935. He adds moreover that the son of Pompey (Cnaeus the elder) who was with Cato, there
learned from his younger brother Sextus, who was with Cornelia about the death of his father.
Cornelia burnt the remains of Pompey. By her example the rest of the army made funeral piles
and performed funeral rites to the ghosts of those who died in Pharsalum. Cato made a funeral
speech in the memory of Pompey.

4936. After this, they had different ideas as what to do. Those who had no hope of obtaining
pardon from Caesar, stayed with Cato. Others left and went where chance took them. Others
went directly to Caesar and obtained pardon. {Dio, 1. 42.} Cornelia, was given a pardon and
returned safely to Rome. {Dio, 1. 42. } In the Mount Albanus, she buried the remains of her
husband that were brought to her. {Lucan, 1. 8.} {Plutarch, Pompey, in fin.}

4937. The soldiers of Cato, who were chiefly mariners of Cilicia under their captain, Tarcho,
were ready to leave him. They were stirred with the words Cato spoke to them and returned to
their duty. {Lucan, 1. 9.}

4938. Cato was allowed to enter by the citizens in Cyrene, when a few days earlier, they had
shut their gates against Labienus. {Plutarch, in Cato} {Lucan, 1. 9.}

Their second labour is

To scale Cyrene's lofty walls on whom,
Cato no vengeance took when overcome
(Though they against him shut their gates) to him
Revenge sufficient did their conquest seem.
He hence to Libyan Juba's kingdom goes.

4939. Cato was told that Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey was welcomed by King Juba and
that Appius Varus, to whom the province of Africa was given by Pompey, had gone to them
with his army. {Plutarch, in Cato}

4940. After three days in his pursuit (for as much as can be gathered from the epitome of
Lucan), Caesar came to Alexandria. King Ptolemy was still around the Cassius Mountain.

{ Appian, p. 483. } He found that the Alexandrians were in rebellion over the death of Pompey.
He dared not go ashore immediately but left the shore and stayed off for some time. {Dio, 1. 42}
Lucan stated: {Lucan, 1. 9.}

where when he saw the shore With giddy tumult all confused over Doubting if safe to trust

them did forbear To bring his ships to land

4941. When Caesar knew Pompey was dead, he went first from his ship and heard the shout of
the soldiers whom Ptolemy had left for a garrison in the town. He saw them come running out to
him because his fasces was carried before him. In this all the crowd said that the royal majesty
was disgraced. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} {Dio, 1. 42} Concerning this event, Lucan wrote:
{Lucan. 1.9.}

But perceiving that the throng Of people murmured that in Egypt he Bare the ensigns up of
Rome's authority He finds their wavering faiths

4942. In spite of this, Caesar entered Alexandria when it was in a turmoil without any danger to
himself. {Livy, 1. 112.} He retired by fleeing into the palace. The weapons were taken from
some of his soldiers. The crowd went back as all the ships came to shore. {Dio, 42.}

4943. Caesar was very angry when Theodoras offered to him the head and signet of Pompey. He
took the ring and started to weep. {Livy, 1. 112.} {Plutarch, in Caesar} We read {Aurelius
Victor, de viris illustr. c. 77. } that the head of Pompey with the ring was presented to Caesar by
Achillas, the captain of Ptolemy's guard and was wrapped in an Egyptian covering. Caesar had it
burned with many and most precious odours. He did not stop weeping. Lucan mentions
concerning the head that was given to him by the captain of the guard: {Lucan. 1. 9. }

Bringing his king's dire guise great Pompey's head With an Egyptian mantle covered.

4944. Both Dio and Lucan think Caesar was being a hypocrite and the tears were not genuine.

Caesar at his first gift would not refuse

Nor turn his eyes away but fixedly views

Till he perceived it was true, and plainly saw,

It was safe to be a pious father-in-law:

Then shed forced tears and from a joyful breast

Drew sighs and groans as thinking tears would best

Concealed his inward joy.

4945. Concerning the burial of the head, Lucan brings in Caesar commanding:

But do you interr

This worthies head, not that the earth may bear
And hide your guilt; bring fumes and odours store,
To appease his head, and gather from the shore
His scattered limbs; compose them in on tomb.

4946. However, Caesar ordered the head to be buried in the suburbs and there dedicated a
temple of Nemeses (revenge!). {Appian, p. 484.}

4947. So that he might show more of his good will toward Pompey, he kindly entertained his
friends and associates who were captured as they wandered in that country by the king. He won
them to himself by favours that he did for them. He wrote to his friends at Rome that the
greatest and most pleasant fruit that he took of his victory was that he daily saved some citizens
that had opposed him. {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4948. Before his army came to him and for lack of his own company, Caesar gave himself to
idle pursuits. He courteously entertained all he met and walked about to see the city. He admired
its beauty and stood to hear many of the professors of wisdom. His leisure won him favour and
good account with the people of Alexandria. {Appian, Civil War, p. 483. fin. p. 484. init.} Thus
Lucan said that he visited the temples and the cave where the body of Alexander the Great lay.

Then with a look still hiding fear goes he,
The stately temple of the old god to see;
Which speaks the ancient Macedonian greatness.
But there delighted with no objects sweetness,
Nor with their gold nor gods majestic dress,
Nor lofty city walls, with greediness,
Into the burying vault goes Caesar down.
There Macedonian Philip's mad-brained son,
The prosperous thief lies buried: whom just fate
Slew in the world's revenge

4949. Caesar turned over to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, the government of Asia, and the
neighbouring provinces, {Hirtius, de bello. Alexandrino., 1.1.} Caesar ordered him to take the
armies that were in Asia with him and he should make war on King Pharnaces. {Dio, 1. 42.}
When Caesar saw that there were many riots daily at Alexandria because of the great gathering
of the multitude and that many soldiers were killed in various places of the city, he ordered the

legions to be brought to him from Asia which he had gathered together from Pompey's soldiers.
He was detained there by the etesian winds which are most contrary to them that sail from
Alexandria. {Caesar, 1. 3.} Those are the northern winds which stop blowing about the end of
the Julian August we may learn from in the Ephemerides of Geminus and Ptolemy and also in
Pliny, {Pliny, 1. 2. c. 47.} and Columbella, {Columbella, de re rustica., 1. 2.} From there we find
the error of Lucan who stated {Lucan, 1. 8. } that Pompey came to Egypt at the time of the
autumnal equinox. Lucan {Lucan, 1. 9.} also told of that weary march of Cato with the legions
through African desert, (concerning this see Livy, {Livy, 1. 112.}) after he heard of the death of
Pompey. He said it was taken by him in the winter that followed this equinox.

4950. When Cato left Cyrene, he tried to cross the Syrts with his fleet. A storm cast him into the
marshes of Tritonis. Sextus Pompey was left with part of the forces in the more fruitful places of
Africa. Cato intended to march by land since the sea was now impassable because of storms. He
wanted to find the king of Mauritania as Lucan described:

Part of the fleet got off from hence again,
And from the Syrts' driven, did remain
Under great Pompey's oldest son's command,
On this side Garamantis in rich land:
But Cato's virtue brooking no delay,
Through unknown regions led his troops away,
To encompass round the Syrts by land, for now.
The stormy seas unnavigable grow
In winter time

4951. Plutarch {Plutarch, in Cato} affirmed that this overland march took place in the winter.

4952. His army was miserably oppressed in the country of the Nasamones which is near the
Syrts. The winds blew the sand about and water was scarce. They found a huge number of
different kinds of snakes. Cato arrived at the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and was advised by
Labeio to consult the oracle about his future fortune. He refused and finally after wandering two
months through the sandy deserts of Africa, he came to Leptis. He spent the winter there.
{Lucan, 1. 9.} After winter he assembled his 10,000 soldiers again. {Plutarch, in Cato}

4953. Caesar was detained at Alexandria by the etesian winds and spent his time in Egypt in
raising money and deciding the controversy between Ptolemy and Cleopatra. {Dio, 1. 42.} He
collected some of that vast sum of money that was owed to him by Ptolemy Auletes, the father
of the young king, to pay the costs of his army. {Plutarch, in Caesar} The Egyptians did not take
kindly to Caesar's collection procedures. They, of all people, were most superstitious
worshippers of a multitude of gods, and did not approve of Caesar taking those things that were
dedicated to their gods. {Dio, 1. 42.} Although in this, he was deceived by the king's guardians
that they might by this show that the king's treasury was empty and so that they might stir up the
people to hate Caesar. {Orosus, 1. 6. c. 15.} To encourage this unrest, the eunuch, Pothinus, a
man who was in greatest authority, spoke and did many things in public. For he gave the
soldiers old and musty grain and told them that they should be content because they were fed at
the expense of another. He ordered that his own supper should be served up in wooden and
earthen dishes and said that Caesar had taken away all the gold and silver plate, for the payment
of the debt. {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4954. Caesar thought that the controversies of the king and queen belonged to the people of
Rome and to him because he was a consul. They were associated with his office because in his
former consulship, there was a league made with Ptolemy the father of them both. Therefore he
told them that it was his pleasure that both king Ptolemy and his sister Cleopatra should dismiss
their armies. They should settle their controversies by law before him rather than between
themselves by fighting. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}

4955. The death of Pompey was not believed at Rome until his signet ring was sent there later. It
had three trophies engraved on it (or as Plutarch thought, a lion holding a sword.) Then the
Romans strove to see who would give most honours to Caesar. He was given power to do with
Pompey's side as he wished. He was given authority to make war and peace with whomever he
wanted without consulting the Roman people. He was made consul for five years. He was made
dictator for a whole year not the normal six months time. He would have the authority of a
tribune as long as he lived and he would sit with the tribunes and determine anything to be done
together with them. This was never done before. {Dio, 1. 42.}

4956. When Caesar had accepted these honours, although he was out of Italy, he immediately
entered into the office of dictator. {Dio, 1. 42.} Josephus correctly begins his rule from this time
and assigned it a period of three and an half years. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.} In Syria, as
the Antiochians seem to reckon the times of the Caesars from his first dictatorship, so the
Lacedomonians from this second dictatorship. Eusebius in his Chronicle at the second year of
the empire of Probus showed that the Laodicean account was later than the Antiochian account,
but by only one year.

3957a AM, 4666 JP, 48 BC

4957. Velleius Paterculus stated that the king and those by whom he was governed, attempted
treason against Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 54.} Suetonius affirmed this of King
Ptolemy himself. {Suetonius, in Julio, c. 35.} Eutropius, {Eutropius, 1. 6.} and Plutarch stated
the eunuch Pothinus was the instigator of the treasons that were plotted against him. Caesar
began to feast whole nights in his own defence. Pothinus would tell him, that now it was time to
stop and to attend to his important business and later return to his feasting. Caesar replied that he
did not require any advice from any of the Egyptians. He sent for Cleopatra secretly from the
country. {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4958. Previously Cleopatra, had pleaded her case before Caesar through other men. As soon as
she knew his nature that his weakness was women, then she desired that she personally might
plead her own case before him. {Dio, 1. 42. } This was granted, and she only took one of her
friends with her, Apollodorus Siculus. They sailed in a light ship to the palace as soon as it was
dark. Since she could not easily hide herself, she laid herself a long in a mattress that was folded
up, which Apollodorus tied up with a cord and carried up through the gate to Caesar. {Plutarch,
in Caesar} Lucan describes her arrival to Caesar like this: {Lucan, 1. 10}

Now the young king come from Pelusium
Had pacified the peoples wrath: in whom
As hostage of his peace in Egypt court
Caesar was safe; when, lo, from Pharos port,
Bribing the keeper to unchain the same,

In a small galley Cleopatra came,
Unknown to Caesar entering the house
The stain of Egypt, Rome's pernicious
Fury, unchaste to Italy's disgrace.

4959. Cleopatra fell at Caesar's feet and asked for her part of the kingdom. She was an
exceedingly beautiful woman and her beauty was much increased by this. She did seem to suffer
so great an injury as also the hatred of the king himself who had murdered Pompey. The king
did not do this for Caesar's sake and would have just as easily killed Caesar if he could. {Floras,
1. 4. c. 2.} When Caesar saw Cleopatra and heard her speak, he immediately became her slave.
As soon as it was day, he sent for Ptolemy and mediated a peace between them. He became
Cleopatra's advocate, whose judge he was previously. This thing and because he saw his sister
with Caesar before he was aware of it, so inflamed the lad with anger that he ran out to the
people. He shouted that he was betrayed and took his crown and threw it to the ground. {Dio, 1.
42.}

4960. After this a large uproar resulted. Caesar's soldiers took Ptolemy and carried him in but
the Egyptians were all in an uproar. Unless Caesar who was afraid and had not gone to talk to
them from a safe place and promised them that he do what they wanted, they could have easily
captured the palace on the first assault. They had entered it by sea and land. The Romans who
thought they had been among their friends, had no means to resist. {Dio, 1. 42.}

4961. After these things, Caesar together with Ptolemy and Cleopatra, went out to the people
and read the will of their father. It stated that after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, that the
two should be married together and should hold the kingdom in common and they should be
under the protection of the people of Rome. Caesar added that it was his part, who now was
dictator and had all the power of the people of Rome, both to take care of the children and to see
their father's will was followed. Therefore, he gave the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemy and
Cleopatra. He gave Cyprus to Arsinoe and Ptolemy the younger for he was so afraid at that time
that he would willingly have given anything of his own rather then have taken anything away
that belonged to the Egyptians. By this was the riot appeased. {Dio, 1. 42. } {Caesar, Civil War,
1. 3.} {Livy, 1. 112.} {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4962. King Dejotarus came to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, Caesar's lieutenant in Asia and wanted
him not to allow Armenia the Less, his own kingdom, nor Cappadocia, the kingdom of
Ariobarzanes, to be occupied and plundered by Pharnaces. Unless his activities were checked,
they could not do as they were commanded nor pay the money that they had promised to Caesar.
Domitius immediately sent messengers to Pharnaces that he should get out of Armenia and
Cappadocia. He thought this order would carry greater weight if he came nearer those countries
with his army. Therefore he selected a legion from the three legions that he had with him. He
took the 36th and the other two were sent into Egypt to Caesar who had written to him for them.
In addition to the 36th legion, he added two more that he had received from Dejotarus. They
were disciplined and armed after the Roman manner. As well as, he gave him an hundred
cavalry and Domitius took as many from Ariobarzanes. He sent also P. Sextius to C. Paetorius,
his quaester, to bring to him a legion that he had quickly raised. He sent to Q. Patiscus in Cilicia,
to bring more troops. All these forces were ordered by Domitius to meet as quickly as possible
at Comiana. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrine }

4963. In the meantime, the ambassadors returned an answer from Pharnaces that he had left

Cappadocia and that he had recovered Armenia the Less, which he ought to keep since it
belonged to his father. Furthermore, the whole business of that king should be referred to Caesar
himself, for he would do whatever he should decide. He left Cappadocia because he could more
easily defend Armenia since it was nearer his own kingdom than Cappadocia. When Domitius
knew his reply, he still thought that he should get out of Armenia for he had no more right to
Armenia than to Cappadocia. His request was unjust that the whole business should be tabled
until Caesar came for nothing would change in the meantime. After Domitius had replied, he
marched with his forces into Armenia. In the meantime, Pharnaces sent many embassies to
Domitius to entreat for peace and offered him expensive presents. Domitius constantly refused
them all and answered the ambassadors that he did not account anything more dear to him than
to recover the dignity of the people of Rome and the kingdom of their allies. {Hirtius, de bell.
Alexandrino.}

4964. While Caesar carried on the war at Alexandria, Dejotarus did what he could for Caesar
and supplied Cn. Domitius' army with lodgings. He added his own forces to Domitius as Cicero
confirms in a speech that he made in his behalf. {Cicero, pro Dejotarus}

4965. In Egypt, the eunuch Pothinus, who had the oversight of all the king's treasure and of the
whole kingdom, feared lest he should be punished for the former sedition of the Egyptians of
which he was the chief ringleader. He was the instigator of a new and difficult war. He first
complained among his own friends that the king was called to plead his cause. To others whom
he planned to have on his side, he sowed a suspicion that Caesar indeed, to appease the riot, had
given the kingdom to both parties but that in the process of time, he would give it to Cleopatra
alone. He solicited Achillas by letters and messengers, who was commander-in-chief of all the
king's forces. He first provoked him by his own promises and flattered him with promises from
the king that he alone should lead all the king's army of foot soldiers and cavalry from Pelusium
to Alexandria. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4966. Caesar's forces were not so many that if he must be forced to fight outside the town, he
dared not trust them. The only thing that he could do, was to stay within Alexandria and wait
and see what Achillas planned to do. He wished the king to send some of his most confident
friends and of greatest authority as ambassadors to Achillas. So that he should declare his
intentions, Dioscorides and Serapion, who had been ambassadors at Rome and had been in great
authority with his father, were sent from the king. When they came to Achillas as soon as they
came within sight, before Achillas knew why they came, he ordered them to be taken and killed.
One of them was wounded and was taken away by his own men for dead and the other was
killed. After this, Caesar brought things so to pass that he got the king under his own power. He
thought that the name of the king would be of great authority among his own country men and
that this war might seem to be undertaken rather by the outrage of a few private men and
thieves, than by the advice of the king. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

4967. Achillas had substantial forces with him. They were 20,000 trained armed troops. These
consisted of the soldiers of Gabinius, who now were accustomed to the life and licentiousness of
the Alexandrians and had forgotten the name and discipline of the people of Rome. These were
joined by a company of thieves and robbers from the provinces of Syria, Cilicia and the
neighbouring provinces. Moreover, there met here many that were condemned persons and
banished men. All Roman fugitives were safe and well taken care of at Alexandria. As soon as
they said their names, they were enlisted among the soldiers. If anyone was apprehended by his
master, he was taken away again by a concourse of soldiers. They defended the violence of their

companions because they were just as guilty and for fear of their own punishment. These were
used to, according to the old custom of the Alexandrian army, demand that the king's friends be
put to death and to plunder rich men's goods to increase their pay. They besieged the king's
palace, banished some and recalled others from banishment. There were also 2000 cavalry,
many of whom had served a long time in the wars of Alexandria. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

4968. Achillas trusted in these forces and despised the fewness of Caesar's soldiers. He captured
Alexandria and attempted to break into Caesar's house. However, Caesar, had stationed his
cohorts in the passes and they withstood the assault. They fought at the same time at the harbour
where the fiercest fighting took place of all. At the same time, the enemy brought their forces
and fought in many passes and endeavoured also with many troops to seize the long ships. Fifty
of these were sent to help Pompey and when the battle in Thessalia was over, they returned.
They were all galleys with either three of five oars on a bank, well rigged and furnished with all
tackling for sailing. In addition to these, 22 ships always stationed there at Alexandria to guard
it. They were all covered (or rather beaked with ramming prows.) which the enemy had seized
since Caesar's fleet had left. They had the harbour and the whole sea at their command and had
kept Caesar from all provisions and any help from coming to him. Therefore this was the hottest
part of the battle. Caesar knew the importance of the fleet and the harbour for their safety.
Caesar got the better of it and burnt those ships and the rest that were in the arsenal because he
could not defend them with the few troops that he had. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

Nor over the ships alone do flames prevail;

But all the houses near the shore assail,

The south winds feed the flame, and drive it on

Along the houses with such motion,

As through the welkin fiery meteors run,

That wanting fuel fed on air alone. {Lucan, 1. 10.}

4969. When this fire had spread to part of the city, it burned 400,000 books that were stored in
the adjoining houses. This was a singular monument to the care and industry of their ancestors
who had gathered together so many and so great works of famous writers. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 15. }
Livy said that here was a famous work of the glory and care of those kings as it is in Seneca,
{Livy, de Tranquillitate animi, 1. 1. c. 9.} where the same number of books is said to have been
burned. A. Gellius {Gellius, 1. 5. c. 17.} stated the same. Ammianus Marcellinus {Marcellius, 1.
22. } stated that there were 700,000 burned. Indeed when at the end of the Alexandrian war, the
city was plundered by the soldiers. However, Plutarch, {Plutarch, in Caesar} stated that at the
beginning of this war, the flame was increased by the arsenal and that the library was burned.
Dio {Dio, 1. 42.} confirmed that the store houses, granaries and library were burned together
with the arsenal.

4970. After the fleet was burned and the enemy was still engaged in fighting, Caesar at the
island of Pharos (which was joined to the city with a narrow neck of land of 900 paces long and
makes the harbour) landed his soldiers from the ships and placed a garrison there. As soon as he
had done this, he was able to bring grain and troops to him by ship. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3.}
Lucan wrote of the taking of Pharos by him: {Lucan, 1. 10.}

Two helps on Caesar both that fort bestow:
Commands the seas, the foes incursions stayed,
And made a passage safe for Caesar's aid.

4971. In other parts of the town they fought so that neither of them had the upper hand. Neither
side gave ground because of the narrowness of the places and only a few were killed on either
side. After Caesar had taken the most important places, he fortified them by night. On that side
of the town, there was a little part of the palace where they first brought him to live. A theatre
which was joined to the house, was like a citadel and had a way to the harbour and the arsenal.
He strengthened these fortifications daily so that they would be like a strong wall for him and so
that he might not be forced to fight except when he wanted to. {Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. }

4972. The Egyptians feared lest Caesar who won the battle at sea, would now seize the harbour
of the city. They built a rampart to bar his entrance and only left a little space. Caesar blocked
that space by sinking cargo ships filled with stones. This blocked all the enemy's ships in the
harbour so they could not leave. By this he could get what he needed with less trouble. He was
able to get water also (for Achillas, had taken all water from him, by cutting the conduits.) {Dio,
1.42.}

4973. Caesar sent into all the neighbouring countries and called for help from there. {Caesar,
Civil War, 1. 3. } He sent for the whole fleet from Rhodes, Syria and Cilicia. He ordered them to
bring archers from Crete and cavalry from Malchus, the king of the Nabataeans. He ordered to
be brought to him battering rams, grain and other supplies. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin. } He
told Domitius Calvinus of his danger and desired him by all means to send supplies to him as
soon as he possibly could. He wanted him to come to Alexandria through Syria. {Hirtius, de
bell. Alexandrin. } However, Mithridates of Pergamos was a man of great nobility in his country
with knowledge and valour in the wars. He was held in great esteem, credit and friendship with
Caesar. He was sent into Syria and Cilicia, to hurry on the supplies. {Hirtius, de bell.
Alexandrin.} {Josephus, Wars, 1. 14. c. 14.} {Dio. 1. 42.}

4974. In the meanwhile Ganymedes, an eunuch, stole away Arsinoe who was carelessly
guarded, and carried her to the Egyptians. They made her queen and fought the war with new
enthusiasm than before because they had gotten one of the family of the Ptolemy's as a
commander. {Dio, 1. 42.} Lucan wrote thus: {Lucan, 1. 10.}

Arsinoe from court escaped goes
By Ganymedes' help to Caesar's foes,
The crown (as Lagus' daughter) to obtain.

4975. Caesar wrote this near the end of the commentaries of the civil war:

vv The young daughter of King Ptolemy, hoped after the vacant possession of the kingdom,
escaped from the palace to Achillas and commanded in the war together with him. Immediately
there was a dispute as to who would be the chief commander. The matter was aggravated by
many bribes among the soldiers. Each strove to get the good will of the soldiers to the detriment
of themselves."

4976. While these things were done among the enemies, Pothinus the king's governor and
administrator of the kingdom for Caesar, sent messengers to Achillas. He told him that he
should follow the business and not desist in the war. The messengers were approached and
apprehended and Pothinus was put to death by Caesar. (Caesar, Civil War, 1. 3. } After this,

Caesar kept the young king in strict custody and by this he more exasperated the minds of the
Egyptians. {Dio, 1.42.}

4977. While these things were happening in Egypt, Domitius Calvinus marched against
Pharnaces with long and continual marches. He camped not far from Nicapolis, (a city of
Armenia the Less built by Pompey which Pharnaces had already seized to live in.) About seven
miles from there, Pharnaces had made ambushs for him which failed. The next day, Domitius
moved closer and brought his camp even to the town. Pharnaces set his men in battle array after
his own custom and fashion. The next night Pharnaces intercepted the messengers who brought
the letters to Domitius concerning the Alexandrian affairs. By this, he knew of the danger of
Caesar and the recalling of Domitius. He accounted it as good as a victory if he stalled for time.
When Domitius should have been more concerned with the danger of Caesar than his own, he
brought his soldiers from the camp and prepared the fight. He placed the 36th legion in the right
wing, the Pontic troops on the left and the legions of Dejotarus in the middle of the battle
formation. When both armies were in battle array, they came to fight. The Pontic legion was
almost wholly lost and most of Dejotarus' soldiers were killed. The 36th legion retreated into the
mountains and only lost about 250 men. In spite of this, Domitius rallied the remains of his
scattered army and returned to Asia by safe journeys through Cappadocia since winter was now
approaching. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandria} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 484.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4978. Caesar and the Alexandrians fought hard against one another with fortifications and
works. Caesar tried most of all to isolate that part of the city which a marsh had made the
narrowest from the other part of the city. Using works and ramparts, he hoped that, first, the city
would be divided into two parts. Then his army would be united under him again. Also, if they
were in any danger, help could be brought to him from the other part of the city. Most
importantly, he wanted the abundant fresh water supply from the marsh. The Alexandrians sent
messengers into all parts of Egypt to enlist men. They brought into the town all sorts of engines
and weapons that are described in detail by Hirtius. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

4979. When Caesar saw the number of the enemy increasing, he began to take notice of an
agreement between them. He ordered that Ptolemy be placed where he might be heard of the
Egyptians. He was to tell them that he was not harmed in any way and that there was no need for
this war. They should make peace and he would take care that the conditions were kept.
However, the Egyptians suspected that he was made to do this on purpose by Caesar and still
carried on their war. {Dio, 1. 42. } They said that Caesar must be quickly driven out. Caesar
could not receive help by sea because of the storms and the season of the year. {Hirtius, de bell.
Alexandrin. }

4980. In the interim, the dissention increased between Achillas, the general of the old army, and
Arsinoe, the younger daughter of Ptolemy (Auletes). Both were plotting and scheming against
each other. While Achillas aimed at the taking the kingdom, Arsinoe thwarted him with the help
of Ganymedes, the eunuch and her foster father. She took over it and put to death Achillas and
pretended that he would have betrayed the fleet. After he was killed, she alone enjoyed the
whole kingdom and Ganymedes was made the general of the army. When he had assumed that
charge, he increased the soldiers' pay and acted in all things with similar care and discretion.
{Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4981. Alexandria was riddled with underground channels and these connected to the Nile River.
By these, water was brought into private houses. The water settled with time and became

drinkable. Ganymedes blocked those channels and all the parts of the city where Caesar's forces
were besieged. He pumped salt water into these channels so Caesar's forces did not have fresh
water to drink and began to think of fleeing. This advice was not well received and Caesar
ordered that wells should be dug in the night. A large quantity of fresh water was found and all
the laborious work of the Alexandrians came to nought. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

4982. Two days later, the 37th legion composed of those soldiers of Pompey that surrendered
themselves and were shipped by Domitius Calvinus. They came to the shores of Africa a little
above Alexandria with supplies of grain, arms, weapons and engines. The other legion which
was sent by him though Syria by land, had not yet arrived to Caesar. With the etesian winds
continually blowing, these ships stood at anchor and could not get into the harbour. When
Caesar knew of this, he sailed and ordered his fleet to follow him. He did not take any soldiers
with him lest he should leave the forts short of men to defend them. When he came to a steep
place called Chersonesus, he set some sailors ashore for fresh water. Some of them were
intercepted who told the enemy that indeed Caesar was in the fleet and he had no soldiers in the
ships. Therefore they rigged their whole navy and met with Caesar as he returned with the
legion of Domitius. Although Caesar did not want to fight that day, a Rhodian ship which was
placed in the right wing and far from the rest, was attacked by four covered ships of the enemy
and some open ones. Caesar was forced to help them and got the victory. If night had not fallen
and stopped the battle, Caesar would have defeated the whole fleet of the enemy. {Dio, 1. 42. }

4983. Although the Egyptians were defeated, yet they were again encouraged by Ganymedes.
Although they had lost 1 10 long ships in the haven and arsenal, yet they started earnestly to
repair their fleet. For that purpose, they gathered together all the ships from all the mouths of the
Nile River and from the private arsenals that belonged to the king. In a few days, beyond the
belief of all men, they made a fleet of 22 ships. They had galleys with four tiers of oars and five
with five tiers plus many smaller and open ones. They furnished them with soldiers and outfitted
them for battle. {Dio, 1. 42.} They opened the entrance of the harbour and placed their ships in
the road and troubled the Romans very much. {Dio, 1. 42.}

4984. Caesar had nine Rhodian ships, (for of the ten that were sent, one was lost in the voyage
on the Egyptian shore) eight ships from Pontus, five Lycian and twelve from Asia. Of these five
were with five tiers of oars and ten with four. The rest were cargo ships and many were open.
With these, Caesar sailed about Pharos and took up a position opposite the enemy's ships. There
were sandbars between the two fleets with a very narrow passage. They stayed in that position
for a long time while they waited to see who would first cross the passage. The one who crossed
first would easily be overcome by the whole enemy fleet before the rest could pass and come to
the battle. The Rhodian ships asked that they might be the first to cross. By their singular skill,
they withstood the whole fleet of the enemy and never turned their sides to them so that they
made a safe passage for the rest to follow and to come to the battle. {Hirtius, de bell.
Alexandrin. }

4985. Caesar won the victory and did not lose a single ship. On the Alexandrian side, one galley
with five tiers of oars was captured and one with two tiers of oars. All the soldiers and sailors on
these were captured too. Three ships were sunk and the rest fled to the town of Pharos which
was near them. The citizens defended these ships from the forts and buildings which were over
them and kept Caesar from getting close. They were routed out of there immediately by the
industry of the Romans and lost both the town and island and many of their men. The island was
joined to the continent by a double bridge, one of which was abandoned by the enemy. The

Romans easily captured it. On the other bridge, through the rashness of some, the Romans were
attacked and routed. They fled to their ships. Some of them got to the next ships which were
sunk by the number and weight of the men. Some fought and did not know what to do and were
killed by the Alexandrians. Some Romans escaped to safety to the ships that were at anchor. A
few swam to the next ships. Caesar retired into his own ship. When a large number that followed
would have broken in on him, he guessed what would happen. He jumped from the ship and
swam to those ships which were farther off. From there he sent boats to help those who were in
danger and saved some of them. His own ship sank when it was overloaded with the number of
soldiers and a number of troops drowned. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin. }

4986. It is not to be forgotten about Caesar what Hirtius did not mention but is remembered by
Suetonius, {Suetonius, in Julio, c. 64.} and by Orosius who follows him, {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 15.}.
When he escaped by swimming to the next ship, he held up his left hand so that his
commentaries should not get wet. This is also mentioned by Plutarch, {Plutarch, in Caesar} and
Dio. {Dio, 1. 42.} Appian, {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 523.} related the story thus. Caesar was
surrounded alone on the bridge by the enemy that pressed on him. He cast off his purple coat
and leaped into the sea. The king's soldiers pursued him and he swam a long time under water
and lifted his head only to get air. He swam to an only ship and by holding up his hands to them
was recognised and saved. Although Suetonius wrote that he held his soldier's coat in his mouth
and dragged it behind him so that the enemy should not get it. However Floras, {Floras, 1. 4. c.
2. } along with Plutarch stated that he left it in the waves either by chance or on purpose so that
the enemies who were pursuing him would shoot at it with their arrows and stones. When the
Egyptians got the coat, they fixed it to a monument which they had erected for their putting the
enemy to flight as if they had taken the general himself. Thus says Appian and Dio. {Appian,
Civil War, 1. 2. p. 484.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4987. In this fight, about 400 soldiers from the legions and a few more of the soldiers who
belonged to the fleet and sailors, were killed. In that place the Alexandrians built a citadel and
strengthened it with forts and many engines of war. They took the stones from the sea. They
made use of the place more freely for the base for sending out their ships, {Hirtius, de bell.
Alexandrin. }

4988. In the meanwhile, Mithridates of Pergamos quickly gathered large forces from Syria and
Cilicia through the extreme good will of the cities and his own diligence. {Hirtius, de bell.
Alexandrin. } When he first came alone to Askelon, he sent for Antipater, the governor of Judea,
to come to him. He brought 3000 soldiers with him and brought it to pass by his influence that
Hyrcanus, the hight priest, and other governors joined their forces together. Strabo related this
from Hypsicrates, (an historian of the Phoenicians) {Josephus, Wars, 1. 14. c. 15.} For Antipater
had agreed with the princes of the Arabians that they also should come to his aid. By his means
especially with great earnestness, Iamblicus, the governor, Ptolemy's son and Tholomy, the son
of Sohemus, who lived at Mount Libanus and almost all the cities of Syria sent help for Caesar.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 14. c. 15.}

4989. When the Alexandrians saw that the Romans were more zealous by the losses they
recently had and that they were encouraged as well by losses as by success, they sent
ambassadors to Caesar. They wanted him to let their king go free and come to them. For a large
number were weary of the war and would do whatever the king wished them to do. Caesar
thought that by the king's means, they may become Caesar's friends and they would stop
fighting. Although Caesar knew that the fidelity both of the king and Alexandrians was suspect,

he let him go. He knew by his coming that the enemy's strength would not be increased and the
war against a king would be the more glorious. Caesar advised him to take care of his kingdom
and to honour the fidelity that he owed to himself and the people of Rome. The king faked his
joy by his tears and desired that he might not be let go. When Caesar sent him away, he eagerly
pursued the war against Caesar. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4990. The Alexandrians found that their new general made them no stronger and the Romans
were no weaker. Worse, the soldiers daily mocked the age and weakness of the king. They were
much grieved and neither saw how they could help themselves. There were reports that there
were large forces coming to Caesar by land from Syria and Cilicia (which yet Caesar heard
nothing of.) They determined to intercept the provisions which were brought to the Romans by
sea. Therefore they rigged their ships and stationed them in convenient places about Canopus in
the channel. They watched for ships bringing the provisions. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}
Since the soldiers that Caesar had sent for from Syria were now approaching, they guarded all
the shores and did much harm to those forces. Those who were on the African side, brought
some help to Caesar. At the mouths of the Nile River, the Egyptians made many fires as if they
had been Romans. They took many by this deceit so that the rest dared not come there. {Dio, 1.
42.}

4991. Thereupon Caesar commanded his fleet to be rigged, over which Tiberius Nero was the
commander. In this fleet, the Rhodian ships included his flagship, the Euphranor. This ship was
in every battle and was always victorious but was unlucky in this battle. When they came to
Canopus, both fleets stood facing one another. The Euphranor, according to Nero's custom,
started the battle and had sank one of the enemy's ships. She followed the chase of the next ship
too far and his own side followed too slowly after him. He was surrounded by the Alexandrians
and was all alone. He fought valiantly in this battle and died alone with his conquering ship.
However, the enemies were defeated in this battle that Tiberius Nero had started so that his own
side might safely sail to land. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

4992. About the same time, Mithridates from Pergamos came from Syria by land where Egypt
joined Syria. He brought large forces to Pelusium. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} He tried to go
by the mouth of the Nile River which is at Pelusium up stream. The Egyptians had blocked by
night the entrance with their ships which were carried into the channel. He transported his ships
there, (for it did not reach as far as to the sea) and he went into the Nile River with his ships. He
suddenly attacked those who guarded the mouths of the Nile River simultaneously from sea and
from the river. He took control of the mouths and attacked Pelusium with his fleet and land
forces. {Dio, 1. 42} This town was controlled by Achillas with a strong garrison because of its
strategic position. (All Egypt was thought sufficiently fortified from any access by sea to it by
Pharos and by land to Pelusium.) He suddenly surrounded it with large forces. The defenders
stoutly defended it with a strong garrison of men but were overcome. The large number of the
attackers was constantly maintained by Mithridates. He replaced any men that were wounded
and weary and so by maintained a constant attack. He overcame it in the same day that he
attacked it and then stationed a garrison of his own there. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin. }
Antipater acted valiantly for after he broke down a piece of the wall, he was the first to break in,
allowing the rest to follow. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 14. c. 14.}

4993. The Egyptian Jews who lived in that country called Onias, would not allow Mithridates
and Antipater to march to Caesar. Antipater tried to win them over to his side since they were
both fellow countrymen. He showed them the letters from Hyrcanus, the high priest, in which

they were invited to be friends to Caesar and to provide him food and supplies for his army.
{ Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c 14. } However, Asinius (that is, Trallianus, a writer of the civil war)
wrote that Hyrcanus himself, the high priest, invaded Egypt with Mithridates as Josephus related
from Strabo. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 15.} Also those words of Caesar about Hyrcanus seem
to confirm this and were inscribed on a brazen table by him in favour of Hyrcanus. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.}

vv In the last Alexandrian war, he came to our aid with 1500 soldiers and was sent by me to
Mithridates. He surpassed all those in his company in valour."

4994. The Jews, the inhabitants of the country of Onias, willingly submitted through the
authority of Antipater and Hyrcanus. When those who lived around Memphis heard this, they
also sent for Mithridates to come to them. When he came, they also joined his side. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 14. c. 14.}

4995. King Ptolemy knew that Mithridates approached close to the place which is called Delta,
because of its similarity to the Greek letter D. This was not far from Alexandria. Ptolemy knew
that he must cross the Nile River. Therefore, he sent large forces against him so that he may
either defeat him or prevent him from joining Caesar. Those forces which first crossed over the
river at the delta, met with Mithridates and began the fight. They hurried to prevent those who
followed lest they should share in the victory. Mithridates withstood their attack with great
prudence. He entrenched his camp after the Roman custom. When he saw the attackers
carelessly and proudly coming up even to his fortifications, he made a general sally and killed a
large number of them. The rout was so complete that they all would have been killed unless the
rest had hid themselves in secret places or retired to the boats they used to cross the river. After
they were a little recovered from their fear, they joined with those who followed and began a
fresh attack on Mithridates. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

4996. This battle was fought near the place that is called the Camp of Judah. Mithridates
commanded the right wing and Antipater the left wing. Mithridates' wing began to waver and
likely would have been routed, unless Antipater quickly marched along the riverside with his
forces. They had already defeated his enemies and came to Mithridates' rescue. They forced the
Egyptians to flee who were defeating Mithridates. They so hotly pursued after those who fled
that Antipater took over the enemies' camp. He shared the plunder with Mithridates and pursued
the enemy and he had left Mithridates far behind him. Mithridates lost 800 of his men and
Antipater only 50 (or 80, {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 7.}) When Mithridates told Caesar of these
things he stated plainly that Antipater was the cause of the victory and their preservation.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 15.}

3957b AM, 4667 JP, 47 BC

4997. Almost at the same time also King Ptolemy marched out to surprise Mithridates and
Caesar came to rescue him. The king took the quickest route by the Nile River where he had a
large fleet already rigged. Caesar did not take the same route lest he would be forced to fight
with his fleet. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin. } Therefore he sailed by night as though he hurried
to one of the mouths of the Nile. He carried many lights on all his ships so that the Egyptians
would think he was sailing in that direction. At first went out with his fleet but later he put out
his lights and sailed back again. He sailed around the city and he arrived at a peninsula that

joined to Africa and landed his soldiers. They marched around the marsh {Dio, 1. 42.} and met
with the king's forces before they could attack Mithridates. He defeated them and was received
safely with his army. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

4998. The king with his army took up the higher ground in a place that was naturally well
fortified. Caesar was about seven miles from him and there was a river between them. In
crossing the river, he would have to fight with the Alexandrians. He crossed it and killed a large
number of the Alexandrians that tried to hinder his crossing. Caesar camped a short distance
from the king's camp and had joined it to his camp by the outer works. His soldiers pursued the
Alexandrians that fled from there even to their camp and came up to their fortifications. They
began to fight bravely at a distance but they were wounded with arrows from various places.
Those who were behind them fought from the river in which were many ships that were well
manned with slingers and archers. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

4999. When Caesar perceived that his men could not fight more bravely, and yet could not
prevail because of the difficulty of the places, he saw that the highest place of the camp was
deserted by the Alexandrians because it was naturally well fortified. They had come down into
the place where the battle was, partly to see and partly to fight. Therefore he commanded his
cohorts go around the camp and to capture that highest ground. He put Casulenus in command
of this for he was an excellent man both in valour and knowledge of military affairs. As soon as
they arrived there, only a few were left to defend the camp. Caesar's soldiers fought bravely and
the Alexandrians were frightened with the shouting and fighting of their adversaries and began a
general rout. The Romans were so encouraged by their disorder that they captured almost on all
sides, the whole camp. However, they first took the highest place of the camp. These ran down
and killed a huge number in the camp. To escape this danger, the Alexandrians fled and by
heaps cast themselves over the rampart on that side that faced the river. The other side was
being overwhelmed with the great violence of the battle so that the rest had the easier escape.
{Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

5000. It is certain that the king fled from the camp and that he was received into a ship and that
he died there when the overloaded ship sank because of the large number who swam to the ships
that were nearest. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} {Livy, 1. 112.} {Dio, 1. 42.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c.
16. } His body wallowed in the mud and rolled to the bank of the Nile. It was identified by the
golden breastplate which he wore (such as the Ptolemy's used to wear, as Julius Capitolinus
confirms in Maximinius the Younger) {Floras, 1. 4. c. 2.} {Eutropius, 1. 6.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c.
16.} After the death of his father, Auleres, he lived 3 years and 8 months. Thereupon Porphyry
attributed four years to his reign. {Scaliger, in Grac. Eusebius, p. 226.}

5001. In this battle 20,000 men were killed and 12,000 surrendered. Seventy long ships were
captured. Caesar lost 500 men. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 16.} In this battle, Antipater was also wounded.
Caesar used him in valiant service in his most dangerous adventures. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c.
15.}

5002. In confidence by this great victory, Caesar marched the next day by land to Alexandria
with his cavalry. He entered that part of the town as conqueror which was held by a garrison of
the enemies. However, all the townsmen cast away their arms and left the forts. They put on the
clothes they usually wore when they wanted to supplicate their governors. They brought out all
their sacred things of their religion with which they were accustomed to appease the offended
and enraged minds of their kings. They came and met Caesar and submitted to him. Caesar took

them into his protection and comforted them. He came through the enemy's fortifications to his
own part of the town with great shouting of his own soldiers. They not only rejoiced that the
battle was successful but also that his arrival was so joyful. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

5003. In the marble calender records, {Inscript. Crater, p. 133} on the date of the 6th of April, it
is thus noted. "HOC DIE CAESAR ALXAND. RECEPIT." "This day Caesar recovered
Alexandria." Since the year was then reckoned at Rome that day was on the 14th of the Julian
January. Hence the was Alexandrian war over. Caesar fought this war in an unfavourable place
at a poor time to fight since it was in the winter. { Suetonius, in Julio, c. 35. }

5004. After Caesar had conquered Egypt, he did not subject it to the dominion of the Romans
but gave it to Cleopatra for whose sake he had carried on the war. He feared lest the Egyptians
would not like being under a queen and by this he would stir up the Romans against him for
doing this and for being too familiar with Cleopatra. Therefore, he ordered that she should marry
her brother who was still alive and that they should hold the kingdom in common between them.
This he did only for appearances' sake. For indeed the whole kingdom was committed to
Cleopatra, for her husband was only a child of age eleven. (Thereupon, Strabo said he was a
very youth. {Strabo, 1. 17. p. 796.}) However, she could do anything with Caesar. Therefore
under the pretence of marriage with her brother and of sharing the kingdom equally with her
husband, she alone ruled over all. She was too familiar with Caesar also. These things Dio has
related more honestly. {Dio, 1. 42.} Hirtius stated them more mildly in favour of Caesar, thus:
{Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

vv After Caesar had conquered Egypt, he made those kings whom Ptolemy had appointed in his
will and earnestly asked the people of Rome that they would not alter it. Since the king, the
older of the two sons was dead, he turned over the kingdom to the younger son and to Cleopatra,
the older of two daughters. She remained under his protection and quarters."

5005. Suetonius stated: {Suetonius, in Julio, c. 35.}

vv After Caesar had the victory, he granted the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra and her younger
brother. He feared to make it a province lest at some time or another, they had a rebellious
leader who might start a new rebellion."

5006. Cleopatra and Caesar feasted many times and sat up until break of day. He sailed with her
on the Nile River with 400 ships. He was in the same galley with her that was called
Thalamegos. He crossed Egypt as far as Ethiopia but his army refused to follow him any farther.
{Suetonius, in Julio, c. 52.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 484.}

5007. At Alexandria, Caesar erected a brazen pillar which contained the liberties that he had
granted to the Jews. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17., contra Appion, 1. 2. p. 1063.}

5008. Pharnaces had become famous because of his successes. He hoped all things would
happen to Caesar as he wished they would. He seized on Pontus with all his forces and
conquered it. He was a most cruel king. Since he thought he should have better fortune than his
father had, he conquered many towns and plundered the goods of the citizens of Rome and of
Pontus. He decreed punishments for those that were commendable for either beauty or age that
were worse than death itself. He got Pontus when there was no one to defend it and bragged that

he had recovered his father's kingdom. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin. }

5009. He mainly displayed his cruelty on Amisus, a city of Pontus. After it had resisted a long
time, he won it by storm and put to death all the men that were of age and gelded all that were
under age. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 484.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

3957c AM, 4667 JP, 47 BC

5010. Asander, to whom Pharnaces had committed the government of Bosphorus, tried to curry
favour with the Romans and hoped to get the kingdom of Bosphorus for himself. He made an
insurrection against his master. {Dio, 1. 42.}

501 1. Caesar sent letters from Egypt to M. Cicero that he should stay where he was and that he
should retain the name of imperator (for the victory that he had won in Cilicia.) Pansa carried
these letters to him. Cicero returned his fasces adorned with laurel, for him to keep as long as he
thought himself fit. {Cicero, pro Ligario} For after he left the province of Cilicia, he had not as
yet entered Rome but was accompanied by his lictors everywhere with him, hoping in vain for a
triumph. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 11. epist. 6.} Caesar's letters were delivered to Cicero the day
before the ides of August {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 14. epist. ult. } or the last day of the
Julian May.

5012. After Pharnaces had captured Bithynia and Cappadocia, he planned to take Armenia the
Less. He incited all the kings and tetrarchs of that country to rebel. {Plutarch, in Caesar} He also
marched into Asia in hope of the same success that his father Mithridates had there. {Dio, 1. 42. }

5013. Appian stated that Caesar spent nine months in Egypt, {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 484. }
and Cleopatra had either kept him there longer or accompanied him on his voyage to Rome.
Pharnaces forced him to leave Egypt against his will and hindered his speedy march into Italy.
{Dio, 1. 42. } A short time later, Cleopatra gave birth to a son by him whom the Alexandrians
called Caesarion. {Plutarch, in Caesar} That name was given to the son by the mother by the
permission of Caesar himself. {Suetonius, in Julio., c. 52.} Plutarch {Plutarch, in Antony}
seems to intimate that after Caesar's death, she, had too much familiarity with his enemy Cneus
Pompey, the oldest son of Pompey the Great.

5014. Caesar brought from the kingdom, Arsinoe, the younger sister of Cleopatra, in the name
of whom Ganimedes had a long time most tyrannically reigned. He wanted to prevent a future
rebellion that might arise through seditious men. He wanted to keep her away until time had
confirmed the authority of the king. He took his 6th veteran legion and he left three other
legions there so that the king's authority might be confirmed. He could not keep the affections of
his own subjects because both the king and the queen had constantly persevered in Caesar's
friendship. Neither could they claim any basis for their authority since they were new to the
throne. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} {Suetonius, c. 76.}

5015. After Caesar had finished and settled all things, he marched by land into Syria. {Hirtius,
de bell. Alexandrin.} {Suetonius, c. 35.} {Plutarch, in Julius Caesar} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2.
p. 484.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 16.} Josephus wrote that he sailed to Syria {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c.
15.} and Hirtius later confirmed this.

5016. The news of Caesar's departure from Alexandria, came to Italy on July 5th, (Julian April
23rd) {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 1 1. epist. 19. } C. Trebonius left Caesar at Antioch who went from
Seleucia Pieria. In a 28 day journey, the 13th day before September, (Julian June 3rd) he came
into Italy. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 11. epist. 13. } From this it is deduced that Caesar was at Antioch
14 days before August. (Julian May 6th)

5017. Johannes Malela Autiochenus, in the ninth book of his Chronicle, (an unpublished
manuscript) noted that on the twelfth day of the month, Artemisiusm, or May, there was an edict
publicly proposed in the city of Antioch, concerning the empire of Julius Caesar. On the 20th of
the same month, another edict was sent out from Julius Caesar concerning the liberty of the
same city. It said: En Anpoceia tw mwtropldA iera kz aoulw kz autonomwA kz pbokazhmzuh t
atarolhsA iouliosgaios Kaioar &c "Julius Caesar to the metropolis of Antioch, the holy and
privileged asylum and refuge against the vigour of the law." Finally on the 23rd day, Caesar the
dictator entered Antioch. However, that he was in Antioch on the 20th day, that edict clearly
shows. It should be said that he rather left from the city on the 23rd day, the night he came there.

5018. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar to complain to him about his father's
misfortune. For, by siding with Caesar he was poisoned by Pompey's side. His brother was
beheaded by Scipio. Antigonus wanted Caesar to have pity on him since he was expelled from
his father's kingdom. He likewise accused Hyrcanus and Antipater that they by force had taken
over the government. They did not hold back from wronging him. He also accused them that
they sent help into Egypt to Caesar not so much for good will but for fear of the ancient
animosity and that they might be freed from punishment for their loyalty to Pompey. However,
Antipater pleaded his own cause and justified himself and accused Antigonus. He recalled what
work he had taken for Caesar in the last wars. He showed the number of his wounds and made
them the witness of the truth of his words. When Caesar heard this, he made Hyrcanus the high
priest and offered Antipater any government he asked and made him governor of Judea.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 8., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 15.}

5019. Caesar also decreed that Hyrcanus and his children should in perpetuity retain the
government and high priesthood of the Jews, according to the custom of the country and he was
taken into the number of his friends and allies. If there arose any controversy concerning the
discipline of the Jews, Hyrcanus should decide it. Moreover, he would not be forced to quarter
soldiers in winter nor would he pay taxes. A brazen table containing these things was to be
erected in the capital and in the temples at Tyre, Sidon and Askelon. It was engraved in Latin
and Greek. These decrees were to be sent into all places. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 17.}

5020. After Caesar had stayed in almost all the cities of Syria that were of any note, he
distributed both publicly and privately rewards to them that deserved them. He was made aware
of and settled old controversies. Also kings and tyrants, governors of the provinces and borders,
(who all came to him) he took under his protection on conditions he imposed on them for the
keeping and defending of the provinces. He dismissed his friends and the friends of the people
of Rome. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

5021. Caesar took away at Tyre all the things that were dedicated to Hercules, because they had
entertained Pompey and his wife in their flight. {Dio, 1. 42. }

5022. After some days had been spent in the province of Syria, he gave the command of the

legions and Syria to Sextus Caesar, his friend and relative. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} Dio
wrote that he committed all things to the charge of Sextus, his treasurer and cousin. {Dio, 1. 47. }
Appian stated that there was a legion left in Syria by him even when he was thinking of the
Parthian war. The honour of governor was granted to his relative, Sextus Julius who was a
young man. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 573., 1. 4. p. 923.}

5023. After Caesar had ordered the affairs in Syria, he went to Cilicia in the same fleet that he
came in. {Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.} {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 16.} He called all the cities of
which province to him to Tarsus. There he ordered all things concerning the province and the
neighbouring cities. He did not stay there long because he wanted to settle the war in Pontus.
{Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.}

5024. Here he pardoned Tarcondimotus (of whom mention is made formerly, {Cicero, Letters to
his Friends, 1. 15. }) who had a part of Cilicia under him and had greatly helped Pompey by sea.
{Dio, 1.41.}

5025. After Antipater had followed Caesar from Syria, he returned into Judea. As he was
making his rounds through the province, he repressed by threats and advice those who were
rebellious. He told them that if they would be content with their prince Hyrcanus, they would
live happily in their own land. If they thought they could do better by rebelling, they would have
him as master instead of a governor and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king and Caesar and the
Romans would be most bitter enemies instead of princes. Because of this they would not at all
allow anything to be changed from what they had settled. When as Antipater knew that
Hyrcanus was dull and idle, he settled the state of the province as he pleased and truly made
Phasaclus, his older son, the governor of Jerusalem and the neighbouring countries. He gave the
care of Galilee to Herod who was his second oldest son and a very young man. {Josephus, Wars,
1. I.e. 8., Antiq., 1. 14. c. 16, 17.}

5026. Josephus stated that Herod was only 15 years old at that time. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c.
17.} The following references retain the same number. {Rusinus in his translation of Josephus}
{Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 258.} {Pseudogoronides the Hebrew, 1. 5. c. 3.} {Nicephorus
Calistus, Ecclesiast. Histor. 1. 1. c. 6.} However, the first historians, Ptolemy and Nicholas
Damascenus, who wrote of Herod, from whom Josephus took his information, wrote 25 instead
of 15. It is an easy mistake for the transcribers to confuse kefor ie. It was 43 and an half years
from this time to the death of Herod. If we add 25 years to this we get his age at death of 68 and
an half years. If he had lived six months longer, he would have been in his 70th year. Josephus
himself acknowledges, that when he was dying that he was almost in his 70th year.

5027. Phasaclus had a son born whom was called also Phasaclus by his wife Salampsio, the
daughter of Herod and Mariame. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7.} He was only 7 years old when
his father died. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 25.}

5028. Pharnaces planned an expedition against Asander who had revolted from him in the
Bosphorus. When he heard that Caesar was coming quickly into Armenia, he was terrified and
more afraid of Caesar who led the invasion than of his army. He sent many ambassadors to treat
for peace before Caesar marched too close to him. He hoped that by any means, he might avoid
this immediate danger. He made this his main pretence that he had never helped Pompey. He
also hoped that he might induce Caesar to some peace terms because he was hurrying into Italy

and Africa. Then after his departure, he might renew his planned war. Caesar suspected as much
and courteously entertained his first and second ambassadors so that he might take him by
surprise while he was still hoping for peace. {Dio, 1. 42. }

5029. Caesar made long marches through Cappadocia and stayed two days at Mazace. Then he
came to Comana, the most ancient temple of Bellona (goddess of war) in Cappadocia. She was
worshipped with such great devotion that her priest was considered by the whole country second
only to the king in majesty, command and power. {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 535.} Caesar decreed this
priesthood on Nicomedes of Bithynia who was a most noble man and of the family of the
Cappadocian kings. He recovered the right that was undoubtedly his, although it was long
interrupted. {Hirtius} Although Caesar confirmed the commands which they had received from
Pompey to others who had taken part with Pompey against him, he transferred the priesthood of
the Comanians from Archelaus to Nicomedes. {Appian, in Mithridaticus, p. 254.} Pompey had
given it to his father Archelaus, the husband of Cleopatra's elder sister, who was killed in Egypt
by Gabinius. {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 558.}

5030. When Caesar came close to Pontus and the borders of Galatia, Dejotarus the tetrarch of
Galatia came to Caesar. He claimed the state of Armenia the Less which the senate had granted
to him but was disputed by the rest of the tetrarchs who said it never belonged to him by law or
custom. Dejotarus set aside his royal robes and dressed like a common man who was guilty. He
fell prostrate at Caesar's feet and begged his pardon in that he had served in Cn. Pompey's army.
He made the excuse that he did not know what was happening in Italy and that he was forced to
do this because he was surrounded by Pompey's armies. Caesar rejected his excuse but he said
he would grant him his request for his former benefit, for his old acquaintance and friendship's
sake, for the dignity and age of the man and at the intreaty of many of Dejotarus' friends and
acquaintances who came to intercede on his behalf. Caesar said that he would later decide the
controversies of the tetrarchs and he restored his royal robes to him. However, he ordered the
Dejotarus' legion brought to him. Dejotarus had formed it from his own men who were trained
up in the Roman discipline. Caesar also wanted all his cavalry to be brought to him to serve him
in the Pontic war. {Appian, in Mithridaticus, p. 254.} Caesar fined his old acquaintance
Dejotarus a sum of money and gave Armenia the Less, that was given to Dejotarus by the senate
and currently occupied by Pharnaces, to Ariobarzanes, the king of Cappadocia. {Cicero, in Orat.
Philippic. 2. de divination. 1. 1. & 2.} {Dio, 1. 41.}

503 1 . Cicero made a speech for that king that Domitius paid his fine by two or three times
selling his own private goods at a public sale. Caesar could then use the money in the war. Also
to gain Caesar's favour, he told Caesar this about the matter:

vv What he keeps by your means, he keeps in memory, not what he lost. Neither does he think
that he was punished by you but since he thought that many things were to be given by you to
many men, he did not refuse but that you might take some from him who was on the other side.
&c. Oh Caesar, you have given all things to Dejotarus since you have granted the name of king
even to his son. As long as he retains and keeps this name, he thinks that no favour of the people
of Rome nor any sentence of the senate made in his favour, is diminished."

5032. When Caesar was come into Pontus, he made a rendezvous of all his forces into one
place. They were varied in number and in martial discipline except the 6th legion which was a
veteran legion that he had brought with him from Alexandria. (However, through the labours
and hazards they had undergone, they were so undermanned because of difficulties both by sea

and land and partly by frequent skirmishes that they were under a thousand men.) The rest were
three legions, one was from Dejotarus and two were in the battle that Cnidius Domitius had with
Pharnaces. {Hirtius}

5033. Pharnaces was frightened by the approach of Caesar and sent ambassadors to treat for
peace. They brought a golden crown to him when he was 25 miles away and very foolishly
offered him their king's daughter in marriage. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 484.} First of all, they
begged that he would not come as an enemy for Pharnaces would do whatever he would order
him to. They especially reminded him that Pharnaces had sent no forces to Pompey against
Caesar whereas Dejotarus who had sent some troops, was received into Caesar's favour. Caesar
replied that he would be very favourable to Pharnaces if he would do all things as he promised.
However, he advised the ambassadors in mild terms as was his custom that they should neither
object about Dejotarus to him or too much brag of that favour that they had not sent help to
Pompey. {Hirtius} He also accused Pharnaces for this very thing that he had been wicked and
ungrateful toward his benefactor. {Dio. 1. 41, 42.} In summing up, he ordered him to get out of
Pontus and that he should send back the families of the publicans. He should restore to him the
allies and citizens of Rome who were in his possession. If he would do this, Caesar said that he
would then accept those presents which the generals were accustomed to receive from their
friends after a war was happily ended. {Hirtius}

5034. Pharnaces liberally promised all things and he hoped that Caesar would want to hurry to
Rome and that he would more willingly believe his promises. He began to go more slowly about
his business and to ask for more time for his departure and to interpose new conditions and in
short to disappoint Caesar. Caesar knew his craft and hurried his business so much the more so
that he would come to fight with him sooner than anyone would think. {Hirtius}

5035. As soon as Caesar came to Pharnaces' camp, he said, "Shall not now this parricide
(murderer of parents) be punished?" He mounted his horse and at the first shout that was given,
he routed the enemy and made a great slaughter. Caesar was helped by 1000 cavalry that
followed him when he first rushed into the battle. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 485. } {Dio, 1. 42}
The same day that Caesar came to the enemy after his march, he went to fight with the enemy.
He was sometimes troubled with the enemy's cavalry and their chariots armed with scythes.
Caesar finally obtained the victory. Julius Frontinus {Julius Frontinus, Stratagemat. 1. 2. c. 2.}
noted that Caesar marshalled his army on an hill and this made for an easier victory. The arrows
that were shot from above on the barbarians below, made them quickly flee. Dejotarus was in
the battle with Caesar against Pharnaces and risked his life. {Cicero, pro Dejotarus}

5036. This battle was fought around the mountain Scotium which is not more than three miles
from the city of Zela. It was near here that Mithridates, the father of Pharnaces, defeated Triarius
and the Roman army with a great slaughter. {Hirtius} {Plutarch, in Caesar} {Appian, in
Mithridatic. p. 254} {Dio, 1. 42.} In this mountain, Pharnaces (that we many represent the story
of this fight more accurately from Hirtius) had repaired the old works of his father's camp five
miles from the enemy so that he might control the valleys that were next to the king's camp. The
next night in the fourth watch, Caesar left his camp with all his legions but without any baggage
and captured that very place where Mithridates had fought against Triarius.

5037. As soon as it was day and Pharnaces knew this, he drew out all his forces before his camp.
They were encouraged either by the good fortune Mithridates had in that place or were
persuaded by tokens and ceremonies (which we later heard he did obey, stated Hirtius) or

through contempt of the fewness of the Roman forces. Many of these had already been defeated
under Domitius. Pharnaces, of his own accord in an uneven place attacked the Romans as they
were fortifying their camp and terrified them. They were suddenly called from their work and
not set in battle array. The king's chariots that were armed with scythes created chaos among the
soldiers. However, the chariots were quickly overcome by a huge number of arrows. The main
body of the enemy followed these chariots and fought hand to hand. They were overcome first
in the right wing where the 6th old veteran legion was placed. Then the left wing and the main
body were the whole forces of the king were routed. Many of the soldiers were either killed or
trampled by their own men. Those who thought to escape by their swiftness, threw away their
arms and crossed the valley. They were met by the Romans coming from the higher ground and
perished. The Romans were encouraged by this victory and did not hesitate to climb up that
steep place and attacked their works and quickly captured the enemy's camp from those cohorts
whom Pharnaces had left to defend it. {Idem}

5038. By this, Caesar ground into the dust Pharnaces in one (and as I may say) not a whole
battle like lightning which in one moment, came, hit and departed. Neither was it a vain boast of
Caesar's that he had overcome the enemy before he set eyes on him. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 2.} Caesar
bragged also that the same day he came to the enemy that he saw him and overcame him. {Dio,

1. 42. } He wrote in his letters sent to Rome to his friend Aminitius or Anitius, these three words:
"VENI, VIDI, VICI," "I came, I saw, I conquered." {Plutarch, in Caesar} { Appian, Civil War, 1.

2. p. 485. } Within five days after his arrival and within four hours after he came in sight of him,
he had vanquished Pharnaces in only one battle. {Suetonius, Julio, Caesar., c. 35.} He often
recounted the good luck of Pompey, who happened to get his most honour in the Mithridatic war
over so cowardly a kind of enemy. {Plutarch, in Caesar} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 485. }

5039. Pharnaces fled with a few cavalry after the whole multitude of his army was either killed
or captured. When the Romans invaded his camp, it gave him an opportunity to escape.
Otherwise he would have been brought alive into Caesar's hands. {Hirtius} He fled to Sinope
with 1000 cavalry. {Appian, Mithridatic, p. 254.}

5040. Caesar was overjoyed that he had ended so major a war in so short a time. In recalling the
sudden danger, he was the more joyous because the victory came so easily after many
difficulties. {Hirtius} Caesar gave the soldiers, all the king's baggage and the spoils even though
they were considerable. {Appian, Mithridatic, p. 254.} {Dio, 1. 42} In that place, Mithridates
had set up a monument for the victory he had over Triarius. Since it was consecrated to the
gods, it was not lawful for Caesar to pull it down. He set up one opposite it for his victory over
Pharnaces and so obscured it and in a way threw down that monument which Mithridates had
set up. After this, he recovered all the things that Pharnaces had taken from the Romans or their
allies. He restored to everyone the things they had lost except a part of Armenia which he gave
to Ariobarzanes and requited the calamity that the Amiseni endured by giving them their liberty.
{Dio, 1. 42} He ordered the sixth legion to go to Italy to receive the rewards and honours due to
them. He sent home the supplies that Dejotaras had brought. He left the two other legions in
Pontus with Coelius Vinicianus. He passed through Galatia and Bithynia into Asia. He took
notice and settled all the controversies of all those provinces and gave laws to tetrarchs, kings
and cities. {Hirtius}

5041. As he passed through Asia, he collected the money which raised great anger against the
publicans who secretly exacted it among all the people. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 485.} (P.
Servilius Isauricus the colleague of Caesar and Cicero in the Augurship, was proconsul there.

{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 13. epist. 68.})

5042. Brithagoras was a man of great authority among the Heracleenses in Pontus and had
followed Caesar wherever he went. He even went to this place again for a matter that concerned
his countrymen. When Caesar was preparing to return to Rome, Brithagoras died being worn out
with old age and continual labours to the great sorrow of his countrymen. {Memnon, in
excerptis Photii., c. 62.}

5043. Caesar made Mithridates Pergamenus, the king of Bosphorus, (who had carried on the war
in Egypt to a good conclusion and very quickly.) He was of the family of the kings and had a
royal education. Mithridates, the king of all Asia, had taken him away from Pergamos when he
was only a child and carried him into his camp and kept him for many years. By Caesar's action,
he so strengthened the provinces of the people of Rome against the barbarians and enemy kings
by putting in a king over them that was most friendly to them. {Hirtius} Concerning this man
see {Strabo, 1. 13. p. 625.} {Causabon's notes} {Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 254.}

5044. He ordered Mithridates to make war upon Asander and become the master of Bosphorus
so that he might revenge Asander's treachery against his friend. {Dio, 1. 42.} Caesar also granted
him the tetrarchy of the Trochmans, in Galatia, who bordered on Pontus and Cappadocia. This
belonged to him by his mother's right but was seized and in the possession for some years
previously by Dejotarus. {Cicero, in Philip, 2., de divinat. 2.} {Hirtius, de bell. Alexand.}
{Strabo. 1. 12. p. 567., 1. 13. p. 625.} {Dio, 1. 42.}

5045. After this, Caesar sailed into Greece and Italy. He raised large sums of money under any
pretence whatever as he had done previously. He exacted some money that had previously been
promised to Pompey. He feigned other excuses to raise money also. He also received from the
princes and kings, many golden crowns, as it were in honour of the victories he had achieved.
He declared that there were two things by which empires were obtained, retained and increased:
soldiers and money. One helped the other and that if one of them failed the other must also fail.
{Dio. 1.42.}

vv It does not seem that he was at Athens on the first of September, (Julian June 17th) for many
things were reported to detain him in Asia, especially Pharnaces. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 11. epist.
24.} However, Pharnaces was so suddenly conquered, (as it is in the epitome of {Livy, 1. 115.})
and all things so quickly settled, that he came to Italy sooner than anyone imagined."

5046. as Hirtius observes. {Hirtius, Alexandrian war, fin}

5047. Caesar came to Rome just at the end of the year when he was made dictator. (This office
had never been an annual office.) He was declared consul for the next year. {Plutarch, in
Caesar}

5048. Pharnaces turned over Synope to Domitius Calvinus who was left by Caesar to continue
the war against him. He accepted the peace terms and dismissed him with his 1000 cavalry.
Calvinus killed their horses which grieved their owners. From their Pharnaces sailed {Appian, in
Mithridatic, p. 254.} and fled into Pontus. Appian {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 485.} stated that
Pharnaces fled back into the kingdom of Bosphorus that was given to him by Pompey.

5049. Herod, the prefect of Galilee, captured Hezekiah, a Jew, with many accomplices of his
thievery, who were accustomed to invade Syria with his bands. Herod put him to death and this
gained him much favour with the Syrians. Then he governed the province of Syria. { Josephus,
Wars, 1. 1. c. 8., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 17.}

5050. Phasaelus, was jealous of his brother's glory, and got himself into the favour of the
inhabitants of Jerusalem by doing all public business personally and not abusing his power to
harm anyone. By this, it came to pass that Antipater, his father, was reverenced by the whole
country as if he had been the king. However his fidelity and goodwill which he owed to
Hyrcanus, was maintained. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 8., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 17.}

3958a AM, 4667 JP, 47 BC

5051. Caesar undertook an expedition against P. Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey the Great,
M. Cato, and Juba, the king of Mauritania. On the 13th day before January, he came to
Lilybaeum. From there, on the 5th day before January, he sailed and after four days came within
sight of Africa. {Hirtius, de Bell. African., 1.1.} The 13th day before January was on the Julian
September 30th. This was the year before the institution of the new calendar, as the counting
backwards from the long following year of 445 days made in the month of January, the first
Julian year, (as will be shown later) Plutarch and Dio did not note this fact. Plutarch stated that
Caesar crossed into Sicilia about the winter solstice, {Plutarch, in Caesar} and Dio said that he
went into Africa in the middle of winter. {Dio, 1. 43. } However, that he went into Africa before
winter was clearly affirmed by Cicero. {Cicero, de divination., 1. 2.}

vv When Caesar was advised that he should not go into Africa before winter, did he not go? No,
if he had not gone, all the forces of his adversaries would have made their rendezvous in one
place."

5052. On the first of January, (Julian October 13th) Caesar camped at a town called Ruspina. On
January 4th, (Julian October 16th) the third day that he landed in Africa, there was a most fierce
battle which lasted from five o'clock in the morning until sunset. Caesar defeated Labienus and
Petreius. On the 5th day before February, (Julian November 6th) he again defeated the enemy's
army under the command of Labienus and Scipio. {Hirtius, de Bell. African., 1.1.}

5053. Dio {Dio, 1. 42.} noted that Pharnaces tried by force to enter into Bosphorus and was cast
into prison and put to death by Asander. Appian gives more details. { Appian, Mithridatics, p.
254. } Thus Pharnaces had gathered together a band of Scythians and Sarmatians and captured
Theudocia and Panticapeum. When he made war on Asander, his cavalry men who had no
horses and were not used to fighting on foot, were defeated. Pharnaces fought valiantly even
though he was now 50 years old. He was wounded and killed. He had reigned fifteen years in
Bosphorus, as Appian has it, or rather seventeen years. That time is the time from the murder of
his father Mithridates.

5054. Caecilius Bassus was an equestrian who fled from the battle of Pharsalus after Pompey
was defeated. He lived as a private citizen at Tyre, where some of his own side came to him. He
won the favour of these men and the soldiers of Sextus, the governor of Syria. These came at
various times to guard the city. Since there was much news brought of Caesar's ill fortune in
Africa, he became discontent and tried to instigate a revolt. Sextus arrested him for this before

he was completely ready. Bassus excused himself by saying that he only raised forces to help
Mithridates Pergamenus to capture Bosphorus. So Sextus believed him and let him go. {Dio, 1.
47.}

5055. The noble men of the Jews began to detest Antipater and his sons because they were so
highly honoured by the Jewish nation and became rich by the money from Hyrcanus and by the
revenues from Judea. Antipater made friendship with the Roman generals and by persuaded
Hyrcanus to send money to them. He got the credit for this gift as if he had sent it from his own
treasury and had not received it from Hyrcanus. When Hyrcanus heard about this, he was not
angry but rather contented. However the violence and bold nature of Herod, who was desirous
of the government, terrified the princes of the Jews the most. For this reason, they went to
Hyrcanus and publicly accused Antipater. They complained most of all of Herod because he had
put to death Hezekiah along with many others without any order received from Hyrcanus. This
was in contempt of the laws by which no man was punished no matter how wicked unless he
was first condemned by the judges. Everyday the mothers also of those who were killed, did not
stop complaining and crying in the temple and persuaded both the king and the people that
Herod should give an account of his actions before the Sanhedrim. Therefore Hyrcanus yielded
to their requests and ordered that Herod be summoned before the council and to plead his own
case. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.}

5056. When Herod had arranged the affairs of Galilee as he thought best for himself, he was
warned by his father that he should not go into the counsel alone. He should take with him a
moderate but sufficient guard, lest he should terrify Hyrcanus if he brought too many. Neither
should he leave himself exposed to any danger from the judgment. When Herod presented
himself before the Sanhedrim in his royal robes with his guard in arms, they were all astonished.
Neither dared anyone who accused him when he was absent, speak a word against him when he
was present. All kept silence not knowing what to do. Then Sameas spoke who was one of the
council. He was a just man and for this reason not afraid for that old proverb of the Hebrews
showed that he was no hot spirited man.

vv Be thou humble as Hillel, and not !dpq angry as Sameas"

5057. He accused Herod of presumption and violence but laid the blame on the judges and the
king himself, who had granted him such great liberty. He said later that by the just judgment of
God, they would be punished by Herod himself. This actually happened for the judges of that
council and Hyrcanus were put to death by Herod when he was king. When Hyrcanus saw that
the judges were inclined to condemn Herod, he deferred the business until the next day. He
privately advised him to take care of himself. So Herod left for Damascus as though he fled
from the king. He presented himself before Sextus Caesar. After he had secured his own affairs,
Herod professed publicly that if he were again cited before the judges, he would not appear. The
judges took this with great disdain and tried to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things would be
his downfall. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.}

3958b AM, 4668 JP, 46 BC

5058. When Caesar was in Africa, 1 1 days before April (Julian October 21st) he mustered his
army. The next day he brought out all his forces and set them in battle array. After he had waited
long enough for his enemies to come to battle, he knew they were not willing to fight, so he

brought his forces into their camp again. {Hirtius, de bell. Afric.}

5059. Caecilius Bassus stated from the letters that he forged that he had received news from
Scipio that Caesar was defeated and dead in Africa and that the government of Syria was
committed to his charge. Therefore with those soldiers he had secured for that purpose, he
seized Tyre and from there marched toward Sextus' forces. He was wounded and defeated and
after that did not try to take Sextus by force. {Dio, 1. 47. }

5060. On the 4th of April, (Julian February 4th) in the third watch of the night, Caesar left the
town Agar and marched 16 miles that night. He began to fortify Thapsus that day. Here he had a
famous battle and defeated Juba and Scipio. After this battle, Cato committed suicide in Utica.
{Hirtius, de bell. Afric.}

5061. When Sextus Caesar had been bribed by Herod, he made him the governor of Coelosyria.
Herod was quite upset that he was called before the council and led an army against Hyrcanus.
However, by the meeting and intreaties of his father Antipater and brother Phasaelus, he was
prevented from invading Jerusalem. They tried to appease him and desired that he should be
content with giving them a good fright and do them no harm. He should do no more and obey
his father who had given him his power and government. Herod obeyed this advice and thought
that he had done sufficient for his future plans and that he had shown the country he was a force
to be reckoned with. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.}

5062. In Africa, Caesar is reported to have seen in his sleep, a great army calling to him and
weeping. He was so moved by this dream that he immediately recorded it into his books of
remembrances concerning the building of Carthage and Corinth. {Appian, in Lybicus. p. 85.}

5063. Hyrcanus, through his ambassadors, desired that Julius Caesar would confirm the alliance
and friendship that was between them. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.}

5064. Caecilius Bassus sent some of his party to Sextus Caesar's soldiers who should raise their
hopes and so ally themselves to him. After they had killed Sextus, they had his own legion come
over to his side. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.} {Livy, 1. 114.} {Libo. apud Appian, Civil Wars,
1. 3. p. 576.} {Dio, 1. 47.} However, this story is reported by others like this. Sextus was a young
man and liked pleasure. He poorly treated the legion that Julius Caesar had left in Syria for him.
Bassus, to whom the care of the legion was committed, reprehended him for this. Sometimes
Sextus reproachfully rejected this advice. One time later when Sextus ordered Bassus to come,
he slowly obeyed. Sextus ordered him to be brought by head and shoulders. In this tumult, the
two started fighting. When the army could not endure this insolence any longer, they killed
Sextus with their arrows. They were soon sorry for what they had done and were afraid of
Caesar. They made a conspiracy that if they received no pardon and good assurance of it, they
would fight it out to the last man. They also forced Bassus to join the conspiracy. After this, they
raised a new company and trained them in the same discipline that they kept. {Appian, Civil
War, 1. 3. p. 575, 576., 1. 4. p. 613.}

5065. Bassus took over all the army, except a few who had wintered at Apamea who had left for
Cilicia before his arrival. He in vain followed them there. When he returned to Syria, he was
nominated praetor and fortified Apamea that he might make that the seat of the war. He enlisted
all for the war who were of full age both freemen and servants. He minted money and made

amis. {Dio, 1. 47.}

5066. When Caesar had finished the African war on June 13th (Julian April 14th), he sailed
from Utica. After the third day he came to Carales into Sardinia. Two days before July, (Julian
April 29th) he went by ship near the shore. On the 28th day after (Julian May 26th) because he
was hindered by storms, he came to the city of Rome. {Hirtius, in bell. Africa, in fin. }

5067. Caesar triumphed at Rome four times in the same month with a few days between each
triumph. Each one displayed different equipment and provisions. {Suetonius, in Julio, c. 37.}
The chariot for Gaul, was made of the citron tree, for Pontus, of brazel, for Alexandria, of
tortoise shell, and for Africa, ivory. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 56.} In the Pontic triumph
among the pageants and shows, he carried before him the title of these three words, "VENI,
VIDI, VICI." "I came, I saw, I conquered" This did not signify the acts achieved by him like
other conquerors, but the quick execution of this war. { Suetonius, in Julio, c. 37. } In this, the
flight of Pharnaces made the people laugh. The Alexandrian triumph for Egypt was held
between the Gallic and the Pontic ones. In it the actions of Achillas and Photinus were very
plausibly presented. (??) {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 491.} Arsinoe, the Egyptian woman and at
that time considered a queen, was led among the captives. (This had never happened at Rome
before.) This raised much pity in the people for her. After the triumph as a favour to her
relatives, she was released. {Dio. 1. 43.}

5068. Her family, that is her older sister Cleopatra and younger brother Ptolemy, the husband of
Cleopatra, came to Rome this year when Caesar invited them. Caesar appointed Cleopatra her
lodging in his own house, and sent her away with great honours and rewards and did not care at
all for the gossip he created by this. {Dio, 1. 43.} {Suetonius, in Julio, c. 52.} Also in the temple
of Venus Genetrix, which he built for a vow he made as the battle of Pharsalus was being fought
(Dio confirmed it was dedicated this year by him), Caesar set up an image of Cleopatra beside
Venus. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 492.}

5069. In Syria, C. Antistius (Vetus) and others from Caesar's captains, came against Caecilius
Bassus with cavalry and foot soldiers. He besieged him in Apamea. The neighbouring countries
that favoured Caesar's party sent forces to help. Antipater sent forces by his sons as well for the
sake of Sextus Caesar who was killed and Julius Caesar who was alive because he was a friend
to both of them. They fought for a long time to no ones' advantage. A truce was made with no
articles or covenants. They suspended the war to bring in more auxiliaries. { Josephus, Wars, 1. 1
c. 8. fin., Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17. fin.} {Dio, 1. 47.}

5070. Mithridates Pergamenus again plundered the temple of Lencothea (in the country of the
Moschi near the Phases River) which was previously plundered by Pharnaces. {Strabo, 1. 11. p,
498.} Like Pharnaces before him, he tried to seize Bosphorus. Asander (referred to by Strabo as
Calander and Lysander) defeated him and so when he had eliminated both of them, Asander
quietly enjoyed the kingdom of Bosphorus. {Strabo, 1. 11. p. 495., 1. 13. p. 625.}

5071. When Julius Caesar was high priest in his third year and in the consulship of M. Aemihus
Lepidus, he ordered the amendment of the Roman year. He had the help of Sosigenes in
astronomical matters and of Flarius, a scribe, in arranging the calendar. There were 23 days
intercalated in the month of February. He interposed between November and December, two
other intercalary months of 67 days. So that this year had 15 months or 445 days. {Censorinus

de die. natali. c. 8.} {Suetonius, in Julio, c. 40.} {Pliny 1. 18. c. 25.} {Dio, 1. 43.} {Macrob.,
Saturnal. 1. I.e. 14.}

3959a AM, 4668 JP, 46 BC

5072. The day before the former intercalary months (Julian September 26th), Cicero made a
speech before Caesar for Q. Ligarius. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 6. epist. 14.}

3959b AM, 4669 JP, 45 BC

5073. From the month of January, when Caesar started his fourth consulship, the year is
reckoned as the first of the new Julian year. From this time, he appointed the beginning of the
year as decreed by him. {Censorin., de die. natali. c. 8.}

5074. Caesar made war in Spain with Pompey's sons, 10 days before March and captured the
town of Aregna. He was called emperor when the Liberalia (as it is called by {Plutarch, in
Caesar}) were celebrated fifteen days before the month of April (as is shown from the old
calendar.) He achieved a memorable victory at the city Munda when in the battle 30,000 men on
Pompey's side along with the two generals, Labienus and Atius Varus and almost 3000
equestrians were killed. Caesar lost about 1000 men and had about 500 wounded. After his
young Cn. Pompey was killed who assumed the ensigns of the consul and the government, his
head was presented to Caesar as he was marching to Hispales. This was on April 12th and the
head was publicly shown to the people. {Author, commentaries de bell. Hispaniensi. }

5075. The day before the Palilia, (11 days before May) about evening the news of this victory
came to Rome. (Dio. 1. 43.) The day before May, Caesar wrote a consolatory letter from Hispalis
to M. Cicero {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 23. epist. 20.} for the death of his daughter, Tullia. After the
divorce of her mother Terentia, she died at P. Lentulus' house in childbirth {Ascon. Pedian. in
orat. Pisonian} {Plutarch, in Cicero} when her husband, P. Cornilius Dolabella, was in Spain
with Caesar. {Cicero, ad Attic, Philippic. 2. 1. 13.}

5076. Caius Octavian, the grandchild of his sister, Julia, accompanied Caesar in this war. He
was 18 years old and always stayed in the same house with Caesar and always rode in the same
coach with him. Caesar honoured this lad with the high priesthood. { Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c
59.}

5077. When King Dejotarus was in some trouble, he sent Blesanius, his ambassador, to Spain to
Caesar. Caesar, by letters sent to him from Tarracon, bid him be of good hope and good
courage. {Cicero, pro Dejotarus}

5078. While the war in Syria with Caecilius Bassus was going on, L. Statius (in Velleius he was
called, Staius, and in Appian, Sextius) Murcus (incorrectly called by Josephus, Marcus) who
was a former praetor was sent by Julius Caesar as the successor to Sextus. He left Italy with
three companies and was valiantly defeated by Bassus. (Velleius Patercius, 1. 2. c 69.}
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 8. fin., Antiq. 1. 14. c 17. fin.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 576., 1. 4. p.
623.} The country had well furnished the army of Bassus. He also had many Arabian princes
who were allied with him in this war. These controlled many fortified places that were near by.

Among these places, was Lysias which was located beyond the lake which is near to Apamea
and Arethusa, the country of Sampseranus and of his Iamblycus. {of whom Cicero mentioned in
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 15. epist. 1.}) These princes governed the countries of the
Emisseni, Heliopolis and Chalcis. Also there were near those who were under the command of
Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, who also governed Marsya and the mountainous places of the
Ituraeans. {Strabo, 1. 26, p. 753.}

5079. Alchaudonius, the Arabian (called Alchaedamus by Strabo) was the king of the
Rhambaean nomads who lived near the Euphrates River. They had formerly made a league with
Lucullus but later had sent forces to the Parthians against Crassus. Both Bassus and his enemies
appealed to them for help. Alchaudonius went into Mesopotamia. When he came to a place that
was between Apamea and the camp of Caesar's supporters, before he would answer either side,
he proposed that he would help those who gave him the most. In the battle he greatly over
powered the enemy by his archery. {Strabo, 1. 26, p. 753.} {Dio, 1. 47.}

5080. On the 13th of September, Caesar made his last will and testament in his own house at
Laticum and committed it to the keeping of the head vestal virgin. In it he appointed three
grandchildren of his sister's, as his heirs. C. Octavian received 75% (not 50% as it is in {Livy, 1.
116.}), Lucius Pinarius and Q. Pedius received 25%. He also adopted C. Octavian into his name
and family. He named also many of his murderers as tutors to his sons if he should happen to
have any. He appointed also Decimus Brutus to be one of his second heirs in remainder
{Suetonius, in Julio, c. 83.} and M. Antony {Dio, 1. 44.} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 4.} if those formerly
appointed could not take the inheritance. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 518.}

3960a AM, 4669 JP, 45 BC

5081. In the month of October, Caesar who had now conquered all, entered Rome and pardoned
all who fought against him. { Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 56. } After he had performed the
triumph for Spain, in the beginning of this month, he retired from the consulship. He instituted a
new order by substituting honourary consuls. He made Q. Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius the
consuls for three months. {Dio, 1. 43.} {Gruteri, cum inscript. p. 298. init. } The former of whom
had been consul and triumphed for Spain on October 13th. {Gruteri, p. 297.} Thereupon, when
Chrysippus had seen in the triumph of Caesar, the ivory towns carried before him and a few
days later the wooden ones of Fabius Maximus, he said they were but the cases for Caesar's
towns. {Quintilian, 1. 6. c. 4.}

5082. Very many and great honours were decreed by the senate to Caesar. He was declared to be
the perpetual dictator {Livy, 1. 116.} and he was called emperor. {Suetonius, in Julius, c. 76.}
This was not in the sense in which both before and after, it was given to generals for any victory
they had obtained in the wars. This signified the highest power and authority in the state {Dio, 1.
43. } for it was granted to him that he alone should have soldiers and the command of the militia.
He alone should take charge of the public money and that it should be lawful for no other to
make use of either of these. All the magistrates should be subject to him, including the
magistrates of the common people. They should swear that they would never infringe on any of
his decrees. {Dio, 1. 43.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 194.} From this time to his last return to
the city, Velleius declared: {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 56.}

vv His five months of his principal office."

5083. Caesar thought of repressing the Getae or Daci who had made a large invasion into Pontus
and Thracia. {Suetonius, in Julius, c. 44.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 497.} To prepare for this
expedition, he sent ahead Octavian, the son of Atiae by his sister Julia's daughter, to Apollonia.
He was to study there and learn martial discipline. He intended later to make him his fellow
soldier in the Getic and Pontic war. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 59.} {Suetonius, in Octavian c.
8.} {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 531.} {Dio, 1. 45.} Some squadrons
from Pergamos came there. They were now very old, and he took them along from the city to
there. {Suetonius, in Octavian c. 89.} {Strabone, 1. 13. p. 625.} To that place came some
squadrons of cavalry from Macedonia with whom he was exercised. By entertaining them
courteously, he became very gracious with the army. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 531.}

5084. Castor, a young man, was incited by his father, Suocondarius, (as Strabo calls him) and
his mother, the daughter of King Dejotarus. He went to Rome to accuse his grandfather. After he
corrupted Philip, the king's servant and a Phisitian, with hopes and promises that he should
accuse his master falsely of treason. The king would have killed Caesar when he entertained him
in his tetrarchy. The king's ambassadors, Hieras, Blescenius, Antigonus and Dorylaus opposed
this and offered to Caesar their own lives for the safety of the two kings. (The father and son
then reigned together.) Cicero made a speech in Caesar's house for him in memory of their old
friendship and familiarity. He prefaced his remarks with the statement that it was so unusual for
a king to be guilty of treason that it was never heard of before. However, for this accusation,
Dejotarus had killed his daughter, together with her husband Castor or Suocondarius (that noble
Chronographer) in Garbrius the palace of Castor himself. {Strabo, 1. 13. p. 568.} Concerning all
this business Vessius (alas! our dear friend for sometime) is to be consulted in the last chapter of
his first book of Greek Historians.

5085. On December 13th (ides), Q. Pedius triumphed for Spain, (the third time within three
months,) {Grater, Inscript. p. 197) in which (as Fabius had done before him) he used wooden
pageants instead of ivory ones which caused much laughter. {Dio, 1. 43. }

5086. The Parthians came to help Caecilius Bassus but did not stay long because it was winter
and did not do anything outstanding for him. Dio {Dio, 1. 47.} stated that by their arrival, Bassus
was freed from that close siege by Antistius Velus, as Velus himself confirms in his letters to
Balbus. Concerning this, Cicero wrote, {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14. epist. 9.}

vv Balbus was here with me to whom letters were delivered on the day before the month of
January from Balbus when as Caecilius was besieged by him and was almost taken. Pacorus, the
Parthian came with numerous forces and so he escaped from him with the loss of many of his
men. He blamed Volcatius for this. So it seems to me that war is near but let Nelcias and
Dollabella take care of it."

5087. That is to whom the care of the province of Syria and of the Parthian war was committed
after the death of Caesar when Cicero wrote this letter.

5088. At Rome, the day before the month of January, after Q. Fabius Maximus, the consul, was
dead, C. Caninins Rebilus demanded the consulship of a few towns. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14.
epist. 9.} {Pliny, 1. 7. c 53.} {Suetonius, in Claudius, c 15.} {Trebell Pallion., in 30. Tyrannis.}
Concerning whom, Cicero wrote to Curtius. {Cicero, Letter to his Friends, 1. 7. epist. 30.}

vv Know that all the time that Caninius was consul, there no one dined. However, there was no
harm done all the time that he was consul for he was very vigilant as one who never slept in his
consulship." {Macrob., Saturnal, 1. 2. c. 3., 1. 7. c. 3.}

5089. The next day Caesar assumed his fifth and last consulship. He made an edict that thanks
should be returned to Hyrcanus, the high priest and prince of the Jews and to the country of the
Jews for their affection to him and the people of Rome. Caesar also decreed that Hyrcanus
should have the city of Jerusalem and should rebuild its walls and govern it after his own will.
He also granted to the Jews that every second year there should be a deduction in their rents and
that they should be free from impositions and tributes. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17.} Josephus
seems to be mistaken when in the previous chapter he said that Caesar was in Syria and sent
letters to Rome to the consuls. The letters said that authority should be given to Hyrcanus to
rebuild the walls of Jerusalem that Pompey had thrown down. Josephus said that shortly after
this, Caesar left Syria, and Antipater started to rebuild the walls. That decree of the senate that
Josephus recorded did not apply to Hyrcanus, nor to the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem.
We have seen this in 3877 AM «» concerning which also Salianus is to be consulted with at
the year 4007 AM num. 36, 37.

5090. In the same fifth consulship, in the second Julian year, the month Quintilis was renamed
to July in honour of Julius Caesar. M. Antony, his colleague in the consulship, proposed this law
because Julius was born on the fourth of ides of Quintilis in this month. (July 12th) { Appian,
Civil War, 1. 2. p. 494.} {Dio, 1. 44.} {Censorin, de die natali, c. 9.} {Mucrabins, Saturnal, 1. 2.
c. 12.} Thereupon, in the following term of Serceilis, M. Brutus, who was the city's praetor and
was to hold the Apollinanian plays after Caesar was murdered by him, wrote "Nonis Julio" the
"Nones of July." Cicero wrote to his friend Atticus, {Cicero, ad Atticus, 1. 16. epist. 1.}

VV I could be angry an whole day. Could anything be more base, than for Brutus to write Julio?"

5091. After Brutus was admonished for this by him, he said that he would write that the hunting
that was to be the day after the Apollinanian Plays, should be on the 3rd ides of Quintilis. (July
13th) {Cicero, ad Atticus, 1. 16. epist. 4.}

5092. Caesar rebuilt Carthage and Corinth which were both demolished at one time, (See note
on 3858 AM) by bringing Roman colonies there. {Dio. 1. 43.} {Strabo, 1. 8. p. 381., 1. 17. p.
833.} Concerning Corinth, the writers {Pausanias, in Corinthianis } {Solinus, de Carthage, c.
30. } {Appian, Lybicorum, fin. } agree that between the overthrow and rebuilding of Carthage,
102 years elapsed. This would brings us to this year when M. Antony and P. Dolabella were
consuls whom Solinus named. Appian wrote that these cities were again rebuilt by Augustus
Caesar.

5093. At this time, the people of Rome were in a mood to revenge the death of Crassus and the
army that he lost and hoped to utterly conquer the Parthians. Thereupon this war, by general
consent, was decreed to be headed by Caesar. They very earnestly made preparations for it. The
following action was taken for the execution of that war so that both Caesar might have officers
enough with him and that in his absence that the city should not be left without magistrates. So
the city would not choose them and cause problems for Caesar when he was away, they intended
to appoint magistrates before hand for the whole three years. (This was how long they thought
that the war might last.) Half of these Caesar chose as indeed was by the law granted to him,

(concerning this law consult Suetonius) In truth he chose all the rest too. {Dio, 1. 43. }

5094. Caesar planned to attack the Cetae or Daci first. He sent ahead of him over the Adriatic
Sea, sixteen legions and 10,000 cavalry. Then he planned to make war on the Parthians by going
through Armenia the Less. He did not want to come to a pitched battle, until he had tried his
troops. (Suetonius, in Julius, c. 44.} {Appian, 1. 2. p. 497.}

5095. Caesar sent Cornisicius to make war in Syria against Caecilius Bassus, and gave him the
province of Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12., epist. 18. 19.} While the legions were to
be brought to him, Caesar was murdered. After that the province was assigned to P. Cornelius
Dolabella, the consul and (as we shall see) old Africa was given to Cornisicius. {Cicero, Letters
to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 19. 21.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 4. p. 620. 621.}

5096. Caesar committed the charge and command of three legions that he had left in Alexandria
to Rufinus, the son of a freed man of his who was an old catamite (boy kept for homosexual
purposes) of his own. {Suetonius, in Julius, c. 76.}

5097. Six days (7th of calends) before February, Caesar entered the city. In a speech from the
Albana Mount, {Gruters, Inscript. p. 297. } it was decreed that in the performance of the Latin
Feria, he should be thus brought into the city. {Dio, 1. 44. }

5098. Some had greeted him as king, as he was returning from the sacrifice of the Latin Feria
and going into the city from the mount Albanus. He was offended that the people took it poorly
and told them that he was Caesar and not a king. When they all held their peace, he went along
by them very sad and melancholy. One of the company put a laurel crown tied with a white
ribbon, (which was what they used to do to their kings,) on his statue. Epidius Marcellus and
Coesilius Flavus ordered that the crown to be untied and the man to be put into prison. Caesar
was grieved that the mention of a kingdom was not well received or that the glory of denying it
was taken from him. He severely chided the tribunes and deprived them of their office.
{Suetonius, in Julius, c. 79.} {Plutarch, in codem} {Dio. 1. 41.} {Livy. 1. 116.} {Appian, Civil
War, 1.2. p. 495. 496.}

5099. On the Lupercalia (which the old calendar showed were celebrated on the 15th day of
February) M. Antony, his colleague in the consulship, came running stark naked among those
who celebrated the feast. He fell down before Caesar, who sat in the rostrum on his golden chair
clothed in purple and crowned. He presented him with a diadem in the name of the people of
Rome. This was twice put on his head by Antony, but Caesar took it off again and laid on his
golden chair. He said that only Jupiter was the king of the Romans and sent the diadem into the
Capitol to Jupiter. He ordered that it should be written in the records:

vv That at the Lupercalia, Marcus Antony the consul, offered a kingdom to Caesar the dictator,
but he would not take it."

5100. Thereupon Caesar was suspected that this was only a trick between them and that indeed
he did desire the name of king but he would pretend to be forced to take it. {Appian, Civil War,
1. 2. p. 495. 496.} {Cicero, in Philip, 2. 3. 8. 13.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 56.} {Plutarch, in
Antony} {Cassador., in Chronico.}

5101. After this a rumour circulated which was either true or false, (as fables used to be made)
that the priest called Quindecimviri found in the Sybil's book that the Parthians would be
overcome by the Romans if a king were general. Otherwise they were unconquerable.
Thereupon L. Cotta, one of the Quindecimviri, would in the next senate propose a law that
Caesar should be called king. Some thought that he ought to be called either dictator or emperor
of the Romans or any other name that sounded more agreeable than the name of king. Since all
other nations were under the command of the Romans, he should positively be called king.
{Suetonius} {Plutarch} {Dio, 1. 41} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p. 497.} Cicero also refers to this:
{Cicero, de divinat, 1. 2.}

"We observe in the Sybil's verses which she is reported in a fury to have spoken which were
interpreted by L. Cotta. These were recently thought to be man's fabrications as though it is that
the one we have now already for a king, must be called a king, if we will be secure."

5102. Caesar prepared to leave the city as soon as he could and he had not thought of where to
go. Four days before he intended to go, he was stabbed in the senate. {Appian, Civil War, p.
497.} Sixty senators and equestrians were in this conspiracy. {Suetonius, in Julius, c. 80.}
{Eutropius, 1. 6. fin.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 17.} M. Brutus, C. Tribonius and C. Cassius and of
Caesar's party, Decimus Brutus, where the leaders in the conspiracy. {Livy, 1. 116.} Caesar
came into the senate house with the intention of advocating the Parthian war. The senators
stabbed him as he sat in the ivory chair and he received twenty three wounds. {Livy, 1. 116}
{Floras, History of Rome, 1. 4. c. 2. fin.} on the ides of March (March 15th). He was 56 years
old. {Suetonius, in Julius, c. 81, 88, 91.} {Plutarch, in codem.} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 2. p.
522.}

5103. Thus he who had fought in fifty battles, {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 25. } was killed in that senate by a
number of the senators he had chosen himself. He was killed in Pompey's court before the image
of Pompey. Many of his own centurions witnessed this. He so fell by the hands of the most
noble citizens and those too, most of them he had promoted himself. None of his friends and
none of his servants could come near his body. {Cicero, de divinatione, 1. 2. }

5104. P. Cornelius Dolabella, was twenty five years old and was appointed by Caesar to be
consul for the rest of Caesar's term when Caesar left the city. He snatched up the fasces and the
consular ensigns. Before them all, he vilely reproached the author of his honour. Some state that
he purposed a law that that day might be reckoned as the birthday of the city. {Appian, Civil
War, 1. 2. p. 505, 506.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 58.}

5105. The third day after the murder of Caesar, {Cicero, Philippic} when the Liberalia were
celebrated, {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14. epist. 10. & 16.} that is fifteen days before April (16th of
calends), the senate convened in the temple of Tellus. The consul Antonius, Plancos and Cicero
spoke for an act of oblivion and a peace. It was decreed that the memory of all wrongs should be
blotted out, a firm peace should be established among the citizens and Caesar's acts should be
ratified. {Cicero. Philippic. 1.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 58.} {Plutarch, in Cicero, Brutus,
Antony} {Appian, Civil Wars, 1. 2.} {Dio, 1. 44.}

5106. On the very day first of all {Cicero, Philippic 1.} M. Antony set aside all hostility and was
willing that Dolabella should be his colleague in the consulship. Although, as Caesar previously
showed, that he planned before he left the city that Dolabella should be consul and Antony

strongly opposed it. {Cicero, Philippic 2. } {Plutarch, in Antony} At the first he had determined
not to allow him to be consul since he was still too young. However, from fear lest he should
cause a riot, he allowed it to happen. {Dio, 1. 44.}

5107. The next day the senate met again and assigned provinces to the murderers of Caesar.
Crete went to M. Brutus, Africa to Cassius, Asia to Trebonius, Bithynia to Cimber and Gallia
Circumpana to Decimus Brutus. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus}

5108. Of these, the last two were former praetors of the city. They did not think it wise to enter
the provinces before their term of office as praetors had expired in Rome. When they also saw it
was not safe for them to exercise any authority in the city, they planned to spend the rest of the
year in Italy as private citizens. When the senate understood this, they appointed them to be
overseers of the grain shipments to Rome. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 550.} Brutus was in
charge of the grain shipments from Asia and Cassius from Sicily. Cassius scorned this office.
{Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 15. epist. 9, 11, 12.}

5109. Some had a plan that there should be a private bank established for those who killed
Caesar from the Roman equestrians. They thought that this might be easily brought about if the
leaders of them would bring in their money. Thereupon, Atticus was called upon by Flavius, a
close friend of Brutus, that he would be the leader in this business. Atticus always thought of
doing his friend a favour without causing any friction. He replied that if Brutus had any mind to
make use of his estate, let him use as much as his estate would allow. He would not so much as
speak with anyone about this matter nor join with them in it. So the whole plot of them was
spoiled by one man's dissent. {Cornel. Nipos, Life of Atticus}

51 10. In the temple of Castor, some letters of the names of the consuls Antony and Dolabella
were struck down with lightning. Julius {Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis} stated that this
portended their alienation from their country.

5111. The consul Antony persuaded his colleague Dolabella, since he was an ambitious young
man, that he should request to be sent into Syria and to the army that was raised against the
Parthians. He brought it to pass that the province of Syria was allocated to Dolabella by the
votes of the people along with the Parthian war and the legions that were assigned by Caesar for
that purpose. Also those that were sent ahead into Macedonia were given to him. Antony then
obtained Macedonia from the senate which was not defended by an an army. {Appian, 1. 3. p.
530, 531, & 550.}

5112. Cicero feared Antony's power and determined at first to go with Dolabella into Syria as
his lieutenant. {Plutarch, in Cicero} On the 4th of April (4th of nones), Cicero was given the
lieutenancy so that he might enter the position when he wanted to. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 15.
epist. 12.} He was persuaded by Hirtius and Pausa who were designed consuls for the next year
and he changed his mind. He left Dolabella and planned to spend the summer at Athens.
{Plutarch, in Cicero} He would journey into Greece before the time that the Olympian games
were celebrated. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 15. epist. 24., 1. 16. epist. 7.} The 184th Olympiad was
celebrated in this year.

5113. In the sixth month after Octavian came to Apollonia, he received the news of his uncle's
death. He left Epirus for Italy and at Brundusium he was received by the army that went to meet

him as Caesar's son. Without any further delay, he immediately assumed the name of Caesar and
took upon him to be his heir. (So much the rather, since he had brought with him a great amount
of money and the large forces that were sent him by Caesar.) At Brundusium, he was adopted
into the Julian family and after this called himself Caius Julius Caesar Octavian instead of Caius
Octavian. {Livy, 1. 117.} {Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis} {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 531,
532.} {Dio, 1.45.}

51 14. For this very name, just as if he had been a true son, a large number of friends, both freed
men and slaves, came to him. They brought soldiers also, who either carried provision and
money into Macedonia or brought the tributes and other money that they had exacted from the
provinces to Brundusium. He was strengthened and emboldened by the number of them that
flocked to him. By the authority of the name of Caesar, he was held in high esteem with the
common people. He journeyed toward Rome with a considerable following which daily
increased like a flood. {Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 532, 535.}

5115. Thirteen days before May (14th of calends), Octavian came to Naples and the next day at
Cumae he visited Cicero. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14. epist. 10.} Cicero wrote a letter to Atticus
twelve days before May (13th of calends). {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14. epist. 12.}

vv Octavian was with us and was very noble and friendly. His own followers greeted him by the
name of Caesar, but Philip would not."

5116. His mother Atia, and his father-in-law Philip did not approve that he should take the name
of the envied fortune of Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 60.} {Suetonius, Octavia, c. 8.}
{Appian., Civil War, 1. 3. p. 532, 533.}

51 17. A vast company of friends met Octavian as he was coming to Rome. When he entered the
city, the globe of the sun seemed to be on his head and equally bent and rounded like a bow, (as
it were putting a crown upon the head of him that later was to be so famous a man.) {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c 59.} {Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis.}

vv When he entered the city with a large number around him, the sun was included in the circle of
a pure and unclouded sky and surrounded him with the inmost part of the circle."

51 18. (as the rainbows are usually bent in the clouds.) That is a circle of various colours as is
usual in the rainbow, at that time surrounded the sun. {Seneca, Natural. Questions, 1. 1. c. 2.}
{Pliny, 1. 2. c 28.} {Suetonius, in Octavian. c 95.} {Dio. 1. 45.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 20.}

5119. Octavian called his friends together and over night ordered them all to be ready the next
morning with a good number of followers to meet him in the forum. Octavian went to Caius, the
brother of Antony the city praetor. Caius told him he accepted his adoption. It was the Roman
custom in an adoption, to interpose the authority of the praetor. His acceptance was registered
by the scribes. Then Octavian immediately left the forum and went to Antony, the consul.
{Appian, Civil War, 1. 3. p. 534. } The consul entertained him haughtily (but this was not from
contempt but fear) and scarcely admitted him into Pompey's gardens and gave him time to speak
with him. (Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 60.}

5120. The Circensian plays were neglected which were decreed to be solemnized for the honour
of Caesar in the Palilia. (10 days before May (1 1th of calends)) This was the day the news of
Caesar's victory in Spain came to Rome. The day before that day, {Dio, 1. 44, 45. } Quinctus and
Lamia wore crowns there for Caesar's honour's sake. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14. epist. 16, 22.}

5121. When the murderers of Caesar were sent into the provinces which were allocated to them
by lot, {Dio, 1. 44.} Caius Trebonius went into his province {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14. epist. 10.}
to succeed Q. Philippus as the proconsul of Asia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 13. epist. 73,
74. cf. epist. 43, 45.} Patisen went with him as an ordinary proquaestor. However, P. Lentulus,
the son of Publius Lentulus Spinther, was sent by the senate into Asia as an extraordinary
quaestor to gather in the tribute and to raise money. {Cicero, Letters to my Friends, 1. 12. epist.
14,15.}

5122. Ten days before June (1 1th calends), Trebonius came to Athens and there found young
Cicero earnestly at his study under Cratippus. He invited them both into his province of Asia.
Cicero stated this in his letters to his father, dated 11 days before June (12th calends), {Cicero,
Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 16.} His father replied by letter. {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 15. epist. fin.}

5123. On June 2nd (4th nones), a law was passed that the consuls should recognizance those
things that Caesar had ordained, decreed and done. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 16. epist. 18.}

5124. After Antony was appointed to oversee and execute those things which Caesar had
ordered to be done, he altered the notes and changed them at his pleasure. He did everything as
it pleased him as if it were by the appointment of Caesar. By this he gratified cities and
governors and amassed a huge fortune. He sold fields and tributes as well as freedoms also even
of the city of Rome. He sold these to individuals as well as to whole provinces and all people. A
record of these things were recorded on tables and hung up in the capitol. {Cicero, in Philippica.
2., Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 1.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 60.} {Plutarch, in Antony}

{ Appian, Civil War, 1. 3, p. 529. } {Dio, 1. 44. } In one of these tables, the richest cities of the
Cretians were freed from tributes and it was decreed that after the proconsulate of Brutus, Crete
would no longer be a province. {Cicero, in Philippica. 2., Letters to his Friends, 1. 2. epist. 1. }
Antony also received a great sum of money and amended a register also, as if the law had been
made by Caesar that the Sicilians would be made citizens of Rome. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14.
epist. 12.}

5125. As soon as King Dejotarus heard of Caesar's death, he recovered all things that were taken
from him of his own accord. However, his ambassadors were fearful and unskilful. Without the
consent of the rest of the king's friends, they gave Fulvis 100,000 sesterces as a bond and had a
decree hung in the capitol. It ridiculously pretended that everthing was restored by Caesar
himself. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 14. epist. 12., in 2. Philippic}

5126. When plays were to be performed to commemorate Caesar's victory the 13th of August
(as appears in the old calender {Gruterus, Inscriptions, p. 133.} they dared not do it publicly and
Octavian held them privately. (??) {Suetonius, in Octavian, c 10.} He committed the care for
the preparations for them to C. Matius, a most learned man, who gave this reason to Cicero for
his approving of this. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 11., epist. 27., ad Attic, epist. 2.} .

"I have taken care for the plays that the young Caesar made for the victory of Caesar. However,
it belonged to my private service to him and not to the state of the commonwealth. Yet this
service I ought to perform to the memory and honour of my best friend, although now dead.
Neither could I deny it at the request of that hopeful young man and most worthy Caesar."

5127. To this are to be referred those things from Dio. {Dio, 1. 45. }

"They sacrificed with certain processions on a particular day consecrated to him for his
victories."

5128. Dion affirms that it was previously decreed {Appian, Civil Wars, 1. 2., p. 494.} {Dio, 1.
43 } that those days should be celebrated with solemn sacrifices on which he obtained his
victories. It seems that the commemoration of all the victories he had obtained, were
remembered on this one day and consecrated for his victory sacrifices. Lucan, {Lucan, 1. 7.
init. } stated that the day of the victory of Pharsalus, the most famous of all the rest, was not
included among the feast days.

Rome hath oft celebrated times less dire, But this would in oblivion have retire.

5129. M. Brutus and Canus Cassius sent privately by letters to advise Trebonius in Asia and
Tullius Cimber in Bithynia that they should secretly gather money and raise an army. {Appian,
1. 8. p. 529, 530.} Cimber obeyed and also provided a navy. {Cossius to Cicero} {Cicero,
Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 13.} It was that drunken Cimber, whom Seneca stated
{Seneca, epist. 83.} made this joke about himself.

"Am I able to deal with anyone, who cannot bear wine?"

5130. At age nineteen, Caesar Octavian of his own accord and his own expense, gathered an
army. He himself wrote this in the breviary of his affairs which was engraved in the Ancyran
Marble, {Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 230.} eleven days before October (before the day of the 11th
calends), when he was almost 20 years old. Before the departure of Antony from the city,
(which happened in the following October) Octavian was commended to the senate through
Cicero and others that hated Antony. Octavian tried to get the favour of the people and to gather
an army. {Plutarch, in Antony} He prepared forces against Antony for his own safety and the
state. He stirred up the old soldiers that were sent into the colonies. {Livy, 1. 117.} Floras related
the matter thus:

"Octavian Caesar was pitied for his youth and wrongs he endured. He was gracious for the
majesty of that name that he had assumed. He called the old soldiers to arms and as a private
citizen then (who would believe it?) takes on the consul."

5131. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 4.} He is incorrect where he states:
"but eighteen years old"

5132. Neither is Dio who wrote that he was 18 years old when he assumed the name and took on
him, as Caesar's heir. {Dio, 1. 45. p. 271.} Neither is it accurately set forth by Seneca. {Seneca,

de dementia, 1. 1., c. 9.}

vv he was newly out of his eighteenth year"

5133. Neither is Velleius Paterculus correct:
vv he had entered on his nineteenth year"

5134. Paterculus stated:

vv O. Caesar had turned nineteen. He dared bold exploits and attained the highest position by his
own advice. He had a greater mind for the safety of the state than the senate had." {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 61.}

5135. When he began to prepare an army, he was almost twenty. From that time to his death was
57 years. Likewise Maximus the monk, in his calculations assigned the same time to his
government.

5136. Antony was afraid and held a meeting with him in the capital and they were reconciled.
The same night in his sleep, Antony dreamed that his right hand was struck with lightning. A
few days later, it was secretly whispered to him that Caesar sought to betray him. When he did
not believe Caesar who tried to clear himself, their old enmity broke out again. {Plutarch, in
Antony}

5137. Antony thought that he needed a larger force. He knew that the six legions in Macedonia
were the best soldiers and outnumbered his legions. There was a large band of archers, light
harnessed men and cavalry. All were excellently equipped. These were allocated to Dolabella,
because the Parthian war was assigned to him when Caesar made preparation against the
Parthians. He thought to draw these to his side because they were so close and could soon be in
Italy by crossing the Adriatic Sea. A false rumour was spread that the Getae heard of the death
of Caesar and wasted Macedonia with their invasion. Antony demanded an army from the senate
that he might take vengeance on the enemy. He said that the Macedonian army was raised by
Caesar against the Getae before he planned to attack the Parthians and that all things were now
quiet on the border of Parthia. Finally, they agreed to send one legion over to Dolabella and
Antony was chosen as general of the Macedonian army. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 541, 542.} Through
force, he had a law passed to change how the provinces were allocated. C. Antony, his brother,
would take Macedonia which was assigned to Marcus Brutus. The consul Mark Antony would
take Cisalpine Gaul that was assigned to Decimus Brutus. Antony would also command the
Macedonian army which was sent ahead by Caesar to Apollonia. {Dio, 1. 45.} {Livy, 1. 117.}
{Appian, 1. 3. p. 543, 545, 546.}

5138. It was reported that the legions of Alexandria were in arms that Bassus was sent for from
Syria and Cassius was expected. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 15. epist. 13.}

5139. When time for the plays had arrived which Critonius, the aedile, was to hold, Caesar
provided for his father, a golden chair and a crown. This thing was ordered by the decree of the
senate to be done for ever in all plays. Critonius would not allow Caesar to be honoured in those

plays that he held at his own private expense. (??) Caesar was brought before Antony as to the
consul. The consul told him that he would propose to the senate:

vv propose it and in the meantime I will provide the chair"

5140. Antony was exasperated and forbid this in the following plays. These Caesar had
solemnized and were instituted in honour of their mother, Venus, when a temple in the forum
was dedicated to Caesar as well as the forum itself. Antony publicly hated this fact. {Appian, 1.
3. p. 543, 544.}

5141. Five days (6th calends) before October in the marble inscriptions of the old calendar, (in
{Grater, Inscriptions, p. 135. fin.} compared with another whole one. {Grunter, Inscriptions, p.
133.}) it was engraved, "VENERI. GENETRICIIN. FORO. CAESAR." Therefore, on that day
Octavian made those plays to gain the people's favour. These were instituted for the completion
of the temple of Venus. He personally paid for these since he came from the same family, some
of whom, during Caesar's lifetime, had promised to solemnize the temple but did not do it. {Dio,
1. 45.} While Octavian was doing this, Seneca stated that a comet suddenly appeared. {Seneca,
in Natural Questions, 1. 7. c. 17.} {Suetonius, in Julio, c. 88.} {Pliny, 1. 2. c. 25.} Seneca said
Octavian himself stated the following:

vv In the very days of my plays there was a comet seen for seven days altogether, in the northern
part of the heaven. It arose about the eleventh hour of the day. It was clear and conspicuous in
all lands. The people generally thought that by this star, it was signified that Caesar's soul was
received into the number of the gods. Under that notion was that word added to the image of his
head that we recently consecrated in the forum."

5142. This was also seen on some coins that were minted after his death with the inscription,
"DIVI JULII", and noted by Virgil:

vv Thy father's star appeared in the north." {Aeneid, 8.}

3961a AM, 4670 JP, 44 BC

5143. The 9th (7th ides) of October, Antony came to Brundusium to meet four of five of the
Macedonian legions that he thought to win to his side with money. {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 13. epist. 23.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 552. 554.} {Dion, 1, 45. p. 276. edit. Gracolatin.
Hannoviensis.} These were granted to him by the senate and people of Rome to be used against
the Getae. However, he transported them to Italy. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 61.} {Appian, 1.
3. p. 543, 546, 558. fin.}

5144. Octavian also sent his friends with money to hire those soldiers for himself. {Dion, 1, 45.
p. 276. edit. Gracolatin. Hannoviensis.} He sent into Campania to secure for his side those
soldiers that his father had sent into the colonies to war. First he drew to his side, the old soldiers
of Galatia, then those of Casilinum, which lay on both sides of Capua. He gave each of them
500 denarii (which Appian and Dio, after the custom of the Greeks translate drachmas) He
gathered together about 10,000 men but they were not well armed nor marshalled into
companies. He marched with them under one ensign as a guard. {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 16. epist.

8., Philippic 3.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 61.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 552. 553.} These troops were
the first to be called the Evocati because when they had permission to retire from the army, they
were again called to service. {Servius Galba ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 10. epist. 30.}
{Dio,l. 45. p. 276., 1. 55. p. 565.}

5145. In the meantime, the four legions of Macedonia accused Antony for his delay in revenging
Caesar's death on the murderers. Without any acclamations, they conducted him to the tribunal
as if they would hear an account of this business before anything else. Antony took their silence
poorly. He did not contain himself but upbraided them for their ingratitude because they did not
acknowledge how much better it was to go into Italy than into Parthia. Neither did they show
any token of thankfulness. He also complained that they had not brought to him some disturbers
of the peace that were sent from that wicked young man (for so he called Caesar) but that he
would find them. He said he would march with the army to the province that was decreed to him
by the senate even that fortunate Gaul. He said that he would give to everyone there 100 denarii
or drachmas. This niggardliness of his promises was entertained with laughter. When he took
this badly, he was deserted and the disorder increased. {Appian. 1. 3. p. 554.} {Dion, 1. 45. p.
276.} {Cicero, ad Attic, 1. 16. epist. 8.}

5146. When Antony had demanded the rebels from the tribunes according to the discipline of
war, he drew out every tenth man by lot. He did not punish them all but only some of them and
thought to terrify them little by little. {Appian. 1. 3. p. 554, 555.} Also in the house of his host
on the bay of Brundusium, in the presence of his most covetous and cruel wife Fulvia, he put to
death some centurions that were taken from the Martian legion. (Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5, 13.}
{Dio,l. 45. p. 276.}

5147. When those of Caesar's party who were sent to bribe them, saw that they were more
provoked by this deed, they created libelous rumours among the army. They recalled to mind the
memory of Caesar when considering this business and cruelty of Antony. They invited them to
the liberality of the young man. Antony promised rewards to them that would tell him of them
and punishments to those who did not expose the offenders. He took it rather poorly that none
were discovered as if the army defended them. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 555.}

5148. When Octavian Caesar came to hold office, he endeavoured to win the people to himself.
Both M. Brutus and Caius Cassius gave up all hope of controlling the opinion of people and
were afraid of Caesar. They sailed from Italy and landed at Athens where they were
magnificently entertained. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 238. 239.} Cornelius Nepos, in the life of Atticus,
wrote that when Antony began to get the upper hand, they abandoned the government of those
provinces that were assigned to them by the consuls and went into exile.

vv and now both fearing the arms of Antony and now again to increase the envy they had against
Antony they pretended as though they were afraid and protested by their edicts that they would
willingly live in perpetual exile as long as the commonwealth was in peace. Neither would they
give any occasion for a civil war."

5149. Velleius Paterculus stated that they went out of Italy. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 62.}

5150. When some went to Octavian's side and some to Antony's, the armies sided with the one
that gave them the most. Brutus intended to leave Italy and though Lucania came by land to the

sea at Elea. From there he sailed to Athens where he became a student to Theomnestas the
academic and to Cratippus the peripatetic (the Mitylenian). Together with them they studied and
he seemed to forget all business and to live in idleness. However, he prepared for the war.
{Plutarch, in Brutus} Cicero {Cicero, in Philippic. 10.} stated that the navy of Cassius caught up
to Brutus within a few days.

5151. Brutus and Cassius determined by force to invade Macedonia and Syria as assigned before
to Dolabella and Antony. As soon as this was known Dolabella hurried into Syria and visited
Asia along the way, to gather money from there. { Appian, de Brutis civilibin, 1. 3. p. 541 } For
Appian thought (as also does {Floras, 1, 4, c. 7. }) that Macedonia was decreed by Julius Caesar
(before he was killed by them) to Brutus and Syria to Cassius. There were other letters, granting
to them ,in the place of those that were later taken from them by the consuls. That is Cyrene and
the isle of Crete. Some attribute both of these to Cassius and Bithynia to Brutus but that they
were assigned these and gathered an army and money with an intent to invade Syria and
Macedonia. {Appian. 1. p. 527. 530, 531. 533. 536. 550, 1. 4. p. 622.}

5152. However, Syria was appointed by Julius Caesar to Cornificius, as we gather from Cicero.
The fourth day after his murder, Crete was decreed by the senate to Brutus and Africa to Cassius
we have learned previously from Plutarch. Cicero stated of Brutus: {Cicero, in Philippic. 11.}

vv Neither went he into his own province of Crete, but hurried into Macedonia which was
another's. Cassius obeyed the law of greed, when he went into Syria. This was another's
province indeed, if men would use written laws. But these were violated, so he used his own by
the law of greed."

5153. Velleius Paterculus confirmed that both of them seized provinces without any decree from
the senate or public authority. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 62. } He also said both of them lived
at Athens. Dio wrote {Dio, 1. 47. p. 339.} that they heard that Caesar had increased in strength.
Crete and Bithynia which they were sent to, were neglected because they thought that these
provinces would not be of much help. They planned to take Syria and Macedonia which did not
belong to them. At that time, both of them had men and money.

5154. Dolabella made his journey through Achaia, Macedonia and Thrace and arrived too late
into Asia. However, in Achaia he had foot soldiers and cavalry. He met Vetus Antestius, who
had returned from Syria and had dismissed his army, (which he had mainly used against
Caecilius Bassus.) He would rather suffer any danger than to seem to give any money to
Dolabella either willingly or by compulsion. {Dio, 1. 47, p. 433} {Brutus in 1. Cicerronis ad
Brutum, epist. 16.}

5155. On the Its (calends) of November, letters were brought to Cicero from Octavian. He
asked his advice whether he had best come to Rome with those 4000 old soldiers, or should he
keep them at Capua and keep Antony from there, or should he go to the three legions of
Macedonia, which came by the way of the Adriatic Sea. Because they would not receive the
bribes that Antony offered them, he thought he might win them to himself. {Cicero, ad attic, 1.
16. epist. 8.} Octavian numbered the centuries at Capua. {Cicero, ad attic, 1. 16. epist. 9.} He
journeyed to Samnium and arrived at Cales and stayed at Theanum. There was a wonderful
gathering of the free cities and corporations which came to Rome in large numbers. (??)
{Cicero, ad attic, 1. 16. epist. 8.}

5156. He went to the common people who had already been prepped for this purpose by
Canutius the tribune of the people. He renewed the memory of his father in a long speech to
them and the brave acts that he had done. He spoke also many things modestly of himself and
accused Antony. He commended the soldiers that followed him because they were ready to help
the city and that they had chosen him for that purpose. They should by this act signify this to so
great a crowd. They were commended for the good equipment they had and for the large number
of soldiers that followed Caesar. He went into Hetruria to get more soldiers. {Dio, 1. 45. p. 276. }

5157. At this time Marcus Cicero dedicated his three famous books of offices {Cicero, de
Officiis} to his son Marcus who had been a scholar for an whole year to Cratippus. (This was
not at the first time he was sent there as Dio thinks. {Dio, 1. 45. p. 277.} {Cicero, Letter to his
Friends, 1. 16. epist. 11.}) Some of the son's letters to Tiro still exist {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 16. epist. 21.} in which he tells of those who boarded with him:

VV I have hired a place for Brutus close to me and as much as I can from my poverty, I sustain his
needs. Moreover I intended to make my speech in Greek before Cassius but before Brutus, I will
do my practising in Latin. My close friends and boarders are those that Cratippus brought with
him from Mitylene, learned men and well approved by him."

5158. When Brutus was in financial need, he made friends with Cicero and with other young
men that studied at Athens. He sent Herostratus into Macedonia to win the favour of those who
were captains of the armies. When he had received news that some Roman ships laden with
money sailed from Asia toward Athens and that the admiral was an honest man and his close
friend, he went to meet him near the Carystos. He persuaded him to turn over the ships to him.
{Plutarch, in Brutus}

5159. On his birthday, Brutus made a large feast for the admiral. When they started the toasts,
they drank to the a health of Brutus and the freedom of the people of Rome. Brutus took a large
cup and spoke aloud this verse without any apparent reason.

Latona's stem and cruel fate
To my success have put a date.

5160. This was taken as an ill omen of his defeat. When he went to fight his last battle at
Philippi, he gave his soldiers these words of Apollo. {Plutarch, in Brutus} { Appian. 1. 4. p.
668.}

5161. After this, Anistius gave Brutus 500 myriads of the money he was carrying into Italy.
{Plutarch, in Brutus} The Latin interpreter rendered it 20,000 sesterniums and Brutus himself
acknowledged that sum that Vetus Antistius had promised of his own accord and gave him from
his money. In a letter, Brutus commended him to Cicero since Antistius was going to Rome to
request the praetorship. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 11.} We read in Cornelius Nepos {Nepos,
Life of Atticus } that Pompey Atticus also sent a present of 900 sesterniums when Brutus was
expelled and left Italy and in his absence, commanded that 300 should be given to him in Epirus.

5162. Cassius and Brutus, left one another in Piraeera. Cassius went into Syria to keep Dolabella
{Cicero, Philippic. 11.} out and Brutus went into Macedonia {Plutarch, in Brutus} so that he

could control Macedonia and Greece. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 339.} Without any public authority, they
seized the provinces and armies and pretended that where they were, there was the legitimate
state. They received money from those who would give it to them which was sent by the
treasurers to Rome from the parts beyond the seas. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 62.}

5163. Cassius got ahead of Dolabella and sailed into Asia to Trebonius, the proconsul. After the
proconsul was bribed, he sided with Cassius and gave him many of those cavalry who were sent
ahead by Dolabella into Syria. (P. Lentulus brags in his letters to Cicero that he was the first to
turn these over to Cassius.) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 14.} A large number
from Asia and Cilicia also joined him. Cassius compelled Tarcondimotus and the Tarsenses to
join in an alliance with him. However, the Tarsenses did it against their will. They so favoured
the first Caesar and for his sake Octavian, that instead of Tarsus, they called their city
Juliopolus. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 342.}

5164. Brutus received from Apuleius the forces he then had and in coined money, 16,000 talents
which were collected from the payments and tributes of Asia that Apuleius (??) had received
from Trebonius. Brutus went into Boeotia. {Appian. 1. 4. p. 632.} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 339.} There he
gathered soldiers of those from the battle of Pharsalus that he found wandering about Thessalia.
Some of those that came with Dolabella from Italy, were either left there because of sickness or
had run away from their regiments. He took from Cinna, 500 cavalry which he was taking to
Dolabella into Asia. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 339.} This was the occasion of what
Cicero wrote about Brutus. {Cicero, Philippic 11th.}

vv He raised new legions and welcomed the old ones. He took for himself, Dolabella's cavalry
before Dolabella murdered Trebonius. Brutus counted him an enemy by his own standards. For
if it were not so, how could he take away the cavalry from the consul?"

5165. Brutus was thus appointed, under the pretence of serving the state and of undertaking a
war against Antony. He seized Greece where there were no soldiers at all. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 339. }
{Livy, 1.118.}

5166. From there he went to Demetrius who gave him a large supply of arms that were
stockpiled by Julius Caesar's orders for the Parthian war and were supposed to be turned over to
Antony. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 567.}

5167. Brutus went into Macedonia at the same time that Caius Antony, the consul's brother, had
recently arrived there and Q. Hortensius, the proconsul of Macedonia, was preparing to leave.
This did not bother Brutus since Hortensius would soon join with him and Antony was
forbidden (Caesar now ordered all at Rome) to meddle with anything that belonged to the chief
magistrate and had no forces. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 339.} {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

5168. A muster was made in Macedonia by the great care and efforts of Q. Hortensius. The
legion that L. Piso, the lieutenant of Antony, led, was turned over to Cicero's son whom Brutus
brought with him from Athens. The cavalry were led in two brigades into Syria. One brigade left
him that led them into Thessalia, as it is said and went to Brutus. The other one, Cn. Domitius in
Macedonia took away from the lieutenant of Syria. {Cicero, Philippic. 10. }

5169. Brutus heard that Antony would immediately march to the forces which Gabinius had at

Dyrrachium and Apollonia and wanted to prevent this. He quickly journeyed through rough
ways and much snow. He outdistanced those who brought his provisions. As he came near to
Dyrrachium because of the labour and cold, he was taken with a bulimia. This is a disease that
affects those who are worn out going through the snow and the cold. When this was known, the
soldiers left the guard and came running with food for him. Brutus behaved kindly to all for this
courtesy when he was taken to the town. {Plutarch, in Brutus} Q. Vatinius, who commanded in
Illyrium which was close by, came from there and had captured Dyrrachium previously. He was
an adversary to Brutus throughout all the civil war. He was condemned by his soldiers, because
of Brutus' sickness. They went to Brutus and Vatinius opened the gates to him and turned over
his army to him. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 339.} {Cicero, Philippic. 10.} {Livy, 1. 118.}

5170. When a short way was available for Dolabella to go into Syria, he invaded Asia which
was another man's province and was unprepared for war. He sent M. Octavian, a poor senator,
with a legion and wasted the countries and attacked their cities. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.}

5171. Neither Pergamos nor Smyrna would receive him into their cities but they made available
to him a market place outside the city in respect to his office as consul. When he in a passion
had in vain attacked Smyrna, Trebonius the proconsul of Asia, who fortified the cities as a
refuge for Brutus and Cassius, promised that he would let him into Ephesus. He ordered his
soldiers to immediately follow the consul there. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 542.}

5172. After this, there were friendly conferences with Trebonius. However, this was but false
tokens of great kindness in pretended love. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} By this, Trebonius was
deceived, so that he promised Dolabella all courtesies. He made provision for his soldiers and
lived together with them without any fear. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 344.}

5173. In Egypt, the young Ptolemy who was 15 years old, was poisoned by his wife and sister
Cleopatra in the fourth year of his reign. This was the eighth year of his sister's reign from the
death of their father, Auletes. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 4.} {Porphyr. in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger.
p. 226.}

5174. After Mark Antony, the consul, had returned from Brundusium to Rome, he ordered the
senate to meet eight days (9th calends) before December. When they failed to meet on that day,
he deferred it until 3 days before (4th calends) December and then ordered them to meet in the
capitol. {Cicero, Philippic. 3.}

5175. In the meantime Antony's Macedonian legions, rebelled as they were going into Cisalpine
Gaul and condemned the lieutenant that commanded them. Many of them defected to Caesar.
{Dio, 1 45. p. 276.} All the Martian legion took away their colours and came to him and stayed
at Asia. The fourth legion rebelled against L. Egnatuleius, the quaestor and their commander and
defected to Caesar also. {Dio, 1 45. p. 276.} {Cicero, Philippic. 3, 4, 5, 11, 13, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 11. epist. 7.} {Livy, 117.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 6.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 556.}
Caesar received them and gave them money as he had previously done and so drew many to his
side. He also got all of Antony's elephants by chance as they were being driven along. {Dio, 1.
45. p. 276.}

5176. When Antony was going into the senate in the capitol on the appointed day to complain of
Caesar's actions, at the very entrance of the court he received news of the revolt of the legions.

He was terrified and dared not speak a word in the senate concerning Caesar. He had planned to
propose to the senate and one that had been consul brought a sentence written by which he
would account Caesar as an enemy. {Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5, 13.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 556.} On the
very same day at evening, the lots were cast for the provinces for the next year among the
friends of Antony so that everyone would have a province which was most suitable to Antony.
{Cicero, Philippic. 3.}

5177. He went to Alba to see if he could bring the soldiers of the Martian legion who were
quartered there, to obey him again. When they shot at him from the walls, he sent 500 denarii
for each man in the rest of the legions. With what forces he had around him, he marched in
warlike array to Tibur and then to Ariminum in the entrance to Cisalpine Gaul. He had three
Macedonian legions with him, (for the rest were now come) and one of the old soldiers with the
auxiliaries that wanted to follow them in addition to the praetorians and young soldiers.
{Appian, 1. 3. p. 556.}

5178. Antony besieged Decimus Brutus in Mutina because he would not leave Cisalpine Gaul
since it was his province. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 556, 558.} Caesar Octavian sent help to him even
though he was one of Caesar's murderers. However politics makes strange bedfellows. {Dio, 1.
45. p. 277. } Octavian had those two valiant legions of Macedonia that came to him and one of
new soldiers and two other legions of veterans. They were not at full strength so he added the
young soldiers into their ranks. When the army would have made him propraetor, he refused the
honour they offered him. However, he hired the mercenaries by a gift and gave to every man of
the two Macedonian legions (that fought before him) 500 denarii for each man. He promised
500,000 more to the conquerors if there should be any need of a battle. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 557,
558.} Cicero referred to this: {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

vv The veterans who followed the authority of Caesar first repressed the attacks of Antony. Later
the Martian legion abated his fury and the fourth legion routed him."

5179. At Rome a senate was convened 12 days before January (13th calends) when neither of
the consuls were present. Antony had sent Dolabella ahead into Macedonia while he besieged
Murina. On this day, Cicero, {Cicero, Philippic, 3.} persuaded the senate that the things that
Octavian had done against Antony should be confirmed and praises and rewards should be given
to the rebels, the Martian legion, the fourth and to the veterans that had defected to Octavian.
Also Cicero purposed that Decimus Brutus and all the rest (without taking any notice of the
allocation of provinces which Antony had made by lots) should retain their provinces and turn
them over to no one without a decree from the senate. The senate passed this decree. Cicero
called the people together and told them what was done in the senate. {Cicero, Philippic, 3, 5, 6.
init, Letters to his Friends, 1. 11. epist. 6., 1. 12. epist. 22.} {Dio, 1. 45. p. 277.}

3961b AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC

5180. On the first of January, when Hirtius and Pausa began their consulship, Cicero {Cicero,
Philippic, 5. } made a speech to the senate and persuaded them to make war on Antony and that
honours should be decreed to them that defended the state against him. The next day the senate
gave Caesar Octavian an extraordinary command (as Cicero calls it, {Cicero, Philippic, 11})
with consular authority and lictors and the ensigns of a praetor. He and the consuls should go to
the help of Decimus Brutus against Antony. Further, he should tell the quaestors and the former

consuls that he should have authority to hold the consulship for ten years before the law was
passed allowing this. The senate also honoured him with a gold statue of him on horseback. It
was placed in the rostrum and had his age on the inscription. By the same decree, all the money
that he had given to the soldiers, he was recompensed from the public treasury. (Although he did
it as a private citizen yet it was for the service of the state.) The gift that he had promised to give
to the two Macedonian legions after the victory should be given to them in the name of the state.
Also those legions and the other soldiers that were hired by Caesar, should be exempt from
military service as soon as the war was ended and have lands divided among them. {Cicero,
Philippic. 5., ad Brutus epist. 14.} {Livy, 1. 118.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 81.} {Suetonius,
in Octavian, c. 10.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 359. 360.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 310.}

5181. The office of propraetor was granted by the senate to Caesar Octavian, which he would
not accept and was formerly offered to him by the army. Also he should have the same power in
managing the war as the consuls had. However, there was a secret order given to the consuls that
they should take away from him the two Macedonian legions which were most fit to do service.
For this was the intent of their plan. When Antony was defeated, Caesar weakened and all the
side of Caesar removed, then Pompey's side should be again restored to the government of the
state. When Pansa, the consul, was on his deathbed, he told this to Octavian. {Appian, 1. 3. p.
574.575.}

5182. When Octavian found what things had been decreed, he accepted the honours with great
joy. He was more overjoyed because the same day he had assumed the office of praetor, he
made a sacrifice. In this the livers of twelve of the sacrifices appeared double or folded inwards
from the lowest fillets. This meant that within the year his command should be doubled.
However, he was displeased that ambassadors were sent to Antony and that the consuls did not
prosecute the war seriously under the excuse that it was winter. Thereupon he was compelled to
spend all the winter at Forum Cornells. {Dio, 1. 46. p. 314.} {Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis}
{Pliny, 1. 11. c. 37.}

5183. Caius Trebonius was the first of all Caesar's murderers that was punished. He governed
Asia by a consular power and was killed at Smyrna by the treachery of Dolabella. Trebonius
was most ungrateful for the honours Caesar gave him and was one that helped murder him. By
sham, he was advanced to the height of the consular dignity. {Cicero, Philippic. 11. 12. }
{Strabo, 1. 14. p. 646.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 69.} {Appian. 1. 3. p. 542, 543, 1. 4. p. 624.}
{Dio, 1. 47. p. 344.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 8.} Dolabella entered Smyrna at night and took the
proconsul. After he had upbraided him in words, he turned the proconsul over to the banished
man, Samiarius. After he had questioned him about the public money, he tortured him by
imprisonment and scourgings and by the strappado. (A form of punishment or of torture to
extort confession in which the victim's hands were tied across his back and secured to a pulley.
He was then hoisted from the ground and let down half way with a jerk.) After two days of this,
he commanded him to be beheaded and his head to be carried on a spear. The rest of his body
was to be dragged and torn and cast into the sea. Cicero's account {Cicero, Philippic. 1 1. } is
more accurate than that of Appian who stated that this murder was committed by the command
of Dolabella when he entered into Asia and was now consul.

5184. Dio wrote that he cast his head before the statue of Caesar. Appian stated that it was
ordered to be laid in the praetorian chair where Trebonius dispensed justice from. However, the
soldiers and the drudges were angry with him as a partner of the conspiracy and because he
detained Antony in a conversation before the doors of the court while Caesar was killed. The

soldiers in various ways abused the other part of his body. They made a football of his head in a
place that was paved with stones. They so marred the head that no sign of the face remained.
Strabo affirmed that there were many parts of the city of Smyrna that were overthrown by
Dolabella.

5185. After Asia was seized by Dolabella, P. Lentulus, the extraordinary quaestor, quickly sent a
large amount of money to Cassius to help him seize Syria. Lentulus went into the next province
of Macedonia to Brutus and tried with his help to recover the province of Asia and its tributes.
He stated this in two letters. One was sent publicly to the senate and the other privately to
Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 14. & 15.} He told Cicero that he did not see
his son because he had gone into the winter quarters with the cavalry.

5186. Dolabella carried on most cruelly in the province of Asia. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 3. 4.
with those that were sent forth by the Germans} He took away the Roman tributes and taxed and
vexed the Roman citizens. {P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 15.} He
burdened the cities with new exactions of tributes and hired a navy of the Lucians, Pamphilians,
Cilicians by the means of L. Figulus. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 624.}

5187. The Rhodians were concerned about the lands that they had on the continent, (as they said
themselves.) They sent two embassies to Dolabella to protest his actions because they were
against their laws, and the magistrates had forbidden it. (??) {P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to
his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 15.} Brutus wrote that Dolabella was excluded by the Rhodians. (??)
{Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.}

5188. Aulus Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, went to him after the death of Trebonius.
{Cicero, Philippic, 1 1. } He sent Aulus to Egypt to Queen Cleopatra who favoured him for the
acquaintance he had with the former Caesar. She sent four legions to him by Allienus. These
were the remainder of the troops after the defeat of Pompey and Crassus. That is the number of
those that remained with Cleopatra after Caesar left. She had a navy also ready to help him
which could not yet sail because of the contrary winds. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 576., 1. 4. p. 623. 626.,
1.5. p. 675.}

5189. Cicero made a speech about Bassus: {Cicero, Philippic 11.}

vv as the valiant and victorious army of Q. Cacilius Bassus, a private citizen, but valiant and
famous man had prevailed for sometime in Syria."

5190. Q. Marcius (not, as in Appian, Minutius) Crispus the proconsul, (as Cicero calls him,
{Cicero, in Philippic 11th.}) solicited help from Statius Marcus who was in Bithynia. (He
governed by the decree of Julius Caesar and the approval of the senate. Although Cimber tried
to govern this province this year also, by the right of Antony's lottery.) Marcus arrived with
three regiments of his own and three from Murcus' troops. He besieged the two regiments of
Bassus (called by Strabo tanmata, by Appian tilh, for it is obvious from Cassius' letters to
Cicero, that they made only one legion. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 1, 12.})
Bassus so stoutly withstood the siege of the two Roman armies that he was not subdued until he
obtained the conditions he wanted. Then he surrendered. {Strabo, 1. 16. p. 752. fin.} When C.
Cassius had come with his forces, he was called there by the consent of Murcus Marcius and the
army, as Brutus relates in his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.} Bassus would not

turn his army over to Murcus. Unless the soldiers had sent messengers to Cassius, Bassus held
Apamea without his consent until it had been taken by assault, as Cassius himself wrote to
Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 12.}

5191. Cassius raised the siege before Apamea, Bassus and Murcus were reconciled. Cassius
won over to his side those two troops that were besieged and six others that besieged them.
Cassius assumed the ensigns of a general and commanded them by proconsular power.
{Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 99.} {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 9., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 18.} {Appian, ut
supra} {Dio, 1. 47., p. 344}

5192. From this time he assumed the title of proconsul, as appeared on the inscriptions of his
letters to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 42. epist. 11, 12.} Cicero, in his letters to him
did not give him that title {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 42. epist. 7, 8, 9, 10.} because the
senate had not yet given him that title. However, Appian thinks otherwise. {Appian, 1. 3. p, 576.
&1. 4. p. 623.}

5193. When Cassius had settled all these forces in his camp, there fell suddenly a mighty rain
and torrents rushed through every part of the camp and greatly disorganised everything. Some
thought this was an omen about his sudden rise to power and a little later, his sudden overthrow.
{Dio, 1.47. p. 343.}

5194. When Cassius was strengthened with these forces, he immediately subdued all the cities
of Syria. He was able to subdue some of those cities by his prestige and position as the quaestor.
{Dio, 1. 47. p. 339. 343. } He went to the cities and took arms and soldiers and exacted very
heavy taxes from them. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 18.} Livy wrote that he invaded Syria with
three armies which were in that province. {Livy, 1. 121 } Velleius Paterculus stated that he
brought them under his control with the legions in that country. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
69.}

5195. Marcus Brutus undertook an expedition against C. Antony, who kept Apollonia with
seven cohorts. Brutus sent public letters to Rome concerning the things that he had done in
Greece and Macedonia which were read in the senate by the consul Pausa. In a speech made by
Cicero {Cicero, Philippic 10.} the senate passed a decree that Brutus should retain Macedonia,
Illyricum, and all Greece, as proconsul. {Cicero, Philippic 10.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 567., 1. 4. p.
622. & 632.}

5196. The body of Trebonius was brought to Rome. When the senate saw how disgracefully is
was treated, they declared Dolabella to be an enemy of the state. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} {Livy,
1. 119.} {Appian, 1. 2. p. 566.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 8.} A day was appointed for those on his side to
leave him otherwise they would be deemed enemies also. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 344.}

5197. The next day the senate debated about the choice of a general to prosecute the war against
Dolabella. L. Caesar thought that this war should be committed to P. Servilius contrary to the
normal procedure. Others thought that the consuls should cast lots for Asia and Syria to
determine who would fight against Dolabella. Cicero {Cicero, Philippic 11.} in a speech railed
fiercely against Dolabella. (Previously, he was Cicero's son-in-law, but shortly after he left Italy
they had a great falling out.) Cicero persuaded the senators that this war should be committed to
P. Cassius. Scaliger is not correct in his notes on Eusebius (at the number MDCCCLXXIII)

about the decree of the senate concerning the command for Cassius. He thought Cicero's opinion
did not prevail and that Pansa, the consul, stoutly opposed it. However, Cicero himself is
witness in his letters to Cassius about this {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 7.} and
added the following about himself:

VV I promised and also performed it that you had not expected nor should not expect our decrees
except that you yourself should defend the commonwealth. Although as of yet we heard
nothing, either where you were or what forces you had, yet my opinion was that all the
auxiliaries and forces which were in those parts should be under your command. I was confident
that the province of Asia should be recovered by you to the commonwealth."

5198. When it was not known at Rome that Cassius had control of Syria, the war against
Dolabella was committed to the consuls if the present war against Antony should come to an
end. The governors of the neighbouring countries were told not to help Dolabella. {Dio, 1. 47. p.
433.} By the consul's consent, the government of Asia was confirmed to P. Lentulus Spinther,
who now governed them under the title of proquaester and propraetor. This may be seen in his
letters to Cicero written after the death of Pansa and Hirtius. (He did not know of their deaths at
that time.)

5199. This decree against Dolabella was passed and letters were received from Antony to
Hirtius, the consul and Caesar, the propraetor. These are given and refuted by Cicero. {Cicero,
Philippic, 13.}

Antony to Hirtius and Caesar.

vv When I knew of the death of C. Trebonius, I rejoiced not so much as I grieved. Such a wicked
person received due vengeance and thereby made recompence to the remains of that illustrious
hero. The just wrath of heaven was shown so partly before the year's end."

5200. (From this we deduce that Trebonius was killed shortly before the ides of March which
followed immediately after the murder of Caesar.)

vv or that now the wrath of the gods on the parricide is executed or impending, is a reason for joy.
The fact that Dolabella is judged an enemy for killing a common murderer and that the son of a
parasite (Trebonius) should be held more dear to the people of Rome, than C. Caesar, the very
father of our country, is no less to be lamented. Well Aulus Hirtius, it is an enigma that you,
who by the very benefits of Caesar attained your honour and were left so well by him that you
yourself must needs wonder to whom you owe whatever accomplishment you have done, would
act so that as to procure Dolabella to be condemned, that that prisoner should be freed from the
siege, and that Brutus and Cassius should grow most powerful. In the same manner do you
handle these affairs as you did the former. You call the tents of Pompey, the senate, you
accounted Cicero, general even when he was conquered, you fortified Macedonia with armies,
committed Africa to Varus, who was twice taken, sent Cassius into Syria, allowed Caesar to
enjoy the tribuneship, took the Julian revenues from the Lupercalian officers, abolished the
colonies of the veterans. You deduced by law and the decree of the senate and promised to
restore to the Mussilienses what you had taken from them by the force of arms. You have
forgotten that by the Hirtian Law, no one on Pompey's side that lived should bear any office of
dignity. You bribed Brutus with the money of Apuleia. You praised Patus and Menedrusus who

were punished with the axe after a city was given to them and who were guests of Caesar. You
neglected Theopompus who was destitute and forced to flee from Trebonius into Alexandria.
You saw Serpius Galba surrounded in his camp by the same swordbearer. You have contracted
either mine or the veteran soldiers to punish those who had killed Caesar. Before they were
aware, you had brought them into danger of the quaestor or emperor or their own fellow
soldiers. In summary what have you not approved or done? What could Pompey himself do if he
were alive or his son if he could be at home? Last of all, you deny that a peace can be made
unless I either send Brutus or furnish you with grain. What? Does this please those veterans who
have all things entirely because you come with flattering and venomous gifts? You aid the
besieged soldiers. I will let them go where they please, so they will deliver him to execution
who deserves it. You say a peace was decreed in the senate and write that five consular
delegates were appointed. It is difficult for me to believe that those who would have precipitated
me when I brought in conditions of the highest equity and yet thinking to remit something of
them too, will act in anything either moderately or fairly. It is scarce likely that those who
condemned Dolabella for justice, as a crime, would spare us who are of the same opinion.
Therefore rather consider whether it be better and more profitable to both sides to prosecute the
death of Caesar or Trebonius. See whether it be more fair that we combine that so it may be
more easy for us to revive the cause of Pompey that has been so often quashed or to agree lest
we become a Ludibrium to our enemies, to whomever prevail, our quarrel will be again. A
spectacle that fortune has avoided to see two armies of one body fight (Cicero being the fencer.)
Cicero is so skilled in speaking that he will deceive you in the very same way in which Caesar's
gold is gloried. For my part, I am resolved neither to bear my own, nor my soldiers' and friends'
disgrace. Nor will I forsake that side that Pompey hated, nor to allow the veterans to be moved
from their colonies, nor to be drawn one by one to execution, nor to betray Plaucus, the partner
in our counsels. If the immortal gods, as I hope they will, shall assist me with my right wits, I
will live free. But if other fortune is allotted me, I foretell to you the joy of your own
punishments. For if the side of Pompey which is now being conquered, is so insolent, what you
shall experience what they will become conquerors. To close, the sum of my opinion is this. I
could be content to endure the injuries to me and my side if they would but forget they were
done, or were prepared together with us, to revenge Caesar's death. I do not believe that any
ambassadors will come. Where the war comes, and, when it comes, what it will require, I would
joyfully know."

5201. When the ambassadors who were sent from the senate to Antony to make peace, they
were unable to reach an agreement. The whole city of Rome (even those that did not go to the
war) put on their soldier's uniforms and made a general muster through all Italy. The armies of
A. Hirtius and Caius Caesar, the propraetor, were sent against Antony. {Cicero, Philippic. 6, 10,
13.} {Livy, 1. 118.} { Appian. 1. 3. p. 567.} {Dio. 1. 46. p. 311, 312.} From the start of this
campaign against M. Antony, Eusebius and Cassiodorus derive the start of the government of
Caesar Octavian. They assign for it, 56 years and 6 months.

5202. Caius Antony was defeated at a battle which was fought by the Byllis River, by Cicero's
son, a captain of Brutus. A little later his soldiers surrendered Antony and themselves to Brutus.
For a long time, Brutus very honourably entertained Antony even so much that he did not take
from him the ensigns of his office. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5203. M. Brutus received three legions from Illyricum from Vatinius whom by a decree of the
senate, he succeeded in the province of Illyricum. Brutus also received one that he took from
Antony in Macedonia and four others, which he had gathered. In all, he had eight legions and in

them many of C. Caesar's old veterans. Moreover, he had a large number of cavalry, lightly
armed men and archers. He praised the Macedonians and trained them after the Italian manner.
{Appian, 1. 4. p. 632. 633.}

5204. As Brutus was gathering soldiers and money, he had some good fortune in Thracia.
Polemocratia, the wife of a certain king who was killed by his enemies, was afraid lest some
harm should come to her son. She went to Brutus and commended her son to him and gave her
husband's treasure to him. He committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be raised until he had
time to restore him to his father's kingdom. In these treasures, he found a large quantity of gold
and silver, which he coined. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 613.}

5205. After C. Cassius had seized Syria, he travelled toward Judea because he heard that the
soldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar were coming there. He won these troops and the Jews
easily to his side. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 343.} He surrounded Palestina Allienus, the lieutenant of
Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions before he was aware of him. He forced
Allienus to take his side since Allienus did not dare to oppose his eight legions with the four he
had. Hence, Cassius controlled 12 legions in all. This was more than he hoped for. As well as,
he had some Parthian cavalry who were archers. He was held in high esteem with the Parthians
ever since the time that he was the quaestor for Crassus and they thought him to be wiser than
Crassus. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 576., 1. 4. p. 623, 624.}

5206. As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought from Egypt, Cassius
wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist.
11, 12. } This letter was dated on the 7th (nones) of March, from the camp at Tarichaea in
Galilee.

C. Casius Proconsul, sends hearty commendations to M. Tullius Cicero.

vv If you are in good health, it is well. I indeed am in good health. Know that I am come into
Syria to the generals, L. Murcus and Q. Crispus, both are valiant men and good citizens. As
soon as they heard what things happened at Rome, they turned over their forces to me. They,
together with me, govern the state with a constant resolution. Know also that the legion that Q.
Cacilius Bassus had, came to me. Know also that the four legions that A. Allienus brought from
Egypt, were turned over to me by him. I do not think that you need any encouragement to
defend both us who are absent and the state, as much as lies in your power. I would have you
know that there is not lacking for you and the senate strong help that you may defend the state
with great hopes and a constant mind. Other things, L. Cartcius my close friend shall deal with
you. Farewell. Date, the Nones of March, from the camp at Tarishea."

5207. After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassus, Crispus and the rest that would not serve
under him. He did not harm them in any way. He left Statius Murcus with his office that he had
originally and committed the charge of his navy to him. Thus Dio stated. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 343.}
Although it appears from Cassius' own letters to Cicero that Crispus was firmly loyal to him.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 11, 12.}

5208. Cassius exacted 700 talents of silver from Judea (not of gold, as it is read in the 45th
chapter of the Jewish Histories, as recorded in Arabic, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many
languages.) When Antipater saw his state was in trouble, he feared Cassius' threats. Antipater

appointed two of his sons to gather part of the money, Malichus, a Jew who was his enemy, to
gather another part and some others to gather the rest. Herod brought first of all 100 talents from
Galilee, which he governed, and was greatly favoured by Cassius. It was considered a good
policy even then, to win the favour of the Romans at the expense of other men. Under the other
governors, the cities were put up for sale along with their inhabitants. The four main cities were
Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma. Cassius sold the common people of these cities into
slavery. Cassius was also so greatly enraged so that he was about to put Malichus to death, but
Hyrcanus sent 100 talents by Antipater and appeased his fury. { Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 9., Antiq.
1. 14, c. 18.}

5209. Caesar Octavian finished the war against Antony that was committed to him, in three
months. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 10.} The war was so well managed by him about Mutina
that when as he was only twenty years old, Decimus Brutus was freed from the seige and
Antony was forced to leave Italy by a dishonourable flight and without his baggage. { Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 61.} Cicero described the battle in his writings. {Cicero, Philippics, 14} Ser.
Galba, who was in the battle, in the beginning of his letters to Cicero, {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 10. epist. 30.} stated that the battle was fought 16 days before May (17th calends). So
that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to start the time of Caesar
Octavian. They reckon it to be 56 years, four months, and one day. This may be seen in
Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus and Clement Alexandria, {Clement, 1. 10.
Stromatum} if the errors of his printer are corrected who wrote 46 for 56.

5210. A. Hirtius, the consul (the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was fought by
Julius Caesar) died in the battle. The other consul Pansa died from his wounds a little later.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 25.} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 343.} {Brutus, ibid. 1. 11, epist.
9.} {Livy 1. 119.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2, c. 61 &c} Tibullus assigns this date the birthday in
a poem. {Tibullus, 1. 3. Elegic 5.} Ovid in {Tristium, 1. 4. Elegic 10.} wrote:

vv When both the consuls fell with the same fate."

5211. Both the armies of the slain consuls obeyed Caesar. {Eutropius, 1. 7.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c.
18.}

5212. The senate was very ungrateful to Caesar, who alone survived of the three generals. In a
triumph that was decreed to Decimus Brutus, for being freed from the siege at Mutina by
Caesar, the senate made no special mention of Caesar and his army. {Livy, 1. 119.} {Velleius,
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 62.} The ambassadors who were freed, were sent to the army and were
ordered to speak to the soldiers when Octavian was out of the way. The army was not so
ungrateful as the senate was. When Caesar bore this wrong quietly, the soldiers said they would
not obey any commands unless their general was present. Without a doubt, they would have
taken the legions from Octavian which he had except that they were afraid publicly to decree
this. They knew very well the loyalty and love the soldiers had toward Caesar. {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 62.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 317, 318.}

5213. The Tarsenses, of their own accord, called Dolabella into Cilicia, as did those of Laodicea
into Syria. (??) {Cassius Parmensis. ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 13.}

5214. When Dolabella was about to leave Asia, he sent five cohorts into Chersonesus. Brutus

easily captured these because he had five legions, very good cavalry and numerous auxiliaries.
{Cicero, ad Brutum, epist. 2. (dated 13 or 11 days before (12 or 14 calends) May)} Dolabella
left Asia by land with two legions and Lucius Figulus followed him with the navy. { Appian, 1. 4.
p. 624.}

5215. Four days before (5th calends) of May, the senate debated making war on them that were
considered enemies of the state. Servilius, a tribune of the people, thought that Cassius should
make war on Dolabella. Caesar agreed and decreed that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella,
if he thought it profitable and for the good of the state. Brutus should do what he thought was
best for the state. Nothing was decreed about Cassius neither as yet were there any letters come
to Rome from him. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5. } Cassius showed the reasons for the delay in his
letters to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 12.}

5216. Dolabella went into Cilicia and Tarsus freely yielded to him. He defeated some forces of
Cassius that were in Egae. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 344.}

5217. Cassius was then in Palestine {Dio, 1. 47. p. 344.} from where he wrote his second letter
to Cicero, dated the 7th (nones) of May from the camp. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12.
epist. 12.} He described the state of his affairs like this:

VV I have all the armies that were in Syria. I made some delay, while I paid the soldiers those
things I promised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me."

5218. He then exhorted Cicero that he would defend the dignity of his soldiers and of the
generals, Murcus and Crispus. He added:

VV I have heard by letters that were written that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his
forces. I will go into Cilicia. Whatever I shall do, I will do my best to give you speedy notice of
it. I willingly wish that we may deserve health of the state and so we shall be happy."

5219. As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus plotted Antipater's death. He thought that by his
death, Hyrcanus' government would be more secure. When Antipater found out about the plot,
he went beyond Jordan and gathered an army from the inhabitants there and from the Arabians.
Malichus was an astute politician and denied that he intended any treason and swore before
Antipater and his sons that no such thing ever entered his mind. This was especially true since
Phasaclus had a garrison in Jerusalem and Herod had the army at his command. So he was
reconciled to Antipater. Murcus, the governor of Syria wanted to execute him but Antipater
spared his life. Later Murcus found out that Malichus was going around to create a rebellion
against Rome in Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 18.}

5220. When Cassius and Murcus had gathered an army, they made Herod governor of all
Coelosyria. They gave him large forces of foot soldiers, cavalry, and naval ships. They promised
him the kingdom of Judea after the war was ended that they had against Antony and the young
Caesar. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 19.}

5221. Cassius made many tyrants in Syria. Marion also the tyrant of the Tyrians was left by
Cassius and he ruled in Syria. Marion put out the garrisons that were there and captured three

citadels in Galilee that were next to Syria. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 10., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 21.}

5222. A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius, the lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dolabella was
killed by Tullius and Dejotarus and that his army was routed. This Greek letter about this matter
was sent by Brutus to Cicero, sixteen days before (17th calends) June. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist.
6. } This turned out to be false.

5223. Dolabella left Asia and went through Cilicia into Syria. He was refused entry into Antioch
by the garrison that defended the city. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 433.} He tried many times to enter by force
but was always repulsed with the loss of men. After he had lost about an hundred men, he left
behind him many sick and he fled by night from Antioch toward Laodicea. That night almost all
the soldiers that he had enrolled in Asia, left him. Some returned to Antioch and surrendered to
those whom Callius had left there to control the city. Some went down the hill Amanus into
Cilicia. Of these, thirty came into Pamphilia. They were told that Cassius, with all his forces,
was only four day's journey away just at the time when Dolabella was arriving there. {P.
Lentulus, ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 15.}

5224. Dolabella had intelligence about Cassius' forces, and he came to Laodicea, a city that was
friendly to him. It was located on a peninsula and faced toward the continent. It was well
fortified and had a good harbour facing the sea. It was very convenient for bringing in
provisions and also very opportune for sailing out when and where they pleased. {Appian, 1. 4.
p. 624.} He did not take this city by assault because the citizens truly surrendered themselves to
him for the love they had to the former Caesar. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 344.}

5225. At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus' house, Malichus bribed the king's
butler and poisoned Antipater. He gathered a band of soldiers and seized the government of the
city. Phasaelus and Herod were very angry and Malichus firmly denied all things. Herod
planned to soon revenge his father's death and to raise an army for that purpose. However,
Phasaelus thought it better to defeat Malichus by craft lest Herod should start a civil war.
Phasaelus therefore accepted Malichus' defence and pretended to believe him that Malichus was
not involved in his father's death. Malichus built a splendid monument for Antipater. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 14. c. 19.}

5226. Meanwhile, Herod went to Samaria and found it in a desperate situation. He restored
order and subdued the dissentions that were among the inhabitants. Not long after this when the
feast of Pentecost was approaching, he came into the city of Jerusalem with soldiers. Malichus
was afraid and persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him to enter. Hyrcanus did this under the
pretence that among the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixed multitude of profane
men. Herod discounted this excuse and entered the city by night. This greatly terrified Malichus.
Thereupon, according to his hypocrisy he publicly bewailed with tears the death of Antipater as
his great friend. Therefore it was thought good by Herod's friends to take no notice of this
hypocrisy but courteously again to entertain Malichus. Herod sent letters to Cassius notifying
him of Antipater's death. Cassius knew all too well what kind of man Malichus was and wrote
back to Herod that he might revenge his father's death. He secretly ordered the tribunes that
were at Tyre, that they should help Herod in doing this. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 19, & 20.}

5227. In Gaul, three days before (4th calends) June, M. Lepidus allied himself with M. Antony.
{Plancus ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 10. epist. 23.}

5228. When D. Lentulus, the proquestor of Asia and propraetor extraordinary, saw that Brutus
was slow getting into Asia and that Dolabella had left Asia, he thought it best to return as soon
as he could from Macedonia to his office. Then he would be able to collect the tribute that was
owing and gather up the money that he had left there and send it to Rome. In the meanwhile, as
he was sailing about the islands, it was told him that the navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia, (or
Lycia) and that the Rhodians had furnished him many ships and already were launched.
Therefore he, with those ships that he had or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetor of Asia had
provided, returned to Rhodes. He relied on the decree of the senate by which Dolabella was
counted as an enemy and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians. The Rhodians
would not strengthen the proque star's with their ships. The soldiers were forbidden to come into
the city or the port or Rhodes. They were prevented from getting any provisions or even fresh
water. Even he had a difficult time getting into the city with his ship. When Lentulus was
brought into their city and the elders, he could obtain nothing from them. He complained of this
in public letters he sent to the senate and in the private ones he sent to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters
to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 14, 15.}

5229. While Lentulus and Patiscus were detained at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the
lieutenants of Dolabella found out about their coming and soon fled in a galley from the navy
from Cilicia, (or Lycia.) They left their cargo ships which they had spent much time gathering.
There were more than an hundred cargo ships and the smallest could carry 2000 tons. Dolabella
had provided them for this purpose. If his hopes in Syria and Egypt were frustrated, then he
might use these ships to transport all his soldiers and all his money and go directly into Italy. He
would ally himself with the two Antonys that were relatives. Therefore Lentulus and Patiscus
came there from Rhodes with the ships that they had. They captured all those cargo ships and
restored them to their rightful owners. From there, they pursued the navy that fled as far as Sida,
the remotest country of the province of Asia. They knew that some of Dolabella's fleet had fled
there and that the rest had sailed into Syria and Cyprus, (or Egypt.) These were scattered. When
Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very large fleet that was prepared in Syria, he returned to his
office. {P. Lentulus, ut supra.}

5230. However, Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis assembled a fleet from the sea coast of the
province of Asia and from all the islands they could get ships from. They soon had sailers
although the cities were very uncooperative. They pursued the fleet of Dolabella which Lucilius
commanded. They encouraged them in the hope that Lucilius would surrender and they sailed as
fast as they could. Finally, Lucilius came to Corycus in Pamphilia and burned the harbour and
stayed there. Therefore they left Corycus and thought it best to go to Cassius' camp. Another
fleet that Tullius Cimber had assembled the previous year in Bithynia under the command of
Turulius, the quaestor was following them and so they came to Cyprus. (??) {Cassius Parmensis
ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 13.}

5231. Cicero received letters about the affairs of Dolabella and of his arrival into the city of
Laodicea. There are extant two letters written to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12.}
That is the fourteenth from P. Lentulus from Pamphylia on the 2nd (4th of nones) of June. This
was not three days before June, (4th of calends) as appears from the following letter to the
senate. It refers us to the one which was dated at Perga, and the thirteenth that was later sent
from Cassius on the 13th (ides) of June from Cyprus. In the first letter, Cassius tells of the
trouble that Dolabella was in after he entered Laodicea.

VV I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither has he any place to flee to, nor can

he resist so great an army as Cassius has."

5232. The other letter was from Cassius (if I be not mistaken) Parmensis, who was also one of
the murderers of Julius Caesar. He wrote that taunting letter to Octavian, as mentioned by
Suetonius (Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 4.} and was not from Cassius Longinus, who then held the
office of proconsul of Syria of whom he also mentioned at the end of this letter. From him we
have a more accurate description of Dolabella's camp:

vv The Tarsenses are very bad allies and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad. Of their own
accord they sent for Dolabella. He had gotten a number of Greek soldiers from both cities and
made a kind of an army. He has placed his camp before the city of Laodicea and has broken
down part of the wall. He has joined his camp to the town. Our Cassius with ten legions, twenty
companies of auxiliaries and 4000 cavalry has his camp at Palium within twenty miles. He
thinks he may defeat him without once striking a stroke for wheat is now selling for three
tetradrachmas in Dolabella's camp. Unless he has gotten some supplies by the ships of Laodicea,
he must shortly perish from famine. He cannot supply himself because of the large navy which
Cassius has under the command of Quintilius Rufus. Those ships that I, Turulius, and Patiscus
have brought, will easily assist him."

5233. Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good estate. His navy had followed him
quickly from Asia. (??) He went to the Aradians to receive from them money and shipping. He
was surprised by a few soldiers and was in extreme danger. As he fled, he met the army of
Cassius and was defeated. He retired to Laodicea. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 344.}

5234. Cassius feared that Dolabella might escape from there and raised a rampart a quarter mile
long across the isthmus. It was made with stones and materials brought from the villages that
were outside the city and from the sepulchres. He sent messengers to request ships from
Phoenicia, Lycia and Rhodes. They were slighted by all of them except the Sidonians. He
engaged in a naval battle with Dolabella in which, after the loss of many ships on both sides,
five together with all the sailors were taken by Dolabella. { Appian. 1. 4. p. 624. }

5235. Again, Cassius sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands and to
Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt and to Serapion who commanded her forces in Cyprus. The
tyrants and Aradians and Serapion, without the queen's advice, sent as many ships as they had.
The queen excused herself and said that the Egyptians were troubled with famine and pestilence
and so sent no ships at all. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 675.} Also the Rhodians denied they would help in
anything toward the civil wars. They said that even those ships that they had given to Dolabella,
were only to transport him and they did not know if he used them for war or not. {Appian, 1. 4.
p. 625.}

5236. The Tarsenses tried to keep Tullius Cimber (who was also one of Caesar's murderers)
from crossing the Taurus Mountains as he was hurrying to help Cassius. They through fear that
Cimber had large forces with him, left the passes and made an agreement with him. Later when
they knew the small size of his force, they refused him entrance into their city and did not
supply him with provisions. Therefore Cimber thought it better to take his forces to Cassius than
to assault Tarsus. He built a fort against them and returned into Syria. When the Tarsenses went
there with soldiers they seized the citadel and attacked the city Adana. (It was close to them and
they always had a controversy with it because they said they favoured Cassius' side.) When

Cassius knew of this, he sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 345.}

5237. After Cassius had repaired his fleet as best as he could and after Statius Murcus arrived
with the navy he had assembled, he had two more naval battles with Dolabella. In the first, there
were equal losses on both sides. In the second battle, he was more successful. On land he had
finished his rampart. He brought the battery rams to the walls. Dolabella was prevented from
getting supplies by land or sea. Lacking supplies, he soon made an attack but was driven back
into the town. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 345.} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 615.}

5238. Cassius was unable to bribe the night watch whom Marsus commanded. He bribed the day
watch whom Quintius commanded so that while Marsus slept by day, Cassius got in by some of
the smaller gates and the city was taken. Dolabella asked one of his guard to cut his throat and
then escape. The guard cut Dolabella's throat then cut his own. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 465., 1. 5. p.
673.} We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca that Dellias (or Q. Dellias, the historian):

vv was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius to secure for his own safety if he should kill
Dolabella."

5239. Thus Dolabella was forced to commit suicide by Cassius at Laodicea. {Livy. 1. 121.}
{Strabo. 1. 16. p. 752.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 69.} {Dio, 1. 47, p. 345.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c.
18.} Marsus also committed suicide {Appian, 1. 4. p. 625.} as did M. Octavian, the lieutenant of
Dolabella. Cassius afforded them a proper burial although they cast out Trebonius unburied.
Those that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave
them quarter and immunity. He did not punish Laodicea any more than by imposing a sum of
money on them. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 345.} Although Appian says that he plundered both the temples
and treasury and exacted very large tribute from the rest. Also that he executed every noble man
and so brought that city to a most miserable state. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 625. 626.}

5240. Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella to take the military oath of loyalty to him.
{Appian, 1. 4. p. 625.} Then he went to Tarsus. When he saw that the Tarsenses had already
surrendered to Rufus, he fined them in all the private and public money and laid no other
punishment on them. {Dio. 1. 47. p. 345.} He imposed a most heavy tax on them of 1500 talents.
Thereupon for lack of money when the soldiers violently tried to collect it, they were forced to
sell all their public and sacred ornaments and broke down the sacred and the dedicated things.
When this was not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were born free, first
virgins and boys. Later they sold women and old men which fetched very little. Finally they sold
the young men, many of whom killed themselves. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 625.}

5241. After the capture of Laodicea, the governors came from every place and brought crowns
and presents to Cassius. Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder
of his father Antipater. However, Malichus suspected this and thought to make the Phoenicians
about Tyre to revolt. Since his son was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steal him
away privately into Judea. While Cassius was preparing for war against Antony, he would stir
the Jews to revolt from the Romans and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the kingdom for himself.
Herod was a shrewd politician and when he knew of this treachery, he invited both Malichus
and Hyrcanus with their companions to supper. At that time he sent out one of his servants
under the pretence to provide for the banquet. However, he sent him to the tribunes that they
might kill Malichus. The tribunes remembered the orders of Cassius and went out and found

him near the city on the shore. They ran him through and killed him. Hyrcanus was so
astonished that he fainted. He had barely come to himself when he asked who killed Malichus.
One of the tribunes said that it was done by the orders of Cassius. Then Hyrcanus replied:

"truly Cassius has preserved me and my country, by killing the one who was a traitor to both,"

5242. In is uncertain whether he spoke from fear or if he approved of the action. { Josephus,
Wars, c. 9., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 20.}

5243. The day before July, M. Lepidus was decreed an enemy of the state because he
entertained Antony. Also the rest that had revolted from the state were declared as enemies. The
law was to come into effect before the first of September. (??) Thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius,
the relative of Lepidus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, 1. 12. epist. 10.} He added:

"we had gallantly overcome all had not Lepidus entertained Antony after he was pillaged,
disarmed and fleeing. Therefore Antony was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus. He
raised war from a state that was in troubles but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet."

5244. In the same letter Cicero showed that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the
camp, the 7th (nones) of March. Cassius stated he held Syria and that he prepared for his
expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella. The news of the success of that expedition and of the
defeat of Dolabella had not yet reached Rome. He had written to Caesar of his returning to
favour as in like manner Brutus had done to the senate concerning the state of affairs. {Dio, 1.
47. p. 343.} Brutus, in his letters sent to Caesar, persuaded him to resist Antony and to side with
him. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 340.} However, in his letters to Cicero, Brutus said something quite different
for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar:

"that there was one thing desired and expected from him that he would let those citizens live in
quiet whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of."

5245. In a rage, Brutus wrote back again to Cicero:

"What if he will not, shall we not be? It is better not to live, than to live by his means. I, by my
loyalty do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that
Octavian must be intreated for the safety of one private citizen. I will not say for the deliverers
of the whole world." {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 16.}

5246. When the senate was informed of the affairs of Cassius, it confirmed the government of
Syria on him, (which he then held) and committed the war against Dolabella to him, (which they
knew to have been already ended.) {Dio, 1. 47. p. 343, 344.} So all governments beyond the sea
were committed to the care of Brutus and Cassius. A decree was issued that all the provinces
and armies from the Ionian Sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to
these two. The senate approved of all the things that they had done and praised those armies that
had surrendered to them. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. c. 62.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 567, 568.}

5247. Octavian saw that the actions of the senate were obviously to the advantage of Pompey's
side and to the detriment of Caesar's. He thought it a disgrace that Decimus Brutus instead of

himself, was chosen as general for the war against Antony. He concealed his discontent and he
requested a triumph for the victory at Mutina. He was slighted by the senate as though he
demanded greater things than were suitable for his age. He feared lest that if Antony should be
utterly vanquished, he should be more slighted. He began to have some thoughts of siding with
Antony according to the advice which Pansa gave him on his death bed. { Appian, 1. 3. p. 568. }
An agreement with Antony was made by M. Lepidus. {Livy, 1. 119.} {Orosius, 6. c. 18.}

5248. Between these three therefore the alliance for controlling the government started. They
started by sending letters among themselves and mentioned how they were treated. Antony
warned Caesar, how formidable enemies, Pompey's side were to him and to what an height they
had come. Brutus and Cassius were extolled by Cicero. Antony told Caesar that he would join
his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were commanders of 17 legions, if Caesar refused his
alliance. He said moreover that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father than he the
death of his friend. By the advice and entreaty of the armies, there was an alliance made
between Antony and Caesar. The daughter-in-law of Antony was betrothed to Caesar. {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 65.} She was Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P.
Clodius, and was scarcely of marriageable age. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 62.}

5249. When the agreement was made with M. Antony, M. Lepidus, then Octavian sent 400
soldiers to Rome to demand the consulship for him in the name of the army. When the senate
began to vacillate, Cornelius, a centurion, the leader of the men that brought the message, thrust
his soldier's coat behind him and showed the hilt of his sword. He boldly said before the senate:

vv This shall do it, if you will not do it:"

5250. The senate was compelled by Octavian's soldiers. Octavian went toward Rome with them.
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 26.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 582.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 319.}

5251. While he was on his journey, the praetors placed guards in various places of the city and
seized Janiculum with a guard of soldiers they had already in the city and with two legions that
had come from Africa. When Octavian entered the city, the praetors came down from Janiculum
and surrendered themselves and their soldiers to him. The legions voluntarily gave their ensigns
to him. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 584, 585.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 320.} In the month of August, the legions that
were brought from Janiculum, followed Octavian as it is in the decree of the senate. {Macrobius,
Saturnal, 1. I.e. 12.}

5252. On the first day of the choosing of consuls, as Octavian was making an augury in the field
of Mars, six vultures appeared to him. When he was selected as consul and spoke to the soldiers
from the rostrum, six vultures (some say twelve) appeared again. This was what happened to
Remulus in his auguries when he was about to build Rome. Based on this, he hoped that he
would found the monarchy. {Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 95.}
{Appian, 1. 3. p 586. } {Dio, 1. 46. p. 320. } After he was chosen as consul, those with him fled to
Quintus Pedius, his colleague. He gave Octavian his portion from the inheritance of Julius
Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 95.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 320.}

5253. Livy said that he was made consul when he was only 19 years old. {Livy, 1. 119.}
However, Suetonius more correctly wrote that he became the consul in the 20th year of his age.
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 16.} Eutropius {Eutropius, 1. 7.} which also Plutarch confirms

{Plutarch, in Octavian} in this writing from Brutus:

vv his army being planted about the city, he received the consulship, being scarcely come to a
man's estate being but twenty years old, as he relates in his own commentaries."

5254. Velleius wrote: {Valleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 65.}

vv he was made consul, the day before he was twenty years old, nine days (10th calends) before
October"

5255. However, Velleius was mistaken in the day he became consul. For there lacked an whole
month and five days before Octavian turned 20. He was not born in the month of September but
he first obtained the consulship in August from whence the month Sextilus was called August as
it is shown from Suetonius {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Dio, 1. 50. p. 552.} and from the
decree of the senate as recorded by Macrobius. {Macrobius, Saturnal. 1. I.e. 12. }

5256. Dio noted that on the 19th day of the month of August, he was made consul the first time
and that he died the same day. {Dio, 1. 56. p. 590.} From this observation in Tacitus, {Tacitus,
Annals, 1. 1. c. 9.} arose:

vv The same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the empire and the last of his life."

5257. His empire is not incorrectly started from this first consulship which he extorted from the
senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, 1. I.e. 10.} and laid it down at his
own pleasure. Octavian hypocritically thanked the senate and pretended that he accounted it a
benefit that those things which he extorted by force as if they were offered to him of their own
accord. The senators bragged that they had conferred these things on him of their own accord.
Moreover, they gave to him whom they did not think worthy of the consulship, that after his
consulship was over, whenever he commanded the army he would have precedence over the
consuls. The consuls commanded the other armies to obey him whom they had threatened to
punish because he had gathered forces by his own private authority. The senate assigned the
legions of Brutus to Octavian to disgrace Brutus and for the repressing of whom the war against
Antony was committed to him. In short the custody of the city was given to him and it was
granted that he should have power even without any prescription from the law, to do whatever
he wanted. {Dio, 1. 46. p. 321.} He retained this power as long as he lived, for the next 56 years.
There was good reason why Brutus warned Cicero about this: {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.}

VV I am afraid, lest your Caesar will think himself to have risen so high by your decrees that he
will scarcely come down again if he is once made a consul."

5258. Octavian was not content with the former adoption made by the last will of Julius Caesar
and had it confirmed by a decree of the people (which Antony had prevented the previous year)
in a full assembly of their wards. He then assumed by public authority the name of C. Julius
Caesar Octavian. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 321. 322.}

5259. Octavian soon passed another law that he absolved Dolabella, (whose death was not yet
known in Rome), who was declared an enemy by the senate and sentenced to die for the death of

Caesar. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 586.} Octavian did this so that it might be thought that he did nothing
by force but by law. Quintus Paedius, his colleague in the consulship, made the law called
Paedia which decreed that all those who were involved in the murder of Caesar, would be
banished and their goods confiscated. {Livy, 1. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 69.}
{Suetonius, in Nero, c. 3.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 322.} He appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus
and M. Agrippa to accuse C. Cassius. They were absent and were condemned without any
hearing of their case. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} Capita, the eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of
the senatorial order, supported M. Agrippa against C. Cassius. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 69.}

5260. Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers also of Caesar and was absent, was also
condemned. By the orders of M. Antony, in the house of a certain guest of his who was a noble
man called Camelius, Decimus was killed by Capenus, a Burgundian, a year and an half after
the death of Caesar. {Livy, 1. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 64.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 588.}
{Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.} Cicero said Decimus excelled in this kind of virtue: {Cicero, Letters to his
Friends, 1. 11. epist. 21.}

vv he never was afraid nor ever disturbed"

5261. However, Seneca stated {Seneca, epist. 82.} that he showed a cowardly fear when facing
death. To encourage him, Helvius Blasio, a man who always loved him because they always
were fellow soldiers, killed himself. Decimus witnessed this and was strengthened so he could
endure his own death. {Dio, 1. 46. p. 325.} Camelius sent the head of the dead Brutus to Antony.
When he saw it, he gave it to his friends to bury. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 388.}

5262. Trebonius was the next to die for the murder of Caesar. He was the closest friend with the
murders and he thought it best to keep those things that he had received from Caesar even
though he thought Caesar must die who gave those things to him. While Caesar was alive,
Trebonius was the master of the cavalry and commanded the farther Gaul. He was also elected
consul by Caesar in the following year after the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa and was also
made governor of nearer Gaul. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. p. 64.} {Appian, 1. 3. p. 388.}

5263. Also at the same time, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by
his own servants because in his anger he had castrated some of them. {Appian, 1. 3. p. 388.}
{Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.}

3962a AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC

5264. When M. Brutus had appeased the army that was likely to rebel by the instigation of C.
Antony at Apollonia along with C. Clodius, (??) Brutus went into the higher Macedonia with the
largest and strongest part of his army and from there crossed into Asia. He wanted to take them
as far away from Italy as possible so that he could better control the troops. In Asia, he received
many auxiliaries including those from Dejotarus, a man that was now very old and who
formerly had denied help to C. Cassius. {Dio. 1. 47. p. 340, 341.}

5265. M. Antony and M. Lepidus left their lieutenants in Gaul and went to Caesar in Italy with
the largest and best part of the army. {Dio, 1. 46. p. 325. } When those three armies met at
Bononia, an eagle sat on the tent of Caesar and drove off two crows that troubled her to the
ground. All the army noted this and thought it portended that a time was coming when there

would be a difference arise between the colleagues and that Caesar would get the victory over
them both. {Dio. 1. 47. p. 328.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 96.}

5266. These three had a three day private conference at the confluences around Bononia and
Mutina in a certain little island that is made by the Lavinius River. They made peace among
themselves and agreed that they should jointly govern the state's affairs for five years. {Livy,
120.} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 6.} {Plutarch, in Cicero, Antony} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 589, 590.} {Dio, 1. 46.
p. 325, 326.}

5267. Here by a common decree they decided these things. Caesar would turn over the
consulship to Ventidius for the rest of the year. A new office of the triumviri would be
established to avoid all civil disorder. Lepidus along with Antony and Caesar would hold that
office for five years with consular power. The triumviri would immediately be annual
magistrates for the city for five years. The provinces should be so divided that Antony should
have all Gaul as well as Togara on this side the Alps and Comata on the other side excluding the
province of Narbon. Lepidus should have the command of Narbon together with Spain. Africa,
along with Sardinia and Sicily should be Caesar's share. Thus was the Roman Empire divided
among the triumviri. They deferred the division of the provinces over which Brutus and Cassius
commanded. Moreover it was agreed among them that they should put to death their enemies
and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen consul in the place of Decimus Brutus.
He would have the guard of Rome and all Italy and that Antony and Caesar would carry on the
war against Brutus and Cassius. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 590.} {Dio, 1. 46. p. 326.}

5268. On the third day, the triumviri entered Rome, each separately with his praetorian cohort
and one legion. When Publius Titius, the tribune of the people, called an assembly of the wards,
he passed a law for the establishing of the new office. The triumviri were given consular power
for five years to restore order to the state. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 592, 593.} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 328.}

5269. When the triumviri arrived, Cicero left the city and was assured which also come to pass
that he could no more escape Antony than Brutus and Cassius could escape Caesar. {Livy with
Seneca in a speech, Suasoria. 7.)

5270. M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antony and Caesar Octavian, four days before December (5th
calends) began the triumvirate. This was to continue to the days before the month of January
which was to be six years (or of the sixth year following.) This appears from the Collation
Marble, {in inscription Gruteri, p. 198. } At that time, M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with
three heads. From that time, Suetonius {Suetonius, Octavian, c. 8.} and Eutropius, {Eutropius, 1.
7.} derive the beginning of the government of Caesar Octavian. This was almost 12 years (less
three months) before the victory at Actium from which they begin his monarchy.

5271. On the 7th (7th ides) of December when Caesar Octavian substituted himself and Quintus
Paedius for the consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Cicero was killed by some that
were sent from M. Antony. The writer of the dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence
confirms from the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Cicero's which is ascribed to C. Tacitus. This
was the end of his life who was the first that in peace deserved the triumph and laurel of the
tongue and was the father of eloquence and Latin learning. Julius Caesar had previously written
about him that he had obtained a laurel far beyond all triumphs and by how much it is a greater
matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman learning than of the empire. {Pliny, 1. 7. c.

30.} These things are recorded about Cicero by these writers. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 66}
{Seneca, in Suasoris oration 7} {Plutarch, in Cicero, fin.}

5272. Cleopatra brought no forces to Cassius although he demanded auxiliaries from her by
threats. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 675.}

5273. While Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola conspired against Cassius (??) and in
Macedonia Gellius' brother, Marcus, sent some for this purpose to get Caius Antony. Therefore
Caius Clodius who was left as Antony's guard, killed him when he could no longer keep him
safe. He did this on either his own authority or by the orders of Brutus. It is reported that Brutus
had a great concern for the safety of C. Antony. After he knew of Brutus' death, he took no more
care of him. However, Antony did not punish Gellius although he was guilty of treason against
him. He knew that Brutus always considered him among his closest friends and that Marcus
Messala, his brother, was very nearly allied to Cassius. Therefore he let him alone. (??) {Dio, 1.
49. p. 341.}

5274. As soon as Brutus knew of the acts of M. Antony and the death of Caius Antony, he
feared lest there be some new rebellion arise in Macedonia. He hurried back into Europe. {Dio,
1.49. p. 341.}

5275. The triumviri at Rome decreed the construction of a temple to Isis and Serapis. {Dio, 1.
49. p. 336.}

5276. When Octavian had resigned the consulship and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the
triumviri created consul, P. Ventidius (Bassa) the praetor along with C. Curtinus. This may be
shown from the inscription in Gruterus. {Gruterus, from the Collation marble, p. 297.} They
gave the praetorship to one who was aedile and afterwards removed all the praetors from their
office, five days before the office was to expire. They sent them into the provinces and
appointed others in their places. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 335. } This is what Paterculus referred to:
{Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 65.}

vv This year saw Ventidius, both as consul and praetor in that city, through which he was led in a
triumph to Picencium among the captives."

5277. He was led in triumph. This is described in more detail by {Valerius Maximus, 1. 6. c. 9.}
{A. Gellius, 1. 15. c. 4.} {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 43.} Maxiumus added that he got his living when he was
a young man very humbly by providing mules and coaches for the magistrates that were to go
into the provinces. Thereupon these verses were commonly written through all the streets:

You augurs and auruspices draw near, We have an uncouth wonder happened here; He that
rubbed mules doth Salve Consul hear.

5278. At the end of the year, those who were recently elected consuls held a triumph. L.
Munatius Plancus triumphed for Gaul 3 days before January (4th calends.) M. Emilius Lepidus
held a triumph for Spain, the day before of January. This appears from the Marble Records of
Triumphs. {Gruter, in inscript, p. 297.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 67.} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 607.}

3962b AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC

5279. In the fourth Julian year, a day was incorrectly added to February. Only three years had
elapsed from the first February of the first Julian year until that time. This error continued until
the 37th Julian year. They should have added a day at the end of every four years before the fifth
year began. The priests added a day at the beginning of the fourth year and not after it was
ended. So the year that was correctly ordered by Julius Caesar was disordered by their
negligence. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Macrobius, Saturnal., c. 14. fin.}

5280. After M. Brutus had settled all things in Macedonia, he went back again into Asia. {Dio, 1.
47. p. 341.} he took a large army there and arranged a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicum. He went
by land and settled all the cities and heard the complaints of the governors. {Plutarch, in Brutus}
He set Apuleius, who had fled to him from the proscription of the triumviri, over to Bithynia.
{Appian, 1. 4. p. 616.}

5281. The letters which Brutus wrote in a laconic style to those who were in Asia, are still
extant. Aldus preserved them in Greek and Ranutius Florentius translated and recorded them in
Latin. Plutarch relates three in his work on Brutus. {Plutarch, in Brutus} The first one is to the
Pergamenian is seen at the beginning of the collection that was already published. Another one
was to the Rhodians and we shall recite it. The third and shortest of all is inscribed in the
published Greek copies to the Bithynians and in the Latin copy of Ranutius to the Galatians and
in Plutarch to the Samians. It says this:

vv Your council is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow. What do you think
will be the end of these things?"

5282. Cassius intended to go into Egypt when he heard that Cleopatra had sided with Caesar and
Antony with her large navy. He thought that by this, he might punish her and prevent her from
doing this. She was bothered with a famine and had almost no foreign help because of the
sudden departure of Allienus with four Roman legions. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 625., 1. 5. p. 675.}

5283. He hoped that he would have a suitable occasion for this venture when Brutus recalled
him to Syria by messenger after messenger. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 625., 1. 5. p. 675.} {Plutarch, in
Brutus } He gave up on his Egyptian plans and he sent again his lightly armed cavalry with
bribes to the king of the Parthians. He sent his lieutenants with them to request more help.
{Appian, 1. 4. p. 625.}

5284. Cassius left his brother's son in Syria with one legion and sent his cavalry ahead of him to
Cappadocia. They attacked Ariobarzanes by surprise and took away a great amount of money
and other provisions. Cassius returned from Syria and took pity on the Tarsenses who were most
miserably oppressed. He freed them from paying any tribute in the future. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 626. }
When his affairs were settled in Syria and Cilicia, he went to Asia to Brutus. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 345.
fin.}

5285. After Cassius left Syria, there was a sedition at Jerusalem. Faelix, who was left there (by
Cassius) with soldiers, revenged Malichus' death and attacked Phasaelus and the people took up
arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the governor of Damascus and he planned to help his
brother but was prevented by illness. However, Phasaelus withstood Faelix's attack and first

forced him into the town and after agreeing on conditions, he allowed him to go out. Phasaelus
was very angry with Hyrcanus who had received so many benefits from him and yet he favoured
Faelix and allowed the brother of Malichus to seize some citadels. He held many and among the
rest Masada was the strongest. { Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 10., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 20.}

5286. Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident when they met at Smyrna and
considered their forces that they had. When they left Italy, they were poor and without arms and
like abject exiles. They did not have so much as one ship rigged, one soldier or one friendly
town. In a short time, they met together with a fleet and were outfitted with cavalry and foot
soldiers as well as money to pay them. They were ready to fight for the Roman empire. (Cassius
desired to have the same honour as Brutus and to give him the like. Brutus commonly prevented
him and came often to him because he was the older and his body the strongest.) (??) {Plutarch,
in Brutus}

5287. Both of them planned the war against the triumviri. {Livy, 1. 122.} Brutus wanted to go
into Macedonia with their joint forces and to settle all in one large battle. The enemy had 40
legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. Cassius thought otherwise. On the
contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible and that they would lack
provisions for so large a force. The best way was to quell those who favoured the enemy as the
Rhodians and Lycians, who were strongest at sea. Otherwise, while they were attacking the
enemy, they would attack from behind. Cassius' opinion prevailed. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 626.} When
they heard that the triumviri were busy about settling the affairs at Rome, they supposed they
should have work enough. Sextus Pompey controlled the way against them in Sicily, that was so
near. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 346.}

5288. Moreover, at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the money of which
Cassius had a large amount of. Brutus said that he had spent all that he had in preparing a fleet
by which they might control the whole inland sea. However, Cassius' friends were against
Cassius giving Brutus any. They said it was unjust that what they had saved by frugality and
gotten by hard work should be spent in bribing soldiers. In spite of this, Cassius gave a third of
everything to him. So both of them went to their own work. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5289. They either went themselves or sent their lieutenants and drew to their side those who had
opposed them. They got more men and money to fight the war. All those who lived in those
parts and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came to side with them. Although
Ariobarzanes and the Rhodians and Lycians did not oppose them, yet they refused Cassius' and
Brutus' alliance. Brutus and Cassius suspected them of favouring the opposing side because they
had received so many favours from the former Caesar. They feared lest in their absence, they
should raise some stirs and incite the rest not to keep their promise. They determined first of all
to attack them and hoped that by their superior forces they would easily convince them to side
with them either willingly or through force. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 346.}

5290. As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus and recaptured
all the citadels that he had seized. Herod also recovered three citadels in Galilee that were seized
by Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians. He allowed all the garrison soldiers of the tyrants to leave
on conditions. He sent some of them home well rewarded and by this he won the affection of the
city and hatred of the tyrant. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 10., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 20. 21.}

5291. The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commended by the triumviri. They were
given the hope that they would receive something for the losses they had sustained. Also
Cleopatra obtained, in that she had sent help to Dolabella, that her son, Ptolemy, whom she said
she had by Caesar and was therefore called Caesarion, should be called king of Egypt. {Dio, 1.
47. p. 345.}

5292. Brutus demanded men and money from the Lycians because Naucrates, an orator
domanaiou had compelled the cities to revolt. They placed themselves on some hills to keep
Brutus from passing through. First he sent his cavalry against them when they were eating and
the cavalry killed 600 of them. Later he took some citadels and smaller towns and then he let
them all go free without ransom so that he might win the favour of the country. However, they
were obstinate and discontented for the losses they had received and despised his clemency and
good will. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5293. Brutus defeated in a battle the common army of the whole country of the Lycians. He took
over their camp also and entered it as they fled. Many cities surrendered to him. {Dio, 1. 47, p.
347.}

5294. Then he besieged the most warlike of them and forced them to retire within the walls of
Xanthum {Plutarch, in Brutus} They had levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should
have neither retreat nor materials. They well fortified their city and drove the enemy from the
fortifications. They made a ditch fifty feet deep and as broad so that when they stood on the
bank they could use their javelins and arrows as if they had been divided by an unfordable river
while Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch. Brutus covered his storm troopers with hurdles
and divided his army into two to follow up the assault by night and by day. He brought his
materials from a distance (as it is usually done when the business goes on well,) and still urged
them on to hasten the work. They did whatever was to be done with great earnestness and
labour. Therefore although at the first he thought, he could not overcome the strong resistance of
the enemy for many months yet he finished his matter within a few days. He assaulted the
besieged from a distance with engines and close to the gate with his cohorts. He continually
rotated his men that were wearied or wounded with fresh men. Likewise the enemy held out
manfully as long as the fortifications held but they lost heart and the town was battered with the
engines. When Brutus knew what would happen, he ordered those who besieged the gate to
retreat. The men of Xanthum thought this was done through negligence of the guard and sallied
out by night with torches to burn the engines. However, the Roman cohorts hurried there as was
prearranged and the enemy quickly fled back to the gate. Those who kept the gate had shut it
lest the enemy should break in with them that fled. Hence there was a large slaughter of them
that were shut out of the town. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 633. 634.}

5295. A river ran past the city. As some tried to escape by swimming underwater but they were
taken again by the nets which were let down into the river across the channel. The nets had bells
which hung at the top of them which signalled when anyone was entangled. {Plutarch, in
Brutus }

5296. The men of Xanthum sallied out again about noon and drove back the guards and burnt all
the engines. Since the gate was open for them to return, 2000 Romans rushed in together with
the townsmen and others entered in a disorderly fashion. The portcullis (heavy iron grate) fell
upon them, either by the action of the men of Xanthum or by the ropes breaking by which it was
let down. Therefore all the Romans that had broken in, were either beaten down or shut in. They

could not draw it up again without ropes. They were attacked from above by the men of
Xanthum and they very barely got into the market place even though it was close by. The area
around there was full of archers. Since the Romans had neither bows nor arrows, they fled into
the temple of Sarpedon lest they be surrounded. In the meantime, the Romans that were outside,
were very anxious for them that were trapped within. Brutus was running up and down and tried
all things in all places to rescue them. They could not break open the portcullis and they had lost
their ladders and wooden towers by the fire. However, some presently made ladders and other
brought props to the walls and used them for ladders. Some fastened hooks to ropes and cast
them up onto the walls. As often as any held, they climbed up by them. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 634.}

5297. The Oenandeses, their neighbours and enemies, were at that time the allies of Brutus.
They climbed up the steep rocks whom the Romans presently followed with great earnestness.
Many fell down when they lost their footing. However, some got over the wall and opened a
little gate. Before the gate was a fortification of sharp stakes set very thickly. By the help of
these, the most daring got up. When their numbers increased, they went to break the gate open
which had no bars to strengthen it. Others also tried to do the same on the other side since the
Xanthians attacked those who had fled into the temple of Sarpedon. Those on both sides of the
gate, broke it open. At sunset, with such furious noise they rushed in one company. They gave a
loud shout as a sign to those that were trapped. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 634, 635. }

5298. The Romans rushed into the city and set some houses on fire. The fire first terrified them
who saw this being done. Those who were farther off thought that the city was taken. Therefore
the neighbours, of their own accord, set their own houses on fire, but the most killed one
another. {Dio, 1. 4. p. 347. } They retired inside their own houses and they killed everyone who
was dear to them. They willingly offered their throats to be cut. There was such a lamentable cry
made at that time, that Brutus thought the soldiers were sacking the city which he had forbidden
by public criers. When he was better informed, he pitied the generous disposition of these men
who were born to liberty. He sent messengers and invited them to peace. They drove them back
with their arrows. After they first killed all that belonged to them and laid them on funeral piles
and set them on fire, then they cut their own throats. This how was Appian relates the story.
{Appian, 1. 4. p. 635.} However Plutarch relates it like this.

5299. Brutus was afraid least the city should be destroyed and ordered the soldiers to put out the
fire and to help the city. However a great and incredible desperation suddenly seized the
Lycians, which you may well compare to a desire of death. For both free men and slaves, both
old and young, with women and children, assailed the enemy from the wall that came to quench
the fire. The Xanthians themselves brought reeds and all combustible matter to set the city on
fire. When they had done this, they used all the means they could to increase it. After all the city
was ablaze, Brutus was grieved for this and went about the city to help it. He stretched out his
hands to the Xanthians and intreated them to spare the city. No one obeyed him. Indeed they
killed themselves by all manner of ways including men and women and even little children.
With loud crys and howlings, they threw themselves into the fire and some headlong from the
wall. Some offered their naked throats to the swords of their fathers and wanted them to kill
them. After the city was thus consumed, there was one woman seen hanging by a rope who had
her dead child hanging at her neck. She had a fiery torch with which she set her house on fire.
The sight appeared so tragic that Brutus could not endure to behold it. When he was told of it, he
started weeping and offered a reward to the soldiers, whoever had saved a Lycian. They
reckoned but an hundred and fifty which would surrender alive. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5300. Appian wrote that Brutus saved some slaves. Of the freeborn, scarcely 150 women were
saved and those did not have husbands to kill them. He added that Brutus saved all the temples
he possibly could. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 635.}

5301. From there Brutus went to Patara, a city which might seem to be the port for the
Xanthinas where their ships were anchored. He ordered them that they should surrender to him
or expect a similar destruction as the Xanthians had. However, the citizens would not surrender.
The slaves had recently obtained their liberty and the freemen that were poor had recently had
all their debts cancelled and resisted surrendering to Brutus. Therefore, Brutus sent the
Xanthians that he had taken captive to them because they were related to each other. He thought
that when they saw their miserable condition the Patarenses would have a change of heart. They
were just as steadfast as before although he had granted as a gift to everyone, his kindred. Brutus
permitted them the rest of the day for consultation and withdrew himself. However the next
morning, he brought his forces there again. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 635.} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 347.} He set up
a cage in a safe place under the wall and he sold the leaders of the Xanthians. He brought them
out one by one, if by chance this might move the Patarenses. When they would not yield for all
this after he had sold a few of them, he let the rest go free. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 347. }

5302. When Brutus had taken captive the women of Patara, he let them also go free without any
ransom. They told their husbands and fathers who were of the leaders that Brutus was a most
modest and just man and they persuaded them that they should surrender to him. {Plutarch, in
Brutus} When he entered the town, he did not kill or banish anyone. He ordered all the public
gold and silver to be brought to him. He also took everyone's own treasure and promised to
punish those who would not cooperate and a reward to those that did. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 636. }

5303. A slave betrayed his master who had hidden some gold and told a centurion who was sent
to collect the money. When they were all brought out, the master was silent. However to save
her son, his mother followed and cried that she had hid the money. The servant replied without
being asked that she lied and the master hid the money. After Brutus had commended the young
man's patience and the mother's piety, he dismissed both of them with the gold. He hung the
servant who against all equity, had betrayed his master. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 636. }

5304. At the same time, Lentulus was sent to Andtiaca, which was the port of the Myrenses. He
broke the chain with which the mouth of the harbour was barred and went to the praetor of the
Myrenses. When Brutus had dismissed the praetor, the Myrenses surrendered and paid the
money imposed upon them. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 636.} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 347.} In the same manner, all
the countries of the Lycians were subdued and sent ambassadors to Brutus. They promised they
would send both men and money according to their ability. They found Brutus so bountiful and
indulgent beyond all their expectations. For he sent home all the freeborn of the Xanthians and
imposed upon the Lycians only 150 talents. He did violence to no one. {Plutarch, in Brutus}
{Appian, 1. 4. p. 636.} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 347.}

5305. After Brutus had conquered the Lycians, {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 70.} he wrote some
letters among which this one was said to be sent to the Rhodians:

"We have severely punished the Xanthians when they revolted from us. We punished everyone
including their children and we destroyed the city with fire and sword. To the Patarenses who
were faithful to us, we have released their tributes and granted them their freedom to live after

their own laws. We have given them 50 talents toward the rebuilding of those things that were
demolished. You have the freedom for yourselves to see whether you will be accounted enemies
as the Xanthians, or friends as the Patarenses."

5306. Plutarch recorded this letter more concisely:

vv The Xanthians despised our bounty and have made their country the sepulchre of their
desperation. The Patarenses who have submitted to me, have their liberty in governing their
state. Therefore it is in your power either to choose the opinion of the Patarenses or the fortune
of the Xanthians."

5307. The Rhodian noblemen feared to contend with the Romans but the common people held a
high opinion of their abilities. They remembered the ancient victories that they had over other
such men. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 627.} They trusted so much to their skill in navigation that they first
went to Cassius on the continent and showed to him the fetters that they had brought as if they
would take many of their enemies alive. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 346. }

5308. Cassius had to fight those who were skilful at sea. Therefore at Myndus, he exercised his
fleet that he had rigged and furnished with soldiers. The Rhodians sent ambassadors to him who
should intreat him that neither he would attack Rhodes who had always revenged the wrongs
done to her neither break the league that was between the Romans and the Rhodians. It stated
clearly that neither people should make war on the other. They sent also Archelaus, an
ambassador, to him who had formerly been his teacher at Rhodes for the Greek language. He
asked this more humbly from him. Cassius replied that the league was first broken by the
Rhodians and that he would punish them for it if they did not immediately surrender. {Appian, 1.
4. p. 626, 627. 630.}

5309. This answer terrified the wiser citizens but the people were more stirred with the speeches
of Alexander and Mnaseas and recalled how much larger a fleet that Mithridates had invaded
Rhodes with and before him Demetrius. Both were two most powerful kings. Thereupon they
appointed Alexander as Prytanis, which is a magistrate among them of very great power and
made Mnaseas, the admiral. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 627. 628.}

5310. Alexander and Mnaseas, the commanders of the Rhodians sailed to Myndus with 33 good
ships. They hoped by this boldness to make Cassius afraid. Since they defeated Mithridates near
this town, they hoped they would defeat Cassius also. After they had showed their skill in
sailing, they went to Cnidus the first day. The next day Cassius' soldiers loosed from shore and
sailed out against them. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 627, 630.}

531 1. There was a fierce battle between them. The Rhodians with their nimble ships, sailed here
and there, sometimes through the enemies ranks and sometimes around them. On the other side,
the Romans trusted their large ships. As often as they laid hold on any ship that sailed too close
with their iron hook, they prevailed as in a land battle. Cassius had the larger number of ships
and the Rhodians could not play long with their enemies through their swiftness and usual
tactics. Although they attacked them only from the front and then retreated, it did them little
good. Their enemies still kept themselves close together. The attacks also of their armoured
prows were ineffectual against the heavy ships of the Romans. On the other side, the Roman
ships attacked those light ships with a direct attack until three Rhodian ships were taken with all

the soldiers in them. Two were damaged and sunk, while the rest were badly damaged and fled
to Rhodes. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 630.}

5312. The Roman fleet successfully fought with the Rhodians at Myndus. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 630.}
{Dio, 1. 47. p. 346. } Cassius watched the sea battle from a mountain. After the battle he
immediately repaired his fleet and he went to Loryma, a citadel of the Rhodians on the other
side of the continent. From there he conveyed over his land forces in cargo ships under the
command of Fanius and Lentulus. Cassius, with 80 long ships, went to strike terror into the
Rhodians. He trusted that his sea and land forces would abate the hostility of the enemy.
{Appian, 1.4. p. 631.}

5313. When they boldly met him again, Cassius defeated them with the help of Statius
(Murcus). He overcame their skill by the size and number of his ships. When they lost two
ships, the Rhodians were surrounded on every side. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 631.} {Dio, 1. 47. p. 346.}

5314. Immediately all the walls were filled with soldiers to repulse Fanius' attack from the land.
Cassius with his navy by sea, was prepared for an assault on the walls. Cassius thought that such
a thing would happen and brought with him towers that were folded up which were set up there.
Thus Rhodes, twice beaten at sea, was now attacked both by sea and land. They were
unprepared for a double sustained attack. It appeared, that in a short time the enemy would
overpower them or they would be starved out by famine. When the wiser of the Rhodians knew
this, they held a secret conference with Fanius and Lentulus. Since Cassius had suddenly come
into the middle of the city with his best soldiers, it was believed that some of the smaller gates
were opened to him by citizens that secretly favoured him lest the city should be miserably
destroyed. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 631.}

5315. Cassius replied to the Rhodians that called him king and lord that he was neither lord nor
king but the killer and avenger of a lord and king. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} He sat under a spear
for his tribunal because he would seem as if he had taken the city by force of arms. He ordered
his army to be quiet and by his public criers, he threatened death to plunderers. He cited before
him 50 Rhodian citizens, whom he ordered to be executed. The other 25 who did not appear, he
ordered to be banished. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 631.}

5316. There he plundered the Rhodians of their ships and money. He took all the gold that
belonged either to the temples or treasury. He even took away all things which were dedicated to
the gods, except for the Chariot of the Sun. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 631. } {Dio, 1. 47. p. 246. } He was
not content with all that but he took from the owners whatever gold or silver they had. He
proclaimed a punishment by a crier, to anyone who hid it and offered a reward to them that told
of it. They would get a tenth part of it and the slaves would get their liberty. At the first some
concealed their money and hoped that his threats would go no further than words. When they
saw that rewards were given to discoverers, they desired that the time might be extended which
he granted. Some dug up what they had hid in the earth and others took their money from wells.
Some again brought more than they hid before. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 631, 632. } He had extorted
from the private men 8000 talents and publicly fined the city 500 talents more. {Plutarch, in M.
Brutus} He left the Rhodians with nothing but their lives. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18}

5317. Therefore, Cassius by a fierce and most prosperous war defeated Rhodes which was very
important to him. { Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 70. } He rejoiced at his quick defeat of it and the

huge amount of money he had obtained. He left L. Varus at Rhodes with a garrison. { Appian, 1.
4. p. 632.} After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had captured {Dio, 1. 47. p. 346.
fin. } and ordered ten years of tribute from all the provinces of Asia which he collected in full.
{Appian, 1.4. p. 632.}

5318. Then it was told Cassius that Cleopatra was sailing toward Caesar and Antony with an
large navy and many forces. She had always before followed that side for the love she had to the
former Caesar. She far more eagerly did so now for the fear she had of Cassius. To prepare for
her invasion, Cassius sent into Peloponesus, Murcus with one legion and some archers in 60
covered ships, to guard the sea lanes about the cape of Tenarus. Cleopatra avoided Cassius and
Murcus and set sail toward the Ionian Sea. However her fleet was wrecked by a large storm off
the coast of Africa. The waves brought signs of her shipwreck even into the country of Laconia.
Cleopatra became sick and so returned home. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 632, 636., 1. 5. p. 675.}

5319. Among Brutus' letters, there is one concerning the victories of him and Cassius that was
sent to the Coans.

""Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius, a city rather bold than strong by her own strength. All Lycia
is now at our command, partly conquered in war and partly for fear of suffering extremities.
This choice was truly for their profit. They willingly chose that which they must have done in a
little time later. Choose you therefore whether you had rather be forced to serve or rather be
called our friends by receiving us."

5320. Brutus returned from Lycia into Ionium and he did many memorable deeds in honouring
those who deserved well and in punishing others according to their acts. Among others, he
tortured and killed Theodoras, the rhetorician who was wandering in Asia. He was instrumental
(as he himself bragged) in the death of Pompey the Great. {Plutarch, in Brutus, Pompey }

5321. Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardis. When he was coming near there, Brutus went to
meet him with his friends. All the soldiers were ready in their arms and greeted them both as
generals. As often happens between two who have many troops and friends, that mutual
suspicion and accusations arose between them. The first thing they did, they went alone into a
private room and shut the doors to them and asked all men to leave. First they began to talk then
to argue and accuse each other. Then friends were afraid what would be the outcome because
Cassius and Brutus were all the more free and vehement in chiding one another and became
very sharp in the arguments with each other. {Plutarch, in Brutus} All these suspicions, which
each had thought against the other arose through false accusations and finally they wisely settled
everything. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 347.}

5322. M. Favonius was then there, (of whom Cicero makes mention of as a close friend to
Brutus. {Cicero, ad Attic. 1. 15. epist. 11.}) He followed in the footsteps of M. Cato, who was a
philosopher. However, he was not as reasonable and was governed by some passionate and mad
motion. He considered it to be a lowly office to be a consul of Rome. With his cynical kind of
harsh language, he alleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many. He then violently
thrust away the porters who forbid him entrance and went into the room where Brutus and
Cassius had their private conference. With a mimic voice, he pronounced those verses that
Homer said Nestor used:

vv But both obey me, for I your senior am."

5323. and those verses that follow this. This made Cassius laugh but Brutus kicked him out and
called him:

"unlearned and adulterous dog"

5324. After this difference was ended, Cassius made a supper and Brutus invited his friends
there. As they were going to sit down, Favonius came in very trim. Brutus protested that he
came uninvited and asked him to leave. However, he pushed himself in and placed himself at
the upper end of the table between them. There was at the feast both mirth and good discourse.
{Dio,l. 47. p. 347.}

5325. The next day, Brutus condemned in public judgement and with a note of infamy, L.
Pellius, who had been praetor. Brutus had employed him before and he was now accused of
bribery by the Sardians. Cassius was not innocent in this matter either. A few days earlier,
Cassius, had only chastised privately two who were found guilty of the same fault and absolving
them publicly and still made use of them. Thereupon Cassius accused Brutus for being too strict
and just when at such a time he should behave more civilly and with humanity. Brutus
admonished him again that he should remember the ides of March, on which they had killed
Caesar, who had not so much vexed all men as a patron of those who did. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 347.}

5326. Labienus the younger, the son of Titus Labienus, (Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul) was sent by
Cassius and Brutus to request aid from Orodes, the king of the Parthians. He stayed there a long
time with them without any notice being taken of him. The king had no intention of helping
them and dared not deny them. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 371.} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 9.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1.
2. c. 78.}

5327. Brutus ordered the whole fleet of the Lycians to sail for Abydus, while he marched there
with his land forces. They were to wait for Cassius' arrival from Ionium so that they might both
go to Sestos together. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 636.}

5328. When Cassius and Brutus were about to leave Asia for Europe and to transport their army
to the opposite continent, Brutus had an horrible sight. In the dead of the night when the moon
did not shine very bright and all the army was in silence, a black image of an huge and horrid
body stood silently by Brutus. It was said to offer itself to Brutus, since his candle was almost
out. Brutus boldly asked if he was a man or a god. The spirit replied, "O Brutus, I am thy evil
genius, you shall see me again at Philippi." So as not to appear afraid, Brutus said, "Then I shall
see you." {Floras, 1. 4. c. 7.} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 608.} {Plutarch, in Caesar, Brutus, fin.} Plutarch
gave a more complete account in his work on Brutus. He added that the next morning Brutus
told Cassius what he had seen and that Cassius expounded to him from the doctrine of the
Epicureans what was to be thought about such sights.

3963a AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC

5329. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus) invaded Judea, with the help
of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, Fabius the governor of Damascus, whom he had made his

friend through money, and Marion the tyrant of the Tyrians, who followed him because he hated
Herod. Herod met Antigonus as he barely crossed the borders of the country and drove him from
there after he defeated him in battle. Therefore Hyrcanus honoured Herod with crowns as soon
as he returned to Jerusalem. He had already promised that Herod was considered one of the
family of Hyrcanus for marrying Mariamme (in Syriac called ~yrs or Mary.) She was the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, (the brother of Hyrcanus) and Alexandra, the
daughter of Hyrcanus. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 10., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 21., 1. 15. c. 9. 11.}

5330. At the gulf Melanes, Cassius and Brutus numbered their army and found they had 80,000
foot soldiers. Brutus had 4000 of French and Lusitanian cavalry, 2000 cavalry from the Thracia,
Illyria, Parthia and Thressalia. Cassius had 2000 cavalry from the Spanish and French and 4000
cavalry who were archers from Arabia, Media and Parthia. (Justin confirmed that the Parthians
sent help there. {Justin, 1. 42. c. 4.}) The kings who were allies and tetrarchs from Galatia
brought 5000 cavalry in addition to foot soldiers. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 640.}

5331. These met at Philippi in Macedonia with the army of the triumviri under M. Antony and
Octavian Caesar. (The city was just as famous for Paul's letter to it as for this battle) {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 70.} Each side had the same number of legions. Brutus and Cassius had
20,000 cavalry and Antony and Caesar had 13,000. Cassius' side refused to fight the enemy for
many days and hoped to starve them for lack of provisions. They had abundant supplies from
Asia which were brought to them by sea. Whereas the enemy troops were in need of supplies
since they were in an enemies' country. The merchants could get nothing from Egypt since there
was a great famine there. Neither would Sextus Pompeius allow anything to be brought from
Spain or Africa. Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus guarded the sea lanes to Italy. They
knew that Macedonia and Thessalia, could not long sustain the enemy. Antony tried to hinder
supplies from coming to the enemy behind them from Thasus. In ten day's time, he made a
private passage in a narrow marsh and erected many citadels with trenches on the far side. Later
Cassius ran a trench from his camp to the sea through all the marches and made Antony's works
useless. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 652. 653.}

5332. When the battle began (from which Caesar and Antony were said to have withdrawn
themselves) the wing which Brutus commanded beat back the enemy and captured Caesar's
camp. However, the wing in which Cassius was, was routed and his camp was taken by
Antony's troops. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 7.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 78.} {Plutarch, in Antony}
Cassius lost 8000 of the servants that followed the camp whom Brutus called "Brigae." Masala
Corrinus, who was then present in Brutus' camp, and a little later surrendered to Caesar, said he
thought twice as many if not more were killed. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 655.}

5333. After Cassius had lost his camp, he could not return there but went up to an hill near
Philippi to better view what was going on and what he should do. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 655.} He
thought that the whole army was routed and killed himself {Livy, 1. 124. } with the same sword
he had killed Caesar. {Plutarch, Caesar, fin.} Although in another place, Plutarch along with
other historians stated that his head was cut off by his freed man, Pindarus. After the defeat of
Crassus in Parthia, Cassius had appointed him for that task. {Plutarch, in Brutus, AntonY}
{Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 70.} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 615.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 354.} From Maximus
{Valerius Maximus, 1. 6. c. 8.} we read:

vv Pindarus was recently freed by Cassius. When Cassius was defeated in the battle at Philippi,
Pindarus spared him the insults of his enemies by cutting off his head by his own command. He

hid his body so it could not be found. The gods, the revenger of so great a wickedness, had
bound Cassius' right hand with such weakness which was used in the murder of the father of his
county. He came trembling to Pindarus' knees, lest he should pay that punishment which he had
deserved at the hand of the pious conqueror. Truly you, defied Julius, have exacted the revenge
due to your heavenly wounds, by compelling that head which was wickedly against you to be
made a suppliant to the help of a base man. Cassius was forced by the rage of his mind that he
would not retain his life, nor dared end it by his own hand."

5334. Brutus gave the body of Cassius to his friends and had it privately buried at Thasus, lest
the army, by the sight of his funeral, should be provoked to mourning and become dejected.
{Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 655.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 354.} Cassius died the same day as
he was born on. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 655.} In the evening, his servant came to Antony, with Cassius'
soldier's coat and his sword which he had recently taken from his body. When Antony saw
these, he was greatly encouraged and set the army in battle array as soon as it was day.
{Plutarch, in Brutus}

5335. On the same day that the army of Caesar was defeated in the battle at Philippi, the
Marthian legion and other large forces, which were coming to Caesar by Domitius Culvinus
from Italy, were defeated by Murcus and Aenobarbus in the Ionian sea. {Plutarch, in Brutus}
{Appian, p. 656, 657. } Brutus did not know of this victory for 20 days. During that time, the
soldiers of Caesar and Antony were mired in the marshes of Philippi. They were bothered by
autumn showers that happened after the battle and froze. {Plutarch, in Brutus} In that time many
Germans fled to Brutus. Likewise Amyntas, the general of Dejotarus and Rhascipolis the
Thracian, left Brutus' side. When Brutus knew of this, he feared a larger revolt and he decided to
gamble all on one battle. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 355.}

5336. The night before the battle, it is reported that the ghost came again to Brutus in the same
way as before. It spoke nothing and so vanished away. However, P. Volumnius made no
mention of this. He was a man who studied wisdom and was in Brutus' camp and wrote about
other prodigies that happened. {Plutarch, Caesar fin., Brutus} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 668.}

5337. Antony was involved in the second battle as well as Caesar Octavian even though he was
weak and sickly. Ovid wrote about the things that were done in this war of Philippi. {Ovid,
Festi, 1. 3.}

Caesar's first work or worthy action rather, Was, by just arms he did revenge his father.

5338. Ovid also wrote: {Ovid, Fasti, 1. 5.}

This the youth vowed, when first to arms he ran, Being the leader of them he then began. His
stretched out hand to the soldiers while he shook, He, them confederated, thus bespoke.

5339. Brutus was defeated in the battle and fled to an hill by night. The next day he desired
Strabo Aegeates, an Epirote, with whom he was friendly because they studied rhetoric together,
that he would help him kill himself. He put his left arm over his head and held the point of the
sword in his right hand. He directed it to his left breast where the heart beats and forced it
through himself. So he died after being run through with only one thrust. {Livy, 1. 124.}
{Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 70.} {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 665, 666.}

5340. Thus this war ended the careers of Brutus and Cassius who were the murderers of Julius
Caesar their emperor, by whom they were spared in the Pharsalian fight and later committed
suicide. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 667, 668.} They killed themselves using the same swords they used to
kill Julius Caesar. {Dio, 1. 48. init.} The liberty which they so much desired to see restored, they
lost by the murder of Caesar. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 7. } Although, in less than two years, they had
gathered more than 20 legions, about 20,000 cavalry and more than 200 long ships. They had
made great preparations and had extorted huge sums of money from men, whether they wanted
to give it or not. They were often victors in the wars that they waged with many cities and with
opposing countries. They had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates. Whomever
they made war with, they drew them to their side and made use of their help who were faithful
to them like kings and governors, and even of the Parthians, although they were enemies.
{Appian, 1. 4. p. 666, 667.}

5341. Antony stood by the body of Brutus and modestly upbraided him for the death of his
brother Caius whom Brutus killed in Macedonia. However, Antony often said that he rather
imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius, (who was the proconsul of Macedonia) than to
Brutus. He ordered Hortensius to be killed on Brutus' (??) grave. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M.
Antony} He cast upon Brutus' body, his purple soldier's coat of great price and committed the
care of his funeral to one of his free men. He later killed the man when he knew he had not burnt
that coat with him and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M.
Antony} {Appian, 1. 4. p. 668. } Octavian sent Brutus' head to Rome that it might be placed
under Caesar's statue. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 13.} In the voyage from Byrrachium, a storm
arose and it was cast into the sea. {Dio, 1. 47. p. 356.}

5342. As many of the nobility who escaped to Thasus, sailed from there. Others surrendered
themselves to the power and mercy of Messala, Corvinus and L. Bibulus. Others agreed for their
security with the Antonians. Antony himself came into Thasus and they turned over to him
whatever money, arms, provisions or other preparation that were left. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 669.}

5343. L. Julius Mocilla, who had been praetor, along with his son and A. Torquates and others
who suffered this defeat, went to Samothracia. Pomponius Atticus had placed Mocilla in charge
of procuring all things from Epirus. (Cornelius Nepos, in Vita Attici. }

5344. After Brutus and Cassius had gone to the war, Cassius Parmensis was left in Asia with a
fleet and an army, to raise money. After the death of Cassius, he hoped for better things from
Brutus and chose 30 of the Rhodian ships. He planned to fill them with the sailors of the allies.
He burnt the rest lest the city should rebel. After this, he sailed with his own and the Rhodian
ships. However, Clodius was sent by Brutus, as soon as he saw the Rhodians were about to
rebel. When Brutus was dead, Clodius withdrew the garrison of 3000 men and went with
Parmenses. Torulus joined them with many other ships and the money which he had exacted
from the Rhodians before their revolt. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 671, 672.}

5345. Anyone who had some naval forces that were scattered throughout Asia, joined this fleet.
They put on board as many legions of soldiers as they could possibly and enlisted for rowers,
bondmen and slaves from the islanders of the ports they came to. Cicero the younger, and as
many of the nobility who fled from Thasus, joined them also. In a short time, there was a large
fleet with a large army of good commanders. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 672.}

5346. They sailed in the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus and Cn. Aenobarbus, who commanded
large forces. They took Lepidus with them with another band of soldiers who kept Crete with a
garrison of Brutus'. When they left some stayed with Aenobarbus, making a faction of their
own. (They controlled the Ionian Sea and did much harm to their enemies.) The rest went with
Murcus and joined forces with Sextus Pompeius. When he joined his large fleet and the remains
of Brutus' army to him, he doubled Sextus' forces. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 672.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1.
2. c. 72, 77.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 361, 368.}

5347. Caesar and Antony dismissed the soldiers that had served out their time, except for 8000
whom they intreated to serve longer under them. They divided these between them and took one
of an hundred of them for their bodyguard. Of eleven legions and 14,000 cavalry which were
left of Brutus' army, Antony took six legions and 10,000 cavalry while Caesar took four legions
and 4000 cavalry. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 672. 673.} Moreover it was agreed that Caesar should give
two legions of his own to go along with Antony and that he again should receive two others
which were then left in Italy who were his soldiers under the command of Calenus. {Appian, 1.
4. p. 673.} {Dio, 1.48. p. 358.}

5348. Caesar took this business upon himself so that he might repress Lepidus, the triumvir, if
he should make any stir. He also wanted to carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius and divide
the lands promised to the old soldiers who were retired. Octavian returned to Italy but on his
way, he became sick so that those who were at Rome thought that he was dead. Antony stayed
to go around the provinces beyond the sea, to subdue the enemies' pride and to get money for
the soldiers as they had promised them. {Livy, 1. 125.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 74.}
{Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 672, 673.} {Dio, 1. 48, p. 357, 358.} Since they had
promised every soldier 5000 drachmas, they must be careful to pay it. {Plutarch, in Antony}
{Dio, 1.47. p. 352.}

5349. Therefore, Antony with a large army went into Greece and at the first behaved kindly to
the Greeks and was happy to be considered a friend of the Greeks and especially of the
Athenians, on whose city he bestowed many gifts. {Plutarch, in Antony}

3963b AM, 4673 JP, 41 BC

5350. L. Censorinus was in Greece and went into Asia. {Plutarch, in Antony} There he went
about and sent others to exact money from the cities and to sell their territories. {Dio, 1. 48. p.
371.} Also kings much courted his favour and the king's wives fought among themselves to
offer him gifts and beauty and their service to him. Anaxenor, an harper, Xuthus, a musician,
Metrodorus, a dancer, and all the Asian comics and actors went to Censorinus' court where
everything was very luxurious. Finally, Antony was ready to go to the Parthian war and he sent
Dellius into Egypt to Cleopatra. He was the historian, as Plutarch later called him and whom
Seneca {Seneca, 1 Suasoria} said left Cassius and went to Antony. Dellius ordered her to appear
before Antony in Cilicia to answer for herself because she was said to have given much help to
Cassius. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5351. Apulein, who was proscribed by the triumviri, was restored to his country when he turned
over Bithynia to Antony. He was made governor of Bithynia by Brutus. {Appian, 1. 4. p. 616.}

5352. In Bithynia, Antony met with embassies from all countries. The rulers of the Jews were

there to accuse Phasaclus and Herod as though Hyrcanus reigned only as a puppet. In truth the
two brothers had all the power. However, Antony highly honoured Herod who had come there
to clear himself of these accusations. It so happened that his adversaries were not so much as
admitted to speak to Antony. Herod had arranged this by bribing Antony. { Josephus, 1. 14. c.
22.}

5353. When Antony came to Ephesus, the women went before him dressed in the clothes of the
Baccharae and men in the clothes of satyrs and Pans. All the city resounded with rushing after
ivy garlands with instruments of music, flutes and pipes. They called him:

""Bacchus the bountiful and debonair." {Plutarch, in Antony}

5354. He made a magnificent sacrifice to Diana, as to the protector of that place. He absolved
the Cassiani when they petitioned him. They had fled into sanctuary there. He did not forgive
Petronius, who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar and Quintus who had betrayed
Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. {Appian, 1. 6. p. 683.}

5355. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus the high priest and of the Jews came there also. These were
Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Joseph, the son of Mennaeus and Alexander, the son of
Theodoras. They gave him a crown of gold and they requested from him the same thing the
embassy did at Rome. They wanted freed those Jews whom Cassius had taken prisoners,
contrary to the laws of war. They wanted him to send letters to the provinces to affect this. They
also wanted their country which Cassius had taken from them, to be restored. Antony thought
their requests were fair and granted them. He wrote letters for this purpose, to Hyrcanus and also
to the Tyrians, Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians. These letters are recorded in Josephus.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 22.}

5356. The Greeks and other nationalities that lived in Asia Pergamena, were called to Ephesus.
Antony told them what generous promises he had made to his 28 victorious legions some of
which they had supplied. He had 150,000 men. When they had given to Cassius and Brutus, his
enemies, ten years tribute in 2 years, he demanded that they should give him so much in one
year. They complained that they were impoverished by their former enemies. At length they
barely obtained the concession that they might pay nine years tribute in two years. {Appian, 1. 5.
p. 673. 674.}

5357. Antony took the estates of many noblemen and gave them to knaves and flatterers. Many
begged the fortunes of some who were alive and they were given them. Some wanted and
received the estates of those who had died. He gave the goods of a citizen of Magnesia to a cook
who had prepared only one supper, (as it is reported) handsomely for him. Finally, when he had
burdened the cities with another tribute, Hybreas who stirred up the affairs of Asia, was so bold
to say:

vv If you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year, you must be able also to make two summers
and then to yield fruits to us twice."

5358. When Asia brought in 200,000 talents, Hybreas said:

vv If you had not received them, demand them, but if you had not that which you had received,
we are undone;"

5359. He sharply rebuked Antony with this saying who naively believed his own servants and
was ignorant of many things that were done. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5360. In like manner, other tributes were imposed by the orders of Antony on kings, governors
and free cities, each according to their abilities. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 674.}

5361. As Antony was going about the provinces, Lucius, the brother of Cassius, and as many as
had heard of his clemency at Ephesus, were afraid. They humbly came and presented
themselves to him and Antony forgave them all except those who were guilty of Caesar's
murder. These he would not forgive. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 674.}

5362. He released the Lycians and Xanthians from tribute and urged them to rebuild their city.
He gave to Rhodes, the places of Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus. However, not long after,
he took them from them because he said Rhodes was ruling too harshly over them. He also gave
the citizens of Laodicea and Tarsus, liberty and freedom from tributes. To the Athenians that
came to him, Antony gave first Tenos and then Aegina, Icos, Cea, Sciathus and Patepathus.
{Appian, 1. 5. p. 675.}

5363. He journeyed though Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Coelosyria, Palestina,
Ituraea and other provinces of the Syrians. He imposed very heavy tributes on them all. He
settled all differences of kings and cities after his own pleasure. In particular, in Cappadocia, the
matter of Sisenna and Ariarathes, was settled in favour of Sisenna who received the kingdom as
a favour to his beautiful mother. However, in Syria he removed tyrants from various towns.
{Appian, 1. 5. p. 675.} He committed the government of Cyprus, to Demetrius, the freed man of
Julius Caesar. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 381.}

5364. Antony promised the Tarsenses the command of the university and placed Boethus over
the university. He was a poor poet and a bad citizen. However, Antony liked his poem which he
wrote about his victory at Philippi. The Tarsenses mainly preferred him because he was able
without notice to speak something concerning any subject. When the account of the expenses to
be paid in the university were committed to his care, he was found to have stolen other things
and also the oil. When he was being accused before Antony, he answered:

vv As Homer sang the praises of Agamemnon, and Achilles, and also Ulysses, so have I thine,
therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee,"

5365. The accusers replied:

vv Homer stole no oil from Agamemnon and Achilles, which because thou hast done, thou shalt
be punished."

5366. Nevertheless Boethus, appeased his anger by some services and retained the government
of the city until the death of Antony. { Strabo, 1. 14. p. 674. }

5367. Cleopatra was brought to Cilicia to Antony by Dellius. She trusted in her beauty and
deportment. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 23.} {Appian, 1. 5. p 673.} {Dio, 1.
48. 371.} Her fabulous arrival is described by Plutarch more like a poet would than an historian.
She came by a ship that was covered in gold, up the river Cydnus, which runs by the city Tarsus.
It had purple sails all spread, and silver oars. They were accompanied by the music of flutes,
pipes and harps. She rested in a beautiful dress under a canopy of cloth of gold like Venus is
painted. Boys like cupids, stood here and there and fanned her. Her maidens in the clothes of
Nereides and Graces, stood at the helms and others plied the oars. All the river banks were filled
with most fragrant smells because of the abundance of perfumes. Men from both sides of the
shore accompanied her from the river. Those who were in the city, came to see the sight so that
Antony was left alone sitting in the forum on his tribunal. There was a general rumour that
Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus for the preservation of Asia. Antony sent certain men
to invite her to supper. However she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her. So that he
might at her arrival, show his gentleness and courtesy, he obeyed her and came.

5368. Antony accused Cleopatra that she did not side with Caesar in the last war. She objected
that she had sent the four legions to Dolabella and how her fleet was wrecked by storms. She
said how often Cassius had threatened her and she was forced to sent aid to him. Antony was
overcome and began to fall in love with her like a young man although he was then forty years
old. A long time ago, he had wantonly cast his eyes on her when she was but a girl and he was a
young man who followed Gavinius to Alexandria. At that time he was in charge of the cavalry.
Immediately Antony's ancient diligence and ambition failed and all men did nothing but execute
the commands of Cleopatra without respect either to human or divine law. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 671,
675,676.}

5369. By the request of Cleopatra, Antony sent murderers to Miletus to kill her sister Arsinoe, a
priestess of Diana Leucophrine. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 676.} However, Josephus says that she was at
her prayers in the temple of Diana. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 4.}

5370. Antony commanded the Tyrians to turn over to Cleopatra, Serapion, the governor of
Cyprus, who had sent aid to Cassius and now came to beg his pardon, as well as the Aradians,
another suppliant. When Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra, was defeated by Julius Caesar in a
naval fight on the Nile River and was never seen more, he had bragged to the Aradians that he
was Ptolemy. He commanded also Megabezus, the priest of Diana of the Ephesians, to be
brought before him because he had entertained Arsinoe as a queen. By the entreaty of the
Ephesians to Cleopatra, Antony let him go. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 676.}

5371. In the meantime, Fulvia, the wife of Antony in Italy, who was a woman in body only and
more like a man, raised a large rebellion against Caesar Octavian. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
74. } This action dissolved their alliance and the state was involved in a full scale war between
them. Caesar could not endure the insolence of his mother-in-law, (for he had rather seemed not
to agree with her than with Antony.) He divorced her daughter Claudia whom he swore was still
a virgin. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 359, 360.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 62.}

5372. Thereupon Caesar sent to Phoenicia to Antony, Cocceius and Cecinna as an embassy.
When Cecinna's task was finished, he returned to Caesar. However, Cocceius stayed with
Antony. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 706.}

5373. There came an hundred of the most honourable among the Jews to Daphne, near Antioch
in Syria to Antony who was now doting on the love of Cleopatra. They came to accuse
Phasaelus and Herod and selected for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number.
Messala undertook to defend the young men's cause. Hyrcanus helped assist him, who had
betrothed his daughter to Herod. After Antony heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus, which side
he thought to be the best to govern a state. When he had answered on the young men's behalf,
Antony who loved them because he had been kindly entertained by their father, made them both
tetrarchs. He left them the government of all Judea and wrote letters also to this purpose and put
fifteen of their adversaries in prison. He would have put them to death, had not Herod interceded
for them. { Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 10., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 23.}

5374. A thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyre to Antony, who were already bribed by the
brethren, and ordered the magistrates of that place that they should kill the ambassadors. They
said the men were instigators of seditions and that they should help the tetrarchs. However,
Herod and Hyrcanus came to them at that time outside the city on the sea shore and advised
them earnestly to withdraw. They admonished them what danger would ensue if they followed
this plan but they ignored this advice. Thereupon certain Jews and the inhabitants of that city,
rose up against them and killed and wounded some. However, Hyrcanus helped the wounded to
recover and had the dead buried. The rest fled home. When the people did nothing but rail
against Herod, Antony, in his displeasure, killed those that he had in prison. {Josephus, Wars, 1.
I.e. 10., Antiq. 1. 14. c. 23.}

5375. Cleopatra returned home and Antony sent cavalry to plunder Palmyra, a city located not
far from the Euphrates River. This crime against them was done under the pretence that they
might enrich the cavalry. They lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians and were
merchants who carried from Persia, Indian and Arabian wares to the Romans. When the
Palmyreni had an inkling of what was up, they carried their goods to the other side of the river
and placed archers to keep them off. They excelled in archery. When the cavalry found the city
empty, they returned without any plunder or bloodshed. Thereupon shortly after this the Parthian
war started. Many tyrants from Syria, whom Antony had expelled, fled to the Parthians and
asked them to seize Syria. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 676, 677.}

3964a AM, 4673 JP, 41 BC

5376. When Antony had imposed heavy tributes on the people and had thus offended the city of
Palmyra, he did not stay to settle the troubles of the province. He divided his army into winter
quarters and he went into Egypt to Cleopatra {Appian, 1. 5. p. 677.} and left Plancas in Asia and
Saxa in Syria. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 371.} This was Decidius Saxa whom Cicero mentioned in his book
{Cicero, Philippic 13} as one of M. Antonys' guard and Livy {Livy, 1. 127.} stated he was his
lieutenant in Syria.

5377. These actions caused seditions. The inhabitants of the island Aradus did not obey those
who were sent to them to collect tribute and the islanders killed some of them. The Parthians
previously were rebellious and now they made many more insurrections against the Romans.
The Parthian forces were under the command of Labienus and Pacorus, the son of Orodes. {Dio,
1.48. p. 371}

5378. Eusebius wrote this about the Aradians: {Eusebius, Chronicles}

vv Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the island Aradus because he too
zealously exacted their tributes."

5379. Livy noted that Labienus {Livy, 1. 127.} was of Pompey's faction. Plutarch wrote:
{Plutarch, in Antony}

vv When the forces of the Parthians were prepared to attack, Labienus was made their general for
the expedition of the Parthians. When the king's general was about to attack Syria, Antony was
drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra."

5380. From this the compiler of the Parthian account {Parthian Story of Appian, p. 155, 156.} is
to be corrected. He foolishly insinuates that Labienus was brought by the king's captains to
Alexandria. However, Dio explained both the origin and progress of this expedition like this:

5381. After the defeat of Philippi, Labienus thought that the conquerors would not pardon any of
their opponents. He thought it better to live with barbarians than to die in his own country and
therefore he stayed with the Parthians. As soon as he understood the carelessness and sloth of
Antony and his love and journey into Egypt, he advised the Parthians to make war upon the
Romans. The Roman armies were partially cut off, partially under strength and the rest
disagreed among themselves. It looked like civil war would break out at any time. Therefore he
persuaded the king, that while Caesar was detained in Italy because of Sextus Pompeius and
Antony gave himself over to his love in Egypt, the king might subdue Syria and the countries
around it. He promised him also that he would go as the general of this war so that he might
provoke many countries to revolt from the Romans. They were offended with the Romans for
the continual damages and tributes with which they afflicted them. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5382. When he had persuaded the king to make war, he received many forces from him along
with his son, Pacorus. Labienus invaded Phoenicia and attacked Apamea and was repulsed from
the wall. He took the garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary surrender to
him. These consisted of the soldiers of Cassius and Brutus whom Antony had chosen for his
army and had left to keep Syria since they knew the country well. Therefore, Labienus easily
persuaded them to join his side since they already knew him. Everyone did except Saxa who
commanded them. He was the brother of Decidius Saxa, the lieutenant of Antony, and his
quaestor. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5383. Labienus defeated Saxa in a battle by the number and valour of his cavalry. He persuaded
him as he fled by night from his camp. He had before shot notices into his camp to draw his
soldiers to his side. Saxa greatly feared this and fled. Labienus overtook him and killed most of
those who were with him. When Saxa had fled to Antioch, Labienus took Apamea which no
longer resisted him because it was generally reported that Saxa was dead. He also took Antioch
after Saxa deserted it. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5384. M. Antony was splendidly entertained by Cleopatra and wintered in Egypt without his
imperial ensigns. He did this either because he was in another person's government and royal
city or because he would solemnize the festival days in his winter quarters. He set aside all
business for his country and he wore the Greek four cornered robe and the white Attic shoes
called Phaecusium which the Athenian and Alexandrian priests used. When he went out, he
went only to the temples or places of exercise or to the meetings of philosophers. He always

kept company with the Greeks and courted Cleopatra, who was the main reason he came, as he
himself said. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 677.}

5385. Antony gave himself over to luxurious living with Cleopatra and the Egyptians. He
whiled his time away even to his utter destruction. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 373.} Plutarch describes at
length the luxury of him and his son. He also stated those things concerning this business that
Philotus, the Amphissian physician, told his grandfather Lamprias, who was then at that time at
Alexandria following his studies.

5386. Cleopatra was with him night and day. She played dice with him, drank with him, hunted
with him and saw him exercising himself in his arms. She accompanied him by night through
the streets as he was eavesdropping at the gates and windows of the citizens and talked to those
who were inside. She walked with him as he was clad in the clothes of a serving maid for he
often wore such clothes himself. Thereupon he returned home often well jeered and often well
beaten. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5387. Antony detained the ambassadors that were sent to him from the Italian colonies either
because it was winter or because he wanted to conceal his counsels. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 701 } In the
meantime, Caesar Octavian besieged the consul L. Antony, Antony's brother, at Perasium in
Hetruria. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 689.}

3964b AM, 4674 JP, 40 BC

5388. When Cn. Domitius Calvinus and Asinius Pollio being consuls, Perusia was taken by
Octavian. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 365.}

5389. Labienus followed Saxa as he fled into Cilicia and killed him there. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 372.}

vv Labienus went from Brutus' camp to the Parthians and led an army of them into Syria. He
killed the lieutenant of Antony, who had very badly oppressed the transmarine provinces."

5390. This is according to Paterculus. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 5.} Floras stated: {Floras, 1.
4. c. 9.}

vv Saxa (for thus it is to be read there; not Casca) the lieutenant, committed suicide so that he
might not fall into his enemies' hands."

5391. After Saxa was dead, Pacorus subdued all Syria except Tyre. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
5.} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 9.} {Livy, 1. 127.} Here the Romans who were left along with friendly
Syrians, had taken it before. They could not be persuaded or forced to yield because the
Parthians had no fleet with them. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 365.}

5392. In the second year {Josephus, 1. 14. c. 23.} that is from the coming of Antony into Syria
when Pacorus the king's son and Barzipharnes, a ruler of the Parthians, had seized Lysia,
Ptolemais, the son of Mennaeus, died. His successor in the kingdom of Lysia was his son
Lysanias. (Dio said he was made king of the Ituraeans by Antony.) He became friends with
Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, a noble man, who could do much with him and reconciled

them.

5393. At the beginning of the spring, Antony went against the Parthians. He came as far as
Phoenicia and came to Tyre. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 701.} He sailed there as if
he would bring help to the city. When he saw all the surrounding country was seized by the
enemy, he left under the pretence of engaging in the war against Sextus Pompeius. On the
contrary, he used the excuse of the Parthian war for the reason that he did not go sooner against
Pompey. So it happened that he neither came to help his allies under pretence of Pompey neither
helped Italy, under the pretence of the allies. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 373.}

5394. As he was passing the continent and sailed by Cyprus and Rhodes to Asia, he heard of the
news of the siege of Perusina. He accused his brother Lucius and his wife Fulvia but more
especially Manius, who was his representative in Italy in his absence. He then sailed into Greece
and met his mother Julia and his wife Fulvia who had fled from Italy. From there as he sailed
into Italy, he took Sipus. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 373.} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 679, 701.}

5395. After Fulvia died at Sicyon, her husband Antony was persuaded by his mother Julia and
L. Cocceius to make peace with Caesar. Antony recalled Sextus Pompeius (with whom he had
already entered into a league,) into Sicily, as it were to provide for those things that they had
agreed upon. He sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bithynia to govern there. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 707.
708. } He knew that Marcellus, the husband of Octavia, the most beloved sister of Caesar,
although by another mother, had recently died. To more firmly confirm a peace, Octavia was
betrothed to Antony. He did not hide his involvement with Cleopatra but he denied that she was
his wife. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 709.} {Livy, 1. 127.} {Plutarch, in Antony}

5396. They divided the Roman Empire between them. They made Codropolis, a town of
Illyricum, (which seemed to be located within the northern most part of the Adriatic Gulf) to be
the boundary of each one's dominions. All the eastern countries, as well as the islands and
provinces, both of Europe and Asia, even to the river Euphrates, were allocated to Antony. The
western areas of Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain, and Gaul were allocated to Caesar. The provinces of
Africa had been given to Lepidus the triumviri from Caesar and Sextus Pompeius had seized
Sicily. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 709.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 374.}

5397. The war against Pompeius was assigned to Caesar unless something else happened and
Antony took on the Parthian war to revenge the wrong done to Crassus. Domitius Aenobarbus
(although he was one of the murderers of Julius Caesar) was taken into a league by Caesar on
the same condition that he was formerly by Antony. It was added to the league that it might be
lawful for both the generals to muster the same number of legions from Italy. On these articles,
the last league was made between Caesar and Antony. (Appian. 1. 5. p. 709.)

5398. Caesar and Antony entered Rome and made a speech about the joy of the peace that was
made between them. {Grater, inscript. p. 197.} The citizens entertained them as in a triumph
and clothed them in a triumphal robe. They had them see the plays and seated them in ivory
chairs. {Dio. 1. 48. p. 375.} The marriage between Antony and Octavia was solemnised who was
quite pregnant. The law forbid any woman to marry until ten months after the death of her
husband but the time was reduced by a decree of the senate. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 78.}
{Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 710.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 375. fin.} Antony put Manius to
death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining about Cleopatra and because

he had been the cause of so many evils. { Appian, 1. 5. p. 710. }

5399. Asinius Pollio, had a son born in his consulship, whom he called Salonius. He was named
after the city of Salonae of Spalato in Dalmatia. Virgil wrote singing verses about the birth of
Salonius Pollio from the Cumaean or Sibylline poems. He classified the ages of the world by
metals and in the tenth and last age of the world, (in which Solar Apollo was to rule) he foretold
that there all things would be restored and stated that this year the golden age (and with it the
Virgin, Erigone or Aftraea, who had left the earth in the Iron Age) should return again. { Servius,
in Virgil, Eclogue. 4. } In the description, the poet seems to have inserted those things which
either he had heard spoken about by the Jews, whom Cicero {Cicero, pro Flaccus} said that
there were many Jews who lived at Rome around the Aurelian stairs. Otherwise Virgil had read
this in the books of the prophets which were available in the Greek language.

5400. Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, captured Syria and went into Palestine and deposed
Hyrcanus who was appointed by the Romans to govern that country. He put his brother,
Aristobulus in his place. Thus Dio, {Dio, 1. 48. p. 372, 373.} confuses Aristobulus, the father,
with Antigonus the son, when as he later always calls this Antigonus, the king and not
Aristobulus. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 382. & 1. 49. p. 405.} Josephus describes the matter in detail.

5401. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, said that he would give the Parthians 1000 talents and
500 women, if they would give the kingdom from Hyrcanus to him and kill Herod and all his
relatives. Although he did not do this, the Parthians marched with their army towards Judea to
claim the kingdom for Antigonus. Pacorus, the king's son went by sea and Barzapharnes by
land. The Tyrians shut their gates against him but the Sidonians and those of Ptolemais opened
their gates to him. He sent a squadron of cavalry under Pacorus, the king's butler, into Judea
ahead of him to see what was to be done and he ordered that they should help Antigonus.

5402. The Jews who lived at Mount Carmel, allied themselves with Antigonus and were ready
with him to invade the enemies' country. He began to get some hope that with their help he
might subdue the country of Drynos. He encountered his enemies and chased them right up to
Jerusalem.

5403. Antigonus' side was greatly increased and they attacked the king's house which Phasaelus
and Herod defended. In the market place there was a fight between them and the enemies were
overcome by the brethren and fled into the temple. They besieged them in the temple and they
appointed 60 men to keep them and placed them in the adjoining houses. The people bore a
grudge against the brethren and burnt them with fire. Herod was very angry and killed many of
the people. Every hour, one laid wait for another, so that everyday some were murdered.

5404. When the day of Pentecost arrived, there were many thousands of men, as well armed as
unarmed, gathered about the temple from all parts of the country. They seized the temple and
the city, except the king's house. Herod kept the king's house with a few soldiers as his brother
Phasaelus held out on the walls. Herod who was helped by his brother, attacked his enemies in
the suburbs and forced many thousands to flee either into the city, the temple or the rampart
which was near the city.

5405. In the meantime, Antigonus asked that Pacorus, the general of the Parthians might be
admitted to conclude a peace between them. Pacorus was entertained by Phasaelus and Pacorus

persuaded him that he should go as ambassador to Barzapharnes. He laid an ambush for
Phasaelus which he suspected and did not go. Herod did not approve of this matter because of
the perfidiousness of the barbarians. He advised rather that he would kill Pacorus and those that
came with him. Therefore, Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their embassy and Pacorus left
with Herod 200 horsemen and ten whom they call Elutheri and took with him the ambassadors.

5406. As soon as they were come into Galilee, the governors of those towns came out against
them in arms. Barzapharnes welcomed them with a cheerful countenance and gave gifts to them
but later made ambushes for them. Phasaelus was brought with his train to a place near the
seaside, called Ecdippon. Ophellus, learned from Saramulla, the richest of all the Syrians, that
there were ambushes set for Phasaelus and offered him a ship to escape. He was unwilling to
leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in jeopardy and expostulated with Barzapharnes
concerning the wrongs done to the ambassadors. He swore that these things were not true and
soon went to Pacorus.

5407. He was no sooner gone then Hyrcanus and Phasaelus were thrown in prison after
protesting the perjury of the Parthians. An eunuch was also sent to Herod with orders to surprise
him if he could get him out of the city. When Herod knew from others what had happened to his
brother, he took with him what forces he had with him and put the women on horses, that is, his
mother Cybele, his sister Salome, his wife Mariamme, and the mother of his wife Alexandra, the
daughter of Hyrcanus. With these his youngest brother Pheroras, their servants and the rest of
the company, Herod fled by night into Idumaea unknown to his enemies.

5408. On the journey, his mother was almost killed when her coach overturned. Herod was so
terrified, lest the enemy should overtake them while they stayed there that he thought to kill
himself with his own sword. He was restrained by them that were about him and he went
towards Masada, a most strongly fortified place, which was located in the country of Arabia,
and Palestine. He took the shortest way possible. First the Parthians pursued him and then the
Jews. When he was only 7.5 miles from Jerusalem he defeated both of them in a battle.

5409. After he came to Ressa, a village of Idumea, his brother Joseph came to him. He saw that
they brought so large multitude with them plus mercenary soldiers that the citadel at Masada
where they were planning to flee to, could not hold them. Herod dismissed most of them. He
told 9000 to take care of themselves in Idumaea and gave them food. He selected the best men,
and his nearest friends and he went into the citadel. He left the women with the rest of their
companions there because there was plenty of grain, water and other provisions. He went to
Petra, a city of Arabia.

5410. The next day after he fled from Jerusalem, the Parthians, plundered all the goods of the
citizens of Jerusalem including the king's house. Only the treasure of Hyrcanus, which was 300
talents, was untouched and a large part of Herod's wealth that he providently had carried into
Idumaea. The Parthians were not content with the plunder of the city but went out of the city and
harassed the country also. They destroyed the rich city of Marissa.

541 1. Antigonus, was brought back into his country, by the king of the Parthians and received
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus who were then prisoners. He was very much grieved that the women
had escaped whom he had intended to turn over to the Parthians. Also the money that he had
promised to give them was gone. He was afraid lest Hyrcanus, whom the Parthians held

prisoner, should again by the favour of the people, be restored into his kingdom. He cut off his
ears that so he might be rendered unfit for the priesthood. The law forbid anyone who lacked
any member from being in the priesthood. Le 21:17-21

5412. Phasaclus knew that he was appointed to be executed. Since he could not easily commit
suicide because his hands were chained, he beat out his own brains against a stone. Before he
was dead, he heard by a woman that his brother Herod had escaped. He greatly rejoiced that
there was left one to revenge his death. Although Parthians missed the women whom they
wanted the most, they settled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus. When they departed, they
took Hyrcanus along with them as a prisoner into Parthia. { Josephus Wars, 1. 1. c. 11., Antiq. 1.
14. c. 24, 25.}

5413. At the same time Labienus took Cilicia and all the cities, except Stratonicea, located in the
continent of Asia. (From fear of him, Plancus, the lieutenant of Antony in Asia, had fled to the
island.) He took most without a fight but Melissa and Alabanda, he took by force. When those
cities had entertained a garrison from Labienus, on a certain festival day, they killed the garrison
and revolted. Therefore after Labienus had captured Alabanda, he executed the citizens. He
destroyed Melissa after it was abandoned by its inhabitants. Although he besieged Stratonicea
for a long time, yet could he not take the city. Finally, when he had gotten their money and
robbed their temples, he called himself the Parthian emperor but for a different reason from the
Romans. He gave himself that name after the name of the forces that he led against the Romans
as if he had conquered them and not his fellow citizens. {Dio, 1. 43. p. 373. }

5414. Hence the Parthians, conquered for themselves under pretence of auxiliaries for Labienus,
their captain. They invaded from the Euphrates into Syria as far as Ionium and behaved more
like thieves than enemies. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 9.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, in Syriac, p. 120,
in Parthic, p. 134, 156, Civil War, p. 709.} To stop this, Antony sent his lieutenant, M.
Ventidius Bassus, into Asia. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, p. 156, & 709.}

5415. Ventidius came quickly to Labienus before he knew anything of it. Labienus was terrified
by his sudden arrival and he was without his forces. He had none with him except some soldiers
gathered from Asia and he did not have any Parthians. Hence he dared not meet him but fled.
Ventidius followed him as he fled with his light harnessed soldiers and caught up with him at
the Taurus Mountains and would not let him go any farther. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 380, 381.}

5416. In that place they stayed quietly for many days in their camps opposite each other.
Labienus waited for the Parthians and Ventidius expected his legions. In those days both wanted
to hide. Ventidius feared the Parthian cavalry and stayed up high for there he had made his
camp. The Parthians trusted their numbers and despised those whom they had defeated in past
times. Before they joined with Labienus, they went early in the morning toward the hill. The
Romans boldly came out to them and the Parthians intended to go even to the top of the hill.
When they came up, the Romans ran toward them and without much work forced them into a
disorderly retreat. The Romans killed some of the Parthians but the most were killed by their
own side in their retreat when they saw that some were fleeing when some had just arrived at the
hill. {Dio, 1.48. p. 381.}

5417. Ventidius followed the Parthians that fled into Cilicia to their camp. They did not go
toward Labienus. Ventidius saw that Labienus still stood there. When Labienus had set his men

in array, he saw that his men were astonished by the flight of the barbarians and he dared not
fight. He intended to escape somewhere by night. When Ventidius found out about this from
some fugitives from Labienus, he killed many of them as they left by setting ambushes. All the
rest deserted Labienus and he fled. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 381.}

5418. Labienus changed his attire and after he had hid in Cilicia for some time, he was sought
out and taken by Demetrius who then governed Cyprus for Antony. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 381. }

5419. When these things were done, Ventidius recovered and settled Cilicia. He sent ahead of
him, Popedius Silo, with cavalry to the Amanus Mountain. It was located in the region of Cilicia
and Syria. He went to take control of the passes. Silo was unable to capture a citadel that was
there and also was in extreme danger from Pharnapates, the lieutenant of Pacorus, who held that
pass. Silo had been utterly routed but Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting and so
brought him help. He attacked the outnumbered Parthians suddenly and Pharnapates along with
many others were killed. Ventidius recovered Syria without fighting after the Parthians had
abandoned it. He only fought at Aradus. The Arabians feared the punishment for their bold
attacks against Antony and did not surrender to Ventidius even though he attacked them for
some time. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 381, 382.}

5420. Herod did not know of his brother Phasaelus' death and went to Malchus, the king of the
Arabians (Nabateans) who was obliged to him for many favours Herod had done for him. He
was willing to spend 300 talents to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy. For
this reason, he took with him Phasaelus, his brother's son, a child of seven years old, to leave
him as a pledge with the Arabians. However, he was met by some who were sent from Malchus
to him. They told him he should leave Malchus' kingdom for so the Parthians had ordered.
However, this was only a pretence he and his nobles agreed to so they could defraud Herod of
the treasure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody. Herod was very
discouraged and returned to a certain temple where he had left many of his followers. The next
day when he came to Rhinocorura, he heard of his brother's death. {Josephus, 1. 14. c. 25.}

5421. Malchus was sorry for his ingratitude and quickly sent after Herod. He could not overtake
him for he was gone far on his way to Pelusium. The sailors who were to sail to Alexandria,
denied him passage. Herod was honourably entertained by the magistrates of the place and
brought to Cleopatra, the queen. She could not detain him because he was hurried to Rome
although the sea was very stormy and the affairs in Italy at that time were in bad condition. It
was not yet winter time, (as Salianus had observed Tormellus, 4014 AM, num. 26, 27.) I take
that ceimwio ogto in Josephus concerning a storm at sea. Herod ignored the storms and sailed
from Alexandria toward Pamphylia. He ran into a violent storm and had to throw most of his
goods overboard and barely got to Rhodes. {Josephus, 1. 14. c. 25.}

5422. He was met at Rhodes by two of his best friends, Sappinas and Ptolemais. They found that
the city had suffered much in the war against Cassius. He could not be restrained in even his
present poverty but wanted to do something for Rhodes even above his ability. He had a frigate
to be built. Then Herod embarked with his friends and he arrived at Brundusium in Italy. From
there he went to Rome and told Antony those things which had happened to him and his family.
He mentioned the storms dia comdto and recounted all the dangers and that he had retired to
Antony, his only refuge in whom all his hope lay. {Josephus, 1. 14. c. 25.}

5423. The story stirred Antony and he recalled also his father's friendship. He was especially
moved by the promise of money if he made Herod king and his hatred of Antigonus who was a
man of a turbulent spirit and an enemy to the Romans. This made him more inclined to Herod.
Caesar was also moved. Antipater had been a fellow soldier with his father in Egypt and for
other courtesies which Antipater had showed his father. To satisfy Antony whom he knew was
well disposed to Herod, Caesar was willing to promote his endeavours. Thereupon, the senate
was called. Messala and Atratinus brought out Herod. After they had praised him, they recalled
the services and good will that both his father and he had done for the Romans. They accused
Antigonus for previous crimes and for his recent sedition against the Romans. He had received
the kingdom from the Parthians. When Antony had declared to the senate, how helpful it would
be to the Parthian war that was still raging if Herod should be made king. Antigonus was
declared an enemy and the kingly title was given to Herod by their general consent. { Josephus,
1. 14. c. 25.}

5424. After the senate was dismissed, Antony and Caesar went out and led Herod between them.
They were accompanied by the consuls and other magistrates. They went up to the capital to
sacrifice there and to place the decree of the senate there. Antony feasted the new king on the
first day of his reign. Hence Herod obtained the kingdom in the 185th Olympiad, (not 184th as it
is in Josephus.) Domitius Calvinus 2nd and Asinius Pollio were consuls. Within seven days,
Antony dismissed Herod from Italy who was honoured with this unexpected friendship.
{Josephus, 1. 14. c. 25.}

3965a AM, 4674 JP, 40 BC

5425. At the same time of Herod's absence, Antigonus attacked his family in Masada. They had
plenty of provisions but lacked water. For this reason, Herod's brother, Joseph, planned with 200
of his friends to escape to the Arabians. He had heard that Malchus now repented of the
ingratitude that he had showed to Herod. However, it rained that night and he changed his mind
for the cisterns were filled with water. They made a gallant sally out and killed many of
Antigonus' men, in the open field and in surprise attacks. {Josephus, 1. 14. c. 25.}

5426. Ventidius easily recovered Palestine. Antigonus who was its king, was very afraid and
Ventidius exacted huge sums of money from all men, especially from Antigonus, Antiochus
(Commagenian) and Malchus the Nabatean. They had helped Pacorus. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 382.} He
came also into Palestine, under the pretence to help Joseph. His real purpose was to extort
money from Antigonus. Therefore he camped near Jerusalem and drew from him a sufficient
sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered, he left Silo
there with some part of his forces. Antigonus was to obey Silo lest he should create some new
troubles. He hoped the Parthians would come to his aid. (??) {Joseph. 1. 14. c. 26.}

5427. There was in the company of Antony an Egyptian, an astrologer who told him that
although his fortune was most splendid and great, it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar.
Therefore he persuaded him to get as far away from that young man as he could, for your genius
is afraid of his genius. When your genius is erect and high when alone, it becomes more remiss
when Caesar draws near. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5428. After these things, Antony went to go to the Parthian war. He had all his acts, those past
and future, confirmed by the senate. Again, he dismissed many of his commanders and settled

all things as he wished. He made some kings by his own authority who would only pay a certain
tribute. He made Herod, king both of the Idumeans and Samaritans, Darius (the son of
Pharnaces and nephew of Mithridates) of Pontus, Amyntus of the Pisidians, Polemon of part of
Cilicia and other kings in other countries. { Appian, 1. 5. p. 715. } He committed the care of his
family to Caesar and he left Italy and took Octavia with him into Greece. He had one son by her.
{Plutarch, in Antony} He stayed there many days. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 380.}

5429. Normally, Antony would winter his army around him. However, to get them accustomed
to plunder and exercise, he sent them against the Parthieni, a country of Illyria which in previous
times greatly troubled Brutus. He sent others against the Dardanians who also lived in Illyria
and were in the habit of invading Macedonia. He ordered others to stay with him in Epirus that
he might have them all around him. He planned to make Athens his winter quarters. He sent also
Furnius into Africa, that he might lead the four legions of Sextius against the Parthians for he
had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. When these things were done, he
wintered at Athens with Octavia as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleopatra. {Appian, 1.
5. p. 715,716.}

5430. As he wintered at Athens, he heard early reports about Ventidius' good success. He
learned that the Parthians were defeated and Ventidius had killed Labienus and Pharnapates or
Phraates the chief general of king Herod or Orodes. For these victories, he made a feast for the
Greeks and held games for the people of Athens. He was the main person in the games.
Therefore he left at home his imperial ensigns and went abroad with the rods that judges in such
exercises used. He was clothed with coats and shoes called Phaecasia. He joined the young
gamesters. When they had contended as long as he thought good, he ended the games.
{Plutarch, in Antony}

5431. Antony was praised at Rome and processions were decreed in his name. Ventidius
received no reward as decreed by the senate, because he was not a general but carried on the war
under the authority of another. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 382.}

5432. Castor received the countries of Attalus and Dejotarus after they had died. {Dio, 1. 48. p.
277.}

5433. When Herod returned from Italy to Ptolemais, he gathered a number of mercenaries and
those of his own country and hurried through Galilee against Antigonus. He was helped by Silo
and Ventidius, to whom Dellius (for so his name is to be read, {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15., c. 2.} not
Gellius) was sent from Antony with orders that they should help him get his kingdom. Ventidius
was by chance detained for settling the uprisings in various cities that the Parthians had caused.
Silo was in Judea but bribed with money from Antigonus. However, Herod's forces increased
daily and all of Galilee with few exceptions stood by Herod. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5434. As Herod was marching to Masada to help his family, Joppa would not let him pass. He
must first take the city from the possession of the enemy because he would not leave behind him
any fortification on his march to Jerusalem. Silo had taken Jerusalem and dislodged Antigonus'
army. When the Jews pursued him, Herod met them with a small band of men and saved Silo
who fought very cowardly. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5435. After Joppa was taken, he hurried to Masada to deliver his family from the siege. His

army was greatly increased and many of the country people joined with him. After he had freed
his friends from Masada, he approached Jerusalem in spite of Antigonus who had made
ambushes for him in all convenient places. The soldiers also of Silo followed him and many of
the Jews were terrified by his power. When he had camped on the west side of the city, those
that held the walls on that side shot at him with their arrows. Various men came out in troops
and attacked their quarters. Herod commanded an herald to proclaim around the walls that he
came for the public good and for the preservation of the city and that he would pardon all former
wrongs. On the other side, Antigonus talked to Silo and the Romans. He told them that it was
unjust to give the kingdom to Herod who was a private man and an Idumaean, that is, an half
Jew. By custom, it ought to be given to the priests. When as Antigonus' men, valiantly shot from
the towers and had driven the enemy from the walls, he bribed secretly some Silo's soldiers
whom he knew. They were to demand more provisions and money to buy them with. Also they
were to request to be withdrawn into more commodious winter quarters. Thereupon the army
was troubled and was preparing to leave. Herod intreated the captains and soldiers of Silo's army
that they would not leave him now. He was sent both by Caesar and Antony and all the rest of
the senate. Soon he sent his soldiers into the country and removed any pretence for Silo to leave.
They returned with an abundant supply of provisions that was more than anyone could hope for.
He ordered his friends who lived around Samaria that they should bring to Jericho, grain, wine,
oil, cattle and other necessaries so that for the future, there might be enough for the soldiers.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5436. When Antigonus knew this, he sent into the country troops to intercept those bringing
supplies. However, Herod captured them with his ten cohorts, five were Romans and five were
Jews. Herod intermixed some foreign soldiers and a few cavalry with them and went to Jericho.
He found the city empty of the inhabitants. 500 had fled with their families to the tops of the
hills. Herod captured these and let them go again. The Romans entered the city and plundered it.
They found the houses full of all precious things. Herod left a garrison and returned and
dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries that had recently surrendered to him. These
were Idumaea, Galilee and Samaria. Antigonus also obtained by bribing Silo that part of the
Roman army should be lodged in Lydda to please Antony. Thus the Romans lived in plenty and
free from bearing arms. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

3965b AM, 4675 JP, 39 BC

5437. Herod was not idle. He sent his brother Joseph into Idumaea with 1000 foot soldiers and
400 cavalry. Herod went into Samaria, and there settled his mother and the rest of his family
whom he had taken from Masada. He then marched into Galilee and surprised some places that
were held by Antigonus' garrisons. When he came to Sephorus in snowy weather, Antigonus'
men fled from there and Herod took great amounts of provisions. From there he sent a cavalry
troop and three companies of foot soldiers against some thieves who lived in caves near the
village of Arbella. He wanted to keep them in check. On the 40th day Herod came there with the
whole army whom the enemy boldly met. They made his left wing begin to waver, until he
arrived with the main body and helped them. He forced his enemy that was winning, to flee and
his own men who were fleeing to stand. He was not content with this and he followed the chase
as far as the Jordan River. By this he subdued all Galilee except those that inhabited the caves.
He gave every soldier 150 drachmas and more to the captains. Then he dismissed them into their
winter quarters. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5438. In the meantime, Silo came to him with his captains who had wintered with Antigonus,

for he would not supply them any longer than one month. Antigonus had sent to the inhabitants
around there and ordered them, to destroy all supplies in the country and to flee to the
mountains. He did this so that the Romans might perish through famine. However, Herod
committed the care of the provisions to his brother, Pheroras and ordered him to rebuild
Alexandrium. In a short time Pheroras had furnished the soldiers with abundance of all
necessaries and rebuilt Alexandrium again which was previously destroyed. About this time
Antony stayed at Athens. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5439. When P. Ventidius heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria, he
was afraid. The cities were not guarded and the armies still dispersed in their winter quarters.
Therefore to stop Pacorus and buy time to get his own forces together, he went to Chaunaeus, a
certain governor with whom he was well acquainted and he knew was friendly to the Parthians.
Nevertheless he highly honoured him as if he had been his faithful friend and asked his advice in
some affairs. He pretended to let him think he was in on his most secret plans. Hence he
pretended as though he were afraid lest the Parthians not follow their usual crossing over the
Euphrates River at Zeugma and use some lower part of the river. That area was a plain and
better for the Parthian cavalry and the other place was hilly and favoured him. Then he
persuaded Chaunaeus and by him deceived Pacorus. The Parthians took the longer march
through the plain (through which Ventidius pretended he did not want them to go.) This gave
Ventidius time to collect his forces. This is how Dio related the story. {Dio, 1. 56. p. 403, 404. }
Frontinus stated it happened this way. {Frontinus, Stratagem. 1. 10. c. 1.} Ventidius, in the
Parthian war against King Pacorus, knew that Pharneus who was a Cyrrhestian and pretended to
be one of his allies, told the Parthians whatever was done in his camp. He used the
perfidiousness of the barbarian to his own advantage. For those things that he most desired, he
pretended as though he were afraid they should happen. Those he was most afraid of, he made
as though he desired. He was really afraid lest the Parthians would cross the Euphrates River
before that his legions could come to him which he had in Cappadocia on the other side of
Taurus. He very carefully deceived the traitor that by his normal spying, he would persuade the
Parthians that they should cross over with their army at Zeugma. Here the journey is shorter and
the channel not so deep. If they came that way, he affirmed that he could make much use of the
hills to evade the archers but he was very afraid if they should come by the plain.

5440. Antony spent the winter at Athens with great luxury and enjoying the pleasure of Octavia,
as if he had been a different man. He returned to the old Roman virtues. Now the lictors were
around the gates and the captains and his guards with him. He arranged all things to make men
afraid of him. Ambassadors now had an audience who had waited a long time. Justice was
administered, the ships were launched and all things were done quickly. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 716.}
Finally, he took a crown from the sacred olive tree and was ready to go to war. To satisfy a
certain oracle, he carried with him a vessel filled from the Mountain Clapsydra. {Plutarch, in
Antony}

5441. In Syria, Ventidius sent for Silo to go against the Parthians. He ordered him first to help
Herod and then to bring Herod along with the rest of the auxiliaries of those provinces.
However, Herod, had sent Silo to him and marched with his soldiers against the thieves that
lived in the caves. Josephus gives more details about this. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 12, Antiq. 1.
14. c. 27.}

5442. Herod made Ptolemais governor of the country but his government was disturbed when it
was invaded by those who previously bothered that country. Ptolemais was killed. After this the

invaders retired to the marshes and unaccessible places and robbed and invaded all that country.
When Herod returned, he made them pay dearly for their thievery. Some of the rebellious
persons were killed and others fled into fortified places. Herod conquered them and he punished
them. He razed their strong holds and got rid of the leaders of these revolts. He fined the cities
100 talents. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 12, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 27.}

5443. Pacorus arrived in Syria with numerous Parthian forces that went by the shorter route at
Zeugma while he brought his army around by the plain. While the barbarians made a bridge
between the wider banks, it was more unwieldy. It took 40 days to come with their army and the
engines. Ventidius used this time to gather his forces which he received only three days before
the Parthians came. Ventidius had allowed them to cross the river for he did not attack them in
their crossing. He made them think that the Romans were effeminate and cowards. Ventidius
pretended fear and did not attack them but suffered the insults of the Parthians for a long time.
At last he sent some of the legions against them when they were in security and not watchful.
On the first attack the Parthians were discomfited and routed. When Pacorus saw his men
fleeing, he thought that all the legions had attacked them. Therefore he attacked Ventidius'
camp, with his main body, as though it had been left without anyone to defend it. It was located
on an hill and when the Parthian cavalry attacked it, they were easily pushed down the precipice
by a sudden sally that the Romans made. However, Ventidius did not lead out the rest of the
legions from the camp again, until they were come within half a mile of him. Then he made so
sudden assault when they were near him. Their arrows were no use against him because he was
still too far away. By this plan, he quickly set upon the barbarians who were over confident. His
slingers helped him very much and exceedingly afflicted the barbarians with their violent
strokes from a distance. However the Parthians, of whom many were armed at all points, fought
stoutly. Pacorus himself valiantly fought and was killed. A few courageously strove in vain for
his body. Ventidius killed all the Parthian cavalry all along between the Orontes and Euphrates
Rivers. He killed over 20,000 which was the most the Parthians had lost in any war. Those that
tried to get home over the bridge were prevented by their enemies and were killed. Others fled
into Commagena, to King Antiochus. Thus Ventidius again drove the Parthians within Media
and Mesopotamia, but would not pursue them any farther for fear of the envy of Antony. {Livy,
1. 128.} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 9.} {Strabo, 1. 16. p. 751.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 78.} {Josephus,
Antiq. 1. 14. c. 27.} {Gellius, 1. 15. c. 4. ex Suetonius} {Justin, 1. 42. c. 4.} {Plutarch, in
Antony} {Julius Frontonius, Stratagem, 1. 1. c. 1, 1. 2. c. 2} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 404} {Eutropius, 1. 7.}
{Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.}

5444. The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, 1.
49. p. 404} {Strabo, 1. 16. p. 751.} Pacorus was killed on the same day of the year when
fourteen years earlier, his father, Orodes, had killed Crassus by his captain Surena. {Dio. 1. 49.
p. 404.} {Eutropius, 1. 7.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.} This happened in
the month of June. {Ovid, Fasti, 1. 6. }

5445. Ventidius made an expedition against those who had revolted and subdued them.
{Plutarch, in Antony} The Syrians loved Pacorus very much for his justice and clemency and
never had any king like him. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 404. } Therefore, when Syria was uncertain about the
outcome of the war, Ventidius carried about Pacorus' head to all the cities that had revolted. He
easily restored order without any fighting. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 404.} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 9.}

5446. Orodes had previously heard that Syria was wasted and Asia seized by the Parthians and
he gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans. When he suddenly heard of his son's death

and the destruction of his army, he went mad for very grief. For many days, he spoke to no one
nor ate anything. He was speechless so that he seemed to be stricken dumb. After many days,
when grief had restored his voice, he did nothing but call to Pacorus to speak and stand beside
him. Then again he would with many tears bewail the loss of him. (Justin. 1. 42. c. 4.)

5447. At Rome, the senate decreed for this victory against the Parthians, processions and a
triumph. As of yet, Ventidius had never triumphed because he was not a general and according
to the laws, because it was his province. These things were decreed for Antony because he
seemed abundantly to have recompensed the defeat of Crassus by the destruction of Pacorus.
{Dio, 1.49. p. 404, 405.}

5448. Ventidius led his army against Antiochus, the Commagenian, under the pretence that he
had not given him his servants. He really wanted all of Antiochus' treasure. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 404. }

5449. Ventidius attacked Antiochus and besieged him in Samosata. He promised to give
Ventidius 1000 talents and that he would obey Antony. Ventidius ordered him to send
ambassadors to Antony (for he was far from there) to demand peace from him. Only Antony
could grant peace and Ventidius did not want to appear to have acted alone in this. {Plutarch, in
Antony}

5450. Antony ordered Ventidius to send Machaeras to help Herod with two legions and 1000
cavalry. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.} Antony was happy but envious of both the victories
Ventidius had over Labienus and Pacorus. Ventidius had good success all by himself. Although
there were processions and a triumph decreed to him for both the victories that Ventidius had
gotten, yet Antony removed him from his charge, (the government of Syria) and neither then nor
later used his help any more. Thus wrote Dio. However, Plutarch wrote that Ventidius was
honoured by Antony and that he was sent by Antony to the triumph.

5451. Machaeras at the instigation of Antigonus with the approval of Herod, acted like he had
been bribed and went to Antigonus to look into his actions. Antigonus suspected him and did not
allow him in but drove him from there with slings. Machaeras knew that Herod had given him
good counsel and he was wrong for not following it. Therefore, he went to Emmaus and on his
march, he killed all the Jews that he found whether they were friend or foe. He was angry at
those things that had happened. Herod was grieved by his actions and went to Samaria and
planned to go to Antony to say that he needed different men than those who did him more harm
than his enemies. Herod would subdue Antigonus by himself. Machaeras caught up to him and
begged him to stay or if he was determined to go on, at least that he would give him his brother
Joseph so that they together could make war against Antigonus. After much intreaty, Herod was
reconciled to Machaeras. He left Joseph, his brother, with the army and ordered him that in his
absence he was to fight with Antigonus but take no unnecessary risks. Herod hurried to Antony,
whom he found assaulting Samosata, a city near Euphrates, and brought with him auxiliaries of
foot soldiers and cavalry. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 27.}

5452. After Herod came to Antioch, he found many there who wanted to help Antony but dared
not go because the barbarians were lying in wait along the way. Herod offered to escort them
and so he came to Samosata to Antony. He had defeated the barbarians once or twice. Antony
entertained Herod very honourably and was much praised for his valour. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14.
c. 27.}

5453. The siege of Samosata lasted for a long time and the besieged behaved valiantly for they
despaired of peace. {Plutarch, in Antony} Antony suspected that his soldiers were alienated
from him because he had used Ventidius very poorly as Dio wrote. He privately mentioned
some hope of peace so that he might depart with honour. When he could only receive two
hostages who were not noble men and they would not give him any money, he granted peace to
Antiochus and was content with the 300 talents. Antiochus yielded to him that he might put to
death Alexander who had formerly fled from him to the Romans. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 405.} {Plutarch,
in Antony} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.}

3966a AM, 4675 JP, 39 BC

5454. This war was thus concluded. Antony made C. Sosius, the governor of Syria and Cilicia
with an army. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 405.} {Josephus, 1. 14. p. 27.} He had often very good success in
fighting in Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5455. After the affairs in Syria were somewhat settled, Plutarch wrote that Antony returned to
Athens. Josephus said that he went into Egypt. Dio said he intended to go to Italy. It seems that
he may first have returned to Athens and from there to have passed into Italy after being called
there by Caesar and then returned to Athens to have sailed to Egypt to spend the winter with
Cleopatra. He was sent for by Caesar from Athens that they might consult together about the
war against Sextus Pompeius. He came with a few men as far as Brundusium where he did not
find Caesar on the appointed day. He was frightened by a certain prodigy and he went back
again to Greece under the pretence of the urgency of the Parthian war. Caesar was not pleased
that he did not wait for him. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 717. 718.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 385.} Joseph forgot his
brother Herod's orders and while he was away he went toward Jericho with his own and five
Roman cohorts given him by Machaecas. He wanted to harvest the enemies' grain which was
now ripe. He camped in the mountains. The Roman cohorts were mostly raw soldiers and
unskilled in the art of military matters because most of them were taken from Syria. He was
surrounded by the enemies in the midst of those places and lost six cohorts. He fought valiantly
but was killed. Antigonus who had the dead bodies, was so enraged that he whipped the dead
body of Joseph even though Pheroras, his brother, offered 50 talents to redeem it. After this
Galilaeans revolted from their governors and drowned those that were of Herod's side in the
lake. In Idumea, also there were many seditions when Machaecas fortified Gitta. {Josephus,
Wars, 1. 1. c. 13, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5456. Caius Sosius was ordered by Antony to help Herod against Antigonus and sent with him
two cohorts to Judea. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.} He subdued the Aradians
who had endured a siege but now were worn out with famine and sickness. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 405.}

5457. Herod found out at Daphne in the suburbs of Antioch about his brother's death and the
military defeat. Herod expected this because of some dreams that he had. Therefore he hurried
and he came to the Libanus Mountain. He took with him 800 men from that place and led one
cohort of the Romans with him and came to Ptolemais. From there by night, he went with the
army and crossed Galilee. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5458. He met his enemies and defeated them and forced them into the castle from which they
came from the day before. When Herod attacked at day break, he was forced to stop because of
bad weather. He led his men into the adjoining villages. When another cohort arrived from

Antony, those who held the fort were dismayed and forsook it at night. Herod hurried to Jericho,
with an intent to revenge his brother's death. When he arrived, he made a feast for the noblemen.
After the feast was over and the guests dismissed, he retired to his lodging. The room where
they ate was now empty and collapsed and no one was hurt. By this event, all thought Herod to
be beloved of God who had so miraculously preserved him. { Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 13, Antiq.,
1. 14. c. 27.}

5459. The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountains to fight with
him. They terrified the Romans with their arrows and stones. They chased Herod's soldiers so
that the king himself received a wound in his side. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 13, Antiq., 1. 14. c.
27.}

5460. Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria who desired to show off
the size of his forces and fought against Machaecas. Herod had taken five towns and killed 2000
of the garrison soldiers. Then he set the towns on fire and he went against Pappus, who was
camped at a village called Isanae. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5461. Many came to Herod from Jericho and Judea. When he saw the enemy was so bold as to
come to battle with him, he fought and defeated them. He was so inflamed with a desire to
revenge his brother's death, he slew those who fled and followed them even into the village. The
houses were filled with soldiers and some fled to the tops of the houses for safety. These were
overcome and the houses thrown down. He found all other places filled with soldiers who were
miserably crushed to death. The rest fled in companies and were very afraid. Immediately Herod
went to Jerusalem and had not the bitterness of the winter hindered him he would have ended
the war. Now Antigonus began to think of fleeing and to forsake the city. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1.
c. 13, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5462. In the evening when Herod had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves, he was still
sweating in his armour and went into a chamber accompanied with only one servant to wash
himself. Inside some of his enemies who were armed, were hiding from fear. While he was
naked and washed himself, one with a drawn sword hurried to escape through the doors and then
another and likewise a third, all of them were armed. They were so astonished that they were
glad to save themselves and did no harm to Herod. The next day, he cut off Papus' head and sent
it to his brother, Pherorus in revenge for his brother's death whom he had killed. It was Pappus
who with his own hand, had killed Joseph. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 27.}

5463. At Rome, four days before (5th calends) of December, P. Ventidius for his victory at
Taurus Mountains and over the Parthians, as we read in marble calendars of the triumphs.
{Grater, inscript. p. 297. } Ventidius Bassus was a man of lowly parentage and rose by the
favour of Antony to such height of honour that he was made governor of the eastern provinces.
He triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacoras and the Parthians, who himself was twice
(if we may believe Massurius in Pliny) led in triumph with other captives. { Velleius Paterculus,
1. 2. c. 65.} {Valerius Maximus, 1. 6. c. 9.} {Pliny, 1. 7. c. 43.} {Gellius, 1. 15. c. 4. ex
Suetonius} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 405} {Eutropius, 1. 7.} See note for the end of
the year 4671 JP. Spain was now controlled by Caesar Octavian after being subdued by
Domitius Calvinus, the proconsul. The Spaniards began their computation of time from the first
of January of this year as may be understood from others and also from Eulogius, the archbishop
of Toledo, in his Memorial of the Saints.

5464. In the beginning of the spring, Antony arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum from Syria
according to Dio, or from Athens according to Appian. He came to help Caesar against Sextus
Pompeius. Caesar refused his help and Antony took this badly. However, he stayed in the same
place since he had unwillingly spent so much on this navy and he needed Italian legions for the
Parthian war. He thought to exchange his fleet for them. Although by the agreement, both of
them had power to raise soldiers in Italy. However, this would be very difficult for him, since
Italy by lot was allocated to Caesar. Therefore he sent Octavia (who accompanied him from
Greece and who also was then with child and by whom Antony had had a second daughter) to
her brother Caesar. He hoped she would make peace between them. She helped settle matters so
that Antony should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently, 150 ships, (for which Plutarch
wrote 100 war ships.) For these, Caesar promised that he would send to Antony from Italy duo
tagmata (as it is in Plutarch) or 20,000 soldiers (as Appian has it.) Moreover besides the
covenants, Octavia obtained for her brother of her husband, 20 small ships, as Plutarch stated or
ten galleys of three tiers of oars (??) as Appian stated. Caesar again gave to Octavia, 1000 men
for Antony's guard and let Antony chose them. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 725,
726.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 390.} To strengthen the alliance, Caesar betrothed his daughter (Julia) to
Antyllus the son of Antony and Antony betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia, to Domitius
(Aenobarous) although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar and had been proscribed.
These things were only done for show and they had no intention of following through but did
this for expediency's sake. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 390.}

5465. After the five years time of the triumvirate had expired, they extended their power for
another five years and did not ask for the people's consent. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 390. } {Appian, 1. 5. p.
726, 727. } Antony sent back Octavia to Italy out of fear of any danger in the Parthian war. He
commended to Caesar, the children that he had both by her and Fulvia and he went into Syria.
{Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 727.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 390, 391.}

5466. Cleopatra built a new library in the same place where the old one at Alexandria was burnt
in Julius Caesar's time, the library was called the daughter of the former one as Epiphanius
affirms in his book of measures and weights. From the 7th year of Ptolemais Philadelphus, in
which we have shown at the year 4437 JP when the previous library was built, Epiphanius
incorrectly calculated 249 years to this time which should end in the year 4686 JP which was
one year after Cleopatra's death. The main cause of his error is this. Epiphanius attributed 32
years to the reign of Cleopatra, instead of 22. If we deduct ten years from both, we make the
time between the founding of the two libraries, 239 years. To this time belongs what Plutarch
{Plutarch, in Antony} wrote that it was objected to Antony by Calvinius:

vv that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamos in which were 20,000 entire
books or single volumes."

5467. Strabo spoke of katoikiatou pergamou, possessions, not of libraries that were then extant
in his time {Strabo, 1. 13. p. 624.} (as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of
libraries.)

5468. Herod in the beginning of the third year after he had been declared king at Rome, came
with an army to Jerusalem and camped near the city. He soon moved nearer the place where he
planned to first to assault the walls. He placed his tents before the temple and intended to assail
them where Pompey had done in the past. Therefore he surrounded the place with three
bulwarks and he erected his batteries with the help of many workmen. He brought materials

from all places around there. He placed suitable men to oversee the works while he went to
Samaria to solemnize his marriage with Mariamme, the daughter of Alexander the son of
Aristobulus, who was formerly betrothed to him. { Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 27. fin.}

5469. After the marriage, Sosius came through Phoenicia after he had sent his army through the
continent. He came there himself with many cavalry and foot soldiers. Herod also came from
Samaria with a considerable army of 30,000 men. He had eleven legions of foot soldiers and
6000 cavalry in addition to the Syrian auxiliaries, (who were not included in the total.) He made
their camp at the north wall of the city. Two generals were over the army, Herod and Sosius,
who was sent by Antony to help Herod. Herod started this war to oust Antigonus who was an
enemy of the people of Rome and so that he might be king in his place according to the decree
of the senate. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 28, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13.}

5470. The Jews were gathered from the whole country and here besieged within the walls. They
made valiant resistance and boasted much of the temple of the Lord and wished well to the
people. They said that God would not forsake his people in their danger. They destroyed all the
provisions which were outside the city, both for man and horse. They secretly stole supplies and
made provisions very scarce for the besiegers. However, Herod provided well for this. He
placed ambushes in suitable places and he prevented their thievery. He sent his soldiers to fetch
provisions from afar so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all supplies.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 28, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13.}

5471. The large number of the workmen easily finished the three bulwarks. It was now summer
and the work went on and he was not hindered by bad weather. He often battered the walls with
his engines and attacked all parts of it. The besieged fought valiantly and used all their cunning
to evade their enemies' endeavours. They often sallied out and set fire to their works. Some of
the works were finished and some were still in construction. They fought valiantly hand to hand
with the Romans and were just as brave but not as well trained as the Romans were. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 14. c. 28, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13.}

3967a AM, 4676 JP, 38 BC

5472. The sabbatical year was now approaching and brought a famine to the Jews that were
besieged. In spite of this, they built a new wall to replace the parts which were battered down by
the engines. They countermined the enemies' mines so that sometimes they fought hand to hand
underground and using despair rather than courage they held out to the last. {Josephus, Antiq., 1.
14. c. 28.} Pollio, the Pharisee and Samias, his disciple, advised them to let Herod into the city.
They said that because of their sins, it was inevitable that Herod would be their king. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 14. c. 17., 1. 15. c. 1.}

5473. They held out in the siege for five months for there was so large an army besieging them.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13.} Finally, 20 of Herod's best soldiers got on the wall and were
followed by the centurions of Sosius. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 28.}

5474. The first wall was taken on the 40th day and the second one on the 50th. Some galleries
around the temple were burnt which Herod blamed Antigonus for so the people would hate him.
The outer part of the temple was taken and then the lower city. The Jews fled into the inner part
of the temple and the upper city. They feared that they should be hindered from offering the

daily sacrifices to God and sent ambassadors to ask permission that those beasts only might be
brought in. Herod granted this and hoped by this that they would not be obstinate and submit
themselves. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 28.}

3967b AM, 4677 JP, 37 BC

5475. When Herod saw this was not going to happen and that the besieged obstinately fought to
protect the government of Antigonus, Herod made a general assault and took the city {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 14. c. 28. } on the first of January of the 4677 JP on the second day of the month
Chisleu. According to the records of the eastern people of the civil year, this was the third in
which the 28th day when the Jews kept a solemn fast, in memory of the holy roll that was burnt
by Jehoiakim. See note on 3941a AM «4045».

5476. The first of January, because of the incorrect intercalating done at that time at Rome was
really the last day of December. This concluded the first five years of the triumviri and also the
consulship of Claudius and Nortanus to which this calamity of the Jews is referred by Dio. {Dio,
1. 49. p. 405. } The next day, M. Vespsanius Agrippa and L. Cuminius Gallus entered their
consulships at Rome. Josephus stated: {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. ult.}

vv This calamity of Jerusalem happened in the consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus in
the 185th Olympiad, (that is in the third year) the third month on a solemn fast day. It was as if
the calamity that happened to the Jews twenty seven years earlier was about again to repeat
itself at the same time, (for the city was taken by Herod on the same day.)"

5477. But yet this interval of time exceeds the true account by one year unless you interpret
metaeth kz, in the year after the twenty seventh, as in Mr 8:31. It is said that Christ shall rise
again, meta ptirieth Chonok after three days which is more clearly explained Mt 16:21 thpeith
imira on the third day. In /APC 2Ma 14:1 moqrieth chirth after the time of three years. The
interpreters explain it to be the third year. In the Catalogue of the Station, of Julius Africanus,
21 lth Olympiad the games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time,
but mita xth dno, that is, in the second year of that Olympiad, {in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. p.
221.} Even in Josephus himself that {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 11.) stated dentef outj

5478. After the city was captured, it was filled with murdered bodies. The Romans were
incensed that they had to continue the siege for so long and the Herodian Jews tried to eliminate
the opposing faction. There were continual slaughters through the porches and houses. The
reverence of the temple did not save the suppliants. They spared neither age nor sex, not even
children. Although Herod begged and intreated them to stop, no one obeyed him but continued
as if they had been mad and they showed their cruelty without respect of age. {Josephus, Antiq.,
1.14. cult.}

5479. Antigonus came down from the town and fell at Sosius' feet. He did not show any pity
because of his change of his fortune but insulted him and called him, Madam Antigona. He put
him in prison and set keepers over him. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. ult.}

5480. When a number of mercenaries rushed into the temple and even its inner sanctuary, Herod
restrained them by entreaty, some by threats and some by force of arms. He thought his victory
worse than if he had been defeated if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen were

beheld by the profane people. He forbid any plundering in the city as much he was able to.
Likewise he entreated Sosius and asked if the Romans would make him king of a wilderness
since the city was so depopulated with repines and murders. He replied that the soldiers desired
the plunder of the city because of the long siege they endured. Herod answered that he would
reward every man from his own treasury and by this means he freed the city from any further
trouble. He kept his promise and he generously gave gifts to the soldiers and in proportion to the
commanders and royally to Sosius. So Sosius, offered a crown of gold to God and left
Jerusalem. He took Antigonus with him prisoner to Antony. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. ult.}

5481. Herod made a distinction between the people of the city. He promoted those on his side
and daily killed those on the opposing side. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 13, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 1.)
Among those whom he killed, were all those judges of the great sanhedrim who had accused
him of some capital crime before he was king. He spared Pollio, the Pharisee, and his disciple.
Samias and he highly honoured them. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 14, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 17, 1. 15. c.
1.}

5482. He gathered together all the royal ornaments and by collections and by taking away from
rich men, he got a large amount of gold and silver which he gave to Antony and his soldiers. He
put to death 45 of Antigonus' chief noble men and set a watch at the doors that none of them
might be carried out under pretence of being dead. All the gold or silver that was found, was all
brought to Herod so that there was no end of these miseries. The covetousness of the needy
conqueror consumed all their goods. Since it was a sabbatical year, the fields were not tilled for
it was unlawful to sow them. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 1.}

5483. These miserable times were witnessed by Zacharias the priest, with his wife Elizabeth. Of
the remains of David's family, Heli and Joseph saw these things. It was also witnessed by Anna
the prophetess, of the tribe of Asher and Simon the Just who received an answer from the Holy
Spirit that he should not see death until he had seen the Lord's Christ. Lu 2:26

5484. Antony took Antigonus and planned to keep him prisoner with him until his triumph. He
saw that Herod was afraid, lest when Antigonus was brought to Rome by Antony, he would
contend with him before the senate for his right to the kingdom. Antony heard that the country
was ready to revolt from hatred to Herod and they favoured Antigonus. Antony received large
sums of money from Herod, he cut off Antigonus' head at Antioch. He gave him the vain hope
of life right up to the end. After this was done, Herod was totally free from fear. The
government of the Hasmonaeans was now ended. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. ult., 1. 20. c. 8.,
Wars, 1. I.e. 13.}

5485. Two years and seven months elapsed from the beginning of the priesthood and
government of Antigonus, to the taking of Jerusalem. From this also the third year of his reign
of both Antigonus and Herod, Antigonus was killed by Antony. This is written in the 52nd
chapter of the Jewish History which is written in Arabic and set forth in the Paris Bible of many
languages. However, Josephus attributes to Antigonus, three years and three months. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8.) If this included the time up until his death, it would extend to August of this
year. According to our account, from the beginning of the raise of Judas Maccabaeus until now,
elapsed 126 years and two or three months. Josephus, agreed {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14 c. ult.} and
wrote that the government of the Hasmonaeans ended and Antigonus was killed, mepi thrus was
125 years. This is calculated from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus to the beginning of the
third year of the reign of Herod when the siege of Jerusalem began.

5486. Other foreign writers have written concerning the taking of Jerusalem and the death of
Antigonus. Livy {Livy, 1. 128.} referred to this time in the epitome of which:

vv The Jews are said to be subdued by the lieutenants of Antony."

5487. So said the old books, where in the language it is written:
vv The ambassadors of the Jews were killed by Antony."

5488. We have this record of the death of Antigonus preserved by Josephus { Josephus, Antiq., 1.
15. c. 1.} from the books of Strabo, the Cappadocian:

vv Antony brought Antigonus, the Jew, to Antioch and had him beheaded. He was supposed to be
the first among the Romans that put a king to death after this manner because he thought that the
Jews could not tolerate Herod for their king if Antigonus was alive. No matter how Herod
oppressed them, they would not recognise him as king because they held Antigonus in such high
esteem. Therefore, it was thought fit to blot out his memory by some ignominious death and
lessen the public hatred against Herod."

5489. Plutarch wrote: {Plutarch, in Antony}

vv He bestowed tetrarchies of great countries on many private men and took away kingdoms from
many such as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded. No king was ever
killed in this way before."

5490. Dio also mentioned this history {Dio, 1. 59. p. 405.} when writing about Sosius:

vv He conquered Antigonus who had killed a garrison of the Romans which was with him. Sosius
was defeated in battle at Jerusalem and forced to flee. The Jews, (a country of unplacable anger,
if it be once stirred) did many wrongs to the Romans but suffered much more themselves. They
were taken first by them who fought for the temple of their God and then rested on a Saturday.
They observed on that day a festival with so much religion that those that were formerly taken
with the temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged permission of Sosius to go and
sacrifice in the temple as was their custom. Over these people, Antony made Herod king.
Antony killed Antigonus after he had scourged him and tied him to a post, (which was never
done to any king before by the Romans.)"

5491. That is, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning this see First Excercitation of Causabon on
Baronius, c. 7. This event happened when:

vv Claudius and Norbanus were consuls."

5492. as Dio implied. It is true concerning Antigonus' defeat and of the taking of Jerusalem but
not concerning the death of Antigonus. He died when M. Agrippa and Caninius or Canidius
Gallus were consuls the next year.

5493. Nothing of note was done by the Romans this year in Syria for Antony spent the whole
year in going into and returning from Italy. Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antony
passed that time and did no gallant actions lest he offend Antony. He hoped to curry Antony's
favour by doing nothing. {Dio, 1. 49., p. 405, 406.} When Antony returned from Italy, he
replaced him with Plancus as governor of Syria. He appointed C. Furnius, as his lieutenant in
Asia. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 749, 753.} {Dio, 1. 48. p. 371, 372. 1. 49. p. 402, 403.}

3968a AM, 4677 JP, 37 BC

5494. After Orodes, the king of the Parthians, had long mourned for his son, he had more
problems. He had to select a successor from his 30 sons to replace Pacorus. Many of his
concubines who bare him many sons, pestered the old man to make their son the new king.
Finally, he selected the oldest, who was the worst of them all and made him king. {Justin, 1. 42.
c. 4.} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 406.} This was Phraates the 3rd called by Plutarch {Plutarch, in Antony}
Phraortes. Although he is called Phraates by the compiler of Appian's Parthian stories, which he
transcribed word for word from Plutarch and by Plutarch himself in the end of his book.
{Plutarch, in Crassus} Likewise Horace {Horace, Ode. 2. 1. 2.} speaks of this time:

vv Phraates restored to Cyrus' throne."

5495. He received the kingdom by treachery and killed his brothers, who were born of the
daughter of Antiochus. He did this because they excelled him in all virtue and in blood by the
mother's side. He also killed Orodes because he was angry by this. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 404.} He
poisoned him as he lay sick with the dropsy. Orodes was beginning to recover and Phraates
stopped the slow poisoning and took a shorter route by strangling him. {Plutarch, in Crassus,
fin.}

5496. After Phraates had killed his father, he killed all his brothers. When he saw that the
nobility hated him for his wicked acts, he ordered that his son, who was now full grown, to be
killed so that there would be no one else to make king. {Justin, 1. 42., c. 5.}

5497. After this Phraates went about to kill the nobility and did many wicked things. Many of
the chief men fled from him. They went where they could and some, like Moneses, who was a
powerful noble man, fled to Antony. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 406.} This happened
when Agrippa and Gallus were consuls. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 406.}

5498. The rest of the winter, when Gellius and Nerva were consuls, P. Canidius Crassus was left
as lieutenant by Antony. Around the region of Armenia, he led his army against the Iberians. He
defeated their King Pharnabazus in battle and compelled him to join forces with him. He went
into Albania with him and he likewise allied that country to him along with their king, Zoberes.
{Dio, 1. 49. p. 406. } He went as far as Caucasus Mountains with the conquered Armenians and
the kings of the Iberians and Albanians. He made Antony's name famous among the barbarous
countries. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Strabo, 1. 11. p. 501.}

5499. Antony was puffed up with these successes and trusted very much on Moneses and
committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him. Antony promised him the kingdom of the
Parthians and granted him the revenues of their cities that were subject to the Romans. He would

receive this as long as the war lasted. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 406. } Antony compared the fortune of
Moneses with Themistocles and equally his own riches and magnificence to the kings of Persia.
He gave him three cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. {Plutarch,
in Antony}

5500. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive king Hyrcanus
because of his noble descent. He took him from prison and allowed him to live in Babylon
where many Jews lived. These Jews honoured him as the king and high priest. Also all those
Jews who were in old time deported beyond the Euphrates River by the Assyrians (or
Babylonians) of whom there were many millions, honoured Hyrcanus. After he knew that Herod
was made king, he began to hope for a favour from Herod whom he had saved when Herod was
on trial for his life. Therefore he began to consult with the Jews, who from duty came to visit
him concerning his journey. In spite of all their wise admonitions, he could not be persuaded
from his desire of returning to his own country. The tetrarchy of Herod was added to his former
country. Herod wanted to get his hands on Hyrcanus and wrote to him that he would beg of
Phraates and the Jews of that land for this. Herod said that the Jews should not envy the joint
power that he should enjoy with his son-in-law. Now the time was come, when Herod might
repay him that had preserved him in the past. Herod also sent Saramala, his ambassador, to
Phraates himself with large presents to soften him up so that Phraates would not prevent Herod
from showing kindness to Hyrcanus. Herod had received Hyrcanus, who was sent by the
Parthians, and honourably outfitted by the Jews for his expenses of his journey. Herod
entertained him with all honour and gave him the upper seat in all assemblies and the most
honourable place at all feasts. He called him father, and thus he lulled him on lest he should
suspect any treachery. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 2, 3.}

5501. Herod took care that none of the nobility should be created high priest. He sent to Babylon
for a priest of lowly parentage, whom he was well acquainted with. He was of the family of the
priests but descended from those Jews who were carried beyond the Euphrates River. This man's
name was Ananelus (or Hananeel) and Herod gave him the high priesthood. {Josephus, Antiq. 1.
15. c. 2, 3.}

5502. Mark Antony refused all honest and wholesome counsel and sent Fonteius Capita to
Cleopatra to bring her into Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony} She no sooner arrived when she thought
how she might get it into her possession. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 4.} She accused the Syrian
noble men to Antony and persuaded him to put them to death so that she might more easily take
over their estates. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13.}

5503. She accused Pausanias, the son of Ptolomaeus (Mennaeus) the king of Chalcis and Ituraea
as favouring the Parthians and had Antony execute him. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 14. c. 4.} {Dio, 1.
49. p. 411.} (In Dio, Parthian should be read for Pacorus) This was fifteen years after the death
of his father Auletes. This is derived from Porphyrius, {Scaliger, Greek Eusebian., p. 226.}
where the name of Lysimachus is incorrectly written for Lysanias.

5504. Antony made Amyntas, the secretary of Dejotarus, the prince of Galatia and added to it
part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 411.} {Strabo, 1. 12. p. 567.}

5505. Antony also made Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who was not descended from royalty.
He deposed Ariarathes who descended from those Archelai who had waged war against the

Romans and his mother was the harlot Glaphyra. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 411.} From that lascivious
epigram of Caesar Octavian, {Martian, 1. 11. epigra. 21.} it appears that Antony was involved
with Glaphyra.

5506. Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus and
mother-in-law of Herod, took it poorly that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was
condemned because during his lifetime one from another place, usurped the high priesthood.
She wrote to Cleopatra through a certain musician and asked her to request the priesthood from
Antony for her son. Cleopatra failed to do this. Dellius, a friend of Antony, who travelled into
Judea on some occasions, persuaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and
daughter Mariamme to Antony. He said that once Antony saw them, he would not deny them
anything. These were sent. Dellius also added that they seemed to be of divine rather than of the
human race. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 2.} Dellius was the historian who Plutarch mentioned
and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common as attested to by Seneca who has related
this in his first Swason Oration. Dio also implies the same and whom Antony used dishonestly.
{Dio, 1.49. p. 15.}

5507. Antony did not think it proper to send for a lady who was married to Herod and wanted to
avoid making Cleopatra jealous. He wrote to Alexandra that she should send her son to him
under some honest pretence but he added she should not do it if this would be burdensome to
her. When Herod found out about this, he did not think it safe that Aristobulus, a young man of
sixteen years in the flower of his age, should be sent to Antony. He was the most powerful of all
the Romans and also very much given to lust. Therefore he wrote back, that if the youth left the
kingdom, the whole country would be up in arms. The Jews wanted to revolt and have a new
king. Antony was satisfied with Herod's reply. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 2.}

5508. In the Sicilian war, Caesar Octavian and M. Lepidus defeated Sextus Pompeius. M.
Lepidus became proud about the ability of his 20 legions and attributed the whole victory to
himself. He was so bold as to oppose Caesar and to claim Sicily for himself. However, his army
abandoned him and he was put out of the triumvirate. He was glad to beg for his life and goods
from Caesar by whom he banished to Circeli. {Livy, 1. 129.} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 79,
80.} {Suetonius, in Octavian,. c. 16, & 54.} {Appian, 1. 5.} {Dio, 1. 49.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.}

5509. Sextus Pompeius who had a fleet of 350 ships, now fled into Asia with only six or seven.
{Floras, 1. 4. c. 8.} Although Appian stated {Appian, 1. 5. p. 741.} and Orosius, {Orosius, 1. 6. c.
18.} wrote that he had seventeen ships. He intended to flee to Antony because he had saved his
mother from a similar danger. {Appian, 1. 5. p.741.}

5510. He put his daughter, his friends, his money and all his best things into the ships that were
left which were fastest. Pompeius sailed by night and no one pursued him because he left
secretly and Caesar was continually engaged with troubles from Lepidus. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 398.} In
spite of this, after Pompeius had left Messana, he feared being followed and suspected the
treachery of his companions. When he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he
put out the light that the admiral's ships usually carry and sailed by the coast of Italy. {Dio, 1. 49.
p. 402. } When he arrived at the cape of Lacinium, he robbed the temple of Juno of all its
offerings. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 747.}

551 1. From there he sailed to Corcyra and into Cephalenia. He received others who were cast in

there by a storm. After he had called them together, he took off his soldier's attire and told them
that it would happen that if they all stayed together, they would not be able to be of sufficient
help to each other nor could they remain hidden. If they dispersed, they might more easily flee.
Therefore he advised everyone to shift for himself. Most followed his advise and went their
various ways. He along with some who stayed with him, went to Lesbos and {Dio, 1. 49. p.
402.} stayed at Mitylene. His father had left him here before the Pharsalian battle and after the
defeat he picked him up again. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 747.}

5512. The Parthians were troubled because of the defection of Moneses to Antony and Phraates
was quite worried. He sent messengers to Moneses to ask for peace and persuaded him with
large promises to return again. When this was known, Antony was angry. However, he did not
kill Moneses whom as yet he had in his power. He thought if he did that none of the barbarians
would ever trust him. He used politics against the enemy. He dismissed Moneses as if by his
means he would make peace with the Parthians. He sent ambassadors with him to Phraates who
were to make peace if the king would restore the ensigns and captives that were alive which the
Parthians had taken in the defeat of Crassus. He thought he would catch the king unprepared for
war by giving him reasons of hope of peace. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 406. }

5513. In the meantime, Antony prepared for war. He came to the Euphrates River which he
supposed was unguarded. When he found a strong garrison there, he changed his plan and
intended soon to go into Armenia to make war with Artavasdes, king of the Greater Armenia,
against the king of the Medes who was the other enemy of the Romans. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 407. }

5514. Artavasdes, the king of the Armenians, is called by Josephus, Artabazes the son of
Tigranes. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 13. Antiq. 1. 15. c. 5.} Orosius calls him, Artabanes {Orosius,

1. 16. c. 19. } whom when Antony had taken him to be his counsellor, guide and chief for the
management of the war, he then betrayed Antony and later created problems for the Romans.
{Strabo.l. 11. p. 524. &1. 16. p. 748.}

5515. Antony sent Cleopatra back into Egypt and he went through Arabia into Armenia. He had
ordered that his own forces and the auxiliaries of the kings to meet him there. Among these were
many friends and allies including Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with 6000
cavalry and 7000 foot solders. When the soldiers were mustered, the Romans and the allies of
Italy had 60,000 foot soldiers and the ordinary cavalry of the Spaniards and Gauls 10,000. The
auxiliaries from other countries numbered 30,000 cavalry and the light-harnessed soldiers. This
is according to Plutarch. However, Velleius Paterculus said Antony had 13 legions. {Velleius, 1.

2. c. 82.} Floras stated 16 {Floras, 1. 4, c. 10.} Justin {Justin, 1. 42. c. 5.} and Livy {Livy, 1.
130} 18 legions and 16,000 cavalry.

5516. The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to the Euphrates River almost to
Atrapatena (which the Araxes River divides from Armenia.) This was 1000 miles and almost
twice as far as the correct way. The guide led them over mountains and byways. { Strabo, 1. 1 1.
p. 524. } Antony should have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia who were
weary from the 1000 mile trek. Since spring was coming he should have invaded Media before
the Parthians left their winter quarters. He could not tolerate any delay because he wanted to be
back with Cleopatra. He thought more of returning quickly than of gaining a victory. {Plutarch,
in Antony}

5517. Therefore when he knew that the king of Media was gone far from his country to bring
help to the Parthians, he quickly marched with the best part of his cavalry and foot soldiers. He
left part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus. He ordered them to follow him and
hoped that on the first attack, he should conquer Media. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 407. }

5518. Among the things left behind, were the battering engines which were carried in 300 carts.
Among these was a ram 80 feet long. If any of the machines were damaged, they could not be
repaired because of the scarcity of materials in those countries. The trees were too short and not
strong enough. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5519. After Antony had crossed the Araxes River, he had problems and hardships on all sides.
{Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19. } As soon as he came into Artapatena, he harassed that country, then he
besieged the large city of Phraata. In it lived the wife of the king of the Medes with her children.
When Antony realised his error in leaving his engines behind, he was forced to raise a mount
near the city. This took a long time and was much work. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} This was the
royal city of the Medes and was called by Dio, Praaspa and by Strabo, Vera, (unless I am
mistaken in his {Strabo, 1. 11. p. 523.}) from Adelphius, (if it is not Dellius the historian) who
was with Antony in this expedition. He wrote about this and commanded part of the army. He
said this city was 300 miles from the Araxes River.

5520. The Parthians and Medes knew that Antony wasted his time in attacking that city because
it was so well fortified with walls and men. They suddenly attacked Statianus as he was tired
from his journey and killed both him and all that were with him. Plutarch reckons they killed
murious or 10,000 men. Velleius Paterculus said two legions were killed and they took all the
baggage and engines of war. Polemo, the king of Pontus and an ally of the war was captured and
let go when he paid a ransom. This was an easy victory for the barbarians to do because the king
of Armenia was not at the battle who might have helped the Romans. He did not come but left
Antony for his own kingdom. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 407.} { Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 82.} {Plutarch,
in Antony}

5521. Although Antony hurried to help Statianus when he heard the first news, he came too late
for he found nothing but dead men. He was terrified with this defeat. However, none of the
barbarians opposed him and he thought that they left from fear of him and was encouraged.
Soon after this, they fought and Antony routed them. His slingers, whom he had large numbers
of, put them to flight. The slingers' arrows went farther than the enemies' arrows so the heavily
armed cavalry were not safe from them. However, not many barbarians were killed because of
the swiftness of their cavalry troops. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 407.}

5522. Antony resumed the assault of Praaspa. He did little damage to the enemy and the
garrison inside the city, strongly repelled their attacks. The enemy that was outside the city
hindered them with hand to hand combat. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 407.} The Parthians who came to help
the besieged, threatened the Romans most contemptuously. Antony was unwilling that his
soldiers should loose any of their animosity. He took with him ten legions and three praetorian
cohorts, and all his cavalry. They went foraging and hoped by this means that the enemy would
attack him and so he could fight them. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5523. When he had gone a day's journey, he saw the Parthians, wheeling about him to hinder his
return. He ordered the signal for battle to be sounded. However, he packed up his tents as

though he prepared not to fight but for his march. Thus he marched by the barbarians who were
drawn up in an half moon. He ordered his cavalry that as soon as they were come together that
the legions should attack the enemy and they should begin the charge. The Parthians were
perplexed at the well ordered army of the Romans. They saw the soldiers passing by, keeping
their ranks and shaking their arrows at them but not speaking a word. After the signal and a
great shout was made, the cavalry began the attack. They resisted a little. Although immediately
the Romans were so close to them, they were unable to use their arrows. Soon, the legions
joined the battle with great shouting and the clattering of the armour. The Parthian cavalry were
frightened and the Parthians fled before they came to hand to hand combat. Antony hoped that
now he should overcome them or at least finish the greatest part of the war. He followed the
chase very hard. After his foot soldiers had pursued them about six miles and his cavalry three
times that distance, he counted the number of the slain and the prisoners. They found they had
taken 30 and killed only 80. This greatly discouraged them for they thought it was very hard if
being conquerors they should kill so few and if conquered they should lose so many as they had
done when the baggage was taken. The next day as they were returning to their camp, they met
at first a few of their enemies. More came and finally all of them, as if they had not been
formerly routed but were all fresh men. They reviled them and broke in upon them on every side
so that they were barely able to return to their camp again. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5524. In Antony's absence, the Medes who were at Praaspa, attacked the mount and terrified the
defenders of it. Antony was so enraged that he decimated them who had forsaken the place and
gave the rest of them barley instead of wheat. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5525. In the beginning, the foragers who were sent out by Antony brought enough provisions for
the Romans. Later they had consumed all the near by supplies so that the soldiers themselves
were forced to go foraging. It happened that if only a few were sent that they brought back
nothing and often the foragers were killed. If many left then Praaspa was short of besiegers and
the sallies of the barbarians killed many of the Romans and many engines were destroyed. From
this it happened that Antony's men who were besieging the city, ran as short of supplies as those
inside the city. The townsmen looked for good times for sallies as well as the enemy on the
outside. By their sudden incursions and quick retreats, they seriously troubled those who
remained in the camp as often as they divided their forces. The foragers who went to the villages
were never molested but they attacked them unexpectedly as they were scattered on their return
to the camp. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 408.}

3969a AM, 4678 JP, 36 BC

5526. Sextus Pompeius heard that Antony was in Media and made war with the Medes and
Parthians. He intended to commit himself to his protection when he returned. In the mean time,
he wintered in Lesbos and the people of Lesbos most willingly entertained him for the good
memory they had of his father. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 402.} {Appian. 1. 5. p. 747.}

5527. As Antony prolonged the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both sides.
Antony could not get any supplies without having his men killed or wounded. Phraates knew
that the Parthians would endure anything except winter in the camp in a strange country.
Therefore he was afraid that if the Romans continued the war, his men would leave him since
the weather grew very cold after the autumnal equinox. {Plutarch, in Antony} He was also
afraid that if the siege were continued Antony either by himself or else with outside help, would
seriously weaken the city. Therefore, he secretly bribed some men that should promote the idea

of a peace between them in the hope that it would be easily granted. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 408. }

5528. Therefore, the Parthian commanded his men that when they met with the foragers, to treat
them more courteously and to talk to them about peace. By this, Antony was persuaded to send a
friend to request the restitution of his ensigns and prisoners lest he should seem to be content
only to depart with safety. They replied that he should forget about those things. If he desired
peace and security, he should leave suddenly. (Plutarch.) Phraates was sitting on his golden
throne and twanging a bow string. After that he had in many words railed against the Romans,
he promised Antony's ambassadors peace on this condition if he should immediately withdraw
his army. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 408.}

5529. Antony received this reply. Although he was very eloquent in both civil and military
speeches, yet at that time from shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his soldiers. He had
Domitius Aenobarbus speak for him to the soldiers and to encourage them. Within a few days
after they had packed the baggage, he departed (Plutarch.) and left his works that he had raised
for the assault of Praaspa intact as if he had been in a friend's country. The Medes burnt
everything and cast down the mount. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 408.}

5530. They were to return by the same plain country where there were no forests. A certain
Mardian who knew the customs of the Parthians and had fought well for the Romans at the
battle where the engines were taken, persuaded Antony that he should march with his army by
the mountains on the right hand. He should not hazard the plain and open fields. The Romans
were heavily armed and good targets for the number of Parthian cavalry who were all archers.
The Parthians used this occasion by good words to draw him from the siege so that he would
show Antony a shorter way with more plentiful supplies for his soldiers. Antony told these
things to his council and confessed that he trusted little in the peace with the Parthians. However
he commended the shorter way, especially since the journey would be through a plentiful
country. He asked for some assurance of the Mardian who surrendered himself to be bound until
he had brought the army into Armenia. After he was bound, he led them without problems for
two days. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5531. On the third day, Antony thought little of the Parthians and marched securely in
confidence of the peace. The Mardian saw the dam of the river was recently broken and that all
the way they were to go was flooded. He knew that this was done by the Parthians to force the
Roman army to halt. He warned Antony of this and told him to prepare for the arrival of the
enemy. Antony ordered his battle and set distances between the ranks. With this, those that used
arrows and slings might make an attack on the enemies when the Parthians opened their ranks to
surround and disorder the army. When the light horsemen attacked them, they were beaten back
after the giving and receiving of many wounds. They came on again until the calvary from Gaul
who were held in reserve, gave them a fierce charge and routed them so that they attempted
nothing more that day. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5532. Antony learned from this what was to be done. He made his army march in a square body
and had a strong guard of archers and slingers in the rear and in the flanks. He ordered his
calvary that if the enemy attacked them, they should drive them back. If they fled, they should
not follow the chase too far. For four days, the Parthans received as many casualties as they
made. They began to ease off and thought of returning since it was winter. {Plutarch, in
Antony}

5533. On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the captains, a valiant and industrious man, asked
Antony that he would give him permission to take some lightly armed men from the rear and
some cavalry from the front. He planned to do some gallant act. By his rash attempt, he broke in
on the enemy with much risk. The Romans sent him help in small companies. They were too
weak and were cut off by the enemy until Antony came with the whole strength of the army and
rescued the rest from obvious danger. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5534. Floras stated {Floras, 1. 4. c. 10.} that there were two legions lost to the Parthian arrows.
Plutarch stated at least 3000 were killed and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back
into the tents. Gallus was shot in four places and later died from his wounds. Antony was very
much troubled to see this and went and comforted them that were wounded. They cheerfully
took him by the right hand and desired him that he would take care of himself and trouble
himself no more for them. They called him their emperor and told him that if he were well then
they were all safe and in health. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5535. This victory made the Parthians so proud who were before weary and in despair, that they
lodged all night near the Roman camp. They hoped that they would soon be able to plunder all
their money and ransack their tents. {Plutarch, in Antony} On that night, a certain Roman whose
life was spared in Crassus' defeat, came in Parthian clothes to the Roman trenches and greeted
them in Latin. After they trusted him, he informed them what danger was at hand and that the
king would come with all his forces. He advised them that they should not march that way they
intended but that they should go back again and take the way by the woods and the mountains.
He told them that they might meet with the enemy that way also. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 10.} {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 82.}

5536. As soon as it was day, many enemies came together with at least 4000 cavalry. The king
also sent there his bodyguard because they were so confident of victory. The king was never at
any previous fight. Then Antony lifted up his hands to heaven and made his prayers to the gods
that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune that he would lay all the
adversity on his own head but give health and victory to the rest of the army. {Plutarch, in
Antony}

5537. The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard. The Parthians attacked them
and were very much deceived in their expectations. They thought that they came to pillage and
plunder and not to fight. They lost heart when they were greeted by the Roman arrows.
{Plutarch, in Antony}

5538. As they were going down a certain hill, the Parthians laid in ambush for them and
overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as hail. Then the soldiers who carried large
shields, took in the lightly harnessed men under their shields. They kneeled down on their left
knee and held their shields over their heads and made a roof over them, (a testudo.) By this, they
defended themselves and their friends from the enemies' arrows which fell on the convex shields
and slid off the slippery surfaces. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 10.} {Frontino, Stratagem, 1. 2. c. 3.} {Dio, 1.
49. p. 409.}

5539. The Parthians had never seen such a thing before and thought that they had all fallen
down by reason of their wounds or that they would soon all fall. Therefore they cast away their
bows and leaped off their horses and took their spears and came to kill them with their naked

swords. Then the Romans rose up again and at the signal, widened their army and made a shout.
They attacked their enemies in the front and with their darts they slew the foremost of them and
made them all flee. This thing struck such amazement in the barbarians that one among them
said:

vv Go Romans and farewell, fame with good reason calls you the conquerors of nations, who can
outstand the Parthian's shot." {Floras, 1. 4. c. 10.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 409}

5540. There were continual skirmishes between them which slowed the Roman march down
greatly. {Plutarch, in Antony} When they marched by break of day, they were always bothered
with the Parthian arrows. Thereupon, Antony deferred his march until the fifth hour and so made
his own soldiers more confident. The Persians left them and they marched without any trouble
for that day. {Frontinus, Stratagem, 1. 2. c. ult.}

5541. The army then began to be troubled with food shortages because they were hindered from
foraging by their often skirmishes. They also lacked grinding mills which were mainly left
behind. The beasts were either dead or else used to carry the sick and wounded men. It was
reported that little more than a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmas and barley loaves for
their weight in silver. Then they were forced to eat roots and herbs. By chance they found one
that when eaten, made them mad. Those that ate it only dug up stones and removed them and
thought they were doing some great business. At last they vomited up a great deal of choler and
died because they lacked wine, which was the only remedy. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5542. The famine raged in the camp and they began to flee to the enemy. However, the
Parthians slew these runaways in the sight of the rest. All had planned to defect but the cruelty
of the Parthians stopped the revolt. {Dio, 1. 5. p. 409.}

5543. Antony saw so many of his own soldiers dying and the Parthians continually attacking
them. It is reported he often cried out w mieioi wondering at those 10,000 men who under the
conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon and often fought with their
enemies and yet came home safely. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5544. The Parthians could neither break the spirit of the Romans nor their ranks but were often
defeated themselves and repulsed. They began again to talk peaceably with those who went to
fetch water and forage. They showed them their unbent bows and told them that they were
departing and that they would follow them no more. However, they might have some Medes
follow them a day or two but that they would not do them any great harm and only secure some
of the remoter villages. They won them over with this talk and they gently took their leave of
them. The Romans were very joyful and when Antony desired rather to march by the plain than
the mountains because it was said that way lacked water. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5545. While he was in this mind, Mithridates came to him from the enemy camp. He was a
cousin of Moneses to whom Antony had given the three cities. Antony asked that some might be
sent to him who understood the Syriac or Parthian language. When Alexander, from Antioch
and a good friend of Antigonus came, he was told by Mithridates that the Parthians with all their
forces lay in ambush in those mountains which he saw. They were waiting to attack them as
they passed by the plains. He advised them to travel through the mountains which had no other
inconvenience than lack of water for one day. Antony took his advice and the Mardian guided

them by night through the mountains. He ordered his soldiers to carry water with them which
many did in their helmets and leather bags. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5546. The Parthians found out about this and contrary to their custom, pursued them by night.
At sunrise, they overtook the rear guard of the Romans who were tired with the hard march and
watching. That night, they had gone 30 miles and did not think the enemy would attack them so
soon. This made them more dejected and their thirst also was increased by their fighting. They
were forced to march while fighting. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5547. In the interim, the advance guard found a cool, clear river but it was salty. The water from
it just increased the thirst of those who drank it. Although the Mardian forewarned them of this,
yet they thrust away those who would have kept them from drinking of it and drank freely from
it. Antony also was very urgent with them and begged them to stop. Only a short way off there
was one that they might drink from and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven that
the enemy could not possibly follow them. He sounded a retreat also so that at least the soldiers
might refresh themselves in the shade. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 10.}

5548. As soon as the tents were pitched, the Parthians according to their custom departed and
Mithridates returned. Alexander came to him. He told Alexander that after they had refreshed
themselves for a while they should all arise and hurry over the river. The Parthians would not
pursue them beyond that point. For this, Antony gave him a large store of gold plate. He took as
much as he could hide in his clothes and departed. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5549. They were not bothered on the next day's journey. The following night they became their
own worst enemies. Those who had any gold or silver were killed and robbed. The pack animals
(sumpters) which carried the treasure were plundered. Finally, all the household belongings of
Antony, like his plate and precious tables, they broke and divided among themselves. Therefore
because of this tumult and uproar in the army, they thought that the enemy had attacked the
sumpters to rob them. Antony called a free man and ordered him to kill him and to cut off his
head so that neither he may not be taken alive by the enemy nor known when he was dead.
{Plutarch, in Antony} {Floras, 1. 4. c. 10.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.}

5550. As his friends were weeping about him, the Mardian encouraged Antony for he knew
there was a river nearby. Others told Antony that this tumult arose from their own covetousness
and doing wrong one to the other. Therefore Antony gave the signal to make camp in order to
quell these tumults and disturbances in the army. It began to grow light and the army fell into
good order again. When as the rearguard was hit by enemy arrows, the light cavalry were
signalled to fight. The men who carried the large shields came together as they did before and
defended them from the Parthian arrows. The Parthians did not dare come too close. As they
marched a little distance the river was seen by the advance guard. Antony interposed his cavalry
between the enemy and the army. He made all the sick men to cross over first. The men that
fought were now braver and strengthened. As soon as the Parthians saw the river, they unbent
their bows and bid them in god's name and highly commended their valour. So they crossed
leisurely over the river and were glad they did not trust the promises of the Parthians. {Plutarch,
in Antony}

5551. After Caesar Octavian had settled his affairs in Sicily, on November 13th (ides) he entered
Rome from Sicily and made a speech. This is shown in the marble triumphal records. {Gruter,

Inscript, p. 297.} {Suetonis, in Octavian, c. 22.} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 400.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.} He
had a gold statue erected for him in the rostrum which showed his image with this inscription:

vv For peace restored after continual wars both by sea and land." { Appian, 1. 5. p. 746. }

5552. He was 28 years old, after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken, gu Caioar
itan is tste dktai kn eikqsi.

5553. He received also the tribunal power for ever by a decree of the senate who invited him by
this honour to lay down the triumvirate. Concerning this, he wrote privately to Antony by
Bibulus. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 747.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 18.}

5554. Antony's men came to the Araxes River on the sixth day after the battle. It divides Media
(Atropatena) from Armenia. The crossing was very difficult because of the depth and swiftness
of the river. There was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to attack them in their crossing.
After they were safely crossed over and entered Armenia, it was as if they had recently landed
from sea. They kissed the earth and embraced one another with tears of joy. When they marched
through a fruitful country, they so gorged themselves with food after so long a famine that many
began to be sick with dropsies and fluxes. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5555. Antony numbered his army and found that he had lost 20,000 foot soldiers and 4000
cavalry. Half of these died of diseases and not from fighting against the enemy. {Plutarch, in
Antony} In the whole army, at least a quarter of the men were dead or missing. The grooms and
slaves lost about a third of there staff. Hardly anything remained of the baggage. However,
Antony called this flight his victory because he was still alive. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 82.}

5556. In 21 days, he had fled 300 miles. {Livy, 1. 130.} The march continued for 27 days all
together from Phraata (or Phraaspa). In that time the Parthians were repelled in battle 18 times.
The 16,000 cavalry, who were armed after the Parthian custom and were used to fighting with
the Parthians did not help the Romans. Artavasdes had brought them from Armenia. The
Parthians could not so often rally after their battle since they were so often beaten by the
Romans if the Romans had the Arminian cavalry to pursue the Parthians. Therefore all men
egged on Antony to punish the Armenians. He did not do this neither did he upbraid him with
his treachery but used him with the same honour and courtesy that he had always done. He did
this because he knew the army was weak and lacked provisions. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5557. Now that Antony was no longer more troubled with enemies, he hurried to Cleopatra and
was unwilling to winter in Armenia. He took a quick journey in cold winter weather and
continual snows. He hurried his soldiers on and he lost 8000 men by extremities of the weather.
{Livy, 1. 130.} {Plutarch, in Antony} As they crossed over the mountains of Armenia which
were covered with snow, the many wounds they had received, greatly bothered them. Therefore
many died or became unfit for service. Antony could not endure to hear of these things and
forbid that anyone should speak to him about it. Although Antony was angry with the king of
Armenia and wished for revenge because the king had deserted him, he tried to endear the king
to him so that he might get provisions from him. Finally, the soldiers could not endure this
journey in winter any longer. Antony persuaded the king by flatteries and promises that if he
would let his army winter in his country, he planned the next spring to have his army attack the
Parthians again. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 410.}

3969b AM, 4679 JP, 35 BC

5558. Finally, Antony came to Syria with barely a third of the original sixteen legions. He
returned to Antioch. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} Here he foolishly began to brag as if he had gotten
the victory because he had gotten away. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 10.}

5559. He came down to the sea side with a few of his company and stayed in a citadel between
Berytus and Sidon, called Leucocome. He awaited Cleopatra's arrival for whose absence he
pined away. To pass the time, he started feasting and drinking excessively. During this time, he
would arise and run to see if she were coming until at last she finally came. {Plutarch, in
Antony}

5560. Cleopatra brought for the soldiers a great amount of money and apparel. Some reported
that Antony took the apparel which she had brought and gave it to the soldiers. He gave the
money to the soldiers that she had given him. {Plutarch, in Antony} Concerning this matter Dio
wrote this. The money which was brought to him by Cleopatra he gave to the soldiers. He
divided to every soldier of the legions, 35 drachmas (or denarii) and to others proportionably.
When that money ran out, he made up the rest from his own treasure and gave satisfaction for
what he had received from Cleopatra. He also received much money from his friends and
exacted much from his allies. When he had done this, he went into Egypt. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 410.}

5561. Herod was continually pestered with the nagging of his wife Mariamme. She wanted him
to restore the high priesthood to her brother Aristobulus according to his due. Therefore he
called a council of his friends, he bitterly complained against his mother-in-law Alexandra, as if
she had secretly done treason against his kingdom and had endeavoured, by Cleopatra's means,
to make her son the new king. However, lest he should seem to be disrespectful to her and the
rest of the family, he said that he would now restore the priesthood to her son. Ananelus had
before this been preferred because Aristobulus was so young. Alexandra was almost beside
herself for joy and grieved that she was suspected of treason. She wept and cleared herself of
these accusations. She thanked Herod many times for her son's honour and promised that after
this she would be most obedient to the king. Thus Herod gave the priesthood to Aristobulus in
the lifetime of Ananelus. He was only seventeen years old. {Josephus, 1. 15. c. 2, 3.}

5562. Sextus Pompeius learned of Antony's ill fortune in Media. Caius Furnius, who at that time
was governor of Asia, was not friendly toward Sextus, so he did not stay in Lesbos. He started to
hope that he should either succeed Antony (if he died) in all his power or at least should receive
some part of it. He was especially encouraged since from Sicily and from other places, many
came to him. Some came from the reputation his father had and others came because they did
not know where else to live. So that he took the trappings of the general and prepared to capture
Asia. He always remembered the recent example of Labienus who had quickly overrun it.
{Appian, 1. 5. p. 747.} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 402.}

5563. When Antony came into the country of his friends, he knew what Pompeius had done. He
promised that if he would lay down his arms he would pardon him and make him his friend.
Pompeius promised he would and so wrote him back. He condemned Antony for the disastrous
defeat he had received and that he was so soon gone into Egypt. Pompeius carried on his plans.
{Dio, 1. 49. p. 402. } Not wishing to burn his bridges, he sent messengers to Antony and offered
to be his friend and ally. The real purpose was to spy on Antony. In the meantime, he sent

ambassadors to the governors of Thracia and Pontus. He thought that if he failed to take Asia, he
could flee through Pontus into Armenia. He sent ambassadors also to the Parthians and hoped
that they would willingly use him for their captain in the war that was not yet ended against
Antony. Pompeius was a Roman and also the son of Pompey the Great. He also provided for
ships and exercised the mariners. He let on that he was afraid of Caesar and that this preparation
was for the service of Antony. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 747}

5564. As soon as Antony heard what Pompeius was up to, he kept on his journey but sent
Marcus Tiotius, who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him, as general against
him. He had received a fleet and army from Syria. He was to use all his power to resist
Pompeius if he made any war. If Pompeius would submit himself, he should receive him with
all honour. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 747} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 402.}

5565. Pompeius' ambassadors who were sent to the Parthians, were captured by Antony's
captains and brought to Alexandria. When Antony had learned all these things from these
ambassadors, he called the other ambassadors who were sent to him and brought them face to
face. They excused Pompeius as being a young man in a desperate situation and feared he
should not be accepted by Antony and was forced to try the good will even of counties that were
the greatest enemies of the Romans. If he had known Antony's mind, there had been no need of
all the solicitations and craft. This he believed, since he was not a malicious man but well
meaning and generous. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 749.}

5566. When Octavia was at Rome, she intended to sail to Antony, and Caesar agreed. The
reason was not as most have written from any respect to Antony but that he might have an
honest pretence for war against him if he slighted or harmed her. {Plutarch, in Antony} She
went to Athens and wintered there. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 750.}

5567. At this time war broke out between the king of the Medes (Artarasdes) against Phraates,
the king of the Parthians and Artabazes or Artaraseds king of the Armenians. Artarasdes was
angry with the Armenians because by their means, the Romans were brought in upon him and
with the Parthians because he neither received any great amount of the spoils of the Romans nor
any honour at all. Artarasdes was afraid also that he would take away his kingdom from him. He
sent Polemo, the king of Pontus, as an ambassador to Antony and desired his friendship and
alliance. He wanted Antony to come to him and promised him the help of all his forces. Antony
was pleased for the only thing which seemed to prevent the overthrowing of the Parthians, was
his lack of cavalry and archers. He thought now he should have and do more good in the
receiving them than the king did to him in giving them. Thereupon, Antony had great
expectation and he departed again to go through Armenia. He called the king of the Medes to
the river Araxes and then started the war with Parthia. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, 1. 49. p.
411.}

5568. Antony wrote to Octavia who was now at Athens and told her to stay there and informed
her of an expedition that he was about to take. She took this badly and thought this was just an
excuse. However, she wrote to him to know what he would have her do with those things sent
that she brought for him. She had brought much apparel for the soldiers, many cavalry, much
money and presents for his captains and friends. In addition she had 2000 choice men all armed
like the praetorian cohorts. Niger, a friend of Antony, was sent by Octavia to tell Antony this.
He added the deserved commendations for Octavia. Antony accepted both her own and others
gifts and also the soldiers that she had begged from her brother for this purpose. {Plutarch, in

Antony} {Dio, 1. 49. p. 411.}

5569. Cleopatra, feared lest Octavia should draw Antony from her and seemed to languish for
the love of him. She made her body so weak by her feminine tricks as though she could not live
if she were deprived of him. Antony was overcome and abandoned his journey to the king of the
Medes although he received news that the Parthians were in civil wars. He returned again into
Alexandria. {Plutarch, in Antony} From that time on, he give himself over to the love and
wishes of Cleopatra. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 411.}

5570. Antony summoned Artavasdes, king of Armenia into Egypt as a friend. He hoped to get
him into his power so that he might more easily kill him. Since the king did not come, he
suspected some deceit. He then found other means to deceive him. He did not publicly show his
anger against him lest he should provoke him to war. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 41 1. }

5571. C. Furnius, the governor of Asia, (whom we read in Plutarch's Antony, and Jerome's
Chronicle, to be a man of great authority and to be the most eloquent among the Romans,)
entertained Pompeius who came to him presently. Furnius was not strong enough to drive him
out neither did he know want Antony wanted to do. When he saw Pompeius' soldiers exercising,
he also mustered them that were of his province and sent for Aenobarbus who commanded the
army and was next him. He called quickly for Amyntas to help him. When they came
immediately, Pompeius complained that he was counted for an enemy at the time when he was
expecting an answer from Antony by the ambassadors whom he had sent to him. However,
Pompeius planned to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius, a close friend of his. He
hoped that it would be a great matter if anything happened. The treason was discovered and
Curius was put to death after he was condemned in the council chambers of the Romans.
Pompeius also killed Theodoras, a freed man of his who only knew of this business, as if he had
been the one to tell his secret. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 749.}

5572. Pompeius gave up hope that Furnius would receive him and seized Lampsacus by
treachery. Many Italians lived here and were brought as a colony by C. Caesar. He paid the
Italians large wages to entice them to serve under him. He now had 200 cavalry and three
legions. He attacked Cyzicum by sea and land and he was repulsed in both fronts. There was a
very large band of soldiers to guard the walls who were brought there for Antony. Pompeius
returned to the harbour of the Achaeans and planned to provide grain for his troops. {Appian, 1.
5. p. 749.}

5573. Furnius would not fight and always stayed near his camp with many cavalry. He would
not allow Pompeius to get any grain nor seize any cities. Pompeius attacked his camp in front
and sent some around who attacked from the rear. Therefore when Furnius went out against him,
he had his camp at his back. Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander. The
field was very wet because of much rain that fell. Those who escaped, retreated into a safe place
but were unable to prepare for a new war. Pompeius received men from Mysia, Propontis and
other places. These were poor men who were exhausted with taxes and served under Pompeius
for money. He was now famous for the victory he had at the harbour of the Achaeans. {Appian,
1.5. p. 750.}

5574. Since Pompeius lacked cavalry and therefore could not go very far to forage. He heard
that a squadron of Italian cavalry were sent to Antony from Octavia who wintered in Athens.

Therefore he presently sent to bribe them with gold. Antony's governor of Macedonia
apprehended them and divided the money among the soldiers. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 750.}

5575. Pompeius captured Nicaea and Nicomedia. He gathered money together in abundance
because of his great and unexpected successes. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 750.}

5576. When Furnius was camped near him, as soon as it was spring, there came to him a fleet of
70 ships from Sicily. This was the remainder of the fleet which Antony had lent Caesar against
Pompeius. When the Sicilian war was ended, Caesar dismissed them. Titius also came from
Syria with 120 ships and a large army. They all arrived at Proconesus. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 750.}

5577. Pompeius was very afraid because he was not fully prepared. He selected those places
which were most convenient for his flight. He was apprehended in Nicomedia and he asked for
peace through his ambassadors and hoped the favours he had done previously for Titius would
make him agreeable. Titius absolutely denied to grant any peace unless he surrendered to him all
his ships and forces. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 402, 403.}

5578. Therefore Pompeius, gave up any hope of safety by sea. He put all his provisions of any
weight into his ships and set them on fire. He armed his sailors who would be of more use to
him on land with the others. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 403.} {Appian, 1. 5. p. 750.}

5579. Herod feared lest his mother-in-law Alexandra would seek opportunities to create new
problems and ordered to have her kept within the palace and to do nothing by her own authority.
She was kept so strictly that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did, even to the
expenses of her food. She took this captivity very badly and sent letters to Cleopatra and
complained of her harsh treatment. She wanted her help. Therefore Cleopatra said that she with
her son should flee into Egypt to her. She provided two coffins for her and her son that are used
when men die. She ordered those servants that knew the plot that they should carry them out by
night, and go to a ship which was ready provided to carry them into Egypt. Aesopus, a servant,
told this to Sabbation, a friend of Alexander's because he thought he had known all this before.
As Sabbation who was considered an enemy of Herod's since he was suspected to be in on the
plot in the poisoning of Antipater, took this opportunity of being reconciled to the king's favour
by telling this matter. Herod played along in this until it was being done and surprised her in
flight and brought her back. However, he pardoned her and did not dare to punish her. He feared
that Cleopatra would not be so contented but would seek any occasion of hatred against him.
Therefore under the pretence of a magnanimous spirit, he made show as if he pardoned her out
of mere clemency. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 3.}

5580. Cassius Parmensis, Nasidius, Saturninus, Antistius and other honourable friends of Sextus
Pompeius and his dear friend Fannius and his father-in-law Libo could not persuade Pompeius
to abandon the war against one who was more powerful than himself especially when Titius
came whom Antony had sent. They began to despair and decided to defect to Antony. {Appian,
1.5. p. 750,751.}

5581. After Pompeius was forsaken by his friends, he departed into the midland country of
Bithynia and intending to go (as was reported) into Armenia. He stole away secretly by night
from the camp. Furnius, Titius and Amyntas pursued him and marching excessively fast. They
overtook him about evening and they both camped around an hill but without either a ditch or

trench. It was late at night and they were weary. In this condition, Pompeius sent by night 3000
targateers who attacked them either in their beds or running out from their lodgings who all fled
naked most cowardly. If Pompeius had attacked them with all his forces or pursued them as they
fled, he might have had an absolute victory. He did not do this and gained nothing by all this. He
went on where he was going into the midland country. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 751.}

5582. His enemies joined together and kept him from foraging so that he was very short of food.
He was forced to demand a parlay with Furnius, who in previous times was a friend of Pompey
the Great. He was a man of honour and gravity above the rest. Therefore he stood on the bank of
a river that ran between them and he told him that he would commit himself to his protection on
the condition that he might be brought to Antony. Furnius answered that this business did not
belong to him, but to Titius. Pompeius suspected Titius' faithfulness and offered again to yield
himself and entreated that he might be accepted. When this could not be obtained, he desired
that he might be received by Amyntas. He told him that Amyntas would do nothing that might
be a wrong to him that was to execute the commands of Antony. So the parlay broke off.
{Appian, 1.5. p. 751,752.}

5583. Furnius' soldiers thought that for very want of food, he would on the next day yield
himself to Titius. He according to the custom in camps, made many fires in the night and by
trumpeters distinguished the watches of the night. He secretly withdrew himself with his army
without any baggage not so much as telling them where they were going. He thought to return to
the sea and to burn Titius' fleet. He might have been able to do this had not Scaurus ran from
him and told of his departure and the way he went, although he did not know what he intended
to do. Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 cavalry and Sextius had none. As soon as he
overtook him, Pompeius' soldiers went over to him, some privately and some publicly.
Pompeius was now almost desolate and was afraid of his own soldiers and surrendered himself
without any conditions when he had previously refused the conditions of Titius. {Appian, 1. 5. p.
752.}

5584. Dio wrote that he was surprised, surrounded and taken by Titius and Furnius at Miletum,
which is a town of Phrygia. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 403.} Appian said that his army was compelled by
Titius to take a solemn oath to Antony. {Appian, 1. 5. p. 753.}

5585. When Antony knew what happened, he immediately sent letters and ordered Pompeius to
be executed. A little later, he repented and ordered that he be spared. However, the carrier of the
last letters came before the one that brought the first. Titius then received the letters concerning
his death later. He supposed they were indeed written last or knowing the truth would not
believe it. He followed the orders of the letters as they were delivered and not what Antony
intended. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 403.}

5586. There are some who report that it was not Antony who ordered the death of Pompeius, but
Plancus. He was the governor of Syria and was accustomed to signing for Antony in letters of
importance. He also used Antony's seal either with the knowledge of Antony. (Yet he himself
would not write, either because of the fame of Pompeius or because Cleopatra favoured him for
the memory of his father, the Great Pompey.) If Antony did not know then Plancus may have
done it himself because he was afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between
Caesar and Antony, or lest Cleopatra should favour Pompeius and not him. {Appian, 1. 5. p.
753.}

5587. Sextus Pompeius was executed at Miletum {Appian, 1. 5. p. 753.} {Strabo, 1. 3. p. 141.}
when L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius were consuls. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 403.} Livy has
this note about him: {Livy, 1. 132}

vv When Sextus Pompeius had surrendered to Antony while still making war against him in Asia.
He was overcome by his lieutenants."

5588. We read in Orosius: {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}

vv Pompeius fled after being often defeated on sea and land. He was taken and a little later put to
death."

5589. Velleius Paterculus wrote that Antony: {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 87.}

vv When he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius then he killed
him."

5590. He wrote in more detail: {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 97.}

vv Pompeius fled into Asia and was killed by the order of Antony whose help he implored.
Pompeius was undecided whether to be a general or a petitioner and now would retain his
dignity and beg for his life. Antony had his throat cut by Titius. By this act, Antony was
unpopular for a long time. When he exhibited plays in Pompeius' theatre, he was driven out
from it with the curses of the people from the shows that he put on."

5591. Caesar Octavian held plays on horseback because of the death of Sextus Pompeius. He set
up a chariot for the honour of Antony before the rostrum and statues in the temple of Concorde.
He gave Antony permission to banquet there with his wife and children as it was formerly
decreed to himself. For as yet he pretended to be his friend and comforted Antony concerning
the Parthian expedition. Antony told him what envy there was risen against him by reason of the
Sicilian victory and the honours decreed to him for it. (??) {Dio, 1. 49. p. 403. }

3970a AM, 4679 JP, 35 BC

5592. In the feast of tabernacles, the new high priest, Aristobulus who had just turned seventeen
years old, offered the sacrifice according to the law. He was clothed in the priestly attire and
came to the altar and performed the ceremony with all decency. He was quite handsome and
taller than usual for one that old. He bore in his countenance the honour of his lineage and won
the affection of all the multitude. Everyone recalled the worthy and memorable actions of his
grandfather Aristobulus. They were overcome with affection for him and were so overjoyed that
they could not contain themselves. They publicly prayed for him and wished him all joy and that
more freely than was fit under such a king, proclaimed publicly the memory and thanks they
owed to that family for all their benefits. { Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 3.}

5593. As soon as the feast was ended, he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra.
King Herod courteously enticing the young man into a convenient place and pretended to jest
with him after the manner of young men. Because that place was too hot and they were quickly

weary, they left their games and went to the fish pools that were near the court to take in the
fresh air at noon. At first they saw some of their friends and servants as they were swimming. At
length the young man also, by the persuasion of Herod, went in among them. Then those to
whom this charge was given, dunked him as he was swimming, as it were in sport and jest. They
held him under water and did not stop until he drowned. This was the end of Aristobulus in the
eighteenth year of his age and the first of his high priesthood which immediately reverted to
Ananelus. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 3.}

5594. Now when this accident was reported to the women, they were all in an uproar and did
nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow seized the whole city,
as soon as the rumour was spread abroad and every house bewailed the calamity as if it had been
their own. Herod endeavoured by all means to make people believe, that this accident happened
without his knowledge. He pretended to be sorrowful but also tears and grief very like to true
grief. So that he might comfort the women more, he buried the body with a most magnificent
funeral. He was extremely liberal in adorning his monument and in perfumes and other precious
things. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 3.}

5595. His mother Alexandra, although she was often ready to commit suicide since she knew all
what happened yet she repressed her passion. She behaved as if she was not suspicious as if she
had thought that her son had not been killed on purpose until some occasion of revenge might
offer itself. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 3.}

3970b AM, 4680 JP, 34 BC

5596. Antony sought some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Artavasdes, the
king of Armenia. He sent Q. Dellius to him and he asked and added many promises also that
there might be a marriage between his daughter and Antony's son Alexander (whom he had by
Cleopatra.) Finally, he suddenly came in the beginning of the spring to Nicopolis, a city in the
lesser Armenia that was built by Pompey. From there he sent for him to come, as though he
would make use of both his advise and help in the Parthian war. Artavasdes suspected treachery
and did not come. {Dio, 1. 49. p. 475. }

5597. Alexandria was incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge, and told Cleopatra by letters
of the treachery of Herod and also of the lamentable death of her son. Cleopatra who for a long
time was desirous to help her and then pitying the woman's misfortune, took particular care of
this business herself. She never stopped nagging Antony to revenge the young man's death and
told him it was an unpardonable act that he that by his help had enjoyed a kingdom that
rightfully belonged to another and behaved with such insolent rage against the lawful family of
the kings. Antony was persuaded by these words. After he came into Laodicea in Syria, he sent
for Herod to come before him, to answer to the crime against him about the death of
Aristobulus. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 4.}

5598. Herod committed the care of the kingdom to his Uncle Joseph and ordered him secretly
that if Antony should do any harm to him then Joseph should execute his wife Mariamme. He
told Joseph that he loved her so much, that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself, if any
one should enjoy her beauty even after his death. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 4. }

5599. Herod went to Antony and so appeased him with his presents which he had brought from

Jerusalem for this purpose and so appeased his anger by with many conferences that after this
Cleopatra's charges carried less weight with him. Antony denied that it was fitting that a king
should give an account of his actions otherwise he would cease to be a king. For having once
given him the honour of being a king he should have the free power to do as he wished. He also
said that Cleopatra should not meddle too much with other men's governments. { Josephus,
Antiq.,1. 15. c. 4.}

5600. When Joseph governed the kingdom that was committed to him, he talked at various times
with Mariamme. Sometimes it was about business and partly to honour her. He often mentioned
how much Herod loved her which made the other ladies laugh, especially Alexandra. He was so
trying to vindicate the king's love to them that he told them the secret command the king had
given him. He thought that this was the best argument of his love because he could neither
endure to live without her nor in death be parted from her. The ladies did not interpret it as an
indubitable sign of Herod's love but abhorred his tyrannical mind, who though he were dead
would yet seek their life. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 4.}

5601. In the interim, a rumour spread in the city that the king was put to death by Antony. This
disturbed all the court especially the ladies. Alexandra also persuaded Joseph that he should take
them with him and he should flee to the ensigns of the Roman legions. They were around the
city, Joseph should seek the protection of the tribune, Julius so that if at first there should be any
troubles about the court, they would be safe and in the favour of the Romans. Moreover it was
hoped that Mariamme could obtain anything, if she should ever see Antony and might also
recover the kingdom and whatever belonged to the royal family. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 4}

5602. As they were holding this meeting, Herod's letters arrived that quashed the rumour. He
wrote of what honours Antony had shown for him in public assemblies and by inviting him to
feasts. He said that Antony did this even during the accusations of Cleopatra, who was desirous
of that country and fought by all means to destroy him that she might usurp that kingdom.
However, since Antony had showed himself just, no great danger was expected and he should
shortly return after he had his kingdom and alliance confirmed by Antony. There was no hope
left now for the covetousness of Cleopatra, since Antony had granted her Coelosyria, instead of
what she had demanded. It was given on the condition that she would never again demand Judah
or mention this matter to him. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 4}

5603. As soon as these letters were received, the reason for fleeing to the Romans vanished but
their resolution to do so was not hidden. As soon as Herod had brought Antony some part of the
way against the Parthians, (for so he pretended) he returned into Judea. Immediately his sister,
Salome and his mother Salome, told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends.
Salome was not content with this but accused her husband Joseph, as if he had been too familiar
with Mariamme. She did this from an old grudge, because the queen was a woman of a high
spirit and among other women's chatter, she had upbraided her for her lowly birth. {Josephus,
Antiq. 1. 15. c. 4}

5604. Mariamme had testified to Herod by oath to her chastity and Herod had told her again
how much he loved her. She denied that it was wrong for a lover to order that if he should die
that also his wife should be put to death. Herod thought this secret could never be known unless
she had committed adultery with Joseph. He wanted to kill her for this but he was overcome
with love and he barely restrained himself from doing this. However, he ordered Joseph to be
put to death and did not so much as allow him to come into his presence. He also put Alexandra

into prison since she was the cause of all these evils. { Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 4. }

5605. In the meanwhile the affairs of Syria were unsettled. Cleopatra never failed to bias Antony
against all men and persuaded him to take everyone's government from him and to give it to her.
She wanted Judea and Arabia to be given to her and taken from the two kings, Herod and
Malchus. She plotted their destruction. However, Antony thought it was unjust to put two such
great kings to death as a favour to an importunate woman. In spite of this he no more counted
them as his friends and took part of their country from them and gave it to Cleopatra. Moreover,
he gave her all the cities which lie between the Eleutherus River and Egypt except for Tyre and
Sidon. He knew these were always free cities although by her earnest intreaties she tried to get
them also. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13. 1. 7. c. 28. Antiq. 1. 15. c. 4.}

5606. Thus Cleopatra, by the bounty of Antony, enjoyed a large part of Cilicia, the country of
Judea where the balsam grows, Arabia, Nabatea which was Malchus' country, (that is all that
bordered the sea) Ituraea, Phoenicia, Coelosyria, Cyprus and some part of Crete. Antony greatly
offended the people of Rome with his large gifts. They were upset by the immorality of
Cleopatra from whom he had twins previously, Alexandra and Cleopatra, (whom he named one
the Sun, and the other the Moon) and also Ptolemy, whom she named Philadelphus. {*Plutarch,
Antony, c. 36. 9:219 c. 54. 9:263} {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:425} {Livy, 1. 132.} Cleopatra is said to have
understood many languages so that she did not need an interpreter but could speak either
Ethiopian, Troglodita, Hebrew, Arabian, Syrian, Mede and Parthian. Her predecessors, the kings
of Egypt, scarcely understood the Egyptian languages and some also of them had forgotten the
Macedonian language. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 27. 9:197}

5607. Cleopatra accompanied Antony, who was going with his army into Armenia, as far as the
Euphrates River. She returned and on the way she visited Apamea and Damascus. Then she
came into Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 5.}

5608. The third summer after Lepidus was put out of office by Caesar Octavian in Silicia,
Antony undertook his expedition into Armenia {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 82. 1:223} after
the death of Sextus Pompeius. {*Appian, 1. 5. 4:617} He again sent Q. Dellius to the king of
Armenia to confer with him while he quickly went to Artaxata, { *Dio, 1. 49. b. 5:421 }

5609. Cleopatra was entertained by Herod in Judea and he assured her of that part of Arabia that
was granted to her by Antony and the revenues of Jericho also were hers. This country bears
balsam which was the most precious of all ointments and only grows there. Also there is a large
supply of dates. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 5. } The balsam is grown only in the land of Judea
and is only in two gardens both of which belonged to the king. One was 20 acres large and the
other was smaller. {*Pliny, 1. 12. c. 54. 4:79}

5610. By this, Herod became good friends with Cleopatra. She tried to allure him by her wiles
either through the intemperance of her lust or else seeking an occasion too by this for her
treachery. She only pretended love and Herod refused her. He had a meeting with his friends
about killing her but was restrained from this attempt by them. He appeased Cleopatra by
generous presents and all manner of attentive service. He accompanied her as far as Pelusium.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13. Antiq. 1. 15. c. 5.} He was afraid of her and also of the Jewish
people. He made that castle as a refuge for himself and stored as many arms there as would be
needed for 10,000 men. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 7. c. 28.}

561 1. In Armenia, Antony induced King Artavasdes to come to him. He had his friends
persuade him as well he frightened him with the size of his forces. The king was deceived by his
many promises since Antony always behaved like his friend in his letters and deeds. He come
into his camp upon his assurance and was apprehended. {*Dio, 1. 49. 5:421} {Livy, 1. 131.}
{*Strabo. 1. 11. 5:339} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 82. 1:255} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 50.
9:255} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}

5612. As soon as Antony had taken him, he carried him about the citadels where his treasure
was stored. He did not put him in fetters and hoped to get the treasure without any fighting. He
pretended that he took him captive only to get his money from the Armenians for their freedom
and his kingdom. This was all in vain since those who kept the treasure, would not obey him.
{*Dio, 1.49. 5:421}

5613. Those Armenians who bore arms, made his oldest son Artaxias the king instead of
Artavasdes or Artabazes who was taken prisoner. { *Dio, 1. 49. 5:421 } { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15.
c. 5. } Antony bound Artavasdes with silver chains as if it were a lowly thing for a king to be
tied with iron fetters. {*Dio, 1. 49. 5:423} By his silver chains he compelled him to confess
where the royal treasure was. When he captured the town where he told him the treasure was
stored, he took from there a large amount of gold and silver. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 11.}

5614. After these things, Antony subdued all Armenia either by force or voluntary surrender.
{*Dio, 1. 49. 5:423} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 5.} When Artaxias engaged him in a battle, he
was defeated and fled to the Parthians. {*Dio, 1. 49. 5:423} Antony led Artavasdes bound with
his sons, who were princes, into Egypt as a present to Cleopatra along with whatever was
valuable in that kingdom. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13. Antiq., 1. 15. c. 5.}

5615. At Rome on the 13th (ides) of September, C. Sosius the proconsul triumphed for Judea.
This appears in the marble triumphal records. {Grater, Inscript. p. 297.}

3971a AM, 4680 JP, 34 BC

5616. Antony obtained for a stricter tie of friendship, the daughter of Artarasdes, the king of
Media for a marriage with his son. He left his army in Armenia and he returned into Egypt with
his enormous plunder. When he entered Alexandria in a chariot, he led before him among other
captives, Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with his wife and children. { *Dio. 1. 49.
5:423 } The Romans were discontented by this as if the best possessions of their country, should
be shared with the Egyptians as a favour to Cleopatra. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:261 }

5617. Antony presented Artavasdes, with his family in chains of gold, before Cleopatra, in an
assembly of the people. She was on silver plated platform and sat in a chair of gold. The
barbarians neither reverenced her, nor fell on their knees, (although they were often ordered to
do so by threats and promises.) They only called her by her own name and for this they were
thought to be high spirited and suffered all the more. {*Dio, 1. 49. 5:425}

5618. Antony feasted the Alexandrians and assembled the people into the show place where the
young men exercise themselves. On the high silver platform, he placed two golden chairs, one
for himself and another for Cleopatra and smaller chairs for his children. He then made a speech

to the people and decreed that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings and her son and
partner in the kingdom, namely, Ptolemy Caesarion, King of Kings. He gave them Egypt and
Cyprus in a different division which he had previously made. He told them also that Cleopatra
was the wife of Caesar the dictator and that Caesarion was his lawful son. He pretended that he
spoke this in love for Caesar so that he might make Octavian hated. Octavian was not Caesar's
son but only an adopted son. Antony allocated lands to the children whom he had by Cleopatra.
He gave Lybia Cyreniaca to their daughter, Cleopatra. He gave Armenia to her brother,
Alexander and promised also Media and Parthia and all those countries that lie beyond the
Euphrates River even to India after he had conquered them. He also gave to Ptolemy (surnamed
Philadelphus) Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia, and all the country on this side of the Euphrates River to
the Hellespont. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:263} {*Dio, 1. 49. 5:425}

5619. Antony also brought out his other sons, Alexander in the clothes of the Medes and
wearing the Persian clothes and a turban. Ptolemy came in slippers and cloak with a crown
about it. These were the clothes of Alexander the Great's successors and the other of the Medes
and Armenians. And as soon as the lads had greeted their parents, the Macedonians were to
guard the one and the Armenians the other. Whenever Cleopatra appeared in public, she wore
the clothes of the goddess Isis and so spoke to all her subjects in the name of the new Isis.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:263} She also ordered that she should be called Isis and the Selene
and Antony, the new Osiris and Father Bacchus (Liber) since he was crowned with ivy and wore
buskins. He was carried at Alexandria in a chariot like Father Liber. { *Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2.
c. 82. 1:225} {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:445} &&& Antony, Mark - Called new Osiris and the Father
Bacchus

3971b AM, 4681 JP, 33 BC

5620. Antony went as far as the Araxis River as if he intended to make war on the Parthians. He
thought he had accomplished enough by making an alliance with Artarasdes, the king of the
Medes. Antony and the Mede promised each other mutual assistance, the one against the
Parthians and the other against Caesar. To seal the pact, they exchanged some soldiers. Antony
also gave the Mede, part of Armenia that he had recently seized and received from him his
daughter Iotape who was very young, to be in time a wife for his son Alexander (born of
Cleopatra,) to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia, which also Livy also confirmed.
{Livy, 1. 131.} The Mede also gave him the ensigns that were taken from Statianus. {*Dio. 1. 49.
5:431,433} {*Plutarch, in Antony, c. 52. 9:255,257}

5621. After peace was made with the Medes, Antony gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia. He
also gave the consulship to L. Cluavius (or Cluvius) who was with him and he took him with
him. {*Dio,l. 49. 5:432,433}

5622. Caesar Octavian in the senate and before the people, frequently accused Antony and
incensed the people against him. Antony also sent recriminations against him. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 55. 9:263} Caesar among other things, complained that Antony held Egypt that was
not assigned to him. He had killed Sextus Pompeius, whom (as he said) he had willingly let
escape. He had treacherously taken Artavasdes and put him in prison. He had brought great
infamy upon the people of Rome. Caesar demanded also some of the spoils. Above all Caesar
upbraided him for his conduct with Cleopatra and the children that he had by her and the
countries that he had given to her. He was especially upset because he had brought Caesarion,
the son of Cleopatra, into the family of Caesar. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:437} Antony affirmed to the

senate that he was acknowledged so by Julius Caesar and that C. Marius, C. Oppius, and the
other friends of Julius Caesar knew this. Caius Oppius, as if the business needed a defence wrote
a book, and said that Caesarion was not Caesar's son whom Cleopatra said was. {Suetonius, in
Julius, c. 52.}

5623. When Antony was in Armenia, he ordered Canidius to go to the sea with 16 legions.
However, he took Cleopatra with him and went to Ephesus where his fleets were all to meet.
There were 800 ships of which Cleopatra promised 200 ships, 20,000 talents and provisions for
all the army during the war. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 56. 9:265}

5624. Antony by the advice of Domitius and some others, ordered Cleopatra to return to Egypt
and there to wait the result of the war. However, she feared that Antony and Octavia may be
reconciled and she persuaded Canidius with large bribes that he would speak to Antony for her.
He was to say that it was not fair that she should be sent back when she had brought so much for
the war effort. It would not be good that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a
large part of the naval forces. Antony was convinced and they assembled their forces and sailed
to Samos where they gave themselves over to pleasure. Just as it was ordered that all kings,
governors, tetrarchs, countries and cities that were between Syria, Meotis, Armenia and Lauria
should help in the war, likewise it was ordered that all the dramatic artists meet at Samos.
Whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing, this one island alone
resounded with piping and singing for many days. All the theatre was full of these common
players. Every city sent over for sacrifices and the kings strove among themselves who should
make the greatest feast and give the greatest presents so that it was normally said:

vv What will they do when they are conquerors in a triumph, when for the very preparation for
the war is made with such sumptuousness?" {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:267}

5625. From here Antony sailed to Athens and there gave himself wholly over to see plays and
shows. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:267} He went with a staff of gold, and a Persian sword by
his side, a purple robe buttoned with precious stones and a crown so that a king might enjoy a
queen. {*Florus, 1. 2. c. 21. 1:325}

5626. The king of Media used the help of the Romans that Antony had left with him and
defeated the Parthians and Artaxes (or Artaxias the Armenian) that came against him. { *Dio, 1.
49.9:433}

3972a AM, 4681 JP, 33 BC

5627. Herod duly paid the tributes of the countries of Judea and Arabia which Cleopatra had
received from Antony. He thought it was not safe to give her any reason for ill will against him.
Herod had undertaken to collect the tribute from Arabia and for some time paid 200 talents
yearly. Later he was slow and negligent and scarcely paid her half and that very negligently.
{Joseph. 1. 15. c. 5.}

5628. Caesar and Antony mutually accused each other and mutually defended themselves. This
was sometimes done with private letters sent between them. (Among those which Antony sent
Caesar was most petulant, {Suetonius, in Octavian} where Suetonius said that he began to live
with Queen Cleopatra, whom he affirms to have been his wife for nine years.) Some letters were

sent publicly. Caesar publicly pleaded his case and Antony through his letters. On these
occasions, they often sent ambassadors one to another so that they might more fully show their
cause to be just and spy on the affairs of the adversary. In the mean while, they got money
together, as if it had been for some other purpose and prepared for war as if it had been against
other enemies. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:437,439}

3972b AM, 4682 JP, 32 BC

5629. The new consul at Rome, Caius Sosius (who had triumphed for Judea) on the first day of
January made a long speech in the senate praising Antony and criticising Caesar. (Gnaeus
Domitius, his colleague because he had endured many calamities previous, did not get
involved.) Sosius was ready to make an edict against Caesar who had purposefully left the city,
had not Nonius Balbus, the tribune of the people, opposed it. { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:439}

5630. Antony wrote to Rome to confirm that the allocation of lands that he had made at
Alexandria of the country between Cleopatra and her children. In spite of this, these letters were
not read publicly. Domitius and Sosius, the consuls who most favoured Antony forbid it. Caesar
desired that all things might be made public. Since their opinion prevailed, Caesar had the senate
agree that none of those that were written would be read concerning Artavasdes with whom
Caesar had privately consulted with against Antony and he also begrudged Antony a triumph.
{*Dio, 1.49. 5:425,427}

5631. The senate convened and Caesar sat between the consuls in the curule chair, surrounded
by his friends and soldiers. They carried concealed weapons. When he at length defended
himself and accused Sosius and Antony and saw that neither any other nor the consuls
themselves dared say a word, he ordered them to meet again on a certain day. He would show
them the wrongs of Antony in writing. The consuls did not dare to oppose him nor were they
able to hold their peace. They left the city privately before the day came and went to Antony.
Many of the senators followed them. When Caesar knew of this, he said that any one his side
was also free to go to Antony in safety lest he should seem to have been forsaken by them for
some wrong he had done them. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:439,441} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.}

5632. After the consuls left, Caesar convened a senate and did and said what he wanted to.
When Antony heard this, he called a council of his friends and after many arguments on both
sides, he declared war. { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:441 } He ordered a divorce to be declared to his wife,
Octavia, the sister of Caesar. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:441} {Livy, 1. 132.} {Eutropius, 1. 7.} {Orosius, 1.
6. c. 19.}

5633. Later he sent some men to Rome, to put Octavia out of his house. She went and took with
her all Antony's children whom he had by Fulvia except the oldest who lived with his father.
She wept and wailed exceedingly because she seemed to be one cause of the civil war. The
people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antony and much more those that had seen
Cleopatra who was not superior to Octavia in beauty nor youth. { *Plutarch, Antony, c. 57.
9:267,269}

5634. When Caesar heard of the sudden and large preparations of Antony, he was very
astonished and feared he should be forced to fight that summer. Caesar was very short of money
and vexed the people of Italy with his exactions. It was Antony's most serious fault for delaying

the battle. This gave Caesar time to prepare and to settle the uproar over his extractions.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269}

5635. After King Herod had settled the troubles of Judea and had taken Hyrcanium, (a town
which the sister of Antigonus had kept), the war at Actium started in the 187th Olympiad (which
was this summer.) Herod made large preparations for the helping of Antony however Antony
relieved him of this by saying he did not require them. After Antony heard from Cleopatra and
others of the wrong doings of the Arabians that refused to pay the tribute Antony imposed,
Antony ordered Herod to make war on the Arabians. Cleopatra also persuaded Antony that it
would be for her profit. She hoped that if Herod would defeat the Arabians then she would be
the mistress of Arabia. If the Arabians defeated Herod then she would be the mistress of Judea.
Therefore Herod returned home by Antony's orders and kept his army there. Soon he invaded
Arabia with a good army of foot soldiers and cavalry. He went to Diospolis where the Arabians
met him and after a fierce battle, the Jews got the victory. { Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 14. Antiq. 1.
15. c. 6.}

5636. Titius and Plancus were the best friends to Antony and had previously been consuls. They
knew all Antony's plans and were secretly envied by Cleopatra because they were much against
her presence in this war. They fled to Caesar who willingly entertained them. Caesar learned all
Antony's actions and counsels as well as the contents of his will and its location. They were
witnesses to it and knew the contents. { *Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269} { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:441 }
Concerning Plancus' actions (who was formerly secretary to Antony and later Antony made him
proconsul of Asia and then of Syria) and of his and Titius' flight, see Velleius. { * Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 83. 1:225}

5637. Antony's will was deposited with the vestal virgins who refused to turn it over to Caesar.
However, if he came and took it, they said they would not stop him. Therefore he went and took
it. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269} At first he read it privately and noted some places that were
objectionable. Later, he read it publicly in the senate and then to the people. Many were
offended that while a man was alive, he should give an account of things to be done after his
death. Although it was considered very unjust to do this, yet those things which were contained
in the will were of such a nature, that they removed all envy from Caesar for his actions.
Antony's will stated that Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the dictator. He counted
the children whom he had by Cleopatra among his heirs and bestowed large gifts on them.
Concerning his funeral, it said that even if he had died at Rome, he should be carried through the
forum and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:271} {Suetonius, in
Octavian, c. 17.} {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:441,443}

5638. These things so enraged everyone against Antony, that they believed all things to be true
that were reported of him. They thought that Antony, if he should get the power into his hands,
would give Rome itself to Cleopatra and move the empire to Egypt. Moreover, all men were so
angry with him, that not only his enemies but also his friends blamed him very much. They were
astonished at the reading of the will and come to the same conclusion Caesar did about Antony.
{*Dio. 1.50. 5:423}

5639. The recent runaway Plancus stated many horrible things against Antony in the senate.
{Velleius Paterculus, 1. I.e. 83. 1:227} Calvius, or Clavisius, a friend of Caesar's upbraided
Antony also as actions done as a favour to Cleopatra. Most of his charges were thought to be
false. However, Antony's friends were intercessors to the people for him. They sent Geminius

into Greece to Antony to desire that he would take heed that the empire should not be taken
from him and that he should not be declared an enemy to the state. At supper time Geminius was
provoked by Cleopatra and told her that all things would go well if she went to Egypt. However,
he feared the queen's anger and he was forced to flee as fast as he could to Rome. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 59. 9:273}

5640. As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra.
The consulship also (for Antony was appointed consul for the next year) was taken from him as
well as all his other power which he had committed to the pleasure of a woman. It is said also
that Cleopatra by her charms had so besotted Antony that he was not his own man. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 60. 9:275} {*Dio, 1. 50, 5:443} She had so enthralled him that she made him the
overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians and she was called by him queen and lady. She
had Roman soldiers in her guard and all of them had written on their shields the name of
Cleopatra. She went also into the forum with Antony and helped him put on plays; she sat with
him in judgment; she rode horseback with him; she rode in a chariot in the cities while Antony
followed her on foot with the eunuchs. In short, she was so bold as to hope for the government
over the Romans as if she did at any time. She always swore by a great oath as she hoped to
make laws in the capitol. (*Dio, p. 421. 422.) She also, through her womanish desire, wished to
reign in Rome. {Eutropius, 1. 7.} Horace wrote about this: {Horace, 1. 1, Ode. 37.}

This Queen did to

The Capitol provide,

And Empire, ruin,

Joining to her side

The dregs of the World, being above hope now,

Ravished with madam fortune's pleasing brow.

5641. Ovid stated: {Ovid, Metamorphos, 1. 15.}

The Egyptian spouse shall fall,

111 trusting to her Roman General,
To make our stately Capitol obey
Of proud Canopus shall in vain assay.

5642. If Antony had been declared an enemy, those who were with him, except those who had
defected from him, would likewise have been accounted enemies. Lest it should happen, (for the
power of his friends was to be feared) he was not in word declared an enemy though he was an
enemy indeed. Impunity and commendations were propounded to those who should forsake
Antony. However war was publicly proclaimed against Cleopatra whom they knew would never
forsake him. It sufficed that this crime might be objected against him that he of his own accord
had undertaken a war against his own country by whom he was never offended on the behalf of
an Egyptian woman and as if there had now been an actual war. They took their soldiers' coats
and went to the temple of Bellona. There Caesar, as if he had been an herald, performed all
those things by their orders that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans
before the war was started. { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:443,445} They added moreover that now those that
were to make war with the Romans were Macedonian eunuchs and Pothinus and Iras that
trimmed Cleopatra's hair and Charmium (Nairas and Carmio, Gala says were Cleopatra's Maids,
{Gala, de Theriaca ad Posonim}) by whom the greatest affairs of Antony's empire were
managed. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 60. 9:273,275}

5643. After this, the youth were called earnestly to arms by both sides. Money was coined and
all things which were necessary for the war were provided. The preparation for this war was far
greater than all the former wars because so many countries sent help to each side. Caesar got
help from all Italy, France, Spain, Illyricum, both the Aricks, Sardinia, Sicily, and other islands
that lay near the previously mentioned continents. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:447} He had 250 warships,
80,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 cavalry. Antony had more than 500 warships of which some had
eight or ten tiers of oars. They were furnished sumptuously and fit for a triumph. He had
100,000 foot soldiers and as many cavalry as Caesar had, 12,000 cavalry. Antony got help from
the kings who were his subjects: Bocchus, king of Africa, (that was ousted of his kingdom by
the Romans) Tarcondemus, (or Tarcondimotus) of the Upper Cilicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia,
Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of Commagena, and Adallas, king of Thracia. These
were personally present in the war. Polemon sent help from Pontus, Malchus, from Arabia and
Herod from Judea as well as Amyntas, King of Lyconia and Galatia. Antony also commanded
all from the Euphrates River and Armenia, even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum and from
Cyrene to Ethiopia, {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 61. 9:275,277} Thereupon all the countries of the
continent of Asia who obeyed the Romans, namely, Thracia, Greece, Macedonia, Egypt,
Cyrene, with the borders and all the neighbouring islands and almost all kings and princes and
all who only bordered on that part of the Roman Empire. These obeyed Antony. Some came in
person, others sent their generals (as it is said) and helped Antony. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:449}

5644. Supplies also were sent to him from the king of the Medes. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 61.
9:277} When Antony saw this he sent them back and recalled his own soldiers whom he had
lent to the Medes. That king defeated Phraates, King of the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artaxias)
King of the Armenians. By this Armenia (which Antony had recently conquered) was lost
together with Media from the Romans. {*Dio, 1. 49. 5:433}

5645. Antony feared even the over attentiveness of Cleopatra herself when he was preparing for
the war at Actium. He would not eat anything that had not been previously tasted. She is said by
this means to have purged him of this fear. She dipped the uppermost flowers of her garland in
poison and put the garland on her own head. Immediately, in the height of their mirth, she
invited Antony to drink their garlands. When Antony took it from his head and he put it into the
cup and began to drink. She, with her hand, stopped him and said:

VV I am she, my dear Antony, who you provide by this new craze for tasters. Do you think that
either occasion or invention is lacking, if I could live without you?"

5646. Then she called for a prisoner and ordered him to drink it. He soon died. { *Pliny, 1. 21. c.
9.6:169}

5647. Herod had routed the largest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelosyria. Athenio, the
general of Queen Cleopatra in that country, hated Herod and assembled a number of the natives
and joined with the Arabians. They made a large slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult
places (with which the enemy was better acquainted.) When the king saw that his men were put
to the worse, he sent men on horseback, to bring new troops. However, he hurried as fast as
possible to the Jew's camp only to find the enemy had taken it. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 6.}

3973a AM, 4682 JP, 32 BC

5648. From that time on, Herod began to make incursions and to prey on the Arabians. He
always camped on the mountains and always avoided to come to a set battle. He was successful
by this in that he accustomed his men to labour and continual exercise. He prepared himself to
blot out the infamy of his former defeat. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 6}

5649. Antony, intended to go into Italy and to carry on the war there before his enemies were
aware. When he came to Coreyra, he heard that some light ships which were sent out for spies
were anchored by the Ceraunian Mountains. He suspected that Caesar was come with his whole
fleet and went back again into Peloponesus, (for it was now at the end of Autumn) and wintered
at Patara. He sent his soldiers into all places that they might guard them better and that there
might be a better supply of food for them. { *Dio, 1. 50. p. 5:453 }

3973b AM, 4683 JP, 31 BC

5650. Caesar sailed from Brundusium and went as far as Coreyra. He thought to attack by
surprise the enemy as they were on the way to Actium. He was thwarted by a storm and forced
to return. Thus he missed his chance. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:457}

5651. While Herod made inroads on the land of Arabia in the seventh year of his reign
(calculated here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus in the month of August 38 BC.) The
war at Actium had now begun. In the beginning of the spring, Judea was shaken with an
earthquake like it never had before. In the ruins of the houses, 10,000 men were killed. The
soldiers were unharmed because they were in the open fields. This calamity was made much
worse when the Arabians who were their enemies found out about it. They became quite proud
as if all the cities of the Jews were overthrown and all the men were dead so that there were no
enemies left. For this reason they laid hold of the ambassadors of the Jews, who in this
affliction, came to ask for peace. They slew them and soon prepared for war with all
earnestness. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 14. Antiq. 1. 15. c. 7.)

5652. Herod encouraged his men and offered sacrifices according to the custom. He quickly
marched with his army over Jordan and camped at Philadelphia. The battle started over the
citadel that was located between him and the Arabians. The Jews won and forced the dismayed
enemy to another battle. There, after continual skirmishes, the Arabians were put to flight. In the
rout, they trod under foot their own men when the Jews pursued them. They lost 5000 men and
the rest were besieged in their camp and very short of water. They sent ambassadors to Herod
whom he despised. They were more earnest and offered 50 talents for their freedom because
they were so short of water. Finally, they came out in companies and surrendered to the Jews.
Thus 4000 captives were taken in five days. On the fifth day the rest that were in the camp came
out to fight, but they were defeated and 7000 men died. By this defeat the courage of the
Arabians was subdued and Herod was declared governor of that country by them. He returned
home with great glory. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 8, 9.}

5653. Hillel, a Babylonian of the family of David, lived at Jerusalem 100 years before the
Jewish account of the destruction of the temple. This is taken from the Gemora Babylonic.
tractat. tbf c. 1. He had a large number of disciples of which one was Jonathan, the son of
Uzziel, the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the prophets. The Pharisees were
divided into two sects from a difference arising between Hillel and Sammaius (or Sameas
concerning whom was formerly spoken from Josephus.) the Pharisees Jerome, {Jerome 1. 3.}

commentary on Isa 8:14 stated this:

vv The Nazarites (such are those who received Christ and yet observed the old law) interpret the
two houses of Sammaius and Hillel as two families from whom sprung the scribes and
Pharisees."

5654. He adds moreover:

vv Sammaius and Hillel, (or their two houses, of which there is so often mention made in the
Talmud) sprang not up long before the Lord was born."

5655. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, became more insolent by the victory he had over
Antony. He dealt more cruelly than before and was driven into exile by his own subjects.
Tiridates was made the new king. {Justin, 1. 42. c. 5.} {*Dio. 1. 51 6:51}

5656. A certain Midian persuaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antony and with their help
they made war there against Antony. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:7}

5657. Antony went to Actium where he had appointed to meet his fleet and was not disturbed
when he found that almost a third of his sailors had starved to death. He said:

vv Well the oars are safe, for I will not lack rowers, as long as Greece has any men." {Orosius, 1.
6. c. 19.}

5658. Thereupon the captains conscripted the travellers, mule drivers, harvesters and young
men. In spite of this the ships were not fully manned and many were empty. { * Plutarch, Antony,
c. 62. 9:277}

5659. Asinius Pollio stayed in Italy all the while after the peace was concluded at Brundusium
and had never seen Cleopatra or after that, when Antony was so taken with the love of her, was
he active on Antony's side. When Caesar asked if he would go with him to the war at Actium, he
replied:

vv My services to Antony are too great, his favours to me are more known, therefore I will have
nothing to do with your difference with him but will be the prize of the conqueror." { *Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 86. 1:233}

5660. M. Agrippa was sent ahead by Caesar, and captured many cargo ships loaded with grain
and arms as they were coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia to help Antony. He crossed over the
bay of Peloponesus and conquered Methona which was fortified with a strong garrison by
Antony. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19. } He killed Bogud there. He determined the best places for the
cargo ships to arrive. From there he went into various places in Greece and very much troubled
Antony. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:459}

5661. Caesar was encouraged by these results and went from Brundusium with 230 ships having
their prows armed and all his forces. He sailed into Epirus after he crossed the Ionian Sea.
{*Dio, 1. 50. 5:459} {Livy, 1. 132} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 62. 9:279} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} He

met his foot soldiers whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian Mountains to Actium. He seized
with his ships Corcyra which was left without a garrison. He anchored at Fresh Harbour because
the harbour was not salty. From there he went with his fleet to Actium where the most of
Antony's fleet was also anchored. Then he camped at that place where he later built Nicopolis.
{*Dio,l. 50. 5:461,463}

5662. When Antony saw his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day, he feared that
they would take his ships. He lacked men to defend thema and placed his sailors on the
forecastle in arms. He ordered them to hold up their oars on both sides of the ships as if they had
been soldiers. So he kept them in the mouth of the harbour at Actium with the prows towards the
enemy as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight. Caesar was fooled
by this stratagem and returned. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:279}

5663. Marcus Agrippa sailed to Leucas and took the island and the ships that were in it from
under the very nose of Antony's fleet. He also seized Patoae after defeating Q. Asidius in a naval
battle and later took Corinth. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 84. 1:229} {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:465}

5664. Marcus Titius and Statilius Taurus suddenly attacked Antony's cavalry and routed them.
They also joined in a league with Philadelphus, King of Paphlagonia. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:465}

5665. Cneus Domitius a very gallant man, who alone of all Antony's party, refused to greet
Cleopatra except but by her own name and was extremely hated by the queen. He defected to
Caesar by going through great and imminent danger. { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:465 } { *Velleius Paterculus,
1. 2. c. 84. 1:229} When he was sick with a fever, he took a little boat and went over to Caesar.
Although Antony took it badly, he opposed Cleopatra's wishes and sent him all his baggage
together with his friends and servants. Domitius, as though he repented of his public treasons,
died soon after { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281 } because he seemed to have fled from Antony,
as though he despaired of Antony's good fortune. Many followed his example. {*Dio, 1. 50.
5:465}

5666. Antony began to despair and suspected all his friends of whom among others, he put to
death by torture, Jamblichus a king of part of Arabia. He ordered that some should be torn in
pieces including Q. Posthumius, a senator. Antony feared lest Quintus Dellius and Amyntas,
King of Galatia, who had been sent into Macedonia and Thracia to hire soldiers should defect to
Caesar. He went after them as if it were to help them if the enemy should attack them. { *Dio, 1.
50.5:465}

5667. In the meantime Sosius on Antony's side, hoped that if he should attack L. Tauresius, who
with a few ships kept a guard against Antony's fleet, before the arrival of Agrippa, who was
Caesar's admiral, he might do some great exploit. Early in the morning, he suddenly attacked
him. He took advantage of a fog lest when Tauresius saw the number of his ships, he should
flee. He defeated Tauresius in the first conflict and chased him. By chance he was met by
Agrippa hence he did not overtake Tauresius or receive any reward for his victory. However,
Sosius was killed along with Tarcondimotus and many others. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:465}

5668. This defeat, as well as the defeat of his cavalry by Caesar's guard, changed Antony's mind
about having his camp opposite the enemies' camp. Therefore he left it by night and went to the
other side of the Ambracian Gulf where his larger forces were camped. Since he was blockaded

from getting provisions, he held a council. He wanted to decide whether they should go to battle
now or leave that place and fight the war later. { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:467 }

5669. Canidius, who commanded the legions and was the reason Antony brought Cleopatra with
him, now changed his mind and persuaded him to send her back again. Antony should then go
into Thracia or Macedonia and then decide the matter in a land battle because he was stronger
on land and also he might make use of the fresh troops that Dicomes the King of the Betae sent.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281}

5670. However, Cleopatra and Antony were frightened by some prodigies. Because of these and
the low morale, Cleopatra prevailed with Antony that the war should be decided in a naval
battle. However, she prepared for her flight and packed her baggage as if she did not think they
would win and all was lost. She planned how she could more easily escape. They determined
not to secretly steal away as if they fled, lest they should strike fear into the army since it was
already prepared for battle. However, if any would oppose them, that they might by brute force
make their way into Egypt. { *Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281 } { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:467}

5671. Velleius Paterculus says, {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 84. 1:229} that King Amyntas, but
Plutarch stated that both he and Dejotarus defected to Caesar. Q. Dellius the historian also
defected to Caesar, (to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin of Horace was written.)
He was either afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra, which he said Glaucus, her physician told
him of or else he followed his old pattern. He had defected from Dolabella to Cassius and from
Cassius to Antony. He was called by Messala Corinus, the vaulter of the civil wars. { Seneca, in
Orat. Suasor. 1.} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 84. 1:229} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281}
{*Dio,l. 50. 5:485}

5672. Antony's fleet was twice defeated before the last great battle. { *Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2.
c. 84. 1:229} Just as they were going to the last battle, it was said that there was a captain of the
foot soldiers, who was a valiant man and had fought many battles under Antony's command and
had many scars on his body. In Antony's presence he cried out to him:

vv O noble emperor, why do you distrust these wounds and our swords and put your trust in these
wooden ships? Let the Egyptians and Phoenicians fight by sea; give us permission to fight by
land, where we would either die standing or to defeat our enemies."

5673. Antony did not reply but with his hand and countenance as it were he bid him be of good
courage. Antony passed by without any great courage himself. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 63.
9:283}

5674. Of the Egyptian ships, Antony and Cleopatra only kept 60 and burnt the rest. They did not
have enough solders to guard them because of the number of runaways and defeats. By night,
they carried aboard all the things they had of most value. When the captains of the galleys in the
battle would only have taken their oars and have left their sails, Antony compelled them to carry
them with them and to put them on their ships. He said it must be done, lest any of his enemies
should escape when by this means Antony was really providing a means to escape. { *Plutarch,
Antony, c. 63. 9:283 } { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:485. }

5675. Caesar had 200 warships and 30 without tiers of oars. His galleys for swiftness were like

light ships. In the fleet were eight legions, besides five praetorian cohorts. Antony's fleet was
170 ships. Although they were fewer in number they were much larger in size and some had 10
tiers of oars. {Orosius, 1. 5. c. 19.} Floras stated: {*Florus, 1. 4. c. 11. 1:325}

"We had 400 ships and the enemy had not less than 200 but what they lacked in number was
made up for in size. All they had were from six to nine tiers of oars. Moreover, they were so
raised with turrets and decks that they resembled castles and cities and made the sea groan under
them and the wind out of breath to move them. There very size was there weakness."

5676. Caesar, in his commentaries, produced by Plutarch, denied these things concerning the
number of Antony's ships. He said that he took 300 of them. Vegetius { Vegetius, de re militari,
1. 4. c. 17. } stated the size may be calculated by the tiers of oars:

"There met ships of six and more tiers of oars."

5677. Floras stated that:

"Caesar's ships did not have more than three to six tiers and none larger."

5678. Strabo along with Plutarch and Dio positively said that Antony had some ships that had
ten tiers. See Scaliger about this. {Scaliger, Eusebius, ad num. 1230.}

5679. It was reported that Sextus Pompeius was defeated in Sicily by the larger size of Caesar's
ships. Antony had built his ships much larger than his enemies. He had some of three tiers of
oars but all the rest were from four to ten tiers. He also built high towers on them and put in
them great numbers of men who would fight as it were from a wall. He put all the noble men he
had with him on shipboard, lest if they were on their own, they may revolt from him (as Dellius
and some others that fled to Caesar had done.) He also put on board some archers, slingers, and
armed soldiers. {*Dio, 1. 50 5:485} He filled his best and largest ships, from three to ten tiers of
oars, with 20,000 foot soldiers and 2000 archers. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:283}

5680. When Caesar saw the preparations of the enemy and knew of his intentions from others,
but especially from Dellius, he prepared also for the battle. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:485} The first four
days the sea was so rough that the battle was delayed. On the fifth day the sky cleared, and
storm ceased and they came to battle. Antony and Poblicolus were in the right wing, Caelius in
the left, the middle was M. Cotavia, and M. Justeius commanded. Caesar placed Agrippa in the
left wing and he kept the right wing himself. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:283} However
Velleius Paterculus stated: {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 85. 1:229}

"The right wing of the Caesar's ships was committed to M. Larius (or Lurius) and the left to
Arruntius. Agrippa directed the whole battle by sea. Caesar was present anywhere, he felt the his
presence was needed to help the battle. The command of Antony's fleet was committed to
Publicola and Sosius."

5681. All historians agree on the commanders of the land forces. Taurus commanded Caesar's
forces and Canidius commanded Antony's.

5682. Antony sailed about in a swift Pinnas ship and exhorted his soldiers and encouraged them
to fight valiantly as if they were on firm land because the ships were so heavy and large. Antony
ordered the captains of the galleys that they should receive their enemies' charge as if their ships
were at anchor and that they stay in the mouth of the gulf. {Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:285}

5683. They reported that while it was yet dark, Caesar left his tent to visit his fleet. On his way
he met an ass named Nicon (meaning Victor) and his driver Eutyohus (meaning Prosper). After
the victory, he erected their images in brass in a temple which he built in the very place where
he had camped. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 96.} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:285} There
happened also that as he was sacrificing before the fight, a beast that had a two livers was
sacrified. {*Pliny, 1. 11. c. 73. 3:551}

5684. Caesar went in a pinnace ship to the right wing of Antony's fleet, and wondered why the
enemy lay so still in the gulf and thought that they were at anchor. As he kept his galleys, a little
gale began to rise from the sea and Antony's soldiers began to be angry that they were withheld
from fighting. They trusted in the huge size of their ships, as if they had been invincible. They
advanced their left wing which Caesar's men began to fight with as soon as they left the gulf.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:287}

5685. Caesar's ships were more agile and easier to manoeuvrer in battle, either to attack or
retire. The enemy ships were heavy and unwieldy and many of Caesar's ships attacked each of
them with arrows, rams and shot fire brands and overcame them. {*Florus, 1. 4. c. 21. 1:325} On
the other side, Antony's soldiers, shot with their crossbows from the wooden towers, arrows and
stones. They also cast grappling irons on the enemy's ships if they came too near. If the irons
grabbed, they overcame the enemy, otherwise they made a hole in their own ships and sank
them! This is how the sea battle went. Both sides used various methods to stir up the skill and
courage of their soldiers. They also heard the cries of those land soldiers that heartened them on
crying, "Courage!" {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:505,507} {Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:287}

5686. Agrippa extended one of his wings to surround the enemy. Poblicola, on the other side
was also forced to widen his wing and so was divided from his main body. Antony was attacked
and fought with Arrantius but on equal terms. Cleopatra who had been in suspense for a long
time as what to do and now feared the they might lose the battle, signalled her ships. She in a
galley whose poop deck was of gold and her sails of purple along with 60 of the swiftest
Egyptian ships, hoisted their main sails. They had a good wind and set sail for Peloponesus. As
soon as Antony saw the ships of Cleopatra under sail, he forgot everything and embarked in a
galley with five tiers of oars. He removed the ensign from the admiral's galley and followed his
fleeing wife accompanied only by Alexander, Syrian and Scellius. {*Florus. 1. 4. c. 21. 1:327}
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:287,289} {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:505-509} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} Thus the
general, who should punish runaways, deserted his own army. No doubt he would have ordered
the victory according to the wishes of Cleopatra, who caused his flight at her command.
{*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 85. 1:229,231}

5687. When Cleopatra saw that Antony was coming, she lifted up a sign from her ship and
Antony was taken on board. He did not see her nor was seen by her but went and sat down alone
in the prow of the ship. He never said a word and clapped both his hands over his head.
{Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:289}

5688. Antony's soldiers were astonished by the flight of their general, and began also to think of
fleeing. Some hoisted sail and others cast the towers and tacklings of their ships into the sea so
that the lightened ships could flee faster. Caesar's soldiers, who had no sails on their ships and
were only prepared for a naval battle, did not follow those who fled. They attacked those that
were preparing to flee (for now they were equal to their enemies in number.) They surrounded
each of the ships of their enemies and with many of their own, they fought with them close by
and who were afar off. { *Dio, 1. 50. 5:509} Antony's soldiers were very brave for a long time
after their general was gone and when they despaired of victory, they fought so that they might
die. Caesar tried to pacify them with words whom he might have killed with his sword. He
shouted to them telling them that Antony had fled and demanded of them for whom and with
whom they fought. { *Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 85. 1:231 } Finally he was forced to order fire
to be brought from the camp for now there was no other way of getting the full victory. He had
refrained from setting fire to the ships in hope of getting the enemies' treasure. Caesar's men
could not control themselves when the enemy's ships were on fire much less do any more harm
to their enemies. They sailed to them and with desire of getting money, they endeavoured to
quench the fire. Many perished by being burned with their ships and in fighting with their
enemies. {*Dio, 1. 50. 5:511-515}

5689. When the fleet of Antony had long resisted Caesar and was seriously damaged with the
waves which beat against the prows of their ships, they were defeated about the tenth hour.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 88. 9:293} Thus the soldiers when they had long fought for their absent
general, at last very unwillingly laid down their arms and surrendered. Caesar soon gave them
life and pardon to those before they even could be persuaded to ask for it. It was generally
granted that the soldiers performed the parts of an excellent general, and the general of a
cowardly soldier. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 85. 1:231}

5690. From the fifth hour (as Orosius says) to the seventh, the battle on both sides went without
any clear outcome. However, the rest of the day with the following night, Caesar got the upper
hand {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} for the battle continued until late at night so that the conqueror was
forced to stay on board all night. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.}

5691. The battle at Actium was fought when Caesar and Messala Corvinus were consuls.
{*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 84. 1:227} on the second of September. From this time begins the
empire of Caesar as in the beginning of his 51st book of Dio. In another place Dio said his reign
lasted 44 years { *Dio, 1. 56. 7:68} less 13 days the time between his death on the 19th of August
and the second of September when he started to rule. Both of those days are excluded after
which custom of Suetonius {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 8.} Aurelius Victor and Eutropius are to
be followed when as they say that he alone governed the state a full 44 years.

5692. As soon as it was day, Caesar completed his victory. 12,000 of the conquered were killed
and 6000 or 7000 wounded of whom 1000 died of their wounds. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19} Plutarch
stated that not more than 5000 died and 300 ships were captured. The remains of this huge
armada, was carried in its wrecks up and down over the whole sea. For the seas being cleared
with the wind and did daily wash up on the shores gold and purple from the spoils of the
Arabians and Sabeans and a thousand other countries of Asia. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 21. 1:327}

5693. This famous naval battle was so much spoken of by the poets of that time. {Virgil,
Aeneid, 1. 8} {Ovid, Metamorphos. 15.} {Horace, Epod. 9. ad Moecenatem} {Propertius, 1. 4.
Elog. 6. } Propertius has this memorable saying:

The cause it is the soldier animates, Which if not good, his courage shame abates.

5694. The rejoiner is that what Messala Corvinus is reported to have said, when he was
commended by Caesar (with whom he was colleague this year in the consulship.) He said that
although he was his utter enemy in Brutus' rebellion, yet he had done very good service for
Caesar in the battle of Actium.

vv O Caesar, you shall always find me of the better and juster party. { *Plutarch, Brutus, c. 53.
6:247}

5695. From the spoils of the enemy, Caesar dedicated ten ships to Apollo from Actium, from a
ship of one tier of oars up to a ship with ten. {*Strabo, 1. 7. p. 301} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:5}

5696. Caesar sent part of his fleet in pursuit of Antony and Cleopatra. When they could not
overtake them, they returned. {*Dio, 1. 6. 6:5} Some lighter ships overtook Antony which he
repulsed. Only Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, the son of Lacharis who was beheaded by Antony for
thievery, shook a lance at him from the deck of the ship as if he should have thrown it at him.
He did not attack Antony's ship but he struck another galley of the admiral with his prow (for
there were two of them.) He turned her round and captured her and another ship which was
loaded with very rich items and baggage. {Plutarch. Antony, c. 67. 9:289,291 }

5697. After he was gone, Antony returned to his former silence and resumed his previous
posture. After he had spent three days thus in the prow of the ship, he was either smitten with
anger or shame. He arrived at Taenarus where Cleopatra's women first brought them to speak to
each other and later they ate and slept together. { *Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:291 }

5698. Many merchant ships arrived there and some of Antony's friends who had escaped by
flight, brought news that indeed the fleet was scattered but they thought that the land forces were
intact. Antony sent messengers to Canidius and ordered him that as quickly as possible, he
should retire with the army through Macedonia into Asia. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:291 }

5699. Many of the army on land did not know of Antony's flight. When they heard of it, it
seemed incredible that he should flee and leave behind him 19 whole legions of foot soldiers
and 12,000 cavalry. His soldiers hoped that he would again appear somewhere else. They
showed so much loyalty to him that when his flight was certainly known, they stayed seven days
and rejected the messengers who were sent to them by Caesar. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 68. 9:293}

5700. Caesar overtook them as they were marching into Macedonia and without fighting, joined
them to himself. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:5} When it was night, the general Canidius left the camp and in
all haste fled to Antony. They were destitute of all things and betrayed by their leaders so they
joined themselves to the conqueror {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 86. 1:231} {*Plutarch,
Antony, 9:293} who added them to his own army. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:5,7}

5701. Many of the Roman nobility even then fled to Antony but the auxiliaries fled into their
own countries and never after this waged war against Caesar. They along with all the people
who were formerly subject to the Romans, over the space of time accepted the conditions of

peace from Caesar. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:5,6}

5702. Caesar demanded money from the cities and took from them the power over the citizens
which they usurped in the councils of the people. He took from the kings and governors, all the
towns they had received from Antony, except for Amyntas and Archelaus. He disposed,
Philopater the son of Tarcondimotus, (the prince of Cilicia), Lycomedes who obtained the
kingdom of Pontus in part of Cappadocia and Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, who had
received a kingdom in Arabia. Alexander had received his kingdom for accusing Caesar. He
gave the country of Lyconmedis to Medius, who was the instigator of the revolt of the Mysians
of Asia from Antony. He granted freedom to the Cydonians and Lampaeans (in Crete,) because
they helped him. He rebuilt the city of the Lampaeans which was destroyed. The senators and
equestrians and other noble men, who had in any way helped Antony, were either fined or put to
death or pardoned. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:6}

5703. Among those that he granted life to, was Sosius. He had often made war against Caesar
but fled and hid and was later found. Caesar let him go free. Caesar spared M. Scaurus, the half
brother of Sextus Pompeius, who also was appointed to death, for his mother Murcia's sake.
Among those who were put to death, was Curio the son of that Curio whose help Caesar the
dictator often used and his father Aquilles Flori. Caesar only ordered the one who drew the lot to
die. Before the lots were cast, the son offered to die and was executed. The father from great
grief killed himself over his dead son's body. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:7,9}

5704. Cassius Parmensis fled to Athens. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. I.e. 87. 1:235} Horace
mention him {Horace, 1. 3. epist. 4} as asking of Albius Tibullus the poet, if he means him:

vv What, write to excel Parmensis Cassius?"

5705. Of Cassius' poems, "Orpheus" is thought to be one, which is recorded by Achilles Statius,
at the end of the commentaries on the book of Suetonius, a famous rhetorician. A poem also
called "Brutus" is cited by Varro. {Varro, de lingua Latina, 1. 5.} It stated that Cassius was
terrified at Athens with such a ghost, as was said to have appeared to Brutus before the battle at
Philippi. Valerius noted in these words in the previous place. In the dead of the night as he lay in
bed, his mind was wrought with grief and cares. He thought that he saw coming to him, a very
large man. He was of a black hew with an ugly beard and long hair. When Cassius asked who he
was, he answered, xakodaimona. He was terrified with so horrible a vision and a more horrid
name. He called his servants and asked them if they saw anyone coming or going. They replied
that no one came there and he went back to bed. However, the same vision was always in his
mind. Therefore, he gave up trying to sleep and ordered a light to be brought in and forbid his
servants to leave him. Valerius added that a short time later after this night, he was executed by
Caesar. He was among the last that were put to death for the murder of Julius Caesar as
Trebonius was the first to die. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 87. 1:235} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}
This we know from the previous account of Valerius Maximus, which was done at Athens a
little after the victory at Actium.

5706. At that time, Caesar sailed to Athens and was appeased with the Greeks, he distributed the
grain that was left in the war to the cities which suffered from famine and were despoiled of
money, servants, and horses. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 68. 9:295}

5707. Antony wanted to leave Tenarus for Africa and selected one good cargo ship to hold his
enormous treasure. He gave the other rich plate of gold and silver to his friends and ordered
them to divide it among them and to shift for themselves. They refused and were in tears. He
very courteously comforted them and finally dismissed those who would provide for
themselves. He wrote letters to Theophilus, the governor of Corinth, that he would keep them
safe and give them some hiding place until they might make their peace with Caesar. Theophilus
was the father of Hypparchus, who was greatly respected by Antony and the first of his freed
men who defected to Caesar and later went and lived at Corinth. { *Plutarch, Antony, c. 67.
9:291,293}

5708. So that Cleopatra might safely sail to Egypt, she put crowns on the prows of her ships and
ordered those songs to be sung on a pipe that are usually sung after obtaining a victory. { *Dio, 1.
51.6:17}

5709. When they arrived safely in Egypt, she put to death many noble men who were always her
enemies. At that time they were elated over her defeat. She took what they had, including the
sacrifices to their gods and even from temples. She got an enormous amount of money this way
and she prepared an army and sought after foreign mercenaries. She hoped to make an alliance
with the king of Media and she sent to him the head of the king of Armenia, (Artavasdes or
Artabazes.) {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:17}

5710. She also embarked on a bold and great enterprise. She planned to have her fleet cross over
the isthmus which divides the Red Sea from Egypt which is thought to divide Africa from Asia.
It is about 38 miles at its narrowest point. She sent her forces into the Arabian Gulf with a great
amount of money, so that she might find some remote country with her ships and so be free
from slavery and war. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:297} However, the first ships which were
carried over and others that were built for sailing into the Red Sea were burnt by the inhabitants
of Arabia Pesora by the instigation of Q. Didius the governor of Syria. { * Plutarch, Antony, c.
69. 9:297} {*Dio, 1.51. 6:19,21}

5711. Antony came into Africa and went into a desert. He wandered up and down with only his
two friends, Aristocrates a Greek rhetorician, and Luculius, a Roman. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69.
9:295} After he had sent some to Pinarius Scarpus and the army which he had previously raised
for the defence of Egypt, the general told them that he would not entertain Antony and killed
those who were sent to him and also put to death some soldiers who disagreed with his actions.
{*Dio,l. 51., 6:17}

5712. When Antony knew of this revolt, he planned to kill himself but was prevented by his
friends. He went to Alexandria and still thought that the legions at Actium were intact. (Canidius
later brought him news that this was not so.) Therefore, Cleopatra abandoned her plans of
sailing into the Red Sea and fortified with garrisons the mouths of the Nile River instead.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:297}

5713. But Antony left the city and the company of his friends and built an house on the sea by
the isle of Pharos. He created a mound in the sea to build on. He lived there as a banished man
from all men and said he would lead the life of Timon misanqrwpou, "the man hater", because
his condition was so like to his. He was abused by his friends and had experienced their
ingratitude. Therefore he would trust no man and was angry with all men and called his house,

"Timonium." {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:295} {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:39}

5714. Herod sent to Antony and advised him to put Cleopatra to death. He said, if that were
done in a timely manner, Antony could enjoy her estate and obtain from Caesar easier
conditions of peace. {Josephus, 1. 15. c. 10.}

5715. Caesar dismissed his old soldiers and Antony's army into Italy. He gave them nothing and
the rest he sent into various places. He was afraid lest those who were companions of his victory
and were dismissed without any reward, should raise any seditions. He sent Agrippa after them
into Italy as if it were on some other business. He settled the affairs of Greece, as if there were
no danger to be expected from those soldiers who were discharged. He went into Asia and
settled things there. He awaited what Antony would do. { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:9, 11}

5716. All the people and kings denied to send any help to Antony and Cleopatra, (although
many of them had received generous favours from them both.) The gladiators were a people of
most abject condition and were brought up at Cyzicum by Antony, to hold triumphal plays when
Caesar was defeated. (See Appian on 35 BC.) They valiantly fought for them. As soon as they
knew what had happened, they decided to go to Egypt to help them. Their journey upset
Amyntas in Galatia and the sons of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia, who formerly had been good
friends to Antony and Cleopatra, but had revolted from them. Also Q. Didius, the governor of
Syria forbid them to go through his land. They were boxed in and could not go into Egypt and
could not cause a revolt in Syria. Although Didius gave them many good promises, they sent for
Antony to come to them. They thought that they might the more easily wage war in Syria if
Antony was with them. Antony did not go nor send any messengers to them. They unwillingly
yielded to Didius on the condition that they would never fight as gladiators again. Didius gave
them, Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, to live in, until he had known what Caesar wanted to do.
{*Dio, 1.51. 6:21}

5717. To suppress these gladiators, Didius wrote to Caesar, that there were troops sent to him by
Herod. Caesar talked about this with Herod where he said that {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 15.}
Ventidius had written to him that you have helped him against the gladiators. {Josephus, Wars,

1. I.e. 15.} Again he wrote that Capidius had written to him how much Herod had helped him in
the war against the monarchs of Syria. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 10.} In the previous place I
have written "gladiators" for "monarchs." So it is clear, that in both places for "Ventidius" and
"Capidius", the name of Q. Didius is to be written. By this action, news came to Antony at his
house, Timonium that Herod the Jew with some legions and cohorts had defected to Caesar.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301}

5718. Many things were decreed at Rome in honour of Caesar for his victory at sea. A triumph
was given to him for Cleopatra and a triumphal arch at Brundusium and another one in the
Roman forum. The base of the Julian temple should be decorated with the prows of captured
ships. Every fifth year, plays were held in honour of him. There should always be processions
on his birthday and on the day the news was first brought of his victory. The vestal virgins,
senate and their wives and children, should go and meet him as he entered the city. All the
ornaments of Antony should be pulled down and demolished. His birthday should be considered
an unlucky day. An edict was passed that none of that family should have the first name of
Marcus. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:51,53}

57 19. Caesar retired to Samos to winter there. { Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17. } Antony had taken
away the three great colossal statues of Myron that stood on one base. Caesar replaced two of
them on the same base, namely, Minerva and Hercules. He carried Jupiter into the capitol and
made a temple just for it. {*Strabo, 1. 14. 6:213,215}

5720. When Caesar viewed the prisoners there, Metellus, an old man was brought out. He had
long hair and otherwise deformed by reason of his hard life. When the crier was called his name
as he stood among the prisoners, his son, who was one of Caesar's captains, leaped from his seat
and went and embraced him with tears whom he barely knew. Then he stopped weeping and he
said:

vv My father, O Caesar, was an enemy to you, I a companion. He has deserved punishment, I a
reward. I desire that either you would grant my father his life for my sake or put me to death
together with him."

5721. Caesar began to pity them and granted Metellus life although he was his mortal enemy
and had spurned many previous offers to defect from Antony. {*Appian. 1. 4. c. 42. 4:211,213}

5722. Antony left his cottage by the sea which he called Timonium and went to the palace. He
was entertained by Cleopatra and he turned all the city to revelling and banqueting and liberally
gave gifts. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301 } He enrolled Caesarion, the son of Caesar and
Cleopatra, among the young men. He gave his own son Antyllus by Fulvia the virile gown,
without the purple hem. He did this so that the Egyptians might be more cheerful by having a
man to reign over them and the rest that should have them for commanders should be more
satisfied if anything should happen to Antony and Cleopatra. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301 }
{*Dio, 1.51. 6:17,19}

5723. Thereupon there was huge feastings and banquetings at Alexandria for many days.
However, they turned this meeting into another nothing inferior to the other in delights, luxury,
and splendour, which they called Suuapbanoumhwwn or of:

vv Those who will die together."

5724. This was for the friends of those who would die together. They registered their names and
passed the time in pleasures and in feasting when it came round to everyone's turn. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 71.9:301}

5725. Moreover, Cleopatra gathered various sorts of deadly poisons. She tested them on
condemned persons and animals and watched how they died. She did this daily and among all
that she found that the biting of the asp was the only way to die. It only brought a sleepiness and
heaviness on one without any spasms or pain. It caused only a gentle sweating of the face and a
languishing stupidity of the senses. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301,303}

5726. Although Antony and Cleopatra prepared as if they would make war both by sea and land,
yet also provided for an alternative plan. If on any urgent necessity, they might set sail for Spain
and hoped that they could cause a revolt with their money. Otherwise, they would go to the Red
Sea. {*Dio, 1.51. 6:19}

vv of whose preparation to flee into the ocean" {*Florus, 1. 2. c. 11. 1:327}
3974b AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC

5727. Caesar entered into his fourth consulship in Asia. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 26.} He, for
the sixth time, is called emperor and was now for the fourth time consul with Marcus Licinius
Crassus. Caesar came to Brundusium {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} after he was recalled to Italy by
letters written by Agrippa from Rome {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 73. 9:305} to repress a sedition of
the soldiers who demanding rewards for their services. They were discharged after the victory at
Actium from the whole number Caesar had sent before to Brundusium. { Suetonius, in Octavian,
c. 17.}

5728. In crossing the seas, Caesar was twice bothered by storms, first between the cape of
Peloponesus and Aetolia and again by the Caraunian Mountains. In both places, some of his
smaller ships were lost and the tackling was ripped and the helm broken in his ship. {Suetonius,
in Octavian, c. 17.}

5729. Caesar came to Brundusium in the middle of winter but went no farther. He was met by
the whole senate (the tribunes of the people had appointed two praetors for the government of
the city by a decree of the senate,) with the equestrians and great many of the people along with
many others. Those very soldiers came there also, some through fear (of so large a crowd and of
Caesar himself), whom Germanicus said {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 42.}

vv That he daunted the Actian legion with his look."

5730. Some came and hoped for pay while others were sent for. Caesar gave some of them
money and he gave lands to some that had been with him in all his wars. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:13}

5731. Suetonius wrote that he did not stay at Brundusium more than 27 days until he had settled
his business with the soldiers. Dio said that he went into Greece again on the 31st day after he
came into Italy. Because it was winter, the ships were brought over the isthmus of Peloponesus.
He so quickly came into Asia that Cleopatra and Antony heard of his departure and return at the
same time. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:15:17}

5732. Antony sent to Herod, Alexas or Alexander, a Laodicean, who had been made know to
him at Rome by Timagenes who had more influence on Antony than any other Greek. Alexas
was to prevent Herod from defecting to Caesar but Alexas betrayed Antony and stayed with
Herod. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 72. 9:303}

5733. Alexandra hoped that Herod would be thoroughly punished by Caesar, who was his
enemy. She solicited her father Hyrcanus that he would not allow this affliction of their family
but that he would hope for better things. She counselled him also that he should ask protection
from Malchus, the king of Arabia. Hyrcanus first found these suggestions repulsive. Finally, he
was overcome with her constant pleadings and entertained better things and contemplated the
treachery of Herod. He sent letters to the Arabian, by Dositheus, a friend of his, that he should
send cavalry. These would escort him to the Dead Sea which was about 40 miles from
Jerusalem. Dositheus was a relative to Joseph who was put to death by Herod. His brothers were

also put to death among others at Tyre by Antony. Nevertheless, to curry favour with the king,
he showed him the letter. Herod thanked him and asked for a favour. He wanted him to put a
new seal on the letter and deliver it to Malchus and get his reply. The Arabian wrote word back
that he was ready to help Hyrcanus and his family and all the Jews that were of that faction. He
would send a band of soldiers who would conduct him in safety and would obey him in all
matters. After Herod had also received this letter, he summoned Hyrcanus. He asked him if he
had any alliance with Malchus and Hyrcanus denied it. Herod showed the letters in the council
of the sanhedrim and ordered him to be put to death. Thus are these matters are recorded in
Herod's commentaries but are stated otherwise by others for they say that Hyrcanus was not put
to death for this crime but for some other treasons against the king. { Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c.
9.}

5734. Antony and Cleopatra sent ambassadors to Caesar to Asia. Cleopatra asked for the
kingdom of Egypt for her children and Antony asked that he might lead a private life in Athens.
If that was not granted then he wished to live in Egypt. Because of the lack of friends and the
distrust which they felt because of defections, Antony sent Euphroneus, his sons' school teacher
as a ambassador. {Plutarch, Antony, c. 72. 9:303} Cleopatra, without Antony's knowledge sent
Caesar a gold sceptre, a gold crown and a golden chair as if she were delivering her kingdom
over to him. If he really hated Antony, she hoped he might have some pity on her. Caesar
accepted the presents, accounting them as good omens but gave Antony no answer. He truly
publicly threatened Cleopatra and replied that if she would lay aside her arms and her kingdom,
he would then advise what was fitting to be done with her. Privately he promised her impunity
and her kingdom if she would put Antony to death. { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:19, 21}

5735. After Herod had executed Hyrcanus, he sent a message to Caesar. Herod saw that his
friendship he had shown to Antony would not help him. He suspected Alexandra might use this
opportunity to incite the people to rebel and fill the kingdom with domestic seditions. Therefore
he committed the care of the kingdom to his brother Pheroras and he left his mother Cyproes,
sister Salome and all his family in the citadel of Masada. He ordered his brother that if anything
untoward should happen, he should assume the government of the kingdom. He placed his wife
Mariamme, who could not get along with his mother, in Alexandrion with her mother
Alexandra. Herod committed their custody to his treasurer, Joseph and Sohemus, an Iturian.
They were men that had always been faithful to him and were now appointed to this duty to
honour them. However, he ordered that if they should certainly know that any sinister mishap
befell him, that they should quickly kill both the ladies and to the utmost of their power,
continue the kingdom for his children, and his brother Pheroras. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 9.}

5736. After giving these commands, Herod sent to Rhodes to meet with Caesar there. When
Herod arrived, he only laid aside his crown but retained his other princely attire. He was
admitted into Caesar's presence with great constancy and magnanimity of spirit. He freely
confessed the alliance he had with Antony and also the help he sent Antony of grain and money.
The Arabian war prevented him from helping him in person. Moreover, he added that he was
ready to be a faithful friend of Caesar. Caesar exhorted him and restored his crown to him and
exceedingly honoured him. Thus beyond all expectations, Herod was again confirmed in his
kingdom by the free gift of Caesar and by a decree of the senate which Caesar obtained for him.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 10. Wars, 1. 1. c. 15.} Strabo also notes: {Strabo, 1. 16. 7:299}

vv He excelled his ancestors so much especially in friendship with the Romans that he was
declared king, first by Antony and later by Caesar granting the same authority to him."

5737. Also we read: {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 5. c. 9.}

vv When Augustus was conqueror, he enlarged Herod's kingdom that was given to him by
Antony."

5738. Herod gave presents to Caesar and also to his friends beyond his ability, to show his
generosity. He endeavoured also to secure the pardon for Alexas or Alexander, the Laodicean,
who was sent to him from Antony but he was unable to. Caesar had sworn that he would punish
him (for he had been the most strong defender of Antony of all the machinations that Cleopatra
used against Octavia.) Therefore, Alexas relied on Herod's good reception and dared to come
into Caesar's presence. He was soon taken and carried in bonds into his own country and there
executed by Caesar's orders. This was during the lifetime of Antony whom he had betrayed.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 10. Wars, 1. 1. c. 15.} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 62, 9:303,305}

5739. Antony and Cleopatra sent other ambassadors to Caesar. Cleopatra promised Caesar
through them an enormous amount money and Antony reminded him of the friendship and
family ties which were between them and excused the familiarity that he had with the Egyptian
woman. Antony recalled their previous alliance between them and the deeds which they had
done in their youth. Moreover, he turned over to Caesar, Q. Turullius a senator who was one of
Caesar's murderers and then his friend. Antony promised also that he would kill himself if by so
doing that he might obtain security for Cleopatra. Caesar executed Turullius on the isle of Cos
where Turullius had felled trees for ship timber from Aesculapius' grove. Caesar did not reply to
Antony. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:23}

5740. In the absence of Herod, his wife, Mariamme and his mother-in-law, Alexandra were very
unhappy in being confined to that citadel as if in prison so that they could neither enjoy their
estate nor make use of other men's goods. They were very upset when Mariamme used her
feminine flatteries and had fished out of Sohemus what Herod had ordered him concerning
them. She then began to wish that he would never return home and her life with him would be
intolerable. She did not hide her discontent but openly said what it was that bothered her. Herod
had returned beyond all expectations and told Mariamme the successes he had. She did not seem
to take notice and she would sigh at all the caresses that he made. Hence Herod plainly knew the
hatred of his wife against him and was wavering between love and hatred toward her.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11.}

5741. Before Caesar went with his army into Egypt, he went into Syria. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15.
c. 11} {Suetonius, c. 17.} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307} {Orosius}

5742. Phraates and Tiridates fought over the kingdom of Parthia and asked help from Caesar. He
did not reply directly but he said he would consider it another time because of the problems in
Egypt. Indeed he did nothing and hoped the civil war in Parthia would weaken both sides.
{*Dio, 1.51.6:51}

5743. C. Merius, was a centurion who in the war against Antony had done outstanding exploits.
He was surrounded by surprise by an ambush of his enemies and brought to Alexandria before
Antony. He asked what was suitable to be done with him. The centurion replied:

vv Order to have my throat cut, for neither can I sufficiently be induced by gifts nor for fear of
death, to stop being Caesar's soldier or to start being yours."

5744. Antony pardoned him for his outstanding character. {Valerius Maximus, 1. 3. c. 8.}

5745. Antony and Cleopatra thought it best that their children should be sent ahead to the Red
Sea with part of the queen's treasure. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} They placed garrisons in the two
corner coasts of Egypt at Pelusium, and Paraetonium and prepared a fleet and forces to start the
war again. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} {*Florus, 1. 4. c. 21. 1:327}

5746. Antony sent a third embassy to Caesar and his son, Antyllus with much gold. Caesar sent
him back again without either granting his embassy or giving any answer. However, he took his
gold. Caesar told Cleopatra for the third time the same numerous threats and promises. { *Dio, 1.
51.6:25}

5747. To win over Cleopatra to him, Caesar sent to her Thyreus or Thyrsus who was his freed
man and was very discreet. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:25} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:305} Caesar was
afraid lest Antony and Cleopatra despair of a pardon and should persist in their intention. They
would either defeat him by their own strength or else go into Spain or Gaul or Cleopatra would
burn all the treasures that she had stored in her tomb as she had threatened to do. Therefore he
sent Thyrsus, who conferred very courteously with Cleopatra and told her that Caesar was in
love with her. He hoped that she who had a mind to have all men in love with her, would kill
Antony to save herself and her money. { *Dio, 1. 50. 6:25 }

5748. Caesar marched against Antony through Syria and his lieutenant through Libya.

{ * Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307 } Cornelius Gallus was sent by Caesar ahead of him with four
legions of Scarpas, which were at Cyrene to guard that place. They suddenly attacked and
captured Paraetonium which is an important city of Egypt near the border of Libya. { *Dio, 1. 51.
6:25} {Orosius, 1.6. c. 19.}

5749. When Antony found out about this defeat, he changed his plans of going into Syria to the
gladiators. He marched toward Paraetonium and hoped that he would easily draw those forces
from Gallus to himself. He knew that they were kindly disposed toward him because they had
been soldiers together. If that failed then he would win them by force for he brought with him
large naval and land forces. Antony was not even able to talk to these soldiers because Gallus
made all the trumpeters to sound so that no one could hear anything. In addition, he received
some losses by a sudden sally and his fleet was defeated also. Gallus had at night laid a chain
cross the mouth of the harbour which was hidden underwater. He held the port with a guard that
was hidden and allowed Antony's ships to boldly sail into the harbour in contempt of him. When
the ships were in the harbour, he raised the chains up by certain engines to prevent the ships
from leaving. Then he either burnt or sunk the ships which were attacked on every side by sea
and land and also from the houses. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:27}

5750. Herod entertained Caesar very royally at Ptolemais, as he journeyed through Syria into
Egypt. He showed all hospitality toward his army and gave them plenty of supplies. By this he
became one of Caesar's best friends and was accustomed to ride about with him when he
mustered his army. Herod also entertained Caesar and his friends with the service of 150 men
who were clothed in most rich and sumptuous apparel. He did not allow them to lack anything

on their march to Pelusium, although those places were barren and lacked water. Caesar's army
lacked neither wine nor water which the soldiers appreciated. He also gave Caesar 800 talents.
Indeed, he gave such a good reception they confessed that it was more than the kingdom could
afford. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 15., Antiq. 1. 15. c. 10.}

5751. Thyrus (or Thyreas) convinced Cleopatra that Caesar was in love with her. She desired it
to be true because she had enslaved in the same way both Caesar's father and Antony. Therefore,
she hoped not only for a pardon and the kingdom of Egypt but even the Roman Empire. { *Dio,
1. 51. 6:27} Antony took Thyreas who was extremely honoured by her and whipped him soundly
and then sent him back to Caesar. He wrote that he did this because he was provoked by his
insulting pride. Antony who was easily provoked because of this bad fortune, said:

vv If you (Caesar) do not like this, you have Hipparchus, my freed man. Hang him up and whip
him then we shall be even."

5752. To remove all jealousies and suspicions, Cleopatra wonderfully honoured Antony. In the
past she had modestly kept her birthday but she celebrated his birthday with the greatest
splendour and magnificence that she could. Many were invited to the feast. They came poor and
went away rich. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:305}

5753. It was reported that Caesar took Pelusium by force, but it was really through the treachery
of Cleopatra. { *Dio, 1. 51, 6:27,29} There was a common report that this town was given to
Caesar by Seleucus with her consent. To clear herself, she turned over Seleucus' wife and
children to Antony so he could execute his revenge on them. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307}
When he was defeated by Cornelius Gallus at Paraetonium, and immediately after that at
Pharos, {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} he returned to Alexandria.

5754. Cleopatra had storehouses and monuments built. They were very exquisite and high.
These were joined to the temple of Isis and she stored there the most precious things of all her
royal treasures, like gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and last of all
great supply of lamps and flax. Thereupon, Caesar was afraid that he would loose such riches
and that in despair she would burn them. He daily gave her good hopes while he marched with
his army toward the city. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307} She privately forbid the citizens of
Alexandria from attacking Caesar when publicly she encouraged them to do battle with him.
{*Dio, 1.51.6:27}

5755. Caesar took up his position near the hippodrome with his army and Antony sallied out and
fought valiantly and routed Caesar's cavalry. He drove them even to the camp. He was
encouraged by this victory and he entered the palace and kissed Cleopatra, in his armour. He
recommended to her a man that had fought most valiantly. Cleopatra rewarded the man with
solid gold armour and headpiece. That night after he had received these, he defected to Caesar.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307}

5756. Antony shot messages into Caesar's camp and promised each soldier 1500 drachmas or
denarii. Caesar voluntarily read these letters to the soldiers and by this means made Antony
more hated. Caesar tried to make them feel ashamed for the suggested treachery and enthusiasm
for himself. Thereupon the soldiers became exceedingly angry that their fidelity was tempted
and they behaved so valiantly that Antony fought in a battle with only his foot soldiers and was

soundly defeated. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:29} Another historian also mentions this: {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:43}

vv As one goes through the hippodrome, he comes to Nicopolis, which is a settlement on the sea
no smaller than a city. It is about 4 miles from Alexandria. Caesar Augustus honoured this place
because here he defeated those in a fight, who made a sally out against him with Antony."

5757. After this, Antony, through his ambassadors challenged Caesar to a single battle. Caesar
replied that Antony had many ways to die. Therefore Antony thought that he could most
honourably die by being killed in battle. He determined to attack Caesar by sea and land. At
supper (as it is reported) he bid his servants that they should drink and feast themselves heartily
for it was uncertain what they should do tomorrow or should serve other masters if he was dead
and gone. This made Antony's friends weep. Antony told them he would not lead them out to
fight since he sought an honourable death for himself rather than to return with victory and
honour. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:309}

5758. About the middle of that night when the whole city was quiet and depressed for fear and
expectation of what was coming, it was reported that suddenly, there was heard sweet music of
all kinds of instruments. There was the sound a large number of people, as at the feasts of
Bacchus and satyr-like frisking and dancing, as if indeed it had been the feast of Bacchus
himself, (whom Dionysius used to feign his father.) The noise was so loud and that this very
large gathering seemed to be located almost in the very middle of the city. It moved toward that
gate which led to the enemy outside. They finally passed through this gate and so vanished.
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:309}

5759. Dio reported that besides this many other prodigies foreshadowed the bondage of Egypt.
He said it rained in those places which never had rain before. It was not just water but blood
mixed with the drops. This was not the only sign. There were flashes of armour from the clouds
as this rain fell. A dragon of an incredible size was suddenly seen among the Egyptians which
hissed horribly. There appeared also comets and the ghosts of the dead. The statues seemed to
be sorrowful and Apis made a mournful lowing and shed tears. {Dio, 1. 51. 6:47,51 }

5760. On the first of August as soon as it was day, Antony went down to the harbour to order his
fleet. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} However, Cleopatra had caused the fleet to defect from him. {*Dio,
1. 51, 6:29} For as soon as Antony's fleet had rowed near the other fleet, they greeted Caesar's
soldiers and defected to them. They combined all the ships into one fleet and came to attack the
city. While Antony saw this, his cavalry deserted him as did his foot soldiers. He retired into the
city and cried that he was betrayed by Cleopatra, for whom he had taken up arms. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 66. 9:309,311}

5761. Cleopatra feared the anger and despair of Antony. She pretended that it was for fear of
Caesar she had done this and that she would kill herself. She fled to her tomb with one eunuch
and two maids. She sent a message to Antony that she was dead. He believed her and therefore
desired his faithful servant Erotes (who had long ago promised that he would kill him if
necessity required it,) that he would kill him. Erotes drew out his naked sword as if he would
strike him but turned his face from him and killed himself. When he fell at Antony's feet,
Antony said:

vv Noble Eros, has showed me what must be done by myself, but could not endure to do it for

me."

5762. He stabbed himself in the belly and fell on a bed. The wound did not bring a speedy death
for the blood stopped flowing after he laid down. When he was a little recovered, he desired
those who stood around that they would thrust him through. They all fled from the chamber and
left him crying and writhing in pain. Thereupon there was a great tumult made. When Cleopatra
heard this, she looked out from the top of the tomb, for the door was so made that if it was once
shut it could not be opened. Only the upper parts of it were not yet finished. She sent also
Diomedes, her secretary, to bring Antony into the tomb to her. As soon as Antony knew that she
was alive, he arose because he thought he might live. However, he despaired of life because of
his excessive bleeding and was carried by the help of his servants to the door of the tomb as he
requested. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66, 67. 9:311,313} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:31} {Livy, 1. 133.}
{*Florus, 1. 4. c. 11. 1:327} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 87. 1:235} {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:47}
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} {Eutropius, 1. 7.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}

5763. While this was happening, Dercetaeus one of his bodyguards, took Antony's sword and
hid it and stole away and ran to Caesar. He was the first one who told him of Antony's death and
showed him the sword all bloody. When Caesar heard this news, he withdrew himself into the
innermost room of the tent, where he much bewailed Antony as his relative and colleague. He
had been his companion in many battles and in the government of the empire. Then he took his
letters and he called his friends together and read them to them. He showed them how proudly
and rudely Antony had answered to all his mild and just demands. Then he sent Proculeius with
orders to take Cleopatra alive if possible. Caesar was afraid to lose her treasure and also thought
that she would be a magnificent trophy in his triumph if he could take her alive. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 68. 9:315}

5764. In the interim, Antony was drawn up into the monument by ropes which were hung for
pulling the stones up. {*Dio, 1. 51, 6:31 } They say there was nothing more lamentable than this
sight. Antony was all besmeared with blood and almost dead. He was tied to the ropes and
drawn up by the great efforts of Cleopatra and the two servants who were with her. Those who
underneath him, helped lift him up. Antony stretched out his hands to Cleopatra and lifted
himself up as well as he could. As soon as Cleopatra had taken him in, she laid him on a bed.
Then she tare off her head piece and beat her breasts and scratched her breasts and face with her
own hands. She was all of a gore with blood and called him, "Lord", "Husband" and "Emperor."
She almost forgot her own miseries in compassion for him. After Antony had a little appeased
her grief, he called for some wine either because he was thirsty or because he thought it would
hasten his death. After he had drank it, he advised her to take care of her own affairs and to save
her life if she could without dishonour. He said that among all Caesar's friends, she could most
trust Proculeius. She should not lament the miserable change of his fortune but rejoice for the
great good fortune he had because he had been the most famous and powerful prince of all men.
He was a Roman and was not cowardly defeated by a Roman. He died just as Proculeius came
from Caesar. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:313,315}

5765. Caesar sent C. Proculeius, who was an equestrian and Epaphroditus, his freed man. He
told them both what they should say and do. However, Cleopatra feared that they would use her
harshly and stayed in the tomb. She thought there was no other way she could procure her safety
yet she might redeem her pardon and the kingdom of Egypt from Caesar by his fear of loosing
her money. Caesar desired to get her money and to take Cleopatra alive so that he might carry
her in triumph. In spite of this, he was unwilling to appear to have tricked her after he gave her a

kind of pledge, since he wished to treat her as a captive and to a certain extent subdued against
her will. {*Dio, 1.51. 6:33}

The Roman Empire

3974c AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC

5766. Cleopatra would not commit herself into Proculeius' hands. However, she talked with him
from the building as he stood on the outside at the door which was on level ground. Although
the door was barred, he could hear what she said. In this meeting, she asked the kingdom for her
children. Proculeius bid her to be of good cheer and refer all things to Caesar. When he had
sufficiently surveyed the place, he told everything to Caesar who sent Gallus again to demand
an answer from her. When he came to the door, he kept her talking on purpose. In the meantime,
Proculeius set up ladders with two servants and got in at the window where the women took in
Antony. He immediately went down to the door where Cleopatra sat talking with Gallus. As
soon as she saw Proculeius, she tried to kill herself with a dagger she had on her belt. Proculeius
came running and held her with both his hands and took the dagger from her. He shook her
cloths for fear she had some poison hidden on her. Thus Plutarch relates the story. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 69 9:317} Dio relates it like this.

5767. C. Proculeius and Epaphroditus talked with Cleopatra and offered her very tolerable
conditions. Suddenly, before she agreed to them, they laid hands on her and removed anything
she might use to kill herself with. They allowed her some days so that she might stay there until
she had embalmed Antony's body. Then they brought her into the palace and gave her the usual
train of servants and honour so that by this she might hope that she would obtain what she
desired and not harm herself. {*Dio. 1. 51. 6:33} As soon as Cleopatra was taken, an eunuch of
hers, willingly put asps on himself and was bitten and fell into a grave which he had previously
prepared for himself. { *Dio, 1. 51, 6:39,41 }

5768. At his first approach, Caesar conquered Alexandria which was a most rich and large city.
{Livy, 1. 133.} {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:23} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} As
he entered Alexandria, he talked with Areius Alexandrinus, a philosopher. Caesar took him by
the right hand so his country men would honour him the more when they saw him so honoured
by Caesar. {Plutarch, Antony, c. 70. 9:319} Caesar had been his student in philosophy and was
very well acquainted with him and his two sons, Dionysius and Nicanor. {Seneca, de Clement}
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 89.} {Plutarch, in Politic} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:45, 1. 52. 6:175} {Julian
Caesar, in Octavian} &&& Areius - The Alexandrian Philosopher, is honoured by Octavian

5769. Then he went into the gymnasium and he ascended a tribunal which was set up on
purpose for him. He ordered the citizens to rise, who for fear were fallen on their knees before
him. In a speech, he freely pardoned all the people for three reasons. (He spoke in Greek so
everyone could understand him.) He pardoned them for their great god Serapis' sake, for the
greatness of the city and for his friend Areius' sake. Likewise, he pardoned all the Egyptians
because he was unwilling that so many men should be put to death who in many other things
had done good service for the Romans. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 70. 9:319} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:45}
{Julian, epist. 51. ad Alexand.}

5770. At the request of Arieus, he pardoned many including among others Philostratus, who was

he an ablest sophister of his time. However, he incorrectly said he belonged to the school of the
Academic. Therefore Caesar hated his manners and rejected his request. Therefore, Philostratus
let his beard grow long and followed Areius in mourning, always repeating this verse: &&&
Areius - By his entreaties Octavian pardoned Phiostratus

vv The wise, while wise, a good safety has."

5771. When Caesar heard of this, he pardoned him so that he might rather free Areius from
envy, rather than Philostratus from fear. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 70. 9:319}

5772. Young Antony or Antyllas was the older of the two sons Antony had by Fulvia and he
was betrothed to Caesar's daughter, Julia. Although he fled into a shrine that Cleopatra had
made for his honour, Caesar took him from the image of Julius and killed him after he made
many fruitless prayers. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:319} {Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 17.} {*Dio,
1. 51. 6:43} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} As the soldiers beheaded him, Theodoras his school teacher
who betrayed him, took from his neck a most precious jewel and sewed it in his belt. He denied
this but it was found on him and he was crucified. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:319} Caesar
ordered that Julius, the other son of Antony by Fulvia, should receive all things in the estate.
Julius' freed men were ordered to give all things to him that dying men are commanded by the
laws to leave to their heirs. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:45}

5773. The children that Antony had by Cleopatra, were very honourably kept with their
governors and train of servants that waited on them. Caesar saved and nourished and cherished
them no less than if they had been linked in an alliance with him. { Suetonius, in Octavian}
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:319}

5774. Of those that favoured Antony, Caesar executed some and pardoned others either of his
own good will or by the intercession of friends. { *Dio, 1. 5 1 . 6:45 } Among those that were put
to death was Canidius, a most bitter enemy always to Caesar and unfaithful to Antony,
{Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19. } who died most cowardly than seemed for one who bragged he was not
afraid of death. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 87. 1:235} Q. Orinius also was put to death by
Caesar's own command because he was a senator of the people of Rome and was not ashamed
most basely to be governor to the queen's spinners and weavers. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19. }

5775. Antony had many children of kings and princes. Some were kept as hostages and others
by false accusations. Caesar sent some of them home and married others to each other. He kept
some with him. He returned Jotape to her father, the king of the Medes, who had found asylum
with him after his defeat. He did not send back Artaxas' brothers at his request because he had
killed the Romans that were left behind in Armenia. { *Dio, 1. 5 1 . 6:45 }

5776. When he viewed the tomb (which was of glass {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:37}) and the body of
Alexander the Great, which was taken out of the vault, Caesar put a crown upon it and scattered
flowers over it and worshipped it. As he touched the body, it was said he broke off a piece of his
nose. He was asked if he wanted to see the bodies of the Ptolemy's and the Alexandrians really
wanted him to see them. He refused and said that he would rather see a living king not the dead.
{Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 18.} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:45,47} For that very reason, he would not go to
see Apis because he said he usually worshipped gods not oxen. {*Dio, 1.51. 6:47}

5777. Many great kings and captains desired to bury Antony. However, Caesar would not take
him from Cleopatra. She buried him in a splendid and magnificent manner. Caesar allowed her
to take as much as she required for his funeral. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 72. 9:321 }

5778. Through her much sorrow and grief, (for her breasts were covered with inflammations and
ulcers because of the blows she had given herself,) Cleopatra had a fever which she gladly used
as an excuse to stop eating so that she would die without any more trouble. She had a physician
whose name was Olympas, to whom she declared the truth of the matter and used him as a
councillor and assistant in her death. Olympus recorded this in his history of these events. When
Caesar suspected the matter, he threatened both her and her children. She had allowed herself to
become quite sick but later she allowed herself to be cured and ate properly. { *Plutarch, Antony,
c. 72. 9:321}

5779. Shortly after Caesar himself came to visit her and comforted her. { *Plutarch, Antony, c.
73. 9:321 } She fell down at his feet and tried in vain to seduce him for her beauty was beneath
the prince's chastity. Although he perceived that she intended to stir up affections in him, yet he
disguised his feelings and fixed his eyes on the ground and said only this:

vv Woman be of good cheer, you shall have no harm done to you."

5780. She did not just request life, which Caesar promised her, but she really wanted his love
and the kingdom. {*Florus. 1. 4. c. 11. 1:327} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:35,37}

5781. Last of all she delivered to Caesar a list of all the treasures she had. When Seleucus, one
of her treasurers accused her that she had omitted some things and had not told all, she leaped up
and took him by the hair and beat him soundly. Caesar smilingly reproved her, to whom she
answered:

vv It is not a great matter O Caesar, since you have come and visited me in this condition that I
am in and to talk with me that I should be accused by my own servants as if I had reserved some
jewels. These were not for myself who is a poor wretch but that I might present them to Octavia
and your Lyria. I hoped that by their intercession to you that I might find more mercy and favour
from you."

5782. Caesar was glad for this and hoped that now she had a mind to live. He told her that he
would do this for her and also things beyond her expectations. He departed supposing that he
had deceived her. In fact he was more deceived by her! {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 73. 9:323,325}

5783. There was a young gentleman named Cornelius Dolabella who was a close friend of
Caesar's. This man was in love with Cleopatra and at her request he told her secretly through a
messenger that Caesar was to journey by land through Syria and that he was determined to send
her and her children into Italy within three days. When she knew this, she desired of Caesar that
he would permit her to pay her last respects to Antony. When she had done this, she put
garlands upon the tomb and kissed it. Then she ordered a bath to be made for her. After she had
bathed, she feasted sumptuously. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 74, 75. 9:325,327}

5784. After dinner she gave Epaphroditus (to whose charge she was committed) a letter to carry

to Caesar and pretended it was about some other business. The letter really contained her request
to be buried with Antony. She thus excused herself and sent him on his way. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 74. 9:325} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:39}

5785. After Epaphroditus left, Cleopatra shut the doors and only kept with her two waiting
women, Iras or Nairas, and Charmion, who usually dressed her. One of them could excellently
do up her hair and the other paired her nails. Cleopatra adorned herself with her best clothes that
she possibly could and in her robes. She put an asp on her left arm which she had brought to her,
covered with figs, grapes, and flowers, to better deceive her guards. She died from its bite as if
she were in a slumber. {*Florus, 1. 4. c. 11. 1:327} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 87. 1:233}
{*Plutarch, Antony, c. 85. 9:327} {Galen., in de Theriaca ad Pisonem.} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:39}
{Eutropius, 1. 7.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}

5786. Other historians note the deceptive nature of Cleopatra and doubt the power of an asp to
kill so quickly. They question if she actually died from the bite of an asp. Some say that
Cleopatra made in her arm a large and deep wound with her teeth, (or some other thing) and put
poison into the wound which she had previously prepared from an asp. The poison was brought
to her in a bone. After the poison had entered her body, she peacefully ended her life and her
guards did not even know it. {Galen., in de Theriaca ad Pisonem.} {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:43}
{*Plutarch, in Antony, c. 85. 6:327} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:39,41} There were only two little pricks
found in her arm. Caesar, who saw her dead body, carried her picture with an asp attached to her
arm in his triumph. {Plutarch, in Antony, c. 86. 9:329} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:39} Horace speaks of her
thus: {Horace, 1. 1. Ode 37.}

So stout she could

With cheerful countenance behold,
Her ruined palace, asps receive,
And of their poison them bereave:
By delay in death more keen;
Envies the Liburnians they
Should she, so great a queen,
In triumph lead a secret prey.

5787. When Caesar had opened Cleopatra's letters, he knew immediately what was done. At
first he thought to go there himself and sent some there quickly to see what happened. They ran
there as quickly as they could and found the guards standing before the door, not knowing what
had happened. When they had opened the door, they found Cleopatra dead lying upon a golden
bed in all her royal robes. Iras or Nairas was fallen dead at her feet and Charmium (or
Charmione) was half dead and heavy headed. She was trimming the diadem that she wore.
When one in anger asked her:

vv Is this well done, O Charmium?"

5788. She answered:

vv Very well and becoming to one that had sprung from so many kings."

5789. She spoke not another word but fell down there by the bedside. { *Plutarch, Antony, c. 75.

9:327,329} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:41} When Caesar had seen Cleopatra's body, he tried all means to see
if it were possible to revive her. { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:41 } He brought in the Psylli to suck out the
venom and poison but in vain. { * Plutarch, Antony, c. 75. 9:327,329} { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:41 }
{Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 17.} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}

5790. When Cleopatra was surely dead, Caesar admired and pitied her. He was very grieved and
thought that he had lost the main attraction for his triumph. He ordered her body to be
sumptuously and royally buried and to be laid in the same tomb with Antony. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 66. 9:329,331 } { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:41 } He did this honour for them in that he had them
buried in the same sepulchre and to finish the tomb which they had begun. { Suetonius, in
Octavian, c. 17. } Caesar ordered her women attendants to be honourably buried. { * Plutarch,
Antony, c. 66. 9:331}

5791. Plutarch wrote that Cleopatra lived 39 years and reigned 22 which was the number of
years from the death of her father, Ptolemy Auletes. Some historians, {Ptolemy, Catalogue of
the Kings} {Clemens Alexandrinus, 1. 1. Stromat.} {Porphyrius in Greek Eusebius, Scaliger, p.
226.} {Eusebius in Chronic.} and others assign only 21 years and two or three months. Plutarch
wrote, that she reigned more than 14 years with Antony. Tertullian in his third book against the
Jews stated that she reigned 13 under Augustus, calculating the start of the government of
Antony from the death of Julius Caesar and of Augustus from his first consulship. From the
death of Alexander the Great, who first founded the Macedonian Empire, to the death of Antony
and Cleopatra, with whom it fell, both in Ptolemy (as well in the Catalogue of the Kings, as in
the third book of his Great Work, as in Clemens Alexandrinus, in 1. 1. Stromat. } lasted 294
years. We deduce the time as 293 and a quarter years.

5792. And at this time Caesar put an end to the civil wars. {Floras, 1. 4. c. 12. 1:327} {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 87. 1:233,235} Dionysius of Halicarnassus also confirmed in the preface of
his Roman Histories that he came into Italy as soon as Augustus Caesar had put an end to the
civil wars in the middle of the 187th Olympiad. This was the beginning of the third year in the
month of August after Egypt was reduced under the power of the Romans and an end made to
their civil wars. The words of the decree of the senate showed in Macrobius {Macrobius,
Saturnal, 1. I.e. 12. } and Censorinus stated that the Egyptians calculated from that time in
which they came under the power and government of the people of Rome, the years of the
Augusti, (not of the Qewn Sebaswn, as Scaliger thought, but of Caesar Augustus, who had the
dominion over them.) {Censorius, c. 21. 1. de natali die. } He said this book was written by him
in the Philippic year of the Augusti 268 (for thus the best copies have, it not 267) from the death
of Alexander the Great, 578 years and from Nabonassar 986 years. (The beginnings of these
years are taken from the first of the vage or moveable month Thoth of the Egyptians.) He agreed
with Ptolemy who in the third book of his great Syntaxis, says, that there elapsed from the
beginning of the reign of Nabonassar to the death of Alexander, 424 Egyptian years and then to
the empire of Augustus, 294 years.

5793. Therefore that Egyptian epoch began on the first day of the moveable month Thoth of the
year of the Philippic account, beginning from the death of Alexander the Great, 293 years, from
Nabonassar 719 years. This indeed was on the first day of the week as is found in a writing of a
certain Jew, recorded at Norimberge with Messahala, namely, of the month August in 4684 JP
on the 31st day, which according to the false account of leap years, that was then used at Rome,
was called the 29th day of August. This was that epoch, twn apd Aulousou etnz, "of the years of
Augustus", which was accommodated by Ptolemy, {Ptolemy, Synaxis, 1. 3. c. 8.} to the

moveable year of the Egyptians. Vettius Valens, an Antiochian, in Anqologwn geneQliakwn, to
the form of both those years, and seeing that Augustus ruled Egypt 43 years (as Philo shows in
his embassy to Caesar.) We find this also so many calculated his empire to be so long, in
Ptolemy, Catalogue of the Kings, and Clemens Alexandrinus, 1. 1. Stromat.

5794. Cleopatra had sent her son Caesarion, who she had by Caesar the dictator, with a great
sum of money through Ethiopia into India. His tutor, Rhodon persuaded him to return as if
Caesar had recalled him to his mother's kingdom. As Caesar was deciding what he should do
with him, they say Areius, the philosopher said to him: &&& Areius - By his advice, Octavian
killed Caesarion

vv It is not good that Caesar's name should common be."

5795. Therefore, Caesar put him to death, after the death of his mother. { * Plutarch, Antony, c.
81,82 9:321} {*Dio, 1.51. 6:43}

5796. The statues of Antony were thrown down but Cleopatra's were not touched. Her friend
Archibilius had obtained from Caesar for the sum of 2000 talents, that they should not be thrown
down as Antony's were. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 86. 9:331}

5797. In the palace there was a great amount of money found which was stored there by
Cleopatra from the spoils of almost all the temples. She also exacted much from them that were
guilty of any crime. Two thirds of their goods were demanded of the rest who could not be
accused of any crime. All the soldiers arrears were paid and Caesar also gave 250 denarii to
each of those soldiers who were with him so they would not plunder the city. Caesar also paid
all his debts that he owed any man and gave many gifts to the senators and equestrians that had
accompanied him in the war. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:49}

5798. For this part of the year Caesar chose M. Tullius Cicero for his colleague in the consulship
who was the son of Cicero the orator whom Antony murdered. Cicero read the people the letters
which Caesar had sent to Rome concerning the defeat of Antony in the Alexandrian war, (not
Actium, as Appian erroneously wrote.) He read the copy of them in the rostrum where his
father's head and hand had been previously publicly displayed. {*Plutarch, Cicero, c. 49. 7:209}
{*Appian, Civil War, 1. 4. c. 4. s. 20. 4:173 c. 6. s. 51. 4:229} {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:53}

5799. This year on the September 13th (ides), we learn from the Marble Table at Capua that M.
Tullius was chosen as the consulship to replace M. Licinius, {in Annal. torn. 3. p. 495.} and the
same day that:

vv When Augustus was consul with the son of M. Cicero, he was presented with an obsidional
crown (wreath) by the senate." {Pliny, 1. 22. c. 6. 6:305}

5800. There were many crowns and processions decreed for Caesar at that time in Rome. He
had also another triumph granted him for subduing the Egyptians. The day when Alexandria was
taken was declared a lucky day. From that day, the inhabitants should use as the starting point in
their calculations of time. Caesar was given the power of tribune all his life. He would have the
power to help anyone asking for it within the pomerium or one mile beyond the walls. This was

not lawful for any tribune of the people to do. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:53,55}

5801. Herod wavered between love and hatred toward his wife Marriamme. He was continually
incensed against her by the false accusations of his sister Salome and his mother Cyros who
stirred in him hatred and jealousy against her. He may have dealt more harshly with her had not
the news come very conveniently that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead and that Caesar had
won Egypt. Herod hurried to meet Caesar and left his family as it was. When he left, he
commended Sohemus to Mariamme, and said that he owed him much respect for the care he had
for her and also gave him the government of a part of Judea. { Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 11.}

5802. Caesar built a city in the same place where he defeated Antony and called it Nicopolis. He
held the same plays which he had done for the former at Actium. { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:49} { *Strabo, 1.
17. c. 10. 8:43}

5803. Caesar had organised Egypt into the form of a province so that it might be more fruitful
and suitable to produce grain for the city of Rome. His soldiers scoured all those ditches where
the Nile overflows and had been choked with mud for a long time. {Suetonius, in Octavio. c.
18.} He also made some new ditches. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:49}

3975a AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC

5804. Herod met with Caesar in Egypt and in confidence of his friendship, he spoke freely with
him and was highly honoured by him. Caesar gave him the 400 Galatians who were formerly
Cleopatra's bodyguard and added to his kingdom, Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria as well as the
cities of Gaza, Anthedon, Joppe, and the Strata's Tower. These additions increased the
splendour of his kingdom. {* Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 15. Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11.}

5805. Caesar did not commit the province of Egypt to the senate because of Egypt's large fickle
population. It was too important because it was the source of grain for Rome and it had
incredible wealth. He forbid any senators from even going to Egypt and he so distrusted the
Egyptians that he forbid any Egyptian from becoming a senator. He permitted other cities to
govern themselves after their own laws but he ordered the Alexandrians that they should govern
the city without senators. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:47}

5806. Areius, the philosopher, refused the government of Egypt although it was offered to him.
{Julian, ad Themistium.} Therefore, Caesar made Cornelius Gallus, who was of lowly estate, to
be governor of the province of Egypt. He was the first Roman governor that Egypt ever had.
{*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:135} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 66.} (*Dio, 1. 51. 6:47} {Eutropius, 1. 7.}

{ Sextus Rufus, in Breviario. } Gallus was from Forum Julium that was the one whom Virgil in
the last Eclogue of his Bucolicks speaks of in that pleasant verse. { Ammianus Marcellinus, 1. 17.
Hierony. in Chronic. 1.} To whom also there are Erotica (love verses) extant which were
dedicated by Parthenius of Nice. Virgil imitated his prose in his Latin verses. { Aulus Gellius, 1.
13. c. 25.} {Macrog. Saturnal. c. 17.} {Tiberius, Greek Poems} {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 70.}
&&& Areius - Refused the governorship of Egypt

5807. After Caesar had settled all things in Egypt as he thought best, he went into Syria with his
land forces. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:49,51} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.} Herod escorted him as far as Antioch.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11.}

5808. Tiridates fled into Syria after he was defeated and Phraates, the conqueror, sent
ambassadors to Caesar. Caesar gave them both a friendly answer and did not indeed promise
any help to Tiridates but gave him permission to tarry in Syria. He kindly accepted Phraates' son
and brought him to Rome and kept him as an hostage. { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:51 } He was the youngest
son of Phraates who through the negligence of those who kept him, was captured and stolen
away according to Justin. {Justin, 1. 42. c. 5. } However, Justin refers this event to a later time.

5809. Caesar departed from Syria. Messala (Corvinus) deceived the Cyzicenian gladiators who
were allowed to live in Daphne, the suburbs of Antioch, and they were sent to various places
under the pretence of being enlisted in the legions. As the occasions arose, they were killed.
{*Dio, 1.51. 6:23}

5810. Caesar appointed Athenodorus as governor over Tarsus in Cilicia. He was a citizen of that
city and was Caesar's teacher and the son of Sandon, a Stoic philosopher. He restored the state
that was corrupted by Boethius and his soldiers who domineered there even until the death of
Antony. He was slandered with the following graffiti.

vv Work for the young men, counsels for the middle aged and flatulence for the old men".

581 1. He took the inscription as a joke and ordered, "Thunder for the old men" to be written
beside it. Someone who was contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with a loose bowel,
profusely splattered the door and wall of Athenodorus' house. The next day he said in an
assembly that they could see how low the city had sunk and how sick the state was particularly
from its excrements! {*Strabo, 1. 14. 6:351}

5812. Caesar went into the province of Asia and made his winter quarters and settled all the
affairs of his subjects. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:51} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}

3975b AM, 4685 JP, 29 BC

5813. On the first of January, Caesar entered into his fifth consulship in the island of Samos.
{Suetonius, in Octavio, c. 26.} On the same day, all his ordinances were confirmed by oath. At
the same time that he received letters about the Parthian affairs, it was decreed, that in their
songs he should be counted among their gods, a tribe should be called Julia after him, the
companions of his victory should be carried in triumph with him and he should be clad with
garments woven with purple and that the day when he entered Rome should be solemnized with
public sacrifices and be always held sacred. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:55}

5814. Caesar permitted a temple to be built at Ephesus and Nicaea, (for those were considered
the most famous cities of Asia and Bithynia) and dedicated to the city of Rome and to his father
Julius. These cities should be inhabited by natural Romans. He gave permission to foreigners,
whom he called Greeks, that to himself (Octavian) they might build temples. That is as the
Asians at Pergamos, and the Bithynians at Nicomedia. He permitted the Pergamenians to
dedicate those plays, called "Sacred", in honour of his temple. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:57} More is
written about this by Tacitus on Tiberius in {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 51.}

vv Augustus of most famous memory did not forbid a temple to be built in Pergamos, in honour
of himself and the city of Rome."

5815. The next summer, Caesar crossed over into Greece. {*Dio, 1. 51, 6:59} on his way to his
triumph for Actium. While he was at Corinth, a fisherman was sent as an ambassador to him
from the island Giaros. He begged for the tribute to be reduced for they were compelled to pay
150 drachmas when they were barely able to pay 100 because the island was so poor. { *Strabo,
1. 10.5:165,167}

5816. When Caesar entered Rome, others offered sacrifices (as it was decreed) and the consul
Valerius Potitius (who replaced Sextus Apuleius) sacrificed publicly for the senate and people of
Rome for his coming. This was never done for anyone before that time. { *Dio, 1. 51. 6:59}
Caesar held three triumphs as he rode in his chariot. One was for the victory in Dalmatia,
Actium and Alexandria. This lasted for three days, one triumph followed another. {Livy, 1.
133.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 22.} Vigil wrote this: {Vigil, Aeneid, 8.}

But when thrice Rome with Caesar's triumphs now Had rung, to the Latian gods he made a vow,
Three hundred temples all the city round With joy, with plays and with applauses found.

5817. Propertius wrote: {Propertius, 1. 2. Elegies, 1.}

Whether of Egypt or Nile, whose Stream into seven channels parted goes; Or of the golden
chains king's necks surround, Or how the Actian beaks sail on the ground.

5818. Caesar brought these three triumphs into the city in the month of August, as the words of
the decree of the senate show. {Macrobius, Saturnal. 1. 1. c. 12.} This was not done on January
6th (8th of ides) when he was in Asia as Orosius wrote. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 20.} On the first day,
he triumphed for the Pannonians, Dalmatians, Japydes and their neighbours, and of some people
of Gaul and Germany. On the second he triumphed for his victory at sea at Actium and on the
third for the conquest of Egypt. The last triumph was the most costly and magnificent and he
made more preparation for it than all the rest. In it was carried in a bed the effigy of Cleopatra,
(with an asp biting her arm) showing how she died. Her children by Antony, were led among the
captives. They were Alexander and Cleopatra who were named the "sun" and "moon." {*Dio, 1.
51.6:61,63}

5819. Alexander, the brother of Jamblichus, the king of the Arabians was captured in the Actian
war and was led in triumph and later put to death. { *Dio, 1.51.6:7} The Cleopatra who was
called the "moon" and led in triumph, was given in marriage to Juba, (who himself was led in
triumph by Julius Caesar.) Caesar gave this Juba who was brought up in Italy and had followed
his wars, both this Cleopatra, and his father's kingdom of Maurusia. He gave to them also the
two sons of Antony and Cleopatra, namely Alexander and Ptolemy, but Juba had another son by
his wife Cleopatra whom he called Ptolemy and who succeeded him in his kingdom. { *Dio, 1.
51, 6:43} {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:169} {Plutarch, Caesar} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 87. 9:331}

5820. On August 26th, (5th of the calends of September), there an altar was dedicated to
"Victory" in the courthouse, as is found noted in the old marble calendar. {Gruter, Inscript. p.
133.} It was placed in the Julian courthouse and decorated with the spoils of Egypt. Caesar
showed that he got the empire by goddess "Victory". He hung in the temple of his father Julius,

the dedicated things which came from the Egyptian spoils. He also consecrated many things to
Jupiter Capitolinus, Juno and Minerva. By a decree of the senate, all the ornaments which were
hung up there previously, were removed as being defiled. {*Dio, 1. 51. 6:63} He repaired the
temple which was in a state of decay through age or consumed by fire. He adorned both them
and others with very rich gifts. He brought into the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus one donation of
16,000 pounds of gold besides pearls and precious stones valued at 50,000,000 sesterces.
{ * Suetonius, in Octavian} Rome was so much enriched with the wealth of Alexandria so that
the price of goods and other valuable things doubled and the interest rate fell from 12% to 4%.
{*Dio, 1. 51. 6:61,63} {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 19.}

5821. In the fifth consulship, Caesar accepted the name of "Emperor", not such as was usually
given according to the old custom for some victory, (for that he had often received both before
and after) but by which all the whole government was saved. This was previously decreed to his
father Julius and descendants. {*Dio. 1. 52. 6:187,189} This inscription was placed this year in
honour of Caesar:

vv Senatus Poplusque Romanus Imp. Caesari Divi Julii F. Cos. Quinct. Design. Sex. Imper. Sept.
Regublica conservata."

vv The senate and people to the emperor Caesar, the son of Julius of blessed memory, consul the
fifth time, elected the sixth time Imperator the seventh for having saved the
commonwealth." {Gruter, Inscript., p. 126.}

5822. Among the captives was Diocles Phaenix, the son of Artimidorus, the scholar of Tyrannio
Amisenus and captured by Lucullus, (from whom he also was called Tyrannio.) Diocles was
bought by Dimantis, a freed man of Caesar's, and was given to Terentia the wife of Cicero, (who
as appears from Pliny {*Pliny 1. 7. c. 48. 2:613} and Valerius Maximus {Valerius Maximus, 1.
8. c. 13.} lived more than 103 years.) He was freed by her and taught at Rome and wrote 68
books. {Suidas, in Voc. Turaptwn.}

3976a AM, 4685 JP, 29 BC

5823. Caesar summoned Antiochus of Commagene before him because he had treacherously
killed an ambassador of his brother's who was sent to Rome. Antiochus had a law suit with his
brother. Antiochus was brought before the senate and was condemned and executed. {Dio, 1. 52.
6:191}

5824. An whole year after Herod returned from Caesar, his suspicions daily increased between
him and his wife Mariamme. She avoided her husband's caresses and moreover always
upbraided him with the death either of her grandfather (Hyrcanus) or her brother (Aristobulus)
so that Herod could barely restrain himself from striking her. When his sister, Salome heard the
noise, she was greatly disturbed and sent in the butler who long before that time was prepared
by her, who should tell the king that he was solicited by Mariamme, to deliver to him a love
potion which whatever it was he had gotten from her. Thereupon, Herod examined the most
faithful servant of Mariamme by torture because he knew that she would do nothing without his
knowledge. He could not endure the torments and confessed nothing except that she was
offended for some things that Sohemus had told her. When the king heard this, he cried out that
Sohemus who had always been most faithful both to him and the kingdom, would never have

spoken of these things unless there had not been some more secret friendship between them.
Thereupon he ordered Sohemus to be apprehended and put to death. He called a council of his
friends and accused his wife for planning to poison him. He used such sharp words that those
who were present easily knew that the king intended that she should be condemned. Hence, she
was condemned by the general consent of them all. When as they thought that she should not be
quickly executed but detained in one of the king's citadels, Salome urged on the king
exceedingly that she should be immediately killed. She feared that there might be some revolt
among the people if she were alive and in prison. Thus was Mariamme executed. { Josephus,
Antiq.,1. 15. c. 11.}

5825. Her mother, Alexander, saw this and realised she could expect the same treatment from
Herod. To clear herself of the same crime, she upbraided her daughter before everyone and
called her most wicked and ungrateful towards her husband and that she deserved such a death
who dared do such an heinous act. While she pretended these things and though she would pull
her daughter by the hair, those present condemned her hypocrisy very much. Her daughter did
not reply but repelled the false accusation with a resolute countenance and mind and underwent
her death without fear. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11.}

5826. After she was executed, Herod began to be more inflamed with love for her. He often
called her name and lamented her beyond all decency. Although he tried to forget her by seeking
pleasure in feasting and drinking, yet nothing worked. Therefore he forgot about the government
of his kingdom and was so overcome with grief that he would ask his servants to call
"Mariamme", as though she were alive. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11.}

3976b AM, 4686 JP, 28 BC

5827. As Herod was thus affected, there came a plague which killed a large number of the
people and nobility. All men thought that this plague was sent for the unjust death of the queen.
This just increased the king's depression and he finally hid himself in a solitary wilderness under
pretence of hunting. He afflicting himself and succumbed to a serious inflammation and pain of
the neck so that he began to rave. None of the remedies relieved him but rather made the disease
more painful so that they began to despair for his life. The physicians let him eat whatever he
wanted because the disease was so serious and he was in so great a danger of dying anyway.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11.}

5828. As Herod was sick in Samaria, Alexandra, at Jerusalem, tried to capture the two citadels
of the city. One was joined to the temple and the other was located within the city. Therefore she
plied with their governors that they would deliver them to her and to the children of Mariamme
lest if Herod die, they would be seized by others. Those who had formerly been faithful, were
now more diligent in their office, because they hated Alexandra and thought it a great offence to
despair of the health of their prince. These men were the king's old friends and one of them,
Archialus, was the king's nephew. Thereupon they presently sent messengers to Herod to tell
him of Alexandra's actions and he soon ordered her to be killed. Finally, he overcame his
disease and was restored to his strength, both of body and mind. However, he had grown so
cruel that for the least cause, he was ready to put anyone to death. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c.
11.}

5829. The three times Octavian had a census the people are noted by Suetonius. {Suetonius, in

Octavian, c. 27. } That the first were made in the lustran, that is, in the year that they calculated
for the beginning of the five years when he and M. Agrippa were consuls. This is shown from
the marble Capuan table, {torn. 3. Annal. Pighii. p. 495.}

vv In my sixth consulship, with my colleague M. Agrippa, I numbered the people and I made
another census after 41 years."

5830. (That is from the censorships of Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius after whom the musters were
laid aside.)

vv In the census Rome had forty hundred thousand and sixty three thousand citizens."

5831. That is 4,063,000 for which Eusebius in his Chronicle has 4,164,000.

5832. Caesar held the plays that were decreed for the victory at Actium, with his wife, Agrippa.
In these he showed men and boys from the patricians fighting on horseback. This was held every
four years and were committed to the four orders of the priests to arrange. These were the chief
priests, augurs, septemviri and quindecemviri. {*Dio, 1. 53. 6:195}

5833. In the 178th Olympiad, Thebes in Egypt was razed even to the ground, (as is read in the
Eusebian Chronicle), by Cornelius Gallus. Georgius Syncellus in his Chronicle from Julius
Africanus stated that Gallus defeated the cities of the rebellious Egyptians. {Syncellus, p. 308.}
He recovered with a few men, Heropolis which had revolted. He very suddenly put down a
revolt that was raised about taxes. {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:135,137} He exhausted the city by
intercepting many of them. {*Ammianus Marcellinus, 1. 17. c. 4. s. 5. 1:319} He erected statues
for himself almost all over Egypt and wrote his own acts on the pyramides. { *Dio, 1. 53. 6:255 }

3977 AM, 4687 JP, 27 BC

5834. When Caesar was consul for the seventh time, he read a speech in the senate and said that
he would resign his government and turn it over to the senate and people. When he had ended
his speech, many spoke and desired that he alone would take the whole administration of the
government upon him. Finally, they convinced him to assume the whole government. { *Dio, 1.
53. 6:171,217,219} He did this on the January 7th (7th of ides) as is shown from the Marble
tables of Narbo. {Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 229.}

5835. Caesar had the empire confirmed on him by this means from the senate and the people. To
appear democratic, he took upon him the empire but he said he would be very careful of the
public affairs because they required the care of one that would be diligent. He positively said
that he would not govern all the provinces or that he would govern them for ever that which he
had now taken on to govern. Therefore he restored to the senate, the weaker provinces because
they were the more peaceable. He retained the stronger provinces where there was more danger
or had enemies close by or that were likely to have seditions. He did this under this pretence that
the senate might safely govern the best parts of the empire and he would assume the harder more
dangerous provinces. This was merely a pretence to make them disarmed and unfit for war and
thus he won both the arms and the solders to his side. For this reason, Africa, Numidia, Asia and
Greece, with Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicily, Crete, Libya, Cyrene, Bithynia, with Pontus

adjoining, Sardinia, and Hispania Baetica were assigned to the senate. Caesar governed the rest
of Spain, all Gaul, Germany, Coelosyria, Cilicia, Cyprus and Egypt. Caesar assumed this
government over the provinces for ten year's time, within which time he promised himself he
should easily reduce them to order. He added this also in a bragging way, like a young man, that
if he could subdue them in a shorter time then he could sooner hand them over to the senate to
manage as well. He then made patricians the governors over all the provinces. However, he
appointed a man over Egypt who was not a senator but an equestrian for the reasons stated
previously. He gave Africa and Asia, particularly to the senators and he assigned all the rest of
the provinces to those who had been praetors. He forbad that they should receive by lot any
provinces until the fifth year after they had held an office in the city. { *Dio, 1. 53. 6:219-229}

5836. Upon the 13th (ides) of January, the provinces were allocated as Ovid notes. Thus
speaking about Caesar Germanicus. {Ovid, Fasti, 1. 1 }

On the Ides the half-man priest in Jove's great feign Offers the entrails of a sheep with flame,
Then all the province came to us, and then Thy grandsire was Augustus named among men.

5837. For on the same day, Caesar received the title of Augustus. Censorinus {Censorinus, de
die Natali} showed this was done the fourth day later, in these words:

vv On the sixteenth day before the calends of February (January 15th) the Emperor Caesar, the
son of him of blessed memory, by the opinion of L. Munacius Plancus, was greeted Augustus by
the senate and the rest of the citizens. He was consul for the 7th time and M. Vipsanius Agrippa
was the other consul, for the 3rd time."

5838. When Caesar had settled all things and organised the provinces into a certain form, he was
surnamed Augustus. {Livy, 1. 134.} This name was given him in his seventh consulship, {*Dio,
1. 53. 6:235 } and by the request of Plancus with the consent of the whole senate and people of
Rome. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 91. 1:243} Suetonius wrote: {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 7.}

vv The opinion of Munacius Plancus prevailed that Caesar should be called Augustus, (though
some were of opinion that he should be called Romulus, as if he also had been a founder of the
city) not only because it was a new but also a more honourable name. The religious places and
where anything is consecrated by the flying of birds, are called "Augusta", of growing or from
the gesture or feeding of birds as also Ennius on writing about this:"

vv After that noble Rome was built by sacred flight of birds."

5839. Floras stated: {*Florus, 1. 4. 1:351}

vv It was also debated in the senate whether he should be called Romulus because he had founded
the empire. However, the name Augustus seemed to be the more holy and venerable so that
while he now lived on earth, he might be as it were deified by the name itself and title."

5840. Dio said many similar things and notes that he was called "Augustus" by the Romans and
by the Greeks from the splendour of his dignity and sanctity of the honour which was greater
than human. {*Dio, 1. 53. 6:235} cf. Ac 25: 21,25 17:23 2Th 2:4) Ovid added: {Ovid, Fasti, 1.

1.}

All common persons have their common fame, But he with Jove enjoys an equal name, Of old
most sacred things, Augusta were: Temples that name and hallowed things do bear: Yea augury
depends upon this word, And whatever more Jove does afford: Let it enlarge his rule and live let
all, Our coast, be guarded by a fenced wall.

5841. By this means the whole power of the people and senate was conferred upon Augustus.
{*Dio, 1. 53. 6:235} This name was previously held sacred and until now such as that not any
governor dared take it upon himself. He assumed so large a title for the usurped empire of the
world. From that day its whole commonwealth and government began to be and to remain in the
possession of one man. The Greeks call this a monarchy. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 20.} The Romans
began their epoch of their Augustus from the first of January. Censorinus {Censorinus, de natali
die} compares the 265th year of this account with the 283rd of the Julian account. He in the next
chapter puts the consulship of Marcius Censorinus and Asinius Gallus on the twentieth year of
Augustus which was the 38th of the Julian account (from Julius Caesar's calendar reform).

5842. Tralles a City in Asia was destroyed by an earthquake. The gymnasium collapsed and it
was later rebuilt by Caesar. {Eusebius, Chronic} {*Strabo, 1. 12. c. 18. 5:517}

3978 AM, 4688 JP, 26 BC

5843. Costabarus the Idumaean and his wife Salome the sister of Herod had a disagreement.
She, contrary to the custom of the Jews, sent him a bill of divorce and went to her brother Herod
and told him that she preferred her brother's goodwill ahead of her marriage. She said that
Costabarus was plotting seditions with Lysimachus, Antipater and Dositheus. To make her story
more credible, she said that he had secretly kept and guarded within his country, Bebas' children
for twelve years now from the time of the taking of Jerusalem by Herod. All this was done
without the knowledge and good will of the king. As soon as Herod knew, he sent some men to
their hiding places and killed them along with as many as were accomplices in crime. He did
this so all of Hyrcanus' family would be killed. He removed any threat to the throne so there
would be no one to resist him. {Josephus, 1. 15. c. 11. <c. 7. 1:414>}

5844. Herod became more secure and departed more and more from his country's customs. He
violated them with new institutions. First of all, he instituted wrestling every fifth year in honour
of Caesar. To hold this, he began to build a theatre in Jerusalem and an amphitheatre in the
plain. Both were of sumptuous workmanship but direct violations of Jewish customs. There was
no Jewish tradition for these shows however he wanted this observed and to be proclaimed to
the countries around him as well as to the foreign countries. He offered large prizes and he
invited skilled wrestlers and excellent musicians along with those that played on instruments.
Nothing bothered the Jews so much as the trophies which were covered with armour and they
thought them to be images which were forbidden them by their law. To appease them, Herod
ordered the ornaments to be removed and showed them that the trophies were merely wooden
poles. After this was done all their anger was turned into laughter. {Josephus, 1. 15. c. 11. <c. 8.
1:415>}

5845. THE FIFTH CALIPPIC PERIOD BEGINS.

5846. Cornelius Gallus spoke many things with much vanity against Augustus. {*Dio, 1. 53.
6:255} Ovid {Ovid, Tristium, 1. 2.} that was written for Augustus himself, stated:

To court Lycoris was not Gallus' shame, But he when lisped by drink defiled his name.

5847. Augustus noted his infamy and forbid him his house and to live within any of the
provinces because he was so ungrateful and malevolent. Gallus was also accused of robbery,
pillaging the provinces and of many other crimes first by Valerius Largus who was a most
wicked man and his associate and friend. Later many others accused him who previously had
flattered Gallus. They left him when they saw Largus become more powerful. It was decreed by
the whole senate that Gallus was guilty and should be banished. All his goods should be
confiscated for Augustus and because of this, the senate would offer sacrifices. Gallus was not
able to handle his grief and feared that the nobility were highly incensed against him to whom
the care of this business was committed. He fell upon his own sword and by his suicide, he
prevented his condemnation. Gallus was forced to kill himself by the testimony of accusers and
by the decree of the senate. Augustus indeed praised their love toward him for being so
displeased for his sake. In spite of this, Augustus wept and bewailed his own misfortune that he
alone could not be angry with his friends as much as he was with himself. { * Suetonius, in
Octavian, c. 66.} {*Dio, 1. 53. 6:255} {Ammianus Marcellinus 1. 17.} {Jerome, in Chronicles}
5325. Petronius was appointed the new governor to replace Gallus in Egypt. He withstood the
charge of a number of the Alexandrians who threw stones at him with only his bodyguards. He
killed some of them and subdued the rest. {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:137}

5848. Polemon, the king of Pontus was included among the allies and confederates of the people
of Rome. The senators were given the privilege of having the front seats in the theatres
throughout his whole kingdom. {*Dio. 1. 53. 6:257} It seems that from him Pontus took the
name of Polemoniacus. {Justin, Novella, 8.}

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3979 AM, 4689 JP, 25 BC

5849. Ten citizens of Jerusalem conspired against Herod. They hid their swords under their
garments. One of them was blind and joined them to show that he was ready to suffer anything
that would happen to the defenders of their country's rights. One of those whom Herod had
appointed for finding out such things, discovered the plot and told Herod. When the conspirators
were apprehended, they boldly drew out their swords and proclaimed that this was not for any
personal gain but for the public good that they had undertaken this conspiracy. Thereupon they
were led away, by the king's officers and executed by all manner of tortures. Shortly after this,
the spy who exposed the plot and was hated by all, was killed by some, cut in pieces and thrown
to the dogs in the presence of many men. The murderers were not caught until after long and
wearisome inquisitions wre made by Herod, it was wrung out by tortures from some silly
women who knew of the act. Then the authors of that murder were punished along with their
whole families. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 11. <c. 8. 1:416>}

5850. So that he would be more secure from the seditions of the tumultuous people, in the 13th
year of his reign, (to be reckoned from the death of Antigonus) Herod began to fortify Samaria.
It was a day's journey from Jerusalem. He called the place Sebaste. (Greek for the Latin name of
Augusta) Its circumference was two and an half miles. He build a temple 300 yards long in the
very middle of it which was exquisitely adorned. He arranged for many of the soldiers who had
always helped him and also people of the neighbouring counties, to come and live there.
{*Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11,12 <c. 8. 1:426>} Africanus calls it in the Chronicle of Georgius
Syncellus, the city of the Gabinians, (p. 308.) for when Samaria was destroyed by John
Hyrcanus, and rebuilt by A. Gabinius and repopulated (See note on 3947b «4161») by the
name of Gabiniun or Gabineiun. This can be understood only as the colony that Gabinius
brought there. I am pleased that this was also noted by that man of learning and courtesy James
Goarus (to whose great industry, the recent famous edition of the Georgian Chronicle is
beholding.)

5851. Herod also built another fort previously called Strata's Tower to control the country. He
named it Caesarea. Also in the large plain, he built a citadel and selected men by lot from his
cavalry to guard it. In Galilee he built Gaba and Hesebonitis in Perea. These citadels were
strategically located in the country so as to quickly put down any rebellion of the people.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 11. <c. 8. 1:416,417>}

5852. Augustus began his ninth consulship in Tarracon (a city of the Nearer Spain,) {Suetonius,
in Octavian, c. 26.} in the third year of the 188th Olympiad. The Indians asked for amity with
Augustus. {Eusebius, Chronicle} Ambassadors were sent from King Pandion, {Georgius
Syncellus, Chronicle, p. 311.} as we have also found noted from some Roman tables.

5853. P. Orosius confirms that there came to Augustus to Tarracon, ambassadors from the
Indians who were from the farthest part of the east and from the Scythians from the north with
presents from both their nations. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 21.} Horace wrote these verses about this
occasion:

The lofty Scythian and the Indians late,
Came for the answer of their future fate.

5854. Horace in {Horace, 1. 4. Carminum 4.} an ode to Augustus wrote:

The yet untamed Cantaber in thee,
Mede, Indian, Scythian do mirrors see:
Thou that preservest Italy from dread,
And Rome, her glory and exalted head.

5855. Floras wrote {^Floras, 1. 4.1:349,351}

vv The Scythians and Samatians sent their ambassadors and desired friendship. The Seres
(Chinese) and the Indians who live beneath the sun, brought presentes which included precious
stones, pearls and elephants. Nothing so much spoke for their sincerity as the length of the
journey which had lasted four years. The complexion of the men seemed as if they had come
from another world."

5856. Suetonius wrote: {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 21.}

vv He induced the Scythians and Indians, (countries known only by name) to make suit of their
own accord through ambassadors for amity with him and the people of Rome."

5857. Eutropius also wrote: {Eutropius, 1. 7.}

vv The Scythians and Indians, to whom the Roman name was unknown, sent presents and
ambassadors to him."

5858. To conclude, Aurelius Victor lists other countries also:

""Indians, Scythians, Garamantis and Bactrians sent ambassadors to him to desire a league with
him."

5859. After Amyntus died, Augustus did not turn over the kingdom to his sons but made it a
Roman province. From that time on, Galatia and Lycaonia began to have a Roman governor.
{*Dio, 1. 53. 6:261} M. Lollius the propraetor, governed that province. {Eusebius, Chronicles}
{Eutropius, 1. 7.} {Sextus Rufus, Breviary.} However, the towns of Pamphylia which were
formerly given to Amyntus were restored to their own district. { *Dio, 1. 53. 6:261 }

5860. In the 13th year of Herod's reign, very grievous calamities befell the country of the Jews.
First there was a continual drought followed by a famine. The change in diet caused by the
famine, caused a pestilent disease in the land. Herod had not means enough to supply the public
needs. He melted everything in the palace that contained gold or silver. He spared nothing no
matter how exquisitely it was made. He even melted down his own dinner plates and cups. He
made money from this and sent it to Egypt when Petronius was governor there. Although he was
plagued by a number who had fled to him from the famine, yet because he was privately Herod's
friend and desired the preservation of his subjects, therefore he especially gave them permission
to export grain. He helped them in the buying and in the shipping of the grain. So that the
greatest means of the preservation of the country was attributed to Petronius. {Josephus, Antiq.,

1. 15. c. 12. <c. 9. 1:417>}

5861. As soon as Herod had the grain, he first of all very carefully divided it to those who could
not take care of themselves. Since there were many who through old age or some other disability
could not prepare it for themselves, he assigned to them certain cooks so that they might have
their food prepared. By his diligence, the people changed their minds toward him and he was
praised as a bountiful and providential prince. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 12 <c. 9. 1:418>}

5862. From the 29th of August (that is, the third day before the beginning of the Syrian month
Elul or of our September) on the 6th day of the week, the Egyptian epoch started which
Albatenius in the 32nd Chapter of his astronomical work calls Al-kept (that is, of the Coptitiae
or Egyptians.) He said the account and order of the motions of the stars are determined from
Theon's calculations. To which from the account Dilkarnaim (or of the Seleucidae, which he
begins with the Syrians, from the beginning of Elul or September) he says there have passed 287
years. This is how it reads in the manuscript, not as published, 387. For in this year, the first day
of the month Thoth, both in the moveable year of the Egyptians, as in the fixed year of the
Grecians and Alexandrians (as Theon speaks) was found to fall upon the same day (of August in
the Julian account 29th.) This happens only after the full period of 1460 of the Alexandrian
years and of the Egyptian, 1641 years which shows the renewing or constitution of either year.

vv This renewing happened to be made after 1460 years from a certain beginning of time, namely,
the fifth year of the reign of Augustus."

5863. This is according to Theon in the explanation of mt pente eth, that is being ended or five
years after the beginning of the empire of Augustus. Both Theon and Ptolemy agreed that this
began 294 years after the death of Alexander or the Philippic account. From this Philippic
account even to this constitution are 299 years as correctly noted in the astronomical epitome of
Theodoras Metochita. Panodorus, the Alexandrian monk, did not intend anything else in
discussing this period and constitution of 1460 years which happened on August 29th from the
epoch of which he wrote that account. The motions of the stars and the eclipses are to ordered in
the astronomical calculations. However, Georgius Syncellus who was very unskilful in these
matters in his chronicle {George Syncellus, Chronicle, p. 312, 313.} in telling his opinion,
clearly perverted the meaning because he did not understand it.

3980a AM, 4689 JP, 25 BC

5864. Herod provided for his subjects against the harshness of the winter so that everyone would
have proper clothing since their cattle were dead and there was a shortage of wool and other
things. When he had provided for his own subjects, he took care also of the neighbouring cities
of the Syrians. He gave seed for sowing. All the citadels and cities and the common people who
had large families came to Herod for help and he was able to help the foreigners too. He gave
10,000 cors of grain to foreigners (100,000 Athenian medimni or 600,000 bushels) and 80,000
cors (800,000 Athenian medimni or 4,800,000 bushels) to his own subjects. (1 cor = 10
Athenian medimni) (1 Athenian medimni = 6 bushels) {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 12. <c. 9.
1:418>}

5865. Since Augustus was ill, he could not attend at Rome the marriage of his daughter and
Marcellus, the son of his sister Octavia. He solemnized it with the help of M. Agrippa. { *Dio, 1.

53. 6:206}

3980b AM, 4690 JP, 24 BC

5866. On the first of January when Augustus entered his tenth consulship, the senate confirmed
by oath that they approved of all his acts. He had promised every man in Rome 400 sesterces
(100 denarii).

5867. When he approached near the city, (from which he had been a long time absent because of
his illness) he said that before he would give the money, the senate must give their assent. The
senate then freed him from legal constraints and that he should have absolute power and be sole
emperor to do as he wished. {*Dio, 1. 53. 6:265, 267}

5868. As soon as the grain was ready to harvest, Herod sent 50,000 men, whom he had fed in
time of the famine to their own countries and to his neighbours, the Syrians. By his diligence,
Herod restored the almost ruined estate of his own subjects and greatly helped his neighbours,
who were afflicted with the same calamities. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 12. <c. 9. 1:418>}

5869. At the same time, Herod sent 500 select men to Caesar for his bodyguards. Aelius Gallus
led these men to the wars with Arabia where they preformed valiantly. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15.
c. 12. <c. 9. 1:418>}

5870. Aelius Gallus (incorrectly called Aelius Largus in the later editions of Dio)
vv was of the equestrian order" {*Pliny, 1. 6. c. 32. 2:459}

5871. He was the third governor of Egypt under Augustus, of whom Strabo makes mention as
his friend and companion. {*Strabo, 1. 2. c. 12. 1:453,455} Strabo wrote that both of them saw
the statue of Memnon at Thebes. { *Strabo, 1. 17. 8: 123 } Augustus sent him with part of the
Roman garrison that was in Egypt into Arabia, {*Strabo, 1. 2. c. 12. 1:453,455 1. 17. c. 54.
8:137} so that he might try to subdue those countries. This was on the border of the Ethiopians
and Troglodytica beside Egypt and near the Arabian Gulf. It is very narrow here and separates
the Arabians from the Troglodytae. Augustus advised him to make peace with them if they
would otherwise to subdue them by force. {*Strabo, 1. 16. c. 32. 7:353,355}

5872. For this expedition into Arabia, Aelius built 80 ships of two and three tiers of oars on a
side, and some light galleys at Cleopatris, which was near the old canal of Nile. When there was
no chance of any naval battle with the Arabians, he corrected his mistake and built 130 cargo
ships. He sailed with 10,000 troops of Roman foot soldiers and their allies. These included 500
Jews and 1000 Nabateans under Syllaeus. {*Strabo, 1. 16. c. 23. 7:355,357}

5873. At that time, Obodes was king of the Nabateans and was a slothful and lazy man
especially about military matters. This was a common vice of all the Arabian kings. He had
committed the government of his affairs to Syllaeus, who was a young, crafty man. { * Strabo, 1.
16. c. 24. 7:357} {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 11.} Syllaeus had promised Aelius that he would be his
guide and would help him with provisions and anything he should need. However, he acted
treacherously in all matters. He did not lead them safely by land or sea but through byways and

circuitous barren routes. He took them to shores that were unfit for harbour and had dangerous
submerged rocks or miry bogs because the sea never refreshed those places. { *Strabo, 1. 16. c.
23.7:357}

5874. After many miseries, Aelius Gallus came on the fifteenth day to the territory of Album
(Leuce Come e.g. White Village). This was the largest trading place of all the Nabateans. He
had lost many of his ships along with some of his men who died not from war but from the
difficult trip. This was caused by the villainy of Syllaeus who said no army could be brought
into the territory of Album by land. However, merchants come and go there by land with a large
number of camels and men and in a way that is both safe and well supplied with provisions from
one part of Arabia Petraea to the other. So many come and go in caravans, they seem to be an
army for number. {*Strabo, 1. 16. c. 23. 7:357}

5875. When the army of Aelius came there, it was stricken with the diseases of stomacaccis
(scurvy) and scelotyrbe. These are diseases which are found in that country. One is as it were a
palsy of the mouth and the other a lameness in the legs. These were caused by the bad water and
plants they ate. Therefore, Aelius was forced to stay there a whole summer and winter to refresh
his sick men. {*Strabo, 1. 16. c. 24. 7:359}

5876. Zenodorus, who hired the house of Lysanias or the territory of Trachon, Batanea and
Auranitis. He was not satisfied with its profits and joined the Trachonites who lived in caves like
wild beasts. They were accustomed to rob and plunder the Damascens. The people that lived in
those countries, were forced to complain to Varus, their governor of Syria. They asked if he
would send letters to Caesar telling of the wrongs done by Zenodorus. Caesar wrote back that he
would take special care to utterly root out those thieves. Therefore, Varro with his soldiers
attacked those suspected places and purged the land from the thieves and took away the country
from Zenodorus. { Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 15. <c. 20 1:574,575> Antiq, 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10.
1:420,421}

5877. Herod built a palace in Zion which contained two very large and stately houses with
which the temple itself could in no wise compare. He called one of them by the name of Caesar
and the other by the name of Agrippa. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 16. Antiq. 1. 15. c. 12.}

3981a AM, 4690 JP, 24 BC

5878. The 29th Jubilee.
3981b AM, 4691 JP, 23 BC

5879. Herod removed from the priesthood Jesus the son of Phabes and made Simon, a priest of
Jerusalem. He was the son of Boethus of Alexandra, who married his daughter, Mariamme. She
was the most beautiful woman of that time. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 12. Wars, 1. 18. c. 7.}

5880. After the marriage was over, Herod began to build a new palace and made a town next to
it called Herodian after his own name. This place was about 7 and an half miles from Jerusalem
60 toward Arabia where he had defeated the Jews when he was thrust out by the armies of
Antigonus. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 25. 1. 15. c. 12. Wars, 1. 1. c. 11, 16.} Pliny mentioned

Herodion and a famous town by the same name. {*Pliny, 1. 5. c. 15. 2:275}

5881. Gallus left the Nabatean village of Album with his army and went through such places so
that he was compelled to carry his water upon camels. This happened to him through the
hostility of the guides. Therefore after many days he came into the land of Aretus who was
allied with Obodus, the king of the Nabateans. This country was hard to cross because of the
treachery of Syllaeus. He crossed it in 30 days travelling on unbeaten paths where his food was
used up and he had few dates and used butter instead of oil. Finally, he came to the country of
the nomads which was mainly a desert. It was called Ararena and was under the king of Sabos.
{*Strabo,l. 16. c. 24. 7:357}

5882. Sabos was the king of Arabia Felix. No one came out to oppose Aelius. However, this
journey was laborious. It was a hot sunny desert country and the waters that are naturally
infected, caused the death of most of his army. That disease was not like any of ours. The head
was affected and became parched thus killing many. Those who escaped death, had the disease
go through their whole body into their legs and there afflicted the legs only. There was no
remedy unless one drank oil mixed with wine and anointed himself with it. Very few could do
this because neither was readily available, where they were, nor had they brought much with
them. Among these misfortunes, the barbarians also, who at first had lost every battle with some
towns also, used the disease as an opportunity to recover their losses. They attacked the Romans
and recovered their lost towns and drove the rest of the Romans from the country. { *Dio, 1. 53.
c. 29. 6:269,271}

5883. These were the first and only Romans who carried the war so far into Arabia Felix even to
the famous city of Athlula (or Athrula) { *Dio, 1. 53. c. 29. 6:271 } In that expedition, Gallus
defeated these towns so named by previous writers: Negrana, Nestus, Nesca, Magusus,
Caminacus, Labaetia, Mariba, (that was six miles in circumfirence) and Caripeta, which was the
farthest he went. {*Pliny, 1. 6. c. 32. 2:459} Had not Syllaeus betrayed him, he would have
conquered all Arabia Felix. {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:137} We now give the account according to
Strabo.

5884. Fifty days were spent in travelling over Ararena through impassable ways and he came to
the city of the Agrans (or rather Negrai) in a peaceable and fruitful country. Then King Sabos
fled and the city was taken at the first assault. From here on the sixth day he came to the river.
There the barbarians met him in battle array of whom there fell 10,000 and only two of the
Romans. They were very cowardly and used their weapons unskilfully. Some used the bow,
lance, sword and the sling. For the most part, they used a double edged axe. Then he took the
city Asca which was abandoned by the king. From there, he came to Athrula and he easily took
it and put a garrison there. He took supplies of grain and dates for his journey and came to
Marsiaba, a city of the Rhammanites who were under Ilasarus. He attacked and besieged it for
six days. Later from lack of water, he abandoned the place. He understood from the captives that
he was only six day's journey from that part where the spices grow. However, he spent six
months getting there through the deceit of his guides.

5885. At last, when he found out the treachery, he returned another way and came in nine days
to Negrana where there was a battle. Then on the eleventh day he came to the place called the
Seven Wells, so named from the wells there. He travelled through places that were farmed to the
village of Chaalla and later to Malotha that is located by the river side. After that he went
through deserts where there was not much water to the village of Egra (or Hygra) which was

under Obodas and lies by the sea. On his return journey, he spent only 60 days in all whereas
before he had spent 6 months. {*Strabo, 1. 16. c. 22,23 7:353}

5886. While Aelius Gallus waged war with part of the Egyptian army in Arabia, the Ethiopians
which dwelt beyond Egypt, were sent by their Queen Candace (a manly woman and blind in one
eye) on a sudden invasion. They surprised the garrisons of three cohorts which were at Syena,
Elephantine and Philae and carried them away captives. They overthrew Caesar's statues.
Against these, Petronius, the governor of Egypt marched with less than 10,000 foot soldiers and
800 cavalry against 30,000 men. At first, he forced them to flee into Pselchis, a city of Ethiopia.
Then he sent to them to demand the things that they had taken away and also to know the reason
why they had started this war. They said that they had been wronged by the governors and he
replied that they were not lords of the country but that Caesar was. They asked for three day's
time to deliberate and in the meantime did nothing to satisfy him. He marched toward them and
forced them to fight and soon routed them. They were poorly ordered and badly armed. They
had large shields made of raw ox hides and used weapons like hatchets, spears and some had
swords. Some were forced into the city and some fled into the deserts and others to the next
island. Petronicus captured Queen Candace's captains after he crossed the river in boats and
ships. He sent them to Alexandria. He went to Pselchis and captured it. When he numbered the
captives and those who died in battle, he concluded that very few had escaped. { *Strabo, 1. 17.
8:137,139} {*Dio. 1. 54. c. 5. 6:293}

5887. From Pselchis, Petronius went to Premnis which was a naturally well fortified city. To get
there, he had to cross those sand dunes which overwhelmed Cambyses' army in a sand storm. He
took it at the first assault then he went on to Napata (called Tanape by Dio) where Candace's
palace was and her son lived. She was in a nearby citadel and sent ambassadors to treat for
peace. She restored the statues and the captives who were taken from Syena. However,
Petronius stormed Napata and took it and her son was forced to flee. Petronius could not go
because of the sand and the heat or conveniently stay there with the whole army. He fortified
Premnis with walls and put a garrison there with enough food for 400 men for two years. He
returned to Alexandria and sold most of the captives. Some died of disease and he sent 1000
captives to Caesar who had recently returned from the Cantabrian war. { *Strabo, 1. 17.
8:139,141} {*Dio. 1. 54. c. 5. 6:295}

5888. Pliny also wrote: {Pliny, 1. 6. c. 35. 2:473}

vv In the time of Augustus, the Romans entered the country of the Ethiopians under P. Petronius
their general who was an equestrian and governor of Egypt. He overcame their towns which he
found in the same order that we list them: Pselcis, Primis, Bocchis, Cambyses' Market, Attenia,
Stadissis. At the last place, the inhabitants lost their hearing because of the noise of the cataract
in the Nile River. He also sacked Napata. The farthest that he went from Syene was 870 miles. It
was not the Romans who destroyed the land but the constant wars Ethiopia had with Egypt."

5889. Phraates the 3rd was restored into his kingdom with much help from the Scythians. When
Tiridates heard of their coming, he fled to Caesar with a large number of his friends. He desired
that he might be restored into that kingdom and promised that Parthia would be subject to Rome
if he would give him that kingdom. When Phraates knew this, he soon sent ambassadors to
Caesar and asked that he would send back his servant Tiridates and his own son whom he had
given as hostage to Caesar. {Justin, 1. 42. c. 5.}

5890. When Tiridate's and Phraate's ambassadors were come to Rome, Augustus brought them
both into the senate. When the senate appraised him of the matter, he heard the demands of each
party. He then told them that he would not surrender Tiridates to the Parthians, nor would he
help Tiridates against the Parthians. Lest they should seem to get nothing for their trouble,
Augustus ordered a very generous allowance to be given to Phraates as long as he stayed at
Rome. He sent back Phraates' son, that in lieu of him he might recover the captives and ensigns
that were lost in the defeat of Crassus and Antony. {Justin, 1. 42. c. 5.} {*Dio, 1. 53. p. 519.)

5891. There were mutual grudges between M. Agrippa and M. Marcellus, the nephew and son-
in-law of Augustus. Each one thought the other to be more respected by Augustus than
themselves. Augustus feared that the contentions would get worse if they both stayed in the
same place. He immediately sent away Agrippa into Asia to govern those provinces beyond the
sea in his place. Agrippa left the city but sent his lieutenants into Syria while he stayed at
Mitylene, on the isle of Lesbos. {*Dio, 1. 53. 6:273,275} {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 93. 1:247}
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 66.}

5892. Augustus resigned the eleventh consulship and made Lucius Sestius, the great favourite of
Brutus, consul in his place. The senate decreed these honours to Augustus. He should be the
perpetual tribune of the common people. He could convene the senate as often as he wished
although he was not a consul. He could make whatever laws he pleased. He would have always
proconsulary power and even within the walls of the city. He would not need to renew this
power. He would always have greater power in the provinces than the very governors. { *Dio, 1.
53.6:277}

3982a AM, 4691 JP, 23 BC

5893. Aelius Gallus returned from the expedition of Arabia and left the village Egra in the
kingdom of the Nabateans. In eleven day's time, he marched his army across the harbour of
Muris. From here, he marched by land over to Coptus and came to Alexandria with those forces
that were able to bear arms. He had lost the rest, not in war, (wherein only seven were died) but
by famine, labour, diseases, and the difficult way. {*Strabo, 1. 16. 7:363} Some of his medicines
are mentioned by Galen {Galen, de Antidotis, 1. 2. } and among these was a formula which he
gave to Caesar that he had used to save many of his soldiers.

5894. Marcus Marcellus died who was the son of Octavia, the sister of Augustus and the
husband of Julia, the daughter of Augustus. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 93. 1:247} {*Dio, 1.
53. 6:279}

3982b AM, 4692 JP, 22 BC

5895. Augustus restored to the Roman people the control of Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis
because they did not need any troops and took control of Dalmatia. { *Dio, 1. 54. 6:291, 1. 53.
6:221}

5896. The dancing of antic and stage plays, was first brought to Rome by Pylades Cilices and
Bathyllus. Pylades was the first that ever had a choir to accompany him. {Eusebius Chronicles}
{Scaligeri Collectan. Grac. p. 390, Animadversion, p. 155, 156.}

5897. After Herod had built Sebaste, he began to build most magnificently, another city in a
place by the sea side where Strata's tower stood. He called it Caesarea and made an harbour of
admirable work equal in size to the harbour of Piraetus (at Athens). He finished all this in twelve
years and spared neither labour nor cost. { Josephus Wars, 1. I.e. 16. & Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 9.
1:420>} Eutropius described it to Caesar thus: {Eutropius, 1. 7.}

vv The name of Caesar was so beloved by the barbarians that kings that were friends of the
people of Rome, built cities in honour of him. One was called Caesarea. King Juba built this city
in Mauritania and in Palestine there is another most famous city by the same name."

5898. Herod sent his sons Alexander and Aristobulus (whom he had by Mariamme the
Asmonaean) to Rome to Caesar to be raised there. They stayed at the house of Pollios who was
a good friend of Herod. Caesar entertained the young men very courteously and gave Herod the
power to select one of his sons for the heir to his kingdom. Caesar also gave him Trachon,
Batunaea and Auranitis. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:420>}

3983a AM, 4692 JP, 22 BC

5899. After Herod had received Trachon, he took guides and went to the dens of the thieves and
restrained their villainies and brought peace to the inhabitants. Zenodorus was angry from envy
that he lost his possessions to Herod. He went to Rome to accuse Herod but could do nothing.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:421>}

5900. After Herod had greeted his best friend Agrippa at Mitylene, he returned into Judea.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:421>}

5901. Some citizens of Gadarea went to Agrippa to accuse Herod. He would not even hear their
complains but bound them and sent them to Herod. However, Herod spared them. Although he
was inexorable toward his own people yet he willingly overlooked and forgave injuries received
from strangers. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:421>}

5902. Augustus went into Sicily that he might settle its affairs. He went also to other provinces
even as far as Syria. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:295}

3983b AM, 4693 JP, 21 BC

5903. Augustus sent for Agrippa whom he wished had more patience. (Because of some light
suspicion of harshness, under pretence that he could not become emperor, he had left all things
and gone to Mitylene.) Augustus asked him to come to him from Asia to Sicily. He ordered him
to divorce his wife, although she was the daughter of Octavia, Augustus' own sister and to marry
his daughter Julia, the widow of Marcellus. He sent him presently to solemnize the marriage and
to undertake the government of the city of Rome. { *Dio, 1. 54. 6:297 } { * Velleius Paterculus, 1.
2. c. 93. 1:247} {* Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 63, 66.}

5904. Zenodorus was desperate and had rented out Auranitis, a part of his country, to the
Arabians for fifty talents yearly. Although this part was contained in the grant which Caesar
gave Herod, yet the Arabians hated Herod and would in no wise allow it to be taken from them.

Sometimes they laid claim to it by invasions and force and sometimes contended for the right of
possession before the judges. They won over some needy soldiers, who according to the custom
of wretched men, hoped for better fortunes by seditions. Although Herod knew well enough, yet
he tried to settle the matter by reason than with force, lest he should give an occasion for new
seditions. {*Josephus, 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. p. 421>}

5905. After Augustus had ordered things in Sicily, he passed over into Greece, when he took
from the Athenians, Aegina and Eretria, because as some reported, they had favoured Antony.
{*Dio, 1.54. 6:299}

5906. Petronius went with troops to prevent Candace the queen of the Ethiopians, who with
many thousands, had attacked the garrison of Premnis. He entered the citadel and strengthened it
with many provisions and compelled the queen to accept conditions of peace. {*Strabo. 1. 17.
8:141} {*Dio, 1.54. 6:295}

5907. Petronius ordered the ambassadors who were sent to him that if they would demand
anything they should go to Caesar. They denied any knowledge of Caesar or where he might be.
Therefore, he ordered some to escort them to Caesar. {*Strabo. 1. 17. 8:141}

3984a AM, 4693 JP, 21 BC

5908. After Augustus has settled his affairs in Greece, he sailed to Samos and wintered there.
{*Dio,l. 54. 6:299}

5909. The people of Armenia accused Artabazes or Artaxis, or Artaxias, (the son of Artavasdes
who was taken by the treachery of Antony) and desired that his brother Tigranes who was then
at Rome, might be their king. Augustus sent Tiberius to drive out Artabazes and to make
Tigranes, the king in his place. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:303} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 3.}

5910. The ambassadors of Candace came to Samos and found Caesar preparing to go to Syria
and to send Tiberius into Armenia. They easily obtained from him what they desired and he
remitted their tribute also. {*Strabo, 1. 17. 8:141}

3984b AM, 4694 JP, 20 BC

591 1. In the spring, Augustus went into Asia when M. Apuleius, and P. Silius were consuls and
from there into Bithynia. Although these provinces belonged to the people of Rome, he handled
them with as much care as he did the provinces he was directly responsible for. He settled all
things where it was convenient. He gave money to some and to others he imposed new sums
over and above their regular tribute. He took away the freedom of the Cyzicenians because in a
certain sedition, they had put to death some Romans after they had scourged them. { *Dio, 1. 54.
6:299}

5912. Augustus went into Syria, in the tenth year after he had last been in that province.

{ Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 15.} This was the 17th year of the reign of Herod (from the death of
Antigonus.) {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. 1. 15, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13.} He took away the freedom from
Tyre and Sidon because of their factions. {*Dio, 1. 54. p. 525.}

5913. Zenodorus had solemnly sworn to the Gadarenes that he would never stop trying to free
them from the jurisdiction of Herod and of being annexed to Caesar's province. Thereupon
many of them began to complain against Herod and called him cruel and tyrannical. They
complained to Caesar of his violence and rapines, and for violating and rasing their temples.
Herod was not frightened by this and was ready to answer for himself. However, Caesar used
him courteously and was not at all alienated from him for all this tumultuous multitude. The
Gadarenes perceived the inclinations of Caesar and his friends and were afraid that they might
be turned over to Herod. The next night after the meeting, some of them cut their own throats.
Others who feared torture, broke their own necks and some drowned themselves in the river.
Thus they seemed to condemn themselves by these actions and Caesar immediately absolved
Herod. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:421>}

5914. Zenodorus' bowels burst through and much blood came out of him. He died at Antioch in
Syria. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:421>}

5915. Augustus gave the tetrarchy of Zenodorus to Herod. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10.
1:421>} {*Dio. 1. 54. 6:303} This was a large tract of land located between Galilee and
Trachon, containing Ulatha and Paneas and the neighbouring countries. He made him also one
of the governors of Syria and ordered the governors of that province to do nothing without
Herod's advice. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 15., Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:421>})

5916. Herod asked for a tetrarchy from Caesar for his brother, Pheroras. Herod gave him 100
talents from the revenues of his own kingdom, to the intent that if he should happen to die,
Pheroras' estate might be assured and not subject to Herod's children. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e.
15., Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:421>})

5917. Claudius Tiberius Nero was sent by Augustus, his father-in-law, with an army to visit and
settle the provinces which were in the east, he was an excellent well educated youth and had
many natural talents. He entered Armenia with the legions and subdued it under the power to the
people of Rome. He turned over the kingdom to Artavasdes. Thereupon the king of the Parthians
was terrified by the reputation of so great a name and sent his sons as hostages to Caesar.
Velleius Paterculus was the great flatterer of Tiberius. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 94. 1:247}

5918. All historians also mention that Tigranes, the son of Artavasdes, was at this time made
king of the Armenians. Artavasdes was led captive into Egypt by Cleopatra and Antony. His
oldest son Artaxius (whom Dio here calls Artabazes, by his father's name) reigned in the
kingdom of Armenia. Archelaus and Nero expelled him by force from the kingdom and made
his younger brother king instead. (He is called by Velleius, after his father's name, Artavasdes,
but by all others Tigranes.) Thus Josephus {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 5.} related the story
meaning by the name of Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, and by the name of Nero, Claudius
Tiberius although he was not yet adopted by Caesar. The narration in Horace is about Nero.
{Horace, 1. 1. epist. 12.}

Know further too what places do partake
Roman affairs: Canteber to Agrippa falls,
Claudius Armenia did by Nero take:
The younger brother Phraates has all.
Caesar's both right and rule imperial.

5919. With which agrees that of Ovid. {Ovid, Tristium, 3.}

The Armenians sue for peace, the Parthian bow,
Horse, arms, and ensigns are resigned now.

5920. Yet Dio affirmed that Tiberius or this Claudius Nero did nothing worthy of the
preparations he went to. Artabazes, or Arsazius was killed by the Armenians before his arrival.
{*Dio, 1. 54. 6:303} Although concerning this business, Tiberius boasted that he had done
everything by his own power, and especially because there then were decreed sacrifices for it.
Tacitus also seems to favour his account. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 3.}

vv Artaxias was killed by the treachery of his closest friends. Tigranes was made the king of the
Armenians and brought by Tiberius Nero into the kingdom."

5921. Tiberius led his army into the east and restored the kingdom of Armenia to Tigranes and
put the crown on his head in the tribunal. {*Suetonius, Tiberius (Octavian??), c. 9.}

5922. Suetonius added in the same place that Tiberius recovered the ensigns that the Parthians
had taken from M. Crassus. The Parthians at Augustus' demand, also restored the military
ensigns that they had taken from Marcus Crassus and M. Antony. Moreover, they offered
hostages also when Augustus came into Syria, for the settling of the state of affairs in the east.
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 21.} Phraates, who had done nothing he agreed to, feared lest
Augustus should make war on Parthia and sent back to him the Roman ensigns which Orodes
had taken at the defeat of Crassus and which his son had taken when Antony was routed. He
also handed over all the captives who were in all Parthia from the armies of Crassus and
Antony. Only a few were not returned who either had killed themselves for shame and some that
stayed privately in Parthia. These things Augustus received, as if he had conquered the Parthians
in war. {Livy, 1. 139} {*Florus, 1. 4. 1:351} {*Strabo, 1. 2. 1:37, 1. 16. 7:237} {*Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 91. 1:241,243} {Justin, 1. 42. c. ult.} {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:301} {Eutropius, 1. 7.}
{Orosius, 1. 6. c. 21.} {Casstodorus, in Chronicles}

5923. Eutropius wrote that the Persians or Parthians gave hostages to Caesar which they never
did before to any and by delivering the king's children for hostages that they secured a firm
league with a solemn procession. {Orosius, 1. 6. c. 21 } Strabo confirmed that Phraates {Strabo,
1. 6. 3:147} entrusted his sons and his grandsons to Augustus Caesar and desired with all
reverence to merit his friendship by delivering hostages to him. Justin also confirmed {Justin, 1.
42, c. ult.} that his sons and grand children were hostages to Augustus. However, Tacitus said
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. init. } his real reasons for doing this.

vv He showed all duty and reverence to Augustus and sent some of his children to him for the
strengthening of their friendship. He did this not so much for fear of him as for the distrust of
the loyalty of his own subjects."

5924. Thermusa, an Italian woman, was Phraates' concubine whom he later made his wife. She
thought to get the kingdom of the Parthians for her son, Phraataces whom she had born to the
king when she was still his concubine. She persuaded the king, now her husband and with whom

she could do anything she wished, to send his lawfully begotten children as hostages to Rome.
{ Josephus, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478>} Phraates called Titius to a conference who was then
the governor of Syria. He turned over to him his four lawfully begotten sons for hostages. These
were Seraspades, Cerospades, Phraates and Bonones along with two of their wives and four
sons. He feared a sedition and lest some treachery should be plotted against him by his enemies,
he sent his sons out of the way. He persuaded himself that no one would be able to do anything
against him, if he would have none of the family of the Arsaces to be established in his place.
The Parthians were extremely fond of that royal family. { *Strabo. 1. 16. 7:237} In an old Roman
inscription, there is added with Seraspadanes (for so he is there called) another son of Phraates
who is not mentioned by Strabo. He was Rhodaspes, a Parthian and the son of Phraates Arsaces,
the king of kings. {Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 288.}

5925. In the east, Augustus established his subjects according to the form of the Roman laws,
but allowed those who were in league with him to live according to the laws of their ancestors.
He did not think it desirable to take anything from his subjects or extend the empire but to be
content with what they had. Hence he wrote this to the senate and at this time made no wars. He
gave to Jamblichus the son of Jamblichus, his father's principality in Arabia. He also gave to
Tarcondimotus, the son of Tarcondimotus, his father's principality in Cilicia except for some sea
towns. These he gave to Archelaus along with the kingdom of Armenia the Less because the
Mede who held the kingdom previously, had died. He gave Commagena to Mithridates who was
only a child because its king had killed the father of Mithridates. { *Dio, 1. 54. 6:303 }

5926. After Herod had escorted Caesar to the sea side, he returned into his kingdom and there
built a beautiful temple of white marble in honour of Caesar. This was near Paniun, at the foot
of those hills are the springs of the Jordan River. He also remitted to his subjects some part of
their tribute under the pretence that they should have some relief after the famine. However, in
very deed, he did this to appease their minds because they were so offended with such vast
building projects of the king which tended toward the destruction of their religion and good
customs. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:422>}

3985a AM, 4694 JP, 20 BC

5927. To prevent seditions, Herod, forbade all private meetings in the city and too many feasts.
He also had spies who would mingle in companies and note what the people talked about.
Indeed, he himself would go in the night in the clothes of a common man and mingle in the
company of the people to learn what they thought of him. As many as obstinately disagreed with
his actions, he punished without mercy. He bound the rest of the multitude to him with an oath
that they should be loyal to him. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:422>}

5928. Herod required this oath from many followers of the Pharisees including Pollio and
Sameas. Although he could not make these two take the oath, he did not punish them as he did
the others out of respect for the reverence he bore to Pollio. He did not impose this oath on the
Esseans whom he much esteemed for Manahem's sake who was a prophet. When Herod was a
private boy, Manahem greeted him as king of the Jews and had foretold that he would reign as
king for more than 30 years. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. 13. <c. 10. 1:422>}

5929. Caius was born to Agrippa by his wife Julia. There was a yearly sacrifice decreed on his
birthday with some other things. { *Dio. 1. 54. 6:301 }

5930. Augustus returned to Samos and there wintered again. To reward their hospitality, he
granted the Samians liberty. A great many embassies came to him there. The Indians then by a
firm league, ratified the peace which they previously had desired by their ambassadors. (See
note on 3979 AM «5330») Among the presents that were sent by the Indians, were tigers,
which were never before seen by either the Romans or Greeks. They also gave him a certain
young man who had no arms, (like used to be displayed on the statues of Mercury or Hermes)
who did everything with his feet instead of his hands. He was said to bend a bow and shoot an
arrow and sound a trumpet. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:305}

5931. Nicholas Damascene reported that he saw these Indian ambassadors at Antioch by
Daphnis. The letter they brought mentioned more ambassadors but he said only three were alive
whom he saw and the rest died because the journey was so long. The letter was written in Greek
on parchment, in which was signified that it was sent by Porus. Although he ruled 600 kings, yet
he did much esteem Caesar's friendship that he was ready to meet him wherever Caesar wished
and that he would help him in anything that was right. Nicholas said these things were contained
in that letter. Moreover they brought presents by eight servants who were naked and had only
breeches on and covered with perfumes. Among the presents was the youth, Hermes, who had
no arms, huge vipers, a snake 15 feet long, a river tortoise of 4.5 feet and a partridge larger than
a vulture. {*Strabo. 1. 15. 7:125,127}

3985b AM, 4695 JP, 19 BC

5932. Among these was Zarmarus or Zarmanochegas, one of the wise men of the Indians. He
killed himself for vain glory's sake or from old age according to the customs of his country or
that he might make a display of himself to Augustus and the Athenians, (for he had come into
Athens.) He was made a priest of the Greek gods, although (as they report) in an unlawful time
yet it was done as a favour for Augustus. He thought that he must die and lest some adversity
should happen to him if he stayed any longer. He laughed as he leaped on the funeral fire with
his naked and anointed body. This inscription was written on his sepulchre.

vv Here lies Zarmanochegas, an Indian, of Bargosa, who immortalised himself according to the
ancestral customs of Indians." {*Strabo. 1. 15. 7:127,129} {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:305,307}

5933. When Augustus returned to Rome, he entered the city on horseback in a kind of triumph.
He was honoured with a triumphal arch that carried his trophies. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:301 }

5934. Augustus considered it very praise worthy that he had recovered those things which were
formerly lost in war without any fighting. Therefore he ordered that it should be decreed that
there should be sacrifices for this reason. A temple of Mars the revenger (in imitation of Jupiter
Feretrius) in the capital should be built where the ensigns should be hung up. This was done.
{*Dio, 1.54. 6:301}

5935. This temple he had formerly vowed for Mars before the victory at Philippi. He now
proclaimed that he had received another like benefit from him and he performed his vow at the
twentieth year's end. He imitated Romulus who had killed Aero the king of the Coeninenses and
hung up his arms in the temple that he dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius. Augustus built a temple to
Mars, the twice revenger, and then placed there the military ensigns that he had recovered from
the Parthians. He also instituted the Circensian plays to be solemnized every year in memory of

these things. Ovid wrote: {Ovid, Fasti, 5}

It does not Mars suffice once named to have gained

He prosecutes the Parthian Ensigns yet retained.

A country guarded with store of horse, bows, plains,

For rivers inaccessible remains.

Other Crassus yet much spirited by the fall,

At once of army, standard, general.

The Roman ensigns did the Parthian bear,

And, while an enemy, their eagle wear.

This blemish still had stuck; But Caesar's might,

Better defended Latium's ancient right:

He took the ensigns, cancelled that disgrace,

And made the eagle know her proper place.

What profits shooting back, thine envious land,

Thy swifter steed, O Parthian? thy hand

Delivers back thine ensigns, and thy bow:

Thou canst no trophies of the Roman show.

A temple duly vote Bis-ultor thy

Honour receiveth most deservedly.

More honourable Romans celebrate

His plays: no scene supplies Bellona's state.

5936. Horace adds: {Horace, 1. 4. Ode Ult.}

(Caesar) thine age Affordeth plenteous fruits to the fields,

And to Jove's capital our ensigns yields
From Parthian pillars snatched

5937. Many of Augustus' coins had the inscription: SIGNIS RECEPTIS, for the ensigns
recovered.

5938. Herod in the 18th year of his reign (as calculated from the death of Antigonus) told the
Jews of his intention to build the temple at Jerusalem. When he saw that they were troubled, lest
if he demolished the old, he could not finish the new. He assured them that the old temple would
remain intact until all materials that were necessary for the new building were prepared. He did
not deceive them. He provided a thousand wagons to carry stones and he selected from all the
number of craftsman, the most skilful 10,000 and also a thousand priests that were clothed with
priest's garments at his own expense and were able masons and carpenters. He ordered them to
start the work since the materials were ready. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 14. c. 14. <c. 11. 1:423>}

3986 AM, 4696 JP, 18 BC

5939. When Augustus' first ten year term had almost expired, he extended it for another 5 years
and gave to M. Agrippa another 5 years also along with some powers that were almost the same,
as his such as the tribunal power. He said that so many years was then sufficient although
shortly after, he accepted more years of the imperial power so that his Principality might be
made decennial. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:313}

5940. The books of the Sybill's were worn out through age. Augustus ordered the priests that
with their own hands they should write them out so that none other should read them. { *Dio, 1.
54.6:325,337}

5941. Augustus restored Pilades, the Cilician dancer who had been exiled from Rome because
of a sedition. Hence Augustus won the favour of the people by this. When Augustus reproved
him because he was always quarrelling with Bathyllus, a fellow artist and also a friend of
Maecenas, Pilades cleverly rejoined:

vv It is to your advantage, O Caesar, that the people should devote their spare time to us." { *Dio,
1.54.6:327}

3987 AM, 4697 JP, 17 BC

5942. All the necessary materials for starting the temple where assembled within two years'
time. Herod began to build the temple of Jerusalem, 46 years before the first passover of the
ministry of Christ. This is confirmed by the words of the Jews: Joh 2:20

vv This temple has been built forty and six years before this."

5943. as that aorist tense is correctly translated by our country man, Lydiat.

5944. The building of this temple under Zerubbabel was started in the first year of the reign of
Cyrus and for some time the building programme was interrupted. It was finished after twenty
years in the sixth year of Darius, the son of Hystaspes. The magnificent building of this temple
was begun by Herod at this time and was finished in nine and an half years. When comparing
the time spent in building this most magnificent structure, we must take into consideration not
only the labour of these two but their successors also. When it was completed:

vv many ages and all the holy treasures that were sent to God from all the parts of the world there
were spent." {Josephus, Wars, 1. 6. c. 6.}

5945. Herod did not pay for this alone. Much of his wealth was spent on generous gifts and on
building so many palaces, temples, and cities. He was building the city and port of Caesarea
which was his most costly building project at the same time he was building the temple. Tacitus
calls it:

vv a temple of immense riches" {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 5. c. 9.}

5946. The great building project of the temple that was begun by Herod was carried on even to
the beginning of the war of the Jews under Gessius Floras, by generous gifts which were
consecrated to God. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:539>}

vv When the temple was finished, the people realised that more than 18,000 workmen would be
unemployed who had made their living by building the temple. They were loath that the holy
treasure should be stored their for fear it should become a prise for the Romans. They wanted to

provide work for the workman because if one had worked only one hour, he was immediately
paid his wages. They persuaded King Agrippa (the younger) that he should build the eastern
porch which inclosed the outer most parts of the temple."

5947. Agrippa had Lucius by his wife Julia, whom together with his brother Caius, Augustus
immediately adopted both him and his brother and appointed them as his heirs to his empire.
{*Dio, 1.54. 6:327}

5948. In Cyprus, many parts of the cities were destroyed by earthquakes. {Eusebius, Chronicle}
3988 AM, 4698 JP, 16 BC

5949. After Marcus Agrippa had exhibited quinquennial plays (which were held for the fourth
time after the battle of Actium,) Augustus sent him to Syria. { *Dio, 1. 54. 6:33 1 }

5950. Herod sailed for Italy to greet Caesar and to see his children at Rome. { Josephus, Antiq.,
1. 16. c. 1. <1:426>} He sailed and stopped in Greece. He was present and a judge at the
Olympic games in the 191st Olympiad, (in which Diodorus Tyaneus got the prize.) When Herod
saw that those games were too grand for the place where they were held because of the poverty
of the Elidenses, he gave them annual revenues so that their sacrifices might be made the more
splendid and other things that might belong to the gracing such great games. For his generosity,
he was declared a perpetual judge of those games. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 16. Antiq., 1. 16. c. 9.
<c. 5. 1:435>}

5951. When Caesar had courteously entertained Herod at Rome, he returned his sons who had
finished their instructions in the liberal sciences. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 16. c. 1. <1:426>} Caesar
went into Gaul. {Dio, 1. 54. 6:333}

5952. Aemilius Macer, a poet of Veronen, died in Asia. {Jerome, in Chronicles} of whom
Tibullus wrote:

What shall poor Amor now do all alone,
Since sweet songed Macer to the camp is gone?

5953. At Jerusalem, the priests completed the building of the temple, properly so called, because
it contained the Holy and the Holy of Holies. This took about 18 months during which it was
reported that it never rained in the day but only in the nights. In the following eight years, the
porches, the ranges and the rest of the buildings around the temple were all finished. {Josephus,
1. 15. cult. <c. 15. 1:425>}

5954. There is extant two descriptions of this temple, one was by Josephus, (who himself was a
priest in it.) {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15 c. 14, Wars, 1. 6. c. 6.} Another one was by R. Judas,
(almost 120 years after the destruction of the temple) in a book of his Mishna, which was
entitled twrym. We have a description of the former from Ludovicus Capellus at the end of his
short history of the Jews. The later we have from Constantine Lempereur, as a preface in his
commentary upon the book of Middoth. In the preface, he shows that the prevailing opinion of
the Jews was that the temple of Zerubbabel and this one of Herod, were rightly considered the

same building. Likewise he shows {Tacitus, Histories. 1. 5. } that it was thought to be the same
temple that was captured by Pompey that was then besieged by Titus.

3989 AM, 4699 JP, 15 BC

5955. When Alexander and Aristobulus returned to Judea, they were highly favoured by all
men. Salome, the sister of Herod, and her followers, feared that they would at some time
revenge their mother's death. They spread gossip among the people that the sons hated their
father because he had killed their mother. However, Herod did not yet suspect anything and used
them very honourably as they deserved. Since they were mature young men, he selected wives
for them. For Alexander, he selected Bernice, the daughter of Salome and for Aristobulus,
Glaphira, the daughter of Archelaus, the king of the Cappadocians. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 16. c. 1,
2. <c. 1. 1:426>}

5956. Augustus restored liberty to the Cycizenians and he also gave money to the Paphians (in
Cyprus) who had been afflicted with an earthquake. He permitted by a decree by the senate that
their city should be called Augusta. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:343}

5957. When Herod heard that M. Agrippa was again come into Asia, he went to him. He begged
him that he would come into his kingdom as his friend and guest. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16. c. 2.
<1:427>}

3990a AM, 4699 JP, 15 BC

5958. Herod entertained Agrippa in all the cities that he had recently built, and showed him the
buildings. He provided the best food for Agrippa and his friends as well as all kinds of other
delights and magnificence. He showed him Sebaste, the port of Caesarea, and in the citadels
which he had built, such as Alexandrion, Herodion, and Hircania. He brought him to the city of
Jerusalem where all the people met him in their best and festival attire and with joyful
acclamations. Agrippa made a large number of sacrifices to God and feasted the people.
Although he would willingly have stayed longer there, yet for fear of storms since winter was
now approaching, he hurried to sail into Ionia. He and his friends were honoured with generous
presents. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16. c. 2. <1:427>}

5959. When Asander who was the king of Cimmerian Bosphorus, had died, he left his kingdom
to his wife Dynamis, the daughter of Pharnaces and grand daughter of Mithridates. Her own son
Scribonius, pretended to be a great grandson of Mithridates and to have received the kingdom
from Augustus. (??) (Dio version seems confused here. Editor) He seized the kingdom. When
Agrippa heard of this, he sent Polemon, the king of that Pontus that bordered Cappadocia, to
make war on him. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:345}

5960. As soon as the Bosphorans knew of this deceit, they killed Scribonius and resisted
Polemon who came against them. They feared that he would be made their king. Polemon
conquered them in battle but yet did not subdue them. { *Dio, 1. 54. 6:345 }

3990b AM, 4700 JP, 14 BC

5961. As soon as it was spring, Herod heard that Agrippa was going with an army to Bosphorus.
He hurried to go to him and sailed by Rhodes and Chios. When he arrived at Lesbos, he thought
that he would find him. Herod was detained by contrary north winds and stayed at Chios. Many
came to greet him privately and he gave them many princely gifts. He saw the portico of the
city, that was thrown down in the war against Mithridates and was still lying in ruins. It was not
repaired to its former beauty and greatness because they were so poor. Herod gave them more
than enough money to finish restoring the gate. He exhorted them to restore the city as soon as
they could, to its former beauty and greatness. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:427>}

5962. As soon as the wind changed, Herod sailed first to Mitylene and then to Byzantium. There
he found out that Agrippa had already gone past the Cyanean rocks, so he followed him with all
speed and overtook him at Sinope, a city in Pontus. He arrived there with his ships, much to the
surprise of Agrippa. He was very grateful for Herod's arrival and they embraced each other with
singular affection because it was an evident sign of Herod's fidelity and friendship that he left
his own affairs and came to him at so convenient a time. Therefore Herod still stayed by him in
the army and was his companion in his labours and partaker in his counsels. He was also present
with him on occasions and was the only man who was consulted in difficult matters for the love
Herod had toward him and in pleasant times for honour's sake. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 3. <c. 2.
1:427>}

5963. Agrippa defeated the Bosphorans and recovered in war the Roman ensigns which they
long since had captured under Mithridates. Agrippa forced them to give them back. {Orosius, 1.
6. c. 21.}

5964. Julia, the daughter of Augustus and wife of Agrippa, went to Ilium at night. It happened
that Julia and her servants who waited on the coach, were in extreme danger in crossing the
Scamander River. It was greatly swollen by sudden floods and the people of Ilium did not know
she was coming. Agrippa was angry that they had not helped her and fined them 100,000
drachmas of silver. {Nicholas Damascen, de vita sua. in Excerptis ab Henrico. Vales, edit. p.
418.}

5965. The ambassadors of the Ilienses, did not dare to oppose Agrippa. They entreated Nicholas
Damascen, (who by chance was there) that he would get King Herod to speak for them and to
help them. Nicholas did this for the ancient renown of the city and told the king the whole story
that Agrippa was unjustly angry with the Ilienses since she came without notice. They did not
know of her coming because it was night. Herod undertook the cause of the Ilienses and had
their fine removed {Nicholas Damascen, de vita sua. in Excerptis ab Henrico. Vales, edit. p.
418.} and reconciled Agrippa who was angry with them. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 3. <c. 2. 6:427>}

5966. The Bosphorans finally laid down their arms and were put under the rule of Polemon who
married Dynamis with the approval of Augustus. For this there was a procession in Agrippa's
name. However, he did not have a triumph although it was decreed nor did he write to the senate
anything at all about his affairs. In later times, others followed his example. They did not certify
by letters about their deeds nor did they accept a triumph, although it was offered to them.
Instead, they were content only with the triumphal honours. {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:345,347}

5967. After the trouble of Pontus was over, Agrippa and Herod came by land to Ephesus,
through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia and the greater Phrygia. From there, they sailed to Samos.

{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 16. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:427>}

5968. The Ilienses returned into their country because they had lost all hope of obtaining a
pardon. When Herod was about to go into Paphlagonia to Agrippa, he gave a letter to Nicholas
Damascene concerning the remission of their fine and carried on to Chios and Rhodes where his
sons waited for him. Therefore, Nicholas sailed from Amisus and came to the port of
Byzantium. From there, he sailed to Troas and came to Ilium. After he had delivered his letters
about the remission of their fine, both he and especially Herod, received great honours from the
Ilienses. {Nicholas Damascen, de vita sua. in Excerptis ab Henrico. Vales, edit. p. 418.}

5969. Agrippa gratified Herod in many things on their whole journey through many cities.
Through the intercession of Herod, the cities received many of their needs. If any one had need
of an intercessor to Agrippa, he could obtain his suit by no one else more easily than through
Herod. Herod also paid the money for the Chians who were indebted to Caesar's praetors and
got them immunity. He also assisted others in whatever they had need of. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 3.
<c. 2. 427>}

5970. When they came into Ionia, they found a large number of Jews who lived in that country.
When the Jews had an opportunity, they complained of the wrongs they received from those
country men who would not permit them to live after their own laws. On the Jewish festival
days, they haled them before the tribunals and forbid them to send holy money to Jerusalem.
They publicly compelled Jews to give them the holy money for those affairs, contrary to the
privileges granted them by the Romans. Herod took all care that Agrippa should hear their
complaints. He allowed their case to be pleaded by Nicholas Damascene, who was one of
Herod's friends and had now returned from Troas. Nicholas pleaded their case Agrippa who was
accompanied by many of the most honourable Romans and some kings and princes. The Greeks
did not deny anything but only made an excuse that the Jews who dwelt among them, were
troublesome to them. The Jews proved that they were free born citizens and that they lived by
their own laws without injury to any. Therefore Agrippa answered that both for his friend
Herod's sake he was ready to grant them their request and also because they seemed to demand
what was just. He therefore ordered that the privileges that were formerly granted them should
not be revoked and that no one should molest them for living after their country's laws. Then
Herod rose up and thanked Agrippa in the name of them all. After they mutually embraced each
other, they said goodbye to each other and Herod sailed from Lesbos to Caesarea. {Josephus, 1.
16. c. 4, 5. <c. 2. l:427-430>}

5971. A few days later, Herod arrived at Caesarea due to favourable winds. From there he went
to Jerusalem. He called all the people together and gave them a report of his journey and how he
had gotten an immunity for the Jews who lived in Asia. To further gratify them, he said he
would remit to them the fourth part of their tribute. They were very pleased and wished all
happiness to the king and departed with great joy. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 5.}

3991 AM, 4701 JP, 13 BC

5972. Augustus assumed the Roman high priesthood after the death of Lepidus who previously
was a triumviri and the priest. Augustus would never take it from him while he was alive.
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:355} This was done on March 6th, (the day
before the nones.) {Ovid, Fasti, 1. 3.}

5973. When he was made high priest, he burned whatever books in either Greek or Latin that
had no author's name or not of substance, for a total of 2000 books. He kept only the books of
the Sybill's. From those, he selected some and placed them in two golden boxes at the base of
the pillar where the image of Apollo stood in the Palatine hill. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.}

5974. A colony was sent to Berythus {Eusebius, Chronicles} which was highly honoured by the
favour of Augustus {Ulpian. C. Sciendum est d. de Censibus.} and received two legions who
were sent there by Agrippa. {*Strabo, 1. 16. 7:263}

5975. Herod was incensed by the false accusations and machinations of his sister Salome and
his brother Pheroras against his two sons whom he had by Mariamme, Alexander and
Aristobulus. To bring down their haughty spirits, he began to promote his other son, Antipater,
publicly as his heir to the kingdom. He was his oldest son whom he had when he was a private
man and his mother also was of lowly birth. (Herod had banished him from the city, in favour of
his two other sons and only gave him freedom to come there on feast days.) Herod often wrote
to Caesar on his behalf and privately gave him very great commendations. Herod was overcome
by the intreaties of Antipater and he brought into the court his mother Doris, who was a woman
of Jerusalem whom he divorced when he married Mariamme. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 17.
Antiq. 1. 16. c. 6. <c. 3. 1:430,43 1>}

3992a AM, 4701 JP, 13 BC

5976. Agrippa's ten years of government in Asia (to be calculated from the time when he was
sent by Caesar to Asia and Syria and he stayed at Lesbos) was over and he was now ready to
leave. Herod sailed to greet him and only took with him Antipater of all his sons. Herod gave
Agrippa many gifts and asked him to take Antipater to Rome and to be received into Caesar's
favour. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 17. Antiq. 1. 16. c. 6. <c. 3. 1:431>}

5977. When Agrippa returned from Syria, Augustus sent him to make war in Pannonia. He was
granted the tribunal power for five more years. When he arrived, the Pannonians were terrified
and stopped their rebellion. Agrippa died on his return journey in Campania. His body was
brought in the forum at Rome and Augustus commended him in a funeral speech. {Livy, 1. 139.}
{*Dio,l. 54. 6:355,357}

5978. Antipater was highly honoured at Rome and was commended to all his friends by his
father's letters. Although he was absent, he continued to stir up his father by letters against the
sons of Mariamme. He pretended to be concerned for his father's safety but indeed by his
wicked practices, he was promoting himself in hopes of getting the kingdom. {Josephus, Antiq.,
1. 16. c. 7. <c. 4. 1:431>}

5979. Against his will, Augustus made his son-in-law, Tiberius to be his partner in the
government to replace Agrippa because his grandsons C. Caius and Lucius were still children.
Therefore he betrothed his daughter Julia, the widow of Agrippa to Tiberius, and first forced
him to leave his wife Agrippina, (the daughter of Agrippa the daughter of Pomponius Atticus.)
Tiberius was upset by this because his wife was nursing his son Drusus and was with child
again. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 63., Tiberius, c. 7.} {*Dio, 1. 54. 6:363}

5980. Herod had now become an enemy to his sons, Alexander and Aristobulus. He sailed to
Rome with them to accuse them before Caesar. { Josephus, Antiq, 1. 16. c. 3. <c. 4. 1:431,433>}
He took Nicholas Damascene with him in the same ship with whom he studied philosophy.
(Nicholas Damascene in Sua vita in excerptis Henric. Vales, p. 421.}

3993 AM, 4703 JP, 11 BC

5981. Herod did not find Augustus at Rome and followed him as far as Aquilei. Herod accused
them of treachery against him and the young men satisfied all who were present of their
innocence. They were finally reconciled to their father after many prayers and tears. They
thanked Caesar and departed together. Antipater also went pretending that he was glad that they
were reconciled. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 7, 8. <c. 4. l:431-434>}

5982. A few days later, Herod gave Caesar 300 talents who was holding shows and giving gifts
to the people. In return, Caesar gave him half the revenues of the metal mines of Cyprus and the
other half he committed to his oversight. Caesar honoured him with other gifts of hospitality and
he gave him permission to choose which of his sons he wanted for his successor or if he would
rather divide his kingdom among them. Herod was ready to divide his kingdom now. Caesar
would not allow Herod to do that while Herod was alive. He would not deprive him of his
kingdom or his authority over his sons. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 7, 8. <c. 4. 1:434>}

5983. In Herod's absence, a rumour was spread that he was dead. The men of Tracon revolted
from him and started their old thievery. The captains whom Herod had left in the kingdom, were
able to subdue them again. Forty of the leaders of these thieves were terrified by what happened
to those who were captured and fled their country for Arabia Nabatea. They were welcomed by
Sylleus (who was an enemy to Herod, because Herod refused to give him his sister Salome for a
wife,) and he gave them a certain well fortified place. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 13. <c. 9. 1:442,443>}

5984. Herod and his sons sailed home and they came to Eleusa (its named was changed to
Sebaste,) a city of Cilicia. They met Archelaus, King of Cappadocia who very courteously
entertained Herod and rejoiced very much because his sons were reconciled to him. He was glad
that Alexander had honestly answered the charges that were made against him. They gave royal
gifts to each other and parted company. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 7, 8. <c. 4. 1:434>}

5985. When Herod returned into Judea, he called the people together and told them what he had
done on his journey. He told them that his sons should reign after him, first Antipater and then
Alexander and Aristobulus. The last two he had by Mariamme. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 7, 8. <c. 4.
1:434>}

3994 AM, 4704 JP, 10 BC

5986. At this about time that lame man was born who was more than forty years old when he
was healed by Peter at the gate called Beautiful at the temple. {Ac 4:22)} Agrippa was born who
was the first king of the Jews by that name and died when he was 54 years old when struck by
an angel. {Ac 12:23} {Josephus, 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 8. 1:523,524>}

5987. Augustus married his daughter Julia to Tiberius to whom he previously had betrothed her

to him. {*Dio, 1.54. 6:363}

5988. Caesarea Sebaste was finished in the 28th year of Herod's reign, (beginning from the
death of Antigonus,) in the 3rd year of the 192nd Olympiad. It was dedicated with great
solemnity and most sumptuous preparations. Musicians were brought to see who was the best.
Naked wrestlers and a great number of sword players and wild beasts and whatever was done
either at Rome or in other countries were also brought there to perform. These sports were
consecrated to Caesar and were to be held every fifth year. All this preparation, the king
provided to be brought there at his own expense to show the greatness of his magnificence.
Julia, the wife of Caesar (Josephus always calls her Livia) gave many things toward the sports.
The total cost of the event was over 500 talents. A huge crowd came to see these sports. He
entertained all ambassadors who were sent to him from various countries to thank Herod for the
favours they had received from him. He lodged, feasted and entertained them. He spent all the
days in seeing the sports and the nights in banquets. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 9. <c. 5. 1:434,435>}

3995a AM, 4704 JP, 10 BC

5989. After the dedication and feasts, Herod began to build another city in a place called
Capharsala, (or Capharsuluma, {/APC IMa 7:31}) which he named Antipatris, after his father's
name. He built a citadel which he called Cyprus after his mother's name. In honour of his dead
brother, he built in the city of Jerusalem, a good tower not inferior to the Pharos and called it
Phasaelus. Later he built a town by the same name, in the valley of Jericho from which the
surrounding country is called Phasaelus. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 9. <c. 5. 1:435>}

3995b AM, 4705 JP, 9 BC

5990. The Jews of Asia and Cyrene complained through their ambassadors to Augustus, that the
Greeks would not allow them to practice their religion and ignored the immunities which were
granted to them by the Romans. The ambassadors wanted to obtain letters confirming these
privileges. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 10. <c. 6. 1:436>})

5991. Herod had wasted his wealth by his great expenses and now needed money. He followed
the example of John Hireanus and went by night without the knowledge of the people and
opened David's sepulchre. He found no money, but large amounts of costly attire and ornaments
of gold, which he removed. To atone for this, he built a most sumptuous monument at the
entrance of the sepulchre of white marble. Nicholas Damascene mentions this monument but not
the king's entering the sepulchre. He wrote the acts of this King Herod in his lifetime.
{Josephus, 1. 16. c. 11. <c. 7. 1:437>}

5992. Antipater continued to implicate his brothers, Alexander and Aristobulus, by false
accusations made through others. He often seemed to take upon him their defence so that
making a pretence of good will toward them, he might more easily oppress them. By these
subtleties he so wrought with his father, that Herod thought he was his only preserver.
Therefore, the king commended his steward Ptolemy to Antipater and discussed all his plans
with his mother Doris. Everything was done according to their wishes and they made the king
displeased with those whom it was to their advantage that he should be angry with. {Josephus, 1.
16. c. 11. <c. 7. 1:437>}

5993. Pheroras fell so madly in love with his own servant that he refused the marriage with
Cypros, Herod's daughter who was offered to him by Herod. He was persuaded by Ptolemy, the
king's steward, to promise to divorce his servant and to marry Cypros within thirty days which
he failed to do. He also accused Herod to his son Alexander, that he had heard from Salome, his
sister, (which she denied) that Herod was greatly in love with Alexander's wife, Glaphyra. This
made the king highly displeased with both of them. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 11. <c. 7. 1:438,439>}

3996 AM, 4706 JP, 8 BC

5994. The man who was diseased started to lie at the pool of Bethesda. He was healed by Christ
38 years later. {Joh 5:5}

5995. Alexander by the wiles of his adversaries was driven to desperation. He was reconciled to
his father by Archelaus, the king of the Cappadocians who came to Jerusalem. {Josephus, 1. 16.
c. 11. <c. 8. 1:442>}

5996. Archelaus was considered one of Herod's best friends. He received generous gifts from
Herod and departed into Cappadocia. Herod accompanied him as far as Antioch. Herod and
Titus, the president of Syria, reconciled their differences and Herod returned to Judea.
{Josephus, 1. 16. c. 11. <c. 8. 1:442>}

5997. Herod went the third time to Rome to Caesar. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 11. <c. 9. 1:442>}

5998. While Herod was away from his kingdom, those thieves of Trachona, who had fled to
Syllaeus, the Arabian, infested all of Judea and Coelosyria with their robberies. Syllaeus granted
them impunity and security for their thievery. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 13. <c. 9. 1:442,443>}

5999. When Augustus was the high priest, he restored to the previous reckoning, the year as it
was ordained by Julius Caesar. Later, through negligence, it was incorrectly calculated.
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} In 36 years, there were intercalated 12 days where there ought
to have been but 9 days intercalated. Therefore, Augustus commanded that twelve years should
pass without any leap year at all so that those excess three days that had been added by the over
zealous priests in thirty six years should be eliminated in the following twelve years which
would not be leap years. {*Pliny. 1. 2. c. 6. 1:191} {Salinus, c. 3.} {Macrob. Saturnal, 1. 1. c.
14.}

6000. In the ordering of the year, Augustus called the month Sextilis after his own name August,
rather than calling the month September after his name even though he was born in that month.
He did this because in the month of Sextilis, he had first been consul, and also had had many
great victories. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Dio, 1. 55. 6:395} Macrobius records the very
words of the decree of the senate. {Macrobius, Saturnal, 1. 1. c. 12.} He also mentioned the
decree of the people concerning the same matter. Pacuritus the tribune of the people proposed
the law. This was when C. Marcius Censorinus and G. Asinius Gallus were consuls.
{Censorinus, de die. natali} {*Dio, 1. 55. 6:391}

6001. In their consulship there was a second census of the citizens made at Rome. In the census,
there were 4,233,000 Roman citizens, as is gathered from the fragments of Ancyran marble.

{Grater, Inscriptions, p. 230. } In Suidas in Aunousq the number is far less of those that were
numbered, 4,101,017. Suidas very ridiculously states that this number was for the city and not
the whole world.

6002. When Herod returned from Rome, he celebrated the dedication of the temple built again
by him within nine and an half years on the very anniversary of his kingdom when he first
received it from the senate. His custom was to solemnize the day with great joy. The king
sacrificed 300 oxen to God and numerous others offered sacrifices according to their abilities.
{Josephus, 1. 15. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:423>}

3997a AM, 4706 JP, 8 BC

6003. Herod had found that in his absence, his people had been greatly harmed by those thieves
of Trachona. He could not subdue them because they were under the protection of the Arabians
and neither could he tolerate their attacks. Therefore, he entered Trachona and he killed all their
relatives. By this they were the more incensed (especially because they had a law by which they
are commanded not to allow the slaughter of their families to go unrevenged.) Therefore they
ignored all dangers and molested all Herod's country with continual excursions and driving and
carrying away their goods. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 13. <c. 9. 1:443>}

6004. When Augustus would resign his principality since another ten years was almost expired,
he assumed it again as though against his will. He made war on the Germans. He sent Tiberius
against them but he himself stayed home. {*Dio, 1. 55. 6:393} He gave money to the soldiers
also because they had Caius along with them for the first time taking part in their military
exercises. {*Dio, 1. 55. 6:395}

3997b AM, 4707 JP, 7 BC

6005. Dionysius Halicarnassus began to write the books of Roman history in the 193rd
Olympiad when Claudius Tiberius Nero and Cn. Calphurnius Piso were consuls. This he stated
in the preface to those books. He was considered an historian by Clement {Clement Alexandria,
1. 3. c. 1.} and a rhetorician by Quintilian. {Quintilian, 1. 3. c. 1.}

6006. Herod sent to the presidents of Syria who were appointed by Caesar, Saturninus and
Volumnius (the agent) and demanded that he might punish those thieves of Trachona who were
wasting his country by there invasions from Arabia and Nabatea. They were told that the
robbers had increased to about 1000 and began to make sudden invasions and to waste both field
and villages and cut the throats of all that fell into their hands. Therefore Herod demanded those
thieves be turned over to him, and required the sixty talents that he had lent Obodas under
Syllaeus' security. Syllaeus had kicked Obodas out of the government and now ruled all himself.
He denied that those thieves were in Arabia and he deferred to pay the money concerning which
it was debated before Saturninus and Volumnius. Finally, it was determined by them that within
thirty days time both the money should be repayed and the runaways from both countries should
be turned over to each other. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 13. <c. 9. 1:443>} Syllaeus also swore by the
fortune of Caesar, in the presence of those presidents of Syria that he would pay the money
within thirty days and turn over those fugitives to Herod. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. 16. <c. 10. 1:447>}

6007. After the time appointed was come, Syllaeus was unwilling to live up to his agreement

and went to Rome. Herod, with the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius who had given him
permission to prosecute those obstinate people, entered Arabia with an army. In three days, he
travelled as far as they use to do in seven. When he came to the citadel where the thieves lived,
he took it at the first assault. He demolished this fortress called Raeeptu and did no harm to the
inhabitants of the country. When a captain of the Arabians came to their aid, they joined battle.
A few of the Herodians and about 25 Arabians were killed along with their captain. The rest of
the Arabians fled. When Herod was revenged of the thieves, he brought 3000 Idumaeans into
Trachona to restrain the thieves who lived there. He sent letters to the Roman captains who were
then in Phoenicia, in which he told them that he had only used the power they had granted them
against those obstinate Arabians and nothing else. When they inquired about this, they found
that what Herod had said, was true. { Josephus, 1. 16. c. 14. <c. 9. 1:443>}

3998a AM, 4707 JP, 7 BC

6008. At Rome, Syllaeus received letters about what happened but they grossly exaggerated
everything. These lies so incensed Caesar against Herod that he wrote to him threatening letters
because he had marched with an army from his own kingdom. At first, Caesar would not so
much as admit his ambassadors who were sent to plead his cause. They again petitioned to be
heard and he dismissed them without anything being done. {Josephus, Antiq. c. 16. c. 15. <c. 9.
1:443>}

6009. The Trachonites together with the Arabians seized on this occasion and attacked the
garrison of the Idumaeans that Herod had sent to them. Herod was terrified by the anger of
Caesar and was forced to bear it. {Josephus, Antiq. c. 16. c. 15. <c. 9. 1:443>}

6010. After Obodas, the king of the Arabians (of Nabatea) had died, Aeneas succeeded him in
the kingdom, who changed his name and was called Aretas. While Syllaeus was at Rome, he
tried by false accusations to have him thrust from the kingdom and to get the kingdom for
himself. He gave much money to the courtiers and promised many great things to Caesar. He
knew Caesar was offended with Aretas because he dared assume the kingdom without his
consent. {Josephus, Antiq. c. 16. c. 15. <c. 9. 1:444>}

3998b AM, 4708 JP, 6 BC

601 1. Caius and Lucius, the sons of Augustus by adoption, were raised in the imperial house.
They were quite insolent even when they were very young. Lucius, the younger of the two,
entered the theatre unattended where he was received with a general applause. This increased his
boldness and he even dared ask that the consulship might be given to his brother Caius before he
was of military age. When Augustus heard this, he wished that there might never be a time of
necessity as in his own case when the consulship was given to one that was not 20 years old.
When his son did earnestly desire this of him, he then said, that this office was to be undertaken
by one who could both avoid making mistakes and that could resist the desires of the people.
Finally, he gave the priesthood to Caius and gave him permission that he might go into the
senate and to sit with the senators both at the plays and the feasts. { *Dio, 1. 55. 6:401 } He also
granted that although they were not yet seventeen they should be called princes of youth.
Augustus declined the consulship for them which they strongly wanted. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. I.e.
3.}

6012. To make his sons behave more modestly like private citizens, Augustus granted to
Tiberius the power of Tribune for five years. He assigned him to Armenia which had revolted
after the death of Tigranes (who was made king by Tiberius.) This did not work as Augustus
planned and the sons and Tiberius were offended. The sons felt ignored and Tiberius feared their
anger and he went to Rhodes not to Armenia. {Xyphiline, ex Dio} {Zonaras, ex Dio} { *Dio, 1.
55. 6:403} He used the pretence that he wanted to study the arts but his real reason was so the
sons would be relieved of the sight of him and his actions. {Xyphiline, ex Dio} {Zonaras, ex
Dio}{*Dio, 1. 55. 6:403} {in Excerptis, ab Henric. Vales, edit. p. 662.} He feared lest his glory
might dim the beginnings of the careers of two rising young men. { Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
99. 1:257} Some thought that when Augustus' sons were now young men, Tiberius left the place
and the position of second highest in the empire which he held so long. He followed the
example of Marcus Agrippa, who went to Mitylene. Marcus Marcellus was admitted to public
offices. If Tiberius was present he might conflict with them and detract from their glory.
Tiberius gave that reason a long time later. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 10.}

6013. Some think that he went away because of his wife Julia whom he dared not accuse, nor
divorce and he could not endure her any longer. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 10.} {*Dio, 1. 55.
6:405} {in Excerptis, ab Henric. Vales, edit. p. 662.} Others say that he was offended that he
was not adopted by Caesar. Still others claim that he was sent there by Augustus, because he
acted treacherously against his sons. {*Dio, 1. 55. 6:405}

6014. Concealing his true reasons, Tiberius asked permission of Augustus who was his father-in-
law, to go away from Rome and from his wife. {* Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 99. 1:403,405}

{ Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 10. } Neither did he yield to his mother who humbly besought him or
his father-in-law complaining that he also was forsaken by the senate. They resolutely detained
him and he ate nothing in four days. Finally they granted him permission to go. He went down
presently to Ostia and did not say a word to those who went with him. He kissed very few of
them when he sailed. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 10.} At his departure, he opened his will and
read it before his mother and Augustus, {in Excerptis, ab Henric. Vales, edit. p. 665.} {Dio, 1.
55.6:405}

6015. From Ostia he sailed along the coast of Campania, where he heard of the weakness of
Augustus. He stayed there a little time. However, the rumour increased as if he tarried for an
occasion of greater hopes. He sailed to Rhodes almost in foul weather. { Suetonius, in Tiberius,
c. 11.} He took his journey like a private man, except that he compelled the Pharians to sell him
a statue of Vesta which he dedicated in the temple of Concord. {Dio, 1. 55. 6:405 } {in Excerptis,
ab Henric. Vales, edit. p. 662.}

6016. When he came to Rhodes, he was contented with a small house there and a slightly larger
one in the country. He lived a most retired life. He sometimes walked into their gymnasiums
without either sergeant or guard. He gave and received courtesies from the Greeks on equal
terms. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 11} Nevertheless, all the proconsuls and lieutenants who were
going into foreign provinces, came there to visit him. They always submitted their fasces to him.
Although as a private citizen, he confessed that his retirement was more honourable than when
he was in the government. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 99. 1:257} In his retirement, he
diligently listened to Theodoras the Gadarean, a rhetorician, who desired to be called the
Rhodian. {Quintil. 1. 3. c. 1.}

6017. There was a great conjunction of the planets which only occurs once every 800 years.

6018. Aeneas, who is called Aretas, the new king of the Arabians of Nabatea sent letters and
gifts to Caesar which included a crown worth many talents. In his letters, he accused Syllaeus of
many crimes and of being a most wicked servant who had poisoned Obodas. While Obodas was
alive, Syllaeus had done as he pleased. Caesar would not even hear his ambassadors and also
despised his presents and dismissed them without anything done. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16. c. 15.
<c. 9. 1:444>}

6019. Herod was compelled by the wrongs and insolence of the Arabians, to send Nicholas
Damascene to Rome to see if he could get any justice from Caesar through his friend's
mediation. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16. c. 15. <c. 9. 1:444>}

6020. The discord of Herod with his sons that he had by Mariamme was greatly increased by the
wiles of Eurichus, a Lacedemonian. He was the same person (unless I am deceived) who fled 25
years earlier with Antony from the battle of Actium. He was now being entertained by Herod
and stayed at Antipater's house. He had ingratiated himself to Alexander. Herod gave him 50
talents for information against Alexander. Eurichus went to Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia
and bragged how he had reconciled Alexander to his father's favour again. He received money
from Archelaus also and returned to Lacedemon. There he continued his wicked ways and he
was banished from Lacedemon. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16. c. 16. <c. 10. 1:444,445>}

6021. Herod made diligent inquiry about his sons. He put to death, by extreme torture, many of
his own and of his son's friends. However, he found nothing wrong except that some were too
free in their complaints about these unfortunate young men. They complained of their father's
immoderate cruelty and of the dishonest ease of listening to any gossip of wicked men. They
noted the impiety and wicked deceits of their brother Antipater and of the faction that was
combined against them. They thought to escape further harm by fleeing to Archelaus. His two
sons did not deny this but Herod put them in prison, as if they were guilty of treason against
their father. He said that he would punish them accordingly as his affairs went at Rome.
Concerning this business, he sent letters to Caesar by Volumnius, (the general of his army) as
Josephus calls him, {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 17.) and Olympius, his friend. Herod ordered that
on their trip they should stop at Eleusa, a town of Cilicia and give a letter to Archelaus. They
should expostulate with him because he was a partner in his sons' plans. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16.
c. 16. <c. 10. 4:446>}

6022. At Rome Nicholas Damascene allied himself with the Arabians who came to accuse
Syllaeus. He claimed that he was Herod's accuser before Augustus and not Herod's defender
otherwise he would not likely have been allowed to speak and turned away as others had been.
When Nicholas had exposed publicly many of Syllaeus' crimes, he also added that Caesar was
misled by his lies in the case of Herod. When he had so publicly shown and had confirmed by
certain and authentic records, Caesar condemned Syllaeus and remanded him to the province
that he might be punished after he had paid his debt. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16. c. 16. <c. 10.
4:446,447>}

6023. From this time, Augustus was reconciled to Aretas and Herod and then received his
presents which he so often had rejected. He confirmed by his authority, the kingdom of the
Arabians on him. He advised Herod also by letters, that he should call a council at Berytus and
meet with the presidents of Syria, Archelaus, the king of the Cappadocians, and others of his
friends and noble men. Together they should settle the whole business. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 16.

c. 16. <c. 11.4:448>}

6024. In the isle of Cos, an earthquake destroyed much property. {Eusebius, Chronicles}

6025. The angel, Gabriel, (who had in time past foretold to Daniel the coming of the Messiah,
by a definite number of weeks of years) appeared at the right side of the altar of incense to
Zacharias, the priest of the course of Abia as he was offering incense in the temple of the Lord
according to the custom of the priest's office. {Ex 30:7,8} He told him that there would be born
to him who was now old and to his aged wife Elizabeth, who was barren, a son. He would be
called John, a Nazarite, and be the forerunner of the Lord. He would minister in the spirit and
power of Elijah. Zacharias did not believe the promise and was made dumb. {Lu 1:5-22}

3999a AM, 4708 JP, 6 BC

6026. After the days of his ministry were finished, Zacharias returned home and his wife
Elizabeth conceived a son by him and hid herself five months, saying:

vv Thus hath the Lord dealt with me in the days wherein he looked on me, to take away my
reproach among men." {Lu 1:23-25}

6027. When Herod received Augustus' letters, he rejoiced exceedingly because he was restored
into his favour and he was given the power to do what he wanted with his sons. He convened by
messengers all those whom Caesar had appointed to meet at Berythus except for Archelaus who
kept his sons not far from the city, in Plaran a city of the Sidonians. First of all Saturninus, one
who had been a consul and one of great dignity spoke his opinion. He was moderate and said
that indeed the sons of Herod were to be condemned but not to be put to death. After him his
three sons who were their father's lieutenants, were of the same opinion. On the other side
Volumnius stated that they were to be punished with death because they were so impious toward
their father. Most followed his opinion. Then the king took his sons with him to Tyre where
Nicolaus arrived as he came from Rome. After Herod had conferred with him concerning his
sons, he ordered Nicolaus to sail with him to Caesarea. {Josephus, 1. 16. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:448>}

6028. At Caesarea a certain old soldier named Tero smartly reprehended Herod for the
wickedness he planned against his sons and told him that he and 300 captains were of the same
opinion. Herod ordered him to be cast into prison. Trypho, the king's barber used this occasion
and accused Tero. He said that he had been often solicited by Tero that he would cut the king's
throat with his razor as he was trimming him. Immediately both the barber and Tero and his son
were tortured. His son saw his father so cruelly handled. To free him from the tortures, he were
unadvisedly merciful and accused him of intending to murder the king. Then Herod brought
those 300 captains together with Tero and his son and the barber and accused them before the
people. The people threw anything that came next to hand and killed everyone of them.
{Josephus, 1. 16. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:449>}

6029. Alexander and Aristobulus were led to Sebaste and there strangled by their father's
command. Their bodies were buried in the citadel of Alexandrion where Alexander their
grandfather on their mother's side, and many of their family were buried. {Josephus, Antiq., 1.
16. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:450>, Wars, 1. 1. c. 17.}

3999b AM, 4709 JP, 5 BC

6030. When Augustus had assumed the twelfth consulship, he brought Caius into the court who
was now of age and designed him "Prince of Youth", and made him a prefect of a tribe,
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 26.} {Zonaras, ex Dio} {*Dio, 1. 55. 6:405} This title of prince was
given him by:

"all the Roman equestrians that gave him silver spears."

6031. Augustus stated this in the breviary of his deeds. Augustus also mentions the consulship
that was then decreed both to Caius and Lucius.

vv In respect of honouring me, the senate and people of Rome designed them consuls when they
were only fifteen years old so that they might enter into that office after five years, to be
calculated from that day that they were brought into the court."

6032. Thus the Ancyran Marble has it. {Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 231 } Whereas in another Roman
stone it is said that the people created Caius consul when he was only fourteen years old. (For
"created" it means "designed" for at this time his fourteenth year was ended and he was entering
on his fifteenth.)

6033. After his brothers were dead, Antipater, intended also to remove his father. Since
Antipater knew he was hated by many in the kingdom, he endeavoured by bribes to get the good
will of his friends at Rome and in Judea. He especially solicited Saturnius, the president of
Syria, and Pheroras and Salome, the brother and sister of Herod. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 1.
<1:451>}

6034. Herod sent home Glaphira the widow of his son Alexander to Archelaus, her father, the
king of Cappadocia. He gave her also a dowry from the king's treasury lest some controversy
should arise concerning it. He took good care of the young children of Alexander and
Aristobulus. Antipater was grieved by this and feared that when they were come of age, that
they would restrain his power. Hence, he plotted their destruction also and he so overcame
Herod by his intreaties, that he would allow him to marry the daughter of Aristobulus and allow
Antipater's son to marry the daughter of his uncle, Pheroras. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 1.
<1:451>}

6035. Herod invited Zamaris, a Babylonian Jew, and gave him a country in Trachonis to inhabit
so that he might guard that country against thieves. He came with 500 cavalry and 100 of his
relatives. He built various citadels in various places around Trachonis and also at Bathyra. With
these he gave safe passage to the Jews who came from Babylon to the feasts at Jerusalem from
the thiefs of the Trachonites and others. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 1. <c. 2. 1:452>}

6036. Antipater plotted treason against his father and involved his uncle Pheroras with him
along with some of the king's women who belong mainly to the Pharisees. Salome remained
loyal to her brother Herod. The Pharisees were a crafty people, arrogant and enemies to kings.
Thereupon when as the whole country was to swear loyalty to the king and Caesar, they alone
would not swear. They numbered more than 6000. They were fined by the king for this reason

and the wife of Pheroras paid their fine for them. Since they were thought to be able to foresee
the future, in return they foretold her that it was decreed that the kingdom would be taken from
Herod and his children and would be given to her and her husband and their children. Salome
told Herod about this and that they had solicited and corrupted many of his courtiers with bribes.
Herod killed the leading Pharisees who were involved along with the eunuch Dagoas and his
catamite, Carus who was commended to him for his handsomeness. Herod also killed whomever
he had found of his family that had conspired with the Pharisees. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 3.
<c. 2. 1:453,454>}

6037. After Herod had convicted the Pharisees and punished them, he called a council of his
friends. Before them, he began an accusation against Pheroras' wife. When Pheroras would not
forsake her in favour of his brother, Herod forbid Antipater to associate with Pheroras.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:453,454>}

6038. To remove all suspicion of his father from himself, Antipater through his friends who
lived at Rome, requested that Herod should send Antipater immediately to Augustus. Herod sent
along with him many expensive presents and his will. In it he stated that Antipater should be
king but if he died then Herod's son, Herod Philip, whom he had by Mariamme, the daughter of
Simon the high priest, would be the king. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 4. <c. 3. 1:454)}

6039. In the sixth month after John was conceived, the angel, Gabriel, was sent by God to
Nazareth in Galilee, to the most blessed virgin Mary who was betrothed to Joseph. They were
both of the tribe of Judah and of David's family. He greeted her and declared that she should
bring forth the Son of God and should call his name, Jesus. She was more fully instructed by the
angel of the admirable manner of her conception to be performed by the power of the Holy
Ghost who would overshadow her. With great faith, she said that it should be to the handmaid of
the Lord according to thy word. {Lu 1:26-38}

6040. Christ was thus conceived and the mother of the Lord hurried into the hill country to a city
of Judah. (That is, Hebron, a city of the priests located in the mountains of Judah {Jos
21:10,11}) When she had entered into the house of Zacharias, the priest and had greeted her
cousin, Elizabeth, she perceived the child to leap in her womb. Elizabeth was filled with the
Holy Ghost and declared that Mary was blessed. She believed this and confirmed that those
things should be performed that were told her by the Lord. Mary imitated that song of Hannah,

{ ISa 2:1-10} and spoke that divine hymn, "My soul doth magnify the Lord, &c." Mary stayed
with her about three months. {Lu 1:39-56}

6041. Syllaeus, the Arabian, went to Rome but had done nothing which Caesar had ordered him
to do. Antipater accused him before Caesar of the same crimes that Nicolaus Damascene had
previously accused him of. There was also present another accuser, Aretas (the king of the
Nabateans) who accused him of the murder of many honourable men without his consent. He
especially complained about the murder of Sohemus who was a man most famous for all virtue.
He also complained about the murder of Fabalus, Caesar's agent. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 18.
Antiq., 1. 17. c. 4. <c. 3. 1:454>}

6042. Herod banished his brother Pheroras into his tetrarchy because he so obstinately persisted
in the love of his wife. He went willingly and swore that he would never return until he heard of
Herod's death. Soon after that, Herod became sick and often sent for him to receive some private

instructions from him as he lay on his death bed. He refused to come for his oath's sake.
{Josephus, Wars. 1. 1. c. 19. Antiq. 1. 17. c. 5. <c. 3. 1:454>)

6043. When the time of Elizabeth was come, she gave birth to a son. When he was to be
circumcised the eighth day the bystanders would have had him called Zacharias, after his
father's name but his parents said that they would have him named John. Zacharias had his
speech restored and was filled with the Holy Ghost and prophesied saying, "Blessed be the Lord
God of Israel, &c." {Lu 1:57-68} When Joseph found his betrothed wife, Mary with child, he
was willing to put her away quietly. He was told by God in a dream that she had conceived by
the Holy Ghost and should bring forth her son, Jesus, who would save his people from their sins.
He then took her as his wife. {Mt 1:18-24}

6044. When Pheroras became sick beyond all hope of getting well, Herod, his brother, came and
visited him and very kindly sought help for him. However, he died within a few days. Herod
brought his body to Jerusalem and buried it there. Herod honoured him with public mourning.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 19. Antiq. 1. 17. c. 5. <c. 3. 1:454,455>}

6045. Two of Pherora's freed men who were most dear to him, (who were Taphenites) told
Herod, how he had been killed with poison by Doris, the mother of Antipater. Herod inquired
into this villainy and by luck he by little and little found out much greater villainies and the
obvious treasons of his son, Antipater. Antipater on his journey to Rome, had given a deadly
poison to Pheroras. Theudon, the brother of Doris, sent it from Egypt by Antiphilus, one of
Antipator's friends, to kill his father. Theudon did this when he was away so that no one would
suspect he had anything to do with his father's death. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c. 6. <c. 4.
1:455>}

6046. Thereupon Herod expelled Doris, the mother of Antipater, from the palace and took her
jewels from her which were worth many talents. Herod divorced his wife, another Mariamme,
the daughter of the high priest, who was in on this plot. He removed her son from his will,
where he was appointed successor. He also deprived his father-in-law of the high priesthood and
substituted Matthias, the son of Theophilus who was born at Jerusalem. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17.
c. 6. <c. 4. 1:455,456>}

4000a AM, 4709 JP, 5 BC

6047. On the day of atonement, when there was a solemn fast of the Jews, the new high priest
Matthias could not perform the divine service because he had suffered from nocturnal pollution.
Therefore Joseph, the son of Ellemus was appointed to be his assistant and substitute, since he
was his relative and the same day he entered into the Holy of Holies. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c.
8. <c. 6. 1:462>}

6048. Bathyllus, the freed man of Antipater came from Rome. When he was tortured, he
confessed that he had brought poison which he gave to Antipater's mother for Pheroras. He said
if the first poison was too weak, they could certainly kill him with this one. Antipater had his
friends at Rome sent letters to the king. These accused Archelaus and Philip, Herod's sons, of
complaining about the murder of Alexander and Aristobulus and pitied the misfortune of their
innocent brothers. These young men were at that time at Rome to study but now their father
ordered them to return. Thereupon Antipater bribed his friends with large gifts that they might

make his father suspect these two men who stood in the way of Antipater's ambitions. Antipater
himself, wrote to his father concerning them as if he were excusing them because they were
young. {Josephus, 1. 17. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:456>, Wars, 1. 1. c. 20.}

6049. Augustus ordered that all the Roman world should be taxed. This taxing first happened
when Cyrenius was governor of Syria. {Lu 2:1 } From this a little book was made by Augustus,
containing all the public riches, number of Roman citizens and armed allies. It listed the navies,
kingdoms and provinces. It had what tribute and customs were required to be paid. {Tacitus,
Annals, 1. 1. c. 11.}

6050. P. Sulpicius Quirinius is called in the Greek Kutwiou or Kurniou had been a consul at
Rome for seven years previous to this. Strabo {*Strabo, 1. 12. c. 6. 5:479} wrote about the
Homonadensians, a people of Cilicia:

vv Quirinius overcame them by famine and took 4000 men and distributed them into the
neighbouring cities."

6051. Tacitus wrote: {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 48.}

vv He was a valiant warrior and ambitious in all his duties. He had the consulship under
Augustus. He was famous for he won the citadels of the Homonadensians by assault and he
obtained the ensigns of triumph."

6052. Augustus himself had decreed that magistrates should not be sent into provinces as soon
as they had left office. { Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 36. } They should wait five years after their
term of office. {*Dio, 1. 53. 6:227}

6053. Thereupon Quirinius obtained the proconsulate of Cilicia and might be sent into Syria that
was close by either as censor with an extraordinary power or as Caesar's governor with ordinary
power. He would still retain the proconsulship of Cilicia and Sextius Saturninus of Syria. We
have often read in Josephus that Volumnius and Saturninus in like manner were called
presidents of Syria, when as Volumnius, was only epitropou {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 17.} A
little later, Quintillius Varus was made successor to Saturninus with the proconsular authority.
So nothing is incorrect in that Quirinius may be said to have succeeded or rather to have been
added to the office of administration of Caesar's affairs, as King Herod was. Josephus noted
Herod was to be the governor of all Syria {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. 15.} and was so constituted
by Augustus that he was added to the governors and that all things should be done according to
his wishes. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 15. c. 13.} Hence both would govern together as Tertulian has
it: {Tertulian, contra. Marcion, 1. 4. c. 9.}

vv that there was a tax raised under Augustus in Judea, by Sentius Saturninus."

6054. The words of Luke tell us when this same taxing was made.
vv when Cyrenius or Quirinius was governor of Syria."

6055. Luke would rather mention him than of the governor of Saturninus because he would

compare this taxing with another that was made by the same Quirinius ten years later after
Archelaus was sent into banishment. He stated that of the two taxings that this was the first that
was the time of the birth of Christ.

6056. When this first taxing was enacted, Joseph went up from Galilee, from the city of
Nazareth into Judea to the city of David, called Bethlehem because he was of the house and
linage of David so that he might be taxed with Mary his wife who was due to deliver. {Lu
2:4,5}

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The Seventh Age of the World

6057. Jesus Christ and Son of God, in the fulness of time was born of the most blessed virgin
Mary, at Bethlehem. {Mt 1:25 2:1,5 Ga 4:4} Mary wrapped him in swaddling clothes and laid
him in a manger because there was no room in the inn. {Lu 2:7}

6058. The birth of our saviour was revealed by an angel of the Lord to shepherds who kept their
flock by night in the neighbouring fields. They heard the word of a multitude of the heavenly
host who prayed for glory to God, peace to the earth and good will to men. The shepherds
hurried to Bethlehem and found Mary and Joseph and the child lying in the manger. They told
everyone what they had heard concerning the child and they returned praising and glorifying
God. {Lu 2:8-20}

6059. The child was circumcised on the eighth day after his birth and his name was called Jesus
as foretold by the angel before he was conceived in the womb. {Lu 2:21 }

4000b AM, 4710 JP, 4 BC

6060. The wise men from the east were guided by a star and came to Herod at Jerusalem. They
were told that the birth place of Christ was in Bethlehem of Judea. They went there and entering
into the house which was showed to them by the star that stood over it. They found the little
child with Mary, his mother. They fell down and worshipped him and gave their treasures to
him, gold, frankincense and myrrh. They were warned by God in a dream that they should not
return to Herod and so they departed into their own country by another way. {Mt 2:1-12}

6061. On the fortieth day after her delivery, Mary went to Jerusalem to the temple to present
him to the Lord according to the law of the firstborn and also to offer for herself a pair of turtle
doves or two young pigeons. (She could not afford to offer a lamb.) This was according to the
Levitical law. {Lu 2:22-24,27 Le 12:2-4,6,8}

6062. When his parents brought the child Jesus into the temple to perform the requirements of
the law, Simeon came into the temple to whom it was revealed by God that he should not die
until he had seen the anointed of the Lord. He took Jesus in his arms and praised the Lord and
spoke prophesies about Christ and his mother. At the same time, Anna, a prophetess the
daughter of Phanuel, came and publicly acknowledged the Lord and spoke of him to all who
looked for redemption in Jerusalem. {Lu 2:25-38}

6063. When Joseph and Mary had performed all the things according to the law of the Lord,
they returned into Galilee to their own city of Nazareth. {Lu 2:39}

6064. The angel of the Lord appeared to Joseph in a dream and warned him to flee to Egypt to
save the life of the child and escape the machinations of Herod. When he awoke, he took the
young child and his mother by night and went into Egypt where he remained until the death of
Herod. {Mt 2:13-15}

6065. Herod thought the young child was still at Bethlehem. He killed all the children who were

in Bethlehem and in all the surrounding area who were two years old or less. This was according
to the time when the star first was seen in the east and when the wise men enquired about the
child. {Mt 2:16}

6066. Herod received letters from Antipater from Rome, in which he told him that he had settled
all his business according to his wishes and he would return home in a short time. Herod wrote
to him back again and concealed his anger. He said he should hurry home lest anything happen
to him while he was away. He also modestly complained of his mother and promised that he
would settle all differences after his return. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:456>}

6067. Antipater heard no news all this time either of the death of Pheroras or of those things that
were brought against him even though seven months had elapsed. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 20}
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 6. fin. <c. 5. 1:456>} On his journey, he received a letter at Tarentum
about Pheroras' death. In Cilicia he got those letters from his father that told him to hurry home.
When he came to Celenderis, a town of Cilicia, he began to have doubts about his return and
was extremely sorrowful for the disgrace of his mother. However, he sailed on and he came to
Sebaste, the port of Caesarea. He was greeted by no one and he went to Jerusalem. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 17. c. 6. fin. <c. 5. 1:456,457>}

6068. It happened that at the same time, Quintilius Varus was at Jerusalem, who was sent as the
successor to Saturninus in Syria and was summoned there by Herod. Herod wanted Varus to
help him with his council in his weighty affairs. As they were sitting both together, Antipater
came in not suspecting anything. He entered the palace in his purple garment that he usually
wore. When he entered, the guards at the gates allowed none of his followers to come in with
him. As he approached them, his father thrust him from him and accused him of the murder of
Pheroras, Herod's brother and of intendeding to poison his father. He told him that on the next
day Varus would both hear and determine all things between them. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 6.
fin. <c. 5. 1:457>}

6069. The next day Varus and the king sat in judgment. His father first began the accusation and
left the prosecution and confirmation of it to Nicholas Damascene, his dear and close friend and
one who knew all the business. When Antipater could not clear himself from the crimes alleged
against him, Varus ordered the poison which he had prepared for his father to be brought out. It
was given to another condemned man who immediately died. After this, Varus arose from the
council and the next day he went to Antioch because this was the main palace of the Syrians.
Herod soon put his son into prison and sent letters to Caesar indicating what he had done. He
also sent messengers who by word of mouth, might verify to Caesar of the cursed treason of
Antipater. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 6. fin. <c. 5. l:457-460>}

6070. At the same time, letters were intercepted from Antiphilus to Antipater from Egypt along
with others from Rome which were sent to Antipater and Herod the king and written from
Acme. She was a Jew and a chambermaid to Livia, Caesar's wife. She was well bribed by
Antipater and sent a forged letter to Herod as if it had been written from Salome to her Livia
against him, in which she desired that she might have permission to marry Syllaeus. (This is that
Nabatean who was Herod's sworn enemy.) A little after this, Syllaeus was beheaded at Rome for
betraying Aelius Gallus on the Arabian expedition and for other crimes. {*Strabo, 1. 16. 7:363}
Herod sent by his ambassadors to Caesar, a copy of these letters together with those of his own
against his son. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 6. fin. <c. 5. 1:460>}

6071. While the ambassadors hurried to Rome, Herod fell sick and made his will. He left the
succession of his kingdom to his youngest son, Herod Antipas since he was estranged from
Archelaus and Philip, by the false accusations of Antipater. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 8. <c. 6.
1:460>}

6072. Judas, the son of Saripheus and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, were two of the most
learned of the Jews and best interpreters of the law. When they knew that the king's sickness
was incurable, they persuaded some young men who were their scholars that they should throw
down the golden eagle that Herod erected over the large gate of the temple. They went at noon
day, they pulled and hewed down with their axes the eagle while a large number in the temple
witnessed their actions. As soon as it was told the captain, he came with a strong band of
soldiers and laid hold upon some forty of the young men together with their masters and brought
them to Herod. These continually defended their actions and Herod ordered them to be bound
and sent to Jericho. He convened the rulers of the Jews and was brought into the assembly in a
litter because he was so weak. He complained not so much of the wrong done to himself as to
God, as he said. They denied that it was done according to their order and Herod dealt more
mildly with them. He took away the high priesthood from Matthias since he knew of this affair
and replaced him with Jazar the brother of his wife, (Mariamme, the daughter of Simon the high
priest.) He burned alive the other Matthias that was partner of this sedition along with his
companions. That night the moon was eclipsed {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 8 <c. 5. 1:461,462>}
on March 13th, three hours after midnight according to the astronomical tables.

6073. Herod's disease grew worse, for he was inflamed with a slow fire which was not felt but it
burnt up his very bowels. He had also the disease called bulimia which was a continual desire
for food. To satisfy this, he was always eating. He was also continually tortured with ulcers in
his bowels and pains of the colic. His feet swelled with a moist liquid. Also his thighs and his
members rotted and were full of worms. He also had a filthy and no less troublesome priapism
and a most terrible stench. In addition, he was troubled with convulsions and had difficulty in
breathing. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:462>}

6074. Although he was so grievously tormented that everyone thought he would die from this,
yet he hoped he should get well. He very carefully sent for physicians and sought medicines
from every place. He went also beyond the Jordan River into the hot baths at Callirrhoe which
drained into the Dead Sea. Beside their medicinal value, the water is pleasant to drink. By the
advice of his physicians, he was placed in a bathing tub filled with oil. When he seemed to have
died, his friends suddenly cried out and bewailed him. He came to himself and now realised
there was no more hope for recovery. He ordered 50 drachmas to be given to every soldier and
was generous to his captains and friends. He returned again to Jericho. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17.
c. 8. <c. 6. 1:462>}

6075. Augustus had heard that among the children that Herod, the king of the Jews had ordered
to be killed who were two years or under. One of Herod's own sons was also killed by this same
edict. Augustus said: {Macrobius, Saturnal, 1. 2. c. 4.}

vv It was better to be Herod's hog than his son."

4001a AM, 4710 JP, 4BC

6076. Herod by an edict, convened to Jericho from every place, the most noble of the Jews and
locked them up in a place called the hippodrome. He ordered his sister Salome and her husband
Alexas, that as soon as he was dead, they would order the soldiers to kill all those that were
confined so that the people should have cause for sorrow otherwise they would rejoice at the
death of their king that they hated so much. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:463>}

6077. Letters came from Rome from the ambassadors that were sent to Caesar. They stated that
Acme was put to death by Caesar who was angry for her involvement in Antipater's conspiracy.
Antipater was left to his father's pleasure, either to banish him or to put him to death. When
Herod had heard these things, he was cheered a little but presently he was in pain again. He was
hungry and called for an apple and a knife to peal it. When he tried to stab himself, Achialus, his
nephew, prevented him and called for help as he held out Herod's right hand. A great sorrow
with fear and tumult struck the whole palace, as if Herod had been dead. {Josephus, Antiq., 1.
17. c. 9. <c. 7. 1:463>}

6078. When Antipater heard the noise, he thought certainly that his father was dead. He began to
bargain with his keeper about letting him out. He promised him many things now and in the
future when it was within his power. The keeper told the king who for very anger cried out.
Although he was so near death yet raised himself up in his bed and ordered one of his guard to
immediately go and execute Antipater. He was to be buried in the castle of Hircania without any
honour. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 9. <c. 7. 1:463>}

6079. Then Herod changed his mind and made a new will. Antipas who before he had made his
successor in the kingdom, he made him tetrarch of Galilee and Petrea. He gave the kingdom to
Archelaus and assigned to his son Philip the regions of Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, Batanaea and
Paneada in the name of a tetrarchy. He gave to Salome, his sister, Jamnia, Azotus and Phasaelis
with 500,000 drachmas. To the rest of his family, he gave money and yearly pensions. To
Caesar he gave 10,000,000 drachmas of silver and all his vessels as well of gold as silver, and a
great quantity of precious clothes. To Livia, Caesar's wife and to some certain friends he gave
5,000,000 drachmas. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 10. <c. 8. 1:463,464>}

6080. After Herod had ordered these things, he died five days after he had executed Antipater.
He held the kingdom for 34 years after he had killed Antigonus but from the time that he was
declared king by the Romans, 37 years. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 9. <c. 8. 1:464>} He died
about the 25th of November that is the 7th of the month Chisleu which is therefore accounted a
joyful and festival day because in that day:

vv Herod died who hated all wise men."

6081. This is according to Edward Liveley, a most learned man, as noted in his chronology, in
the tyn[t tlygm, Volume of the Fejunii.

6082. Before the king's death was known, Salome and Alexas, sent all those home that were
locked up in the hippodrome. They said that Herod had so ordered that they should go into the
country and follow own their businesses. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 10. <c. 8. 1:464>}

6083. When the king's death was declared, all the soldiers were called into the amphitheatre of
Jericho. They first read the king's letter to the soldiers in which Herod thanked them for their

fidelity and love to him. Herod desired that they would be faithful to his son Archelaus, whom
he had appointed to be his successor in the kingdom. Then Ptolemy the keeper of the king's seal,
read his will which he could not ratify without Caesar's consent. Then was there a shout for joy
that Archelaus was king and the soldiers came flocking in with their captains around him. They
promised that they would be just as faithful to him as they had been to his father and they prayed
God to prosper him in his reign. Archelaus prepared the king's funeral most royally. { Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 17. c. 10. <c. 8. 1:464>}

4001b AM, 4711 JP, 3 BC

6084. After Herod had died who sought the life of the young child, Jesus, the angel of the Lord
appeared to Joseph in a dream in Egypt and ordered that he should return with the young child
and his mother to the land of Israel. When he awoke, he did what he was commanded to do. {Mt
2:19-21.}

6085. When Joseph came into the land of Israel, he heard that Archelaus reigned in Judea in the
place of his father, Herod and he feared to go there. God warned him in a dream and he departed
into the region of Galilee (the tetrarchy which Archelaus' father Herod had given to Antipas in
his will.) He settled in the city of Nazareth from whence Jesus took the name of Nazarene, {Mt
2:22,23} and the Christians of Nazarenes. {Ac 24:5}

6086. Herod's body was carried in a funeral possession 45 miles from Jericho, to the citadel
Herodion where he had arranged to be buried. {Josephus, Wars, 1. I.e. ult. fin. <c. 33. 1:597>}
Each day they only travelled one mile. He was carried on a golden bier embroidered with
precious jewel and covered with a purple cloth. His body was clothed with purple also. A
diadem was put on his head and also over him a crown of gold and a sceptre in his right hand.
His son and his relatives walked beside the bier and were followed by the soldiers, marshalled
according to their countries. Then came 500 servants who carried perfumes. {Josephus, Antiq. 1.
17. c. 10. <c. 8. 1:464>}

6087. After the funeral ceremony was over, Archelaus came to Jerusalem, and solemnized the
mourning for his father for seven days according to the traditions of the Jews. At the end of the
mourning, he made a funeral banquet to the people. He went up into the temple and wherever he
went he was congratulated. He went up to a higher place and sat on a golden throne. He spoke
graciously and honestly to the people. However, he said that he would not take the name of king
until Caesar had confirmed his father's will. After the sacrifices were over, he banqueted with
his friends. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c. 10. <c. 8. 1:464>}

6088. The friends of those whom Herod had put to death for throwing down the golden eagle,
made a sedition. They reproached the dead king and demanded some of his friends also to be
punished. Moreover they desired that Joazar, the high priest to be removed from the priesthood.
Archelaus tried to appease them but in vain. It happened that about the feast of the passover,
Archelaus sent the whole army against them and 3000 men were killed by the cavalry around
the temple. The rest fled to the adjoining mountains. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 9.
1:465,466>}

6089. Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother (Malthace, a Samaritan) to sail to Caesar.
He took along Nicolaus Damascene, Ptolemy (Herod's agent) and his many other friends. He

committed his family and kingdom to the trust of his brother Philip. Salome also, the sister of
Herod, went with him and took with her all her children. Others of his relatives also went under
the pretence of helping him to get the kingdom when indeed they planned to oppose him and to
accuse him for that deed that was committed in the temple. { Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 9.
1:466>}

6090. As Archelaus was travelling with this group, Sabinus, Caesar's agent in Syria met him and
said he sent to Judea to take charge of Herod's money. Varus, the governor of Syria fortunately
met him and restrained him for Archelaus had sent for Varus by Ptolemy. Sabinus yielded to the
governor and neither seized the citadels of Judea nor sealed up the king's treasures. He left all
things in Archelaus' control until Caesar should determine something concerning them. When
Sabinus had promised this, he stayed at Caesarea. After Archelaus sailed for Rome and Varus
returned to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem and seized the palace. He convened the captains
of the citadels and the king's agents and demanded the accounts from them and that the citadels
should be delivered over to him. The captains obeyed Archelaus and kept all things as they were
until the king's return. They pretended that they kept them for Caesar. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c.
11. <c. 9. 1:466>}

6091. At the same time Antipas, the son of Herod, sailed to Rome with hopes of getting the
kingdom for himself. Salome instigated him to do this since he was to be preferred before
Archelaus because he was appointed the successor of the kingdom in Herod's first will which
ought to have more validity than the second. He took with him his mother (Cleopatra who was
born at Jerusalem) and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus Damascene. He was one of Herod's best
friends and favoured his title. He especially included Irenaeus, an orator who was an eloquent
man knowledgable in the king's businesses, to help him secure the kingdom. After Antipas came
to Rome, all the relatives sided with him because they hated Archelaus. Sabinus wrote letters to
Caesar also to accuse Archelaus. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 9. 1:466>}

6092. Archelaus through Ptolemy showed a petition to Caesar containing his own right and the
accounts of Herod's money that was sealed up. When Caesar had read the petition as well as
Varus' and Sabinus' letters, he convened his friends. He gave the first place in the council to
Caius, the son of Agrippa and his daughter Julia whom he had now adopted. Antipater, the son
of Salome who was a very eloquent man, spoke against Archelaus to whom Nicolaus
Damascene answered in his defence. When he had finished his discourse, Archelaus fell down at
Caesar's feet, whom he courteously raised up and pronounced that he was worthy of the
kingdom. Caesar said pretending that he would do nothing unless it was prescribed in his
father's will or that should be profitable for Archelaus. When Caesar saw the young man
confirmed in some hope by his promise, he determined nothing more at that time. {Josephus,
Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 9. 1:466>}

6093. Varus came from Antioch to repress the seditions that were raised in Judea after
Archelaus' departure. He punished the instigators of the sedition and after the sedition was
mostly settled, he returned and left one legion in Jerusalem to prevent further seditions. As soon
as he was gone, Sabinus, Caesar's agent came there and took control of those troops. He thought
he was more than a match for the people and tried to seize the citadels. He forcibly searched for
the king's money for his own private wealth and covetousness sake. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c.
11. <c. 10. 1:468>}

6094. Many thousands came to the feast of Pentecost not so much for religion's sake but to

revenge Sabinus. They came not only from Judea which was more grievously afflicted but from
Galilee, Idumaea, Jericho and from the towns that were beyond the Jordan River. They fiercely
attacked Sabinus and divided their troops into three brigades. The Roman soldiers valiantly
opposed them and killed many of them. The soldiers entered the treasure house of the holy
treasure and stole most of it. 400 talents of that money was openly brought to Sabinus. A
company of the most warlike Jews besieged the palace but Rufus and Gratus, who had under
their command 3000 men of the most warlike and best of Herod's soldiers, allied themselves
with the Romans. In spite of this, the Jews zealously continued the assault and undermined the
walls. They exhorted their adversaries to depart and promised them safe conduct. Sabinus did
not trust them and would not withdraw his soldiers. He expected help from Varus. { Josephus,
Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 10. 1:468,469>}

6095. In this state of things, there were various other seditions raised in Judea and in other
places because the country did not have a king of their own who might restrain the multitude
and compel obedience to the law. For 2000 men, who had served under Herod, were disbanded
to live at home. They got together and attacked the king's faction who were under Archiabus,
Herod's nephew, and general for the king. He dared not attack the old soldiers on equal terms
and so he defended himself and his side as well as he could by retreating to the mountainous
regions that were hard to get at. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 10. 1:469>}

6096. Judas (the son of Ezekias who headed a robber band and in previous times tried to
overthrow Herod,) gathered a band of desperate men at Sepphoris, a city of Galilee and made
incursions into the king's dominion. He captured the king's armoury and he armed all his
soldiers and seized the king's treasure in those places. Thereupon he began to terrorise the
inhabitants. He spoiled all that fell into his hands. He aspired also to the kingdom, not by lawful
means, of which he was wholly ignorant, but by force. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 10.
1:469,470>} For whereas hdwhy of the Hebrews, is the same with hdwt of the Syrians, from
which comes Judas and Thaddaeus. {Lu 6:16 Mr 3:18} The name is Theudas since this Judas
seems to be no other than Theudas, of whom {Ac 5:36} Gamaliel spoke:

""Before these times rose up Theudas, boasting himself to be some body, to whom a number of
men, about 400, joined themselves, who were slain, and all as many as obeyed him, were
scattered and brought to nought."

6097. Simon also, a servant of King Herod's was a wise man esteemed among all men, for his
handsomeness, height and strength. He dared assume the kingdom. He was attended by a large
company and proclaimed king by them. These were an unbridled multitude and persuaded him
that he was more fit to be the king than anyone else. He began his kingdom by plundering and
burning the king's palace at Jericho. Then he burned other palaces and gave their plunder to
those who followed him. He would also have done more licentious deeds if he had not been
quickly stopped. Gratus, the captain of the king's soldiers, who then followed the Roman side,
marched with his forces against Simon. There was a fierce conflict on the other side of Jordan.
Simon's men fought in disorder and more from courage than skill and were defeated. Gratus
captured Simon, as he was fleeing through a narrow valley and cut off his head. {Josephus,
Antiq. 1. 17. c. 11. <c. 10. 1:470>} Tacitus refers this rather to Varus {Tacitus, History, 1. 5. c.
5 } and wrote this about Simon:

vv After the death of Herod, Simon made himself king, without so much as looking for Caesar's
consent, but he was punished by Varus, the governor of Syria."

6098. At Amatha, also by the Jordan River, a royal palace of the king, was burnt by the rabble of
men that Simon had. Athronges who was an obscure shepherd and only famous for his great
height and strength, made himself king. He had four brothers that were just as tall and strong
whom he made his lieutenants over the multitude that came flocking to him in this time of
unrest. He wore a crown and although he consulted others, he kept the sole command in his own
hands. The power of this man lasted long, (for he was not a king for nothing) until he was
brought under the power of Archelaus when he returned from Rome. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c.
12. <c. 10. 1:470>}

6099. Athronges' cruelty affected especially the Romans and the king's side for he hated them
both alike. His forces surprised a cohort near Emmaus as it was carrying food and weapons to
the army. He killed with their arrows, Arius, a centurion along with 40 of his best foot soldiers.
The rest would have been killed had not Gratus arrived with the king's soldiers and rescued them
but left the dead bodies. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 10. 1:470>}

6100. Quintilius Varus knew the danger that Sabinus was in by his letters and feared the utter
destruction of the third legion. He left with two other legions, (for at the most there were but
three legions in all Syria) and four troops of cavalry and the auxiliaries of the king and tetrarchs.
He hurried into Judea to help the besieged and ordered those who were sent ahead, to meet him
at Ptolemais. On his way past the city of Berythus, he received 1500 auxiliaries from them.
Antus was a Petrean and a friend to the Romans. In spite of his hatred of Herod, he sent him
good a number of cavalry and foot soldiers. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 10. 1:470,417>}

6101. After all the army came to Ptolemais, Varus turned part of it over to his son and to one of
his friends. They were to march against the Galilaeans who bordered on Ptolemais. When they
entered the country, they put all to flight who dared oppose them. They took the city Sepphoris
and sold all the inhabitants and burned the city. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 10. 1:471>}

6102. Varus went toward Samaria with the army but did no harm to the city because he knew it
had not been involved in the sedition. He pitched his camp in a certain village which was called
Aras and was in the possession of Ptolemy. The Arabians had burnt it because they hated
Herod's friends because they hated Herod as well as anyone who was Herod's friend. He
marched and came to Sampho which the Arabians first plundered and then burnt even though it
was well fortified. On all that march, they burned everything and killed anyone they met.
Emmaus was burnt by the order of Varus, in revenge of his soldiers who were killed there.
However, the inhabitants had first abandoned it. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 10. 1:471>}

6103. Then when they came near to Jerusalem, the Jews who besieged the Romans on that side,
were terrified as soon as they saw the army coming. They abandoned the attack they had begun.
Those of Jerusalem were grievously reproved by Varus. They excused themselves and said that
the people indeed were gathered together for the feast but that the sedition was not started with
their consent. It was caused by the boldness of the strangers who came there. Varus was met by
Joseph, a nephew of King Herod's, Gratus and Rufus with their soldiers and the Romans that
had endured the siege. Sabinus would not come but stole away secretly and hurried to the
seaside. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 10. 1:471>}

6104. Then Varus sent part of his army throughout all the country to capture the instigators of

this sedition. When he found them, he punished the most guilty and some were let go free.
About 2,000 were crucified for this sedition. After this he dismissed his army who were
disorderly and disobedient and committed many outrages for mere money's sake. When he heard
that there were 10,000 Jews gathered together, he hurried to apprehend them. They dared not
withstand him and surrendered themselves by advice of Achiabus. Varus pardoned the common
people for their sedition but sent the ring leaders to Caesar. So all things were made peaceful
again and he left the same legion in Jerusalem in the garrison. He returned to Antioch.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 10. 1:471>}

6105. Malthace, the mother of Archelaus, died of a sickness at Rome.

6106. When Caesar had received Varus' letter about the revolt of the Jews, he pardoned the rest
of the captains of the seditions and only punished some of King Herod's relatives who with no
regard for justice had fought against their own relatives. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 10.
1:471>}

6107. At the same time, with the permission of Varus, an embassy of the Jews came who
desired that they might live according to their own laws. There were about 50 ambassadors who
were joined by about 8000 Jews who lived at Rome. Caesar had convened a council of his
friends and chief citizens into the temple of Apollo which he had built at great expense. The
ambassadors and a multitude of the Jews who following them also went there. Archelaus came
also with his company. Philip was also there who came by Varus' advice from Syria so that he
might be an advocate for his brother to whom Varus wished well. He also wanted a share in the
division of Herod's kingdom. The ambassadors were given permission to speak and they began
with accusations against Herod and Archelaus and then desired that they might have no more
kings. They wanted the government to be annexed to Syria and that they would obey the
governors sent to them from Rome. When Nicolaus Damascene had answered the objections for
Herod who was dead and for Archelaus who was present, Caesar dismissed the council.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 12. <c. 11. l:471-473>}

6108. A few days later, Caesar declared Archelaus not to be king but made him lord of half part
of that dominion that was left him by his father, Herod. He promised him a kingdom if he
behaved himself so as to merit a kingdom. A fourth part of their tribute was remitted because
they did not join the sedition. These cities were included in his government, the tower of Strata,
Sebaste, Joppe, and Jerusalem. The cities Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos were cities which followed
the laws of Greece. For this reason Caesar annexed them to Syria. There accrued to Archelaus
600 talents annually from his own dominion. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 13. <c. 12. 1:473>}

6109. Caesar divided the other half of Herod's dominion into two parts, one for each of Herod's
sons. Herod Antipas was given Galilee with the little country of Petraea. (It was a most fertile
country and lies beyond Jordan between the two lakes of Tiberias and the Dead Sea.) This
generated 200 talents a year in revenue. Philip received Batanea with Trachonitis as well as
Auranitis, with a certain part of the palace of Zenodorus, (as they call it) which paid annually
100 talents. Salome received in addition to the cities which were left her by her brother, Jamnia,
Azotus and Phasaelis and 500,000 drachmas of silver. Caesar gave her a palace in Askelon and
she also received from those places which were subject to her, 60 talents. Her residence was
within the dominion of Archelaus. The rest of Herod's relatives received what was bequeathed
by his will. Also two of Herod's daughters who were virgins, received in addition to what was
bequeathed them, 250,000 drachmas of silver from the bounty of Caesar and they were married

to the sons of Pheroras. Caesar gave his portion of the king's estate which amounted to the sum
of 1500 talents to his sons. He kept only a few vessels not so much for their value but as keep
sakes for the memory of his friend. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 13. <c. 12. 1:473>}

6110. Thus the children of Herod governed the country and were now restrained by a threefold
division. {Tacitus, 1. 5. c. 9.} Strabo added this about his children:

vv Some of them Herod put to death himself under the charges of treachery, others at his death he
left as his successors and assigned to everyone his portion. Caesar also highly honoured Herod's
children and his sister Salome and Berenice the daughter of Salome."

61 1 1. A certain young man, a Jew of lowly parentage, was brought up in Sidon, with a Roman
freed man. He resembled Alexander the son of Herod in his face and pretended to be Alexander
who was saved from death with his brother Aristobulus by means of a certain friend of his
keeper. This man took on an accomplice who was very well acquainted about Herod's palace
and well instructed by this fellow's cunning and deceits. When he had sailed into Crete, he
persuaded all the Jews that came to meet him this thing was so. He got money from them and he
sailed to the island of Melus, where he got a huge amount of money under pretence that he was
of the king's family. He now hoped that he should recover his father's kingdom and he hurried to
Rome with his friends. When he had sailed to Puteoli, he was there likewise well received and
deceived the Jews. As he was coming to Rome, all the Jews who lived there came out to meet
him. When this news was brought to Caesar, he sent there Celadus, one of his freemen who was
previously very well acquainted with the young men. Caesar ordered him that if he was
Alexander, he should bring him to him. He likewise was deceived and brought him to Caesar.
However, he did not deceive Caesar who sent this false Alexander when he had confessed his
imposture to the galleys as a rower because he had a strong body. He executed the one that put
him up to this fraud. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. 14. <c. 12. 1:473,474>}

4002a AM, 4711 JP, 3 BC

6112. When Archelaus returned to his government in Judea, he removed the priesthood from
Joazar, the son of Boethus (or his grandchild by his son Simon) accusing him that he had
favoured the seditions and gave that office to Joazar's brother, Eleazar. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17.
c. 15. <c. 13. 1:474>}

4002b AM, 4712 JP, 2 BC

6113. Augustus brought his son Lucius (in his 13th consulship) into the court. {Suetonius,
Octavian, c. 26. } He conferred the same honours on him which he had conferred three years
earlier on his brother Caius shown by the inscriptions on the coins. They show ensigns of Caius
and Lucius with bucklers and spears with this inscription, "C. L. Caesares, Augusti. F. Cos. Des.
Principes. Juvent." This means "Caius and Lucius Caesar, the sons of Augustus, designed
consuls, princes of youth."

6114. In the same 13th consulship, he wrote on a monument of Ancyra, that he:
vv gave 60 denarii to the common people that received public grain, (welfare)"

6115. He added:

vv there were more than 200,000."

6116. This very thing is also found in Xyphiline, in his writings from Dio, {Xyphiline, ex Dio}
except that for 60 denarii, which the Greeks called drachmas, the Latin author wrote 240 denarii.
We do not know the basis for the change.

6117. When Augustus and Gallus Coninius were consuls, they satisfied the desires of the
Roman people with gladiatorial shows and a sham naval battle. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
100. 1:257} {Jerome, in Chronicle} For these shows, he brought water into the circus. Thirty
crocodiles were killed. {Xyphiline, ex Dio}

61 18. He also held a naval fight and hollowed the ground around the Tiber River. That place
was later called Caesar's Grove. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 43.} The hollowed place was 1800
feet long and 200 feet wide. He had 30 warships and many galleys and smaller boats fight. This
is recorded in the breviary of his doings which was engraved in the marble of Anoyra. Augustus
wrote that this was a novelty in Rome. Ovid makes mention of this: {Ovid, Art, 1.1.}

What, Caesar when, like a sea-fight by land,

Made the Persian and Cecropian beaks the sand

To ride? He brought both men and maids from the main,

And made the city all the world retain.

6119. When Augustus was preparing his games in Rome, there was trouble in Armenia. Only
Pompey had exposed the Armenians to the government of Roman governors. They had expelled
Artarasdes (or Artabazes) whom Augustus had set over them as governor and had substituted
Tigranes in his place. To support this revolt, they called the Parthians for help. So Armenia
yielded to the Parthians and the Parthians broke their alliance with Rome and seized Armenia.
{*Florus, 1. 2. c. 32. 1:341,343} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 101.} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 3.}
{Zenaras, ex Dio} {excerptis a Fulv. Ursino Edit, legat. 39.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviary}

6120. Augustus brought Caius and Lucius who were yet very young into the government
service. He sent them around the provinces and armies and they had the title of consuls.
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 64.} Hence we read in Velleius Paterculus, {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2.
c. 101.} that Caius went about the provinces to settle them. Beatus Rhenanus thinks it should
read "to quiet them." Justus Ligsius thinks it should read, "to visit them." This is the best reading
as that place of Dio shows in the collections recorded by Henricus Valesius, (p. 665.)

vv Caius Caesar went about as they usually do in peace, viewed the legions that were encamped
by the Ister River for he had never any command in the wars not that there was not any war at
that time. This was because he had learned the arts in peace and security while the dangers of
the war were committed to others to manage."

6121. At Rome in the very year that Augustus held the shows of the combatants on land and sea,
there was a filthy and horrible disaster in his own house. His daughter Julia who was altogether
unmindful either of the greatness of her father or husband, left no disgraceful deed untried that it

was possible for a woman to do or happen to her. She measured the greatness of her fortune by
her liberty in sinning and considered everything lawful if it pleased her. { *Velleius Paterculus, 1.
2. c. 100. 1:259} She came to such height of lasciviousness that she kept her mighty feasting in
the very courts of justice. She abused those courts with lascivious acts in which her father had
made the law against adultery. Thereupon her father was so enraged that he could not contain
his anger within his own house. He published these things and told them to the senators.
{Seneca, de Beneficiis, 1. 6. c. 32.} {Xyphiline, in Dio} {Excerptis, Valesii, p. 665.} He was not
present but he had a quaestor read a note to them telling everything that happened. He kept
himself also from any company for a very long time for very shame. He was thinking also of
putting his daughter to death. {Suetonius, in Octavian} At last, she was banished to Pandataria,
an island of Campania and her mother, Scibonia voluntarily accompanied her into exile.
{Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 100. 1:259} {Xyphiline, in Dio} Her mother was divorced from
Caesar on that very day she was born. L. Martius and C. Sabinus, were consuls at that time
{ *Dio, 1. 48. 1:291 } in 39 BC or 4675 JP. Hence Julia was 38 years old at that time. Macrobius
confirms she was at least that old. {Macrobius, Saturnal, 1. 2. c. 5.}

6122. Tiberius was in Rhodes and heard that his wife Julia was condemned for her lusts and
adulteries and that a divorce was sent to her in his name by the order of Augustus. Although he
was glad, yet he thought it his duty as much as lay in him to frequently write to Augustus. He
begged him that he would forgive his daughter and would give her, although she did not deserve
it, whatever he had given her. { Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 11.}

4003a AM, 4712 JP, 2 BC

6123. When Augustus heard that the Armenians had revolted and they were helped by the
Parthians, he was grieved and did not know what to do. He could not manage the war himself
because he was too old. Tiberius had withdrawn himself and he dared not trust any of the more
powerful citizens. Caius and Lucus were too young and unfit for such matters. From necessity,
he sent Caius and made him a proconsul. To give him more honour, he had him get married. He
would have more friends to give him wise counsel. {Zenaras, ex Dio} He married Lollia
Paulina, { Suetonius, in Claudius, c. 26. } who was either the daughter or niece of Marcus
Lollius. {*Pliny, 1. 9. c. 35. 3:243} {Solinus, c. 53.} Augustus wanted him to be an adviser for
his young son. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 102. 1:261} {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 12.}

6124. When Caius was prepared for this expedition, Ovid wrote mataioqecnian, in his first book.
He mentioned the recent naval battle which had ended.

Caesar prepares with courage to subdue

Of the whole world the only unconquered crew,

Now must the Parthian by him overcome,

Receive chastisement and observe his doom.

Rejoice yon buried Crassians, what you lost,

Revengefully is taken to their cost,

By one, though captain young, yet shows the world,

Such high achievements cannot be controlled.

6125. He added a little latter:

With father's fate and gravity renowned,

Thou fighting shalt with victory be crowned:

Such expectation doth thy name obtain,

Though now of young, a prince of old thou let reign.

6126. Ovid was a very good prophet in trying to predict the outcome of this expedition. He
recorded Caius' age correctly. His father Augustus was nineteen years old when he gathered his
army as it has been shown before from the Ancyran Marble. Caius just turned nineteen, when he
prepared for the Armenian and Parthian war. He was a commander in war just at the same age
that his father had been.

6127. The Emperor Augustus sent ahead Dionysius who was a most excellent geographer into
the east to note the geography of the land for his older son who was to go into Armenia. Pliny
records information about Parthia and Arabia. {*Pliny, 1. 6. c. 27-32. 2:421-459} We do not
know whether it was that famous Dionysius whose records of geography are extant in Greek
poetry or Dionysius, the son of Diogenes, of whom Marcianus Heracleota in his first book of
journeys stated that he measured the dimension of the earth.

6128. Caius Caesar was assigned Armenia for his province. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 3. 1. 3. c.
48.} He was sent into Syria. {* Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 101. 1:259} He was made the
governor of the east. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 12.} He was sent by Augustus to order the
provinces of Egypt and Syria. {Orosius, 1. 7. c. 3. } Pliny cites the letters of King Juba written to
the same Caius concerning the expedition into Arabia. {Pliny, 1. 6. c. 31. 2:445.} Caius had only
seen Arabia but never made any expedition there. {Pliny, 1. 6. c. 32. 2:459}

6129. As soon as Phraates, the king of the Parthians, heard of the war preparations that Caius
made against the barbarians, he sent an apology for those things that were done and desired
peace. Caesar replied by letters and ordered him to leave Armenia. Tigranes, at that time, sent
no embassy to him. {Dio, in Excerptis, ab Ursin. edit, legat. 39.}

4003b AM, 4713 JP, 1 BC

6130. When the time of his tribuneship was over, Tiberius finally confessed that he went into his
retirement only to avoid all suspicion of envy between himself and Caius and Lucius. There was
no danger concerning that now because they were grown men and next in authority to the
emperor. Tiberius requested that Augustus would give him permission to see again his relatives
whom he had a great desire to see. This was not granted and he was warned that he should
forget about those whom he so willingly left. { Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 11.}

6131. Therefore Tiberius stayed at Rhodes against his will. He was not able to obtain that
through his mother's request that he should remain there as a lieutenant to Augustus to cover his
ignominy. He only lived as a private citizen and was in danger and fear. He hid in the middle of
the island to avoid seeing those who sailed by. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 12.}

6132. When Caius went to the Armenian war, Tiberius crossed over to Chios to present his
service to him. He removed all suspicions about himself and was very humble to Caius and to
his followers. {Xyphiline, ex Dio} {Zonaras, ex Dio} Although Velleius flattered Tiberius, as
he did always and wrote that Caius gave all honour to Tiberius as his superior. {Velleius

Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 101. 1:259,261 } Suetonius wrote that Tiberius went not to Chios, but Samos,
to see his son-in-law, Caius. He was poorly received through the false accusations of Marcus
Lollius. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 12.}

6133. Tiberius came also into suspicion through gifts he gave to some centurions. (??) They
went from meeting him to the camp again and seemed to have given dubious commands to
many which might tempt them to a revolt. When Augustus knew of this suspicion, Tiberius
continually desired that Augustus would send one to him of any rank to be a witness to his
words and deeds. He stopped his usual riding and his other martial exercises. He went in his coat
and shoes and laid aside his country living. In that fashion he lived at Rhodes for the next two
years and every day he was more despised and hated. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 12.}

6134. Caius passed through Judea and scorned to worship at Jerusalem. As soon as Augustus
knew this, he highly commended him for this. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 93.} {Orosius, 1. 7. c.
3. } Orosius added that Caius came from Egypt and passed by the borders of Palestine.

6135. Zonaras {Zonaras, ex Dio} stated that Caius came from there into Syria and did nothing
praiseworthy. Velleius Paterculus stated that he behaved himself with such versatility that there
was much he could be praised for as well as critical of. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 110.}
Through the greatness and majesty of the Roman name, he settled all things. {Sextus Rufus, in
Breviary}

6136. When Quirinus returned to Rome, he married that generous woman Lepida, who was
intended for sometime to be the wife for Lucius. (??) She was the daughter-in-law to Augustus.
After twenty years when C. Marcus Valerius Messala and Marcus Aurelius Cotta were consuls
in 20 AD, he divorced her and accused her of trying to poison him. { Suetonius, in Tiberius, c.
49.} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 22, 23.}

6137. When Augustus wrote the letters to Phraates, he did not call him king. Phraates was not
intimidated but proudly wrote back again and called himself "king", and called Augustus
nothing but "Caesar." {Dio, in Xephiline} {Legat. 39. Ursin. deit.} When he knew that Caius
came into Syria, Phraates suspected that his subjects would not be quiet because they hated him.
Hence he made a peace with Caius on this condition that he would lay aside all claims to
Armenia. {Xyphiline, ex Dio} From this we read: {Eutropius, 1. 7.}

"'Augustus received Armenia from the Parthians."

6138. We read also {Eusebius, Chronicle} that Caius Caesar made peace with the Parthians.

6139. When Artabazes or Artavasdes had died of a disease, Tigranes sent presents to Augustus
for joy that his enemy was gone. He did not address himself as king and begged the kingdom of
him. Augustus was troubled by these things and feared a Parthian war. He accepted his presents
and offered him some hope if he went to Syria. He said:

vv The Armenians who were then stronger than the Parthians, are subdued by Caius. The
Armenians allied themselves with the Parthians and are easily overcome by Caius Augustus.
The Armenians thought it better to be reconciled to the friendship of the Romans and to live in

their own country than to join with the Parthians and loose their country and have the hostility of
the Romans."

4004 AM, 4714 JP, IAD

6140. This is the first year of the common Christian account of which we now calculate to be
1663 (when Ussher wrote this paragraph.) Caius Caesar was now twenty years old and this was
five years after he was brought into the forum. He was consul in the east, as Pighius showed
from a marble table of Naples and Anagna. {Pighius, Annals}

6141. Also this year, Tiberius lived at Rhodes as a banished man, under the pretence of leading
a anxious life, for thus Tacitus rightly terms it. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 4.} Thereupon when his
name was mentioned in a banquet, a man promised Caius, that if he would allow him, he would
sail immediately to Rhodes and bring him the head of that banished man. Tiberius was
compelled more from danger than fear to desire his return by his own and his mother's (of Livia)
most earnest requests. However, Augustus was determined to do nothing concerning this matter
except what pleased Caius. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 13.}

6142. After his climax year is past, Augustus celebrated his 64th birthday. On October 23rd (9th
calends), he wrote this letter to Caius.

VV A11 hail my Caius, my best delight whom in good faith I always desire when you are from me
but especially on such days as this is. My eyes always long for Caius, whom wherever you are, I
hope that you are merry and in health and celebrated my 64th birthday. For you have seen that
we have past the 63rd, the common climax of all old men. I pray the gods that for the rest of my
life that remaines, I may lead it in an happy estate for the government and that you are healthy
and behaving yourself like a man and will succeed in my place."

6143. This is from a book of the letters of Augustus to Caius that Aulius Gellius has preserved.
{Aulius Gellius, Noctibus Atticis, 1. 15. c. 7.}

4005a AM, 4714 JP, IAD

6144. Caius went to a conference with the king of the Parthians on an island in the Euphrates
River. Each side had an equal sized retinue. The Roman and the Parthian army faced each other
on either side of the river. First the Parthians was feasted by Caius on the Roman side and then
Caius by the Parthians on the Parthian side. Velleius Paterculus witnessed this event. He was
paymaster for the troops since he was a tribune for the soldiers. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
101. 1:262}

6145. At that time, the Parthians told Caius Caesar of the perfidious, subtle and cunning
councils of Marcus Lollius. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 102. 1:262} He was notorious for
taking bribes from the kings and for robbing all the countries of the east. Caius excluded him
from his friends although his own wife, the daughter or niece of this Lollius, was said to have
been given a gown by Lollius that was covered with pearls and valued at 40,000,000
sesterniums. (Some say this was a third of a million pounds of gold!) {*Pliny, 1. 9. c. 38. 3:243}
{Solinus, c. 55.} The more Caius was offended with Lollius, the more he showed himself gentle

and kind to his father-in-law, Tiberius. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 13.}

6146. Velleius did not know if the death of Lollius which happened a few days later was
accidental or a suicide. Pliny and Solinus stated that he died by taking poison. Velleius stated
that all men rejoiced as heartily over this man's death as the city mourned the death of
Censorinus. He died a little later in that province and was very well liked by everyone. {Velleius
Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 102. 1:259,261 } It seems that Caius Marcius was this Censorinus who
represented the Jews of Cyrene and of Asia to Augustus. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 16. c. 10. <c. 6.
4:436>}

4005 AM, 4715 JP, 2 AD

6147. Quirinius was made adviser to Caius Caesar to replace Lollius who served Tiberius when
he lived at Rhodes. Tiberius acknowledged this in the senate after the death of Lollius (??) and
commended the services of Quirinius to Caius. He accused Lollius as the author of the ill will
and differences between him and Caius Caesar. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 48.}

6148. With Caius' consent, Tiberius was recalled but on the condition, that he should hold no
office in the government. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 13.}

6149. Tiberius was very skilful in astrology. He had Thrasyllus, a mathematician with him, who
saw a ship sailing toward them in the distance which brought the news from Livia and Augustus
of his return from exile. Tiberius said he was happy when in fact these things had recently
happened to him before Thrasillus' predictions. Tiberius had intended at that very time as they
walked together to throw him headlong into the sea since he was not honest with him and knew
his secrets. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 14.} {Xyphiline, ex Dio}

6150. Tiberius had stayed seven years at Rhodes. In the eighth year after his departure, he
returned into his country when Publius Vineius was consul and Lucius and Caius were still
alive. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 14.} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 99. 1:255 c. 103. 1:263}
When he returned to Rome, his son Drusus was in the forum. Tiberius presently went from
Pompey's house in the street Carinae to Mecaenas, his gardens in Esquiliae. He wholly gave
himself to ease, doing some private entertaining but did not meddle with the government.
{Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 15.}

6151. As Lucius was about to go to the armies in Spain, he died at Marseilles of a sudden death,
who was not famous for anything, twenty two months before his brother Caius' death. { * Floras,
1. 2. 1:343} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 102. 1:263} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 3.} {Suetonius,
in Octavian, c. 65.} {Zonaras, ex Dio}

6152. After Lucius' death, Augustus would have adopted Tiberius but he vehemently refused it
for he feared the envy of Caius. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 103. 1:263}

4006 AM, 4716 JP, 3 AD

6153. Caius entered into Armenia and at first had good success. A little later Addo or Adduus,
(he was called also Ador by Strabo) the governor of Artagera, persuaded the citadel to revolt. He

enticed Caius to the wall, as though he would tell him some secret business, and wounded him.
Caesar's captains took the citadel by continual assault and dismantled it. { * Velleius Paterculius,
1. 2. c. 103. 1:263} {*Strabo. 1. 11. 5:327} {Zonaras, ex Dio}

6154. In Floras {*Floras, 1. 2. 1:343} this story is thus related. Dones or Domitus whom the
king had made governor of Artaxatis or Artagerae pretended to betray the king. He wounded
Caius as he was looking over a scroll which he had given him that contained a record of the
treasures. Caius was indeed wounded, but in a short time recovered from his wound. The
barbarians were attacked on every side by the army with the swords. Domitus was wounded and
hurled himself upon a burning pyre. Thus he made atonement with his life to Caesar who
outlived him. Sextus Rufus also followed Floras in his breviary. {Sextus, in Breviary}. However
he relates this as it had been concerning the Parthians and not concerning the Armenians. He
without any reason adds:

vv The Parthians to give satisfaction for such a bold attempt, first gave hostages to Octavian
Caesar and restored the ensigns that were taken away under Crassus."

6155. This is the account of all those things to this history of Caius (incorrectly called Claudius,
both here and by Jornandes, and in that writing of the Latins, that Georgius Syncellus transferred
into his Greek Chronicle) which Suetonius {Suetonius, Octavian, c. 21.} had written about the
Parthians. He confuses the two accounts and combines them into one:

vv The Parthians easily yielded up Armenia to (Octavian) who claimed it. They restored the
military ensigns to him that he demanded which were taken from M. Crassus and M. Antony.
Moreover, they offered hostages."

6156. Caius made Ariobarzanes governor over the Armenians at their request. He was a Mede
and was very handsome and intelligent. {Tacitus, Annals, 1.1.}

6157. Caius was less useful because of his wound and he was less energetic and his mind was
less profitable to the state. He never lacked the company of men who by their flattery fomented
his vices. By this it happened that he would rather spend all his time in any corner of the world
than to return to Rome. He became less astute through sickness and more retiring and he desired
that he might live a private life. Augustus was grieved by this and advised him that he should
return into Italy He sailed to Lycia and died of sickness in the city Limyra. { Velleius Paterculus,
1. 2. c. 102. 1:259} Tacitus notes that he died as he came from Armenia and was sick from his
wound. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1 c. 3. } Sextus Rufus affirmed that he died from his wound after he
returned to Syria. Suetonius confirmed that he died in Lycia as does also Dio and Velleius (who
was a tribune of soldiers and then served under Caius.) {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 65.}

6158. Augustus was very grieved by the death of Caius. In his letters, he complained to Asinius
Pollio who was his dear friend when eating a large supper when his grief was too fresh and
great. Pollio wrote back:

VV I supped after the same fashion when I lost my son Aterius. Would any exact more grief from
a friend than from a father?"

6159. Marcus Seneca relates this in the poem of the 4th book of his controversies. { Seneca,
Controversiae Suasoriae. 1.4.}

6160. The bodies of Caius and Lucius were brought to Rome by the captains, armies and
commanders of every city. The golden (or silver) shields and spears which they received from
the equestrians when they came to manhood, were hung up in the senate house. {Xyphiline, ex
Dio} Although Bellonius related in the second book of his observations that the epitaph of G.
Caesar may be seen at Hama or Emesa in Syria. However, his bones were buried at Rome as this
epitaph showed which is seen before the temple of the gods behind the temple of Minerva. "OSS
A C. CAESAR IS AVGVSTIF. PRINCIPIS JUVENTUTIS." This means the bones of G. Caesar
the son of Augustus, prince of youth. {Grater, Inscriptions, p. 235. 4.} There was a suspicion
that both these brothers were taken out of the way by the deceit of their stepmother Li via, to
make way for her son, Tiberius for the empire. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 3.} {Zonaras, ex Dio}

6161. Augustus was made a god by the people. He did not approve and forbid it by an edict.
{Xyphiline, ex Dio} {Zonaras, ex Dio} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 53.}

4007a AM, 4716 JP, 3 AD

6162. After the thirteen years of his government had expired, he took upon himself the empire
for another ten years. He did this as if it were upon compulsion. He had now become more mild
and was loath to exasperate the senators and would not offend anyone any more. {Xyphiline, ex
Dio}

6163. Augustus made Tiberius Nero his partner in the tribuneship. Tiberius eagerly refused both
privately and in the senate. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 103. 1:265} Suetonius stated that the
tribuneship was given to him for five years {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 16.} and Dio said for ten
years. {Dio, 1. 55. 6:425}

4007b AM, 4717 JP, 4 AD

6164. The Julian calender was now correct. The third intercalary day which was superfluous and
added by the carelessness of the Roman priests, was omitted this year in the month of February.
Later Augustus, who was the high priest, ordered that one day in the beginning of every fifth
year should be intercalated according to the edict of Caesar. To ensure the perpetual keeping of
this order, he ordered that it should be engraved in a brass table. {Macrobius, Saturnal. 1. I.e.
14. fin. } From the institution the records of all times after this are calculated. { Solinus, c. 3. } It
was no marvel, for it was constantly observed after this until the change of the calender made by
Pope Gregory 13th in the year 1579. Yet lest the fairs that were kept by the Romans at the
beginning of every ninth day, should fall on the first of January, one day was added often at the
end of the previous year and was removed again in the following year. This would keep the time
in agreement with Julius Caesar's edicts. {Dio, 1. 48. p. 377.} {Dio, 1. 60 p. 681.}

6165. After five years Augustus brought his daughter Julia from the island to the continent and
gave her some more gentle conditions of exile. However, he could not bring himself to recall her
altogether. When the Roman people intreated him for her and were very urgent with him, he
used this curse publicly on them that they should have such daughters and such wives.
{Suetonius, Octavian, c. 65.}

6166. When Aelius Catus and Sentius (Saturninus) were consuls on June 27th (5th calends of
July), Augustus adopted Tiberius Nero. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 103. 1:265} He swore
before the people that he adopted him for the commonwealth's sake. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c.
104. 1:265} {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 21.} Marcus Agrippa, the brother of Caius and Lucius
was adopted the same day whom Julia bore after the death of Agrippa. {Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2.
c. 104. 1:265} {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 15.} Augustus feared lest Tiberius should grow proud
and make a rebellion. Before he adopted him, he made Tiberius adopt Germanicus, the son of
his brother Drusus, although Tiberius had a son of his own. {*Dio, 1. 55. 6:425} {Suetonius, in
Tiberius, c. 15.} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 3.}

6167. Immediately after his adoption, Tiberius was sent into Germany, with whom Paterculus
went and served as a colonel of the cavalry. He was an eye witness of all that Tiberius did for
nine years. {* Velleius Paterculus, c. 104, 105. 1:265-269}

6168. When Tiberius was sent into Germany, the ambassadors of the Parthians, came with their
embassy to Rome. They were ordered to go into the province to him. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c.
16.} There were many contending for the Parthian kingdom and ambassadors came from the
noblemen of Parthia and desired to have a king of one of the three sons of Phraates who
remained as hostages at Rome. Vonones was preferred before his other brothers and was helped
by Caesar. He was joyfully received by the Parthians for some time. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c.
21.} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478,479>} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 2.}

6169. Augustus accepted the proconsular power so that he might raise a tax in Italy. { *Dio, 1.
55.6:427}

4008 AM, 4718 JP, 5 AD

6170. The sun was partially eclipsed { *Dio, 1. 55. 6:451 } on March 28 about five o'clock in the
afternoon according to the astronomical tables.

6171. Toga Virilis which was the gown that the Roman men wore at age 18, was given to
Marcus Agrippa Posthumous, (e.g. born after the death of his father) who had never had those
honours that his brothers (Caius and Lucius) had. { *Dio, 1. 55. 6:451 }

4009 AM, 4719 JP, 6 AD

6172. The rulers of the Jews as well as of the Samaritans could no longer put up with the
tyranny of Archelaus and accused him to Caesar. They knew that he had acted contrary to
Caesar's command by whom he was commanded to govern his subjects with justice and equity.
When Caesar heard this, he was very angry and sent for his agent who lived at Rome. He did not
write anything to Archelaus but ordered his agent to go to Judea and immediately to bring his
master to him. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 6.} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. ult. <c. 13. 1:474,475>}

6173. Archelaus claimed to have had a dream foretelling this misfortune. He saw nine ears of
grain which were eaten up by oxen. Simon, an Essean, interpreted those ears to be nine years of
his kingdom and said that now the end of his government was at hand. The fifth day after this,

the agent of Archelaus is said to have come to Judea. He found Archelaus banqueting with his
friends and told him Caesar's pleasure was that he must come and answer the accusations.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. ult. <c. 13. 1:475>}

4010a AM, 4719 JP, 6 AD

6174. About our November, on the seventh day of the Jewish month Cisleu, began the tenth year
of the reign of Archelaus. (What Augustus called an ethnarchy the Jews called a kingdom.)
Joseph the priest had a son named Matthias, in the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus as it is in
the public registers. Flavius Josephus, the historian, was the son of this Matthias. {Josephus,
Life, 1:1} For this very reason, Josephus thought it best to change what he had written formerly
in his books of the wars of the Jews about the nine years of Archelaus. In his books of
antiquities he substituted in the ten years in his kingdom and ten ears in the dream. No such
amendment was needed. He only reigned a few days in his tenth year of his ethnarchy or
kingdom. He was sent into banishment at the end of that year when M. Aemilius Lepidus and L.
Aruntius were consuls. Under their consulship:

vv Herod of Palestine (who was indeed none other than this Archelaus) was accused by his
countrymen and was banished beyond the Alps and his government was confiscated." { *Dio, 1.
55.6:465,467}

6175. When Caesar heard the accusations and the defence of Archelaus, he banished him to
Vienna of France and confiscated his country and his treasure. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 6. }
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 17. c. ult. <c. 13. 1:475>} This is that son of Herod, whom Strabo noted to
have lived in exile among the Allobroges of France. {*Strabo, 1. 16. 7:299}

4010b AM, 4720 JP, 7 AD

6176. Augustus proscribed his only nephew Marcus Agrippa who was born after the death of his
father. He was ignorant and foolishly fierce from a pride of his strength. He was found innocent
but Augustus confiscated all his goods into the military treasury and banished him to Planasia,
an island near Corsica. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 3.} {*Dio, 1. 55. 6:475}

6177. The government of Archelaus, that is, Judea, (containing the tribe of Judah and Benjamin)
Samaria and Idumea, was organised into a province and annexed to Syria. Quirinius was sent by
Caesar, to be the governor of Syria so that he might tax both it and all Syria. He was sent to
evaluate the wealth of the Jewish estates and to sell Archelaus' property and bring its money into
his own country. {Josephus, Antiq, 1. 17. c. fin 1. 18. c. 1. <c. 13. 1:475,476>}

6178. Although the Jews could barely tolerate even the mention of a tax, however, Joazar the
son of Boethus the high priest convinced them. He was either restored by Archelaus or else took
the priesthood again in his absence. Without much opposition, they allowed themselves to be
taxed. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 1. <1:476>}

6179. At the time of this taxing, Judas a Galilean arose and drew away many people after him.
After he died, all that followed him were dispersed according to Gamaliel. {Ac 5:37} Josephus
calls him a Gaulonite. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 1. <1:476>} He was born in the town of

Gamala but in another place Josephus agrees with Gamaliel and he calls him a Galilean and
wrote that he instigated the people to revolt from the Romans when Quirinius taxed Judea.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 2. <c. 1. 1:476> 1. 20 c. 3. <c. 5. 1:531>}

6180. Sadduc, a Pharisee was his associate and tried to stir up the people to rebel. He said that
this taxing was nothing else but an obvious sign of their servitude. He exhorted all the country to
stand for their liberty and gave them the hope that by this they should better enjoy their lives.
They would be confirmed in the possession of their estates and would be considered valiant.
They could not expect any help from God if they did not help themselves. The people readily
received these speeches and were encouraged to do something. These men troubled the country
for they filled all places with murders and robberies. They plundered without any respect of
friend or foe and murdered many noble personages. All this was done under the pretext of
defending the public liberty but indeed it was for their private profit. Judas and Sadduc were the
instigators of all these calamities and the example for all who were desirous of seditions. This
not only disturbed the country now but were the seeds of all the future calamities. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 18. c. 1. <1:476>}

6181. To the three ancient sects of the Jews, (that is the Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes),
Judas the Galilean founded a fourth one. Its followers agreed with the Pharisees and affirmed
that God only is to be accounted Lord and master of all. They would more easily endure any
most horrible torture together with their friends and children than call any mortal man, Lord.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 2. <c. 1. 1:477>}

6182. Quirinius sold and confiscated Archelaus' goods and went through the land with the tax.
(This happened in the 37th year after the victory at Actium beginning in September of the
previous year.) There was a sedition of the common people made against Joazar the high priest.
Quirinius removed him from his office and substituted Ananus (or Annas) the son of Seth in his
place. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478>}

6183. Quirinius was accompanied by Coponius, who was of the equestrian order and Coponius
was sent by Augustus to be the first governor of Judea, after it was organised into a province.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 2. <c. 1. 1:477>} {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 7.} The term of the
governors seems always to have expired after three years.

4011 AM, 4721 JP, 8 AD

6184. When Coponius was governor of Judea, in the passover of this or the following year, the
priests (as it was the custom always at this feast) had opened the gates of the temple about
midnight. Certain Samaritans secretly entered Jerusalem and scattered men's bones amidst the
porch and over all the temple. After this, the priests watched the temple much more diligently
than before. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 478>}

6185. At the passover of this year, Christ in the twelfth year of his age was brought to Jerusalem
by Joseph and Mary. After the seven days of unleavened bread were over, his parents returned
home and he stayed behind. They did not know where he was and looked for him for three days.
They found him in the temple, sitting in the midst of the teachers. He was listening to them and
asking them questions. All who heard him, were astonished at his understanding and answers.
{Lu 2:41-47}

6186. Jesus went down with his parents to Nazareth and was obedient to them. {Lu 2:51 } He
followed his father's trade as a carpenter and ate his bread by the sweat of his brow. From this,
his fellow citizens of Nazareth stated: "Is not this the carpenter, the son of Mary?" {Mr 6:3}

4012 AM, 4722 JP, 9 AD

6187. Ovid was banished to Tomas in Pontus because, he saw some dishonest act of Augustus
which he did not want to be seen. About this misfortune, we read him complaining: { *Ovid,
Tristia, 1. 2. 1:63}

Why saw I ought? Why did I guilty make My eyes? This sin why did I, wretch, partake?

6188. He was exiled also for his love of books he himself confirms and is recorded by Sidonius
Apollinaris and others. { *Ovid, Tristia, 1. 2. 1:61 } We have shown before, that he was born in
the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, and was at this time fifty one years old but the current year
was not complete. The poet records his age: {*Ovid, Tristia, 1. 2. e. 10. 1:203}

When twice five times with olive girt the knight. Had bore away the prize (his virtues right)
When by my princes rage I had command Of the Euxine Tomitae to seek the land.

6189. That is, as it is more clearly expressed by him, in his book in Iben, (he wrote against his
accusers when he first arrived at Tomos.) {*Ovid, Tristia, 1. 2. e. 8. 1:193}

When to this time ten lustrals I had seen.

6190. For he did not confuse the Olympiads which were every four years with the lustrals of the
Romans which were every five years.

4013 AM, 4723 JP, 10 AD

6191. Ovid signified this that he had passed the first winter in Pontus, and with that the first year
of his banishment, (for he had spent the former winter on his journey.) { *Ovid, Tristia, 1. 3. e.
12. 1:147}

Now zephyr tames the cold; the years run round,
A longer winter the Maeotae found.
The sign in Aries, the night did make
Her equal hours with the day partake.

6192. He noted the second year of his banishment. {Ovid, Tristia, 1. 6. e. 4.}

Since I my country left the barns twice filled And presses, grain and wine did to them yield.

6193. Marcus Ambivius was sent by Augustus, as the second governor into Judea. During his
stay, Salome died who was the sister of Herod. She bequeathed to Julia (Livia, Augustus' wife)

Jamnia, with its government, Phasealis which was located in the plain and Archelaus which was
very well planted with date palm trees which is a most excellent fruit. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c.
3. <c. 2. 1:478>}

4015 AM, 4725 JP, 12 AD

6194. Ovid recalls the beginning of his third winter that he spent in Pontus. { *Ovid, Tristia, 1. 5.
e. 10. 1:245}

Since I to Pontus came thrice Ister stood

With frost, and thrice lay glazed the Euxine flood.

6195. The senate and people of Rome, at Augustus' request, made a decree that Tiberius might
have the same power in all the provinces and armies as he himself had. { * Velleius Paterculus, 1.
2. c. 121. 1:307} Suetonius stated that this law was propounded by the consuls {Suetonius, in
Tiberius, c. 21.} that Tiberius should govern the provinces in common with Augustus.
Germanicus was consul all that year, whom the aged Augustus used to commend in writing to
the senate just as the senate itself did also commend him to Tiberius. {*Dio, 1. 56. 7:59} It was
no wonder that the senate should receive the commendation from Augustus:

vv to his son his colleague of the empire and partner in the tribuneship."

6196. as Tacitus stated. {Tacius, Annals, 1. 1. c. 3.} Tiberius was also made censor and he
committed the care of the city to Lucius Piso because he had continued two days and two nights
in drinking with him since Tiberius was now made a prince. { * Pliny, 1. 14. c. 38. 4:281 } Tacitus
confirmed that Piso was the prefect of the city for twenty years and did his job well. He died
when Domitius Aenobarbus and Aulus Vitellius were consuls in 32 A. D. and was honoured
with a public funeral. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 11.} From this it is gathered that Tiberius was
now prince or viceroy in 12 A. D. two whole years before Augustus' death. Therefore there must
be a distinction noted between the beginning of Tiberius' first being a prince or viceroy and his
later becoming emperor.

4016 AM, 4726 JP, 13 AD

6197. Ovid noted his fourth winter which he lived in exile. { *Ovid, Pontus, 1. I.e. 2. ad
Maximus 1:291?}

Here the fourth winter wearied me doth hold,
Resisting adverse fate, weapons, sharp cold.

6198. Annius Rufus was sent as the third governor to Judea by Augustus. { *Josephus, Antiq., 1.
18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478>})

4017a AM, 4726 JP, 13 AD

6199. When Lucius Munacius and Caius Silius were consuls, the fourth ten year term of
Augustus' empire was about to expire. Against his will, he accepted the government of the state

for another ten years and continued Tiberius' tribuneship. {*Dio, 1. 56. 6:63}
4017b AM, 4727 JP, 14 AD

6200. When Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius were consuls, Augustus wrote in a breviary
of his acts which was engraved in marble of Ancira that he with his colleague Tiberius,
numbered the people of Rome for the third time. In this census, the Roman citizens totalled
4,137,000. {Grater, Inscriptions, p. 230} Eusebius {Eusebius, Chronicle} is incorrect where he
said that there were numbered 9,370,000. Jornandes followed Eusebius in this error in his book
{Jornandes, Succession of Kingdoms and Times} and gave and even larger number. He added
that Augustus had:

''commanded all the world to be numbered since there was peace at the birth of Jesus Christ."

6201. Both he and Eusebius in that place conjecture that the birth of the Lord happened in the
42nd year of Augustus' empire.

6202. When Augustus made this great muster in Mars field, there were a number of people
there. An eagle often fluttered about Augustus and then went and sat on a nearby temple on the
first letter of Agrippa's name. When Augustus saw this, he commanded his colleague Tiberius to
make those vows that were usually made for the next year. For although all things were ready
for the solemnities of those vows, yet he refused to make those vows which he should not live to
perform. (??) {Suetonius, Octavian, c. 97.}

6203. About the same time the first letter of his name, that was on the inscription of his statue
which was set in the capital, fell down after it was struck with a flash of lightning. The
soothsayers said that he would live only an hundred days after that because the letter "C"
denoted 100 in Roman numerals. Also he should be canonized as a god, because "AESAR",
which was the rest of his name, in the Etruscan language, meant "a god". {*Dio. 1. 56. 7:67}
{Suetonius, Octavian, c. 97.}

6204. In the meanwhile, Augustus wrote a summary of his doings which he wanted to have
engraved in tables of brass and placed over his tomb. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. ult.} {*Dio, 1.
56. 7:73 } An example of this which was written in the marble of Ancyra, so often mentioned by
us, in which that former census that he took so recently was described.

6205. So Augustus ended his days at Nola in Campania, when those two Sexti were consuls and
were named on his tomb. {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 123. 1:311} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c.
100.} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 5. & 7.} {*Dio. 1. 56. 7:71} He died in the same house and
chamber, where his father Octavian had died, {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 100.} {Tacitus,
Annals, 1. 1. c. 9. } on August 19th, which was the same day he was first made consul.
{Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 100.} {*Dio, 1. 56. 7:69}

6206. Tiberius did not announce the death of Augustus before he had killed Agrippa
Posthumous. He replied to the captain who killed him and brought back word that he had done
as Tiberius had ordered that he had not ordered it and that he should give an account of it to the
senate. He was willing at the present to avoid its reproach. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 22.}

{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 6.} {*Dio, 1. 57. 7:119,121} After preparing all things according to the
time, the same news came together that Augustus was dead and that Tiberius Nero was emperor.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 5.}

6207. Although he had every intention of taking over the empire, yet he for a long time most
imprudently refused it and held the senate in suspense. They begged him and fell on their knees
to him. He replied with doubtful and delaying answers so that some upbraided him to his face
for his indecision. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 24.} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 124. 1:311,313}
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 7.} {*Dio, 1. 57. 7:117}

6208. Between this new principality, as Tacitus calls it, {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 6,7.} and the
former which he had 2 years before Augustus' death, was this difference. The former extended
only to armies and provinces of the Roman Empire but this to the head city itself in which
Tiberius only had the authority of censorship and tribuneship. He had the Augustal Principality,
that is, of governing after his own will and being freed from all bonds of laws. For Tiberius had
not equal power with Augustus as Lucius Varus had with Antony the philosopher who governed
the state with equal authority according to Spartianus. {Spartianus, in Hadrian, Aelio Vero, &
M. Aurelio.} His power was like Antoninus Pius had with Hadrian who was adopted by him and
made colleague with his father in the proconsular power (in respect of the other provinces) and
in the tribuneship (at home) as Julius Capitolinus stated. Thereupon Tiberius did not issue the
edict by which he called the senators into the senate by the authority of his new principality but
by the power of the tribuneship which he had under Augustus. However, he controlled the
Praetorian cohorts as emperor. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 7.}

4018a AM, 4727 JP, HAD

6209. The legions of Pannonia rebelled and were frightened by a sudden eclipse of the moon
and so submitted themselves to Tiberius. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1. c. 28.} {*Dio, 1. 57. p. 7:123}
This total eclipse happened on September 27th at five hours after midnight so that the moon set
even in the very eclipse.

6210. Ovid {*Ovid, Pontus, 1. 4. e. 5. 1:439} wrote about Sextus Pompeius who was consul this
year and { *Ovid, Pontus, 1. 4. e. 6. 1:441 } the next poem about Brutus, in which he mentions the
death both of Augustus and Fabius Maximus. (It is obvious from Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 1.
c. 5.} that Maximus died this year under Tiberius.) Ovid showed in these verses that he was
more than five years into his banishment and that then he was entering the sixth, (of the
beginning of which we are certain.)

Now one quinquennial Olympiad's run, In Scythia I, and the second Lustral gun.

6211. In this sixth year he remembered also: {*Ovid, Pontus, 1. 4. e. 10. 1:463}

This is the sixth summer on the Cymmerian shores That I must spend amongst these Getic
boors.

4018b AM, 4728 JP, 15 AD

6212. Ovid mentioned in his eulogy to Caras of the sixth winter, (from which he counts the
beginning of the seventh year of his banishment.) {*Ovid, Pontus, 1. 4. e. 13. 1:477}

This the sixth winter (my dear friend)
Must I in this cold climate spend.

6213. Where also he tells of a poem at this time written by him in the language of the Getes of
the canonization of Augustus. {*Ovid, Pontus, 1. 4. e. 13. 1:477}

Ah shame, in Getic language then did I
Compile a book, fancy my Posey;
Yea gloried in it, and estsoon began
Amongst these barbars to be the only man.

6214. An Hebrew woman that had been bound by Satan eighteen years from this date, was
restored by Christ to health. {Lu 13:1-16}

6215. Valerius Gratus is sent by Tiberius as governor to Judea to replace Annius Rufus. Gratus
held the government for eleven years. { Josephus, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478>}

6216. When the governor of Crete died, for the rest of his term the island was committed to the
charge of the quaestor and his assessor. {Dio, 1. 57. 7:147}

4019 AM, 4729 JP, 16 AD

6217. The Armenians had received Vonones into their kingdom who was expelled from his own
by the threats of Artabanus the king of the Parthians and Medes. Vonones solicited in vain for
help from Tiberius through his ambassadors whom he sent to Rome. Since the most powerful of
the Armenians followed the faction of Artabanus, Vonones gave up all hope of recovering the
kingdom. He retired with an huge amount of treasure to Antioch and submited himself to
Creticus Silanus, the governor of Syria. Because Vonones was educated at Rome, the governor
kept him with him in Syria and set a guard over him but allowed him to maintain the pomp and
name of a king. Artabanus set Orodes, one of his sons, to be king over the Armenians.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:>} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 4.} {Suetonius, Tiberius, c.
49.}

4020 AM, 4730 JP, 17 AD

6218. Ovid the poet died in banishment and was buried near the city Tomos. {Jerome,
Chronicles}

6219. Tiberius had Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia tricked into coming to Rome through the
letters of Livia. Tiberius hated him because he had not offered him any help all the while he
lived at Rhodes. She did not hide her son's displeasure with him but offered him mercy if he
would come and ask for it. Archelaus did not know of the treachery or possible hostility and
hurried to Rome. He was churlishly entertained and not long after he was accused of feigned
crimes in the senate. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 42.} He was accused as though he planned a

sedition. The old king was worn out with extreme old age and gout and was believed to dote on
the people. He defended himself in his letter in the senate and pretended that he was not well at
that time in his mind and escaped danger for the time being. { *Dio, 1. 57. 7: 157 } However, not
long after this he died from other causes because he was tired with grief and with old age. Then
Cappadocia was organised into a province and committed to the government of an equestrian.
{*Dio, 1. 57. 7:159} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 42.} {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 37.}

6220. Tiberius stated that by the profits of that kingdom of Cappadocia, the tribute of one in the
hundred might be stopped and appointed the tribute of one in two hundred to be raised. (??)
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 42. } He ordered that its chief city called Mazaca, a most noble city,
should be called Caesarea. {Jerome, Chronicles}

6221. At the same time after Antiochus, the king of the Commangenes had died, there arose a
contention between the nobility and the common people. The nobility desired that the kingdom
should be made into a province and the common people wanted another king. {Tacitus, Annals,
1. 2. c. 42.} { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:479>} In similar manner also the country of
the Cilicians was in a turmoil when their King Philopator died. Many wanted it to become a
Roman province and many wanted a kingdom. The provinces of Syria and Judea were oppressed
with taxes and made a petition that their tribute might be lessened. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 42.}

6222. Tiberius discussed these things with the senate and persuaded them that these problems in
the east could only be settled by the wisdom of Germanicus. Thereupon by the decree of the
senate, Germanicus was given the charge of all the provinces east of Italy. This was a greater
command than anyone before him had. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 43. } Under the pretence of
problems in the east, Tiberius intended to take him from the legions that he usually commanded
and gave him charge over new provinces which exposed him more to treachery and hazards.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 45.??}

6223. Because the governor of Syria, Creticus Silanus was related (??) to Germanicus, Tiberius
appointed Cn. Piso as his successor. He was a head strong and rebellious man and was well
aware that he was made governor of Syria to thwart Germanicus. Some believed that he had
secret orders from Tiberius to do so. Without a doubt, his wife Plancina was advised by Augusta
through female jealousy to quarrel with Agrippina (the daughter of M. Agrippa) and Julia, the
wife of Germanicus {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 43.}

6224. In the same year twelve famous cities of Asia were destroyed in one night by an
earthquake. These were Ephesus, Magnesia, Sardis, Mosthene, Aegae, Hiero-Caesarea,
Philadelphia, Temnus, Cyme, Myrina, Apollonia, and Hyrcania. They stated also that huge
mountains were laid flat and plains raised up into hills and fire flashed out of those ruins. The
disaster was most serious among the Sardians and created much sympathy for them. Tiberius
promised them 1,000,000 Sesterces and to release them for five year's time of all that they were
to pay to the common treasury. The Magnetes near the mountain Sypilus were the next worst
damaged. They were given relief from taxes for five years also as well as the Temnians,
Philadelphians, Aegetians, Apollonienses, and such as are called Mosthenians, or Macedonians
of Hyreania, and those who lived at Heiro-Caesarea, Myrina and Cyme. Tiberius sent some of
the senators to them to see the situation and help them. This charge was committed to M. Aletus
who was once a praetor. If one who had been consul over Asia had been sent, there might have
been some envy between equals (e.g. the governor of Asia) and the business would have been
hindered. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 43.} {*Strabo, 1. 12. 5:515,517 1. 13. 6:179} {*Pliny. 1. 2. c.

84. 1:329} {*Dio. 1. 57. 7:159} {Eusebius, Chronicles} {Orosius, 1. 7. c. 4.}

6225. For this magnificent generosity to the public, a large statue of Tiberius was erected in the
forum at Rome by the temple of Venus. Each of the cities which was rebuilt, also erected a
statue of Tiberius according to Phlegon Trellianus in his book of wonders stated from
Apollonius the Grammarian. Scaliger also adds that there were silver medals coined to
commemorate these things. On one side of the coin was the face of Tiberius and on the reverse
side was the picture of Asia in a woman's clothing sitting with these words CIVITATIBUS
ASIAE RESTITUTIS meaning, "for the cities of Asia restored."

4021 AM, 4731 JP, 18 AD

6226. Germanicus was sent out to settle the affairs of the east. {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 1.} He
sailed into the isle Lesbos where his wife Agrippina had previously given birth to Julia. He
desired to see the places of antiquity and fame, he went to the confines of Asia, Perinthus and
Byzantium, cities of Thrace. Then he entered the straits of Propontis and the mouth of the Pontic
Sea. Likewise he relieved the provinces which were oppressed with civil discord or oppressive
magistrates. He sailed to Colophon and consulted the oracle of Clarius Apollo. The oracle told
him in dark speeches (as the manner of oracles was) that his death was near. {Tacitus, Annals, 1,
2. c. 54.}

6227. Cn. Piso sailed as quickly as possible by the Cyclades and using the shortest routes by sea,
he overtook Germanicus at Rhodes. Piso was saved from danger of shipwreck by Germanicus
but yet was not placated. He left Germanicus and went ahead of him to Syria. When he came to
the legions with gifts and bribes, he tried to win them over to him. He reached such an height of
corruption that among the common people, he was called the father of the legions. Both he and
his wife Plancina as well by herself were involved in this. She instigated some of the soldiers to
obey her base commands and spoke disrespectfully against Agrippina and Germanicus. It was
all the easier because it was secretly whispered that this was done with the emperor's consent.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 55.}

6228. Although Germanicus knew about those things, the affairs of Armenia required his
attention first. At that time, the Armenians had expelled Vonones and had no king. (This is if we
can believe Tacitus for Suetonius {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 1.} stated that the king of Armenia
was conquered by Germanicus. This was Orodes, the son of Artabanus, king of the Parthians, as
it was stated from Josephus.) The good will of the country was inclined more towards Zeno, the
son of Polemon, the king of Pontus. From his childhood, he had imitated the customs and
clothing of the Armenians in hunting and feasting and other exercises which were greatly
esteemed by the barbarians. He had won to him the good will of the nobles and common people.
Germanicus intended to make him king in the city of Artaxatis. The noble men approved of this
and the multitudes flocked around him. The rest reverenced him as their king and greeted him
by the name of Artaxias after the name of their city. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 56. }

6229. Then the Cappadocians were organised into a province and Q. Veranius was made its
governor. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 56.} To encourage them that the Roman government would
be mild, some of the tributes that they used to pay to their kings, were reduced. Q. Servaeus was
made governor over the Commagenians. This province was ruled by a praetor. (??) {Tacitus,
Annals,!. 2. c. 56.}

4022a AM, 4731 JP, 18 AD

6230. After all the affairs of the allies were successfully settled, Germanicus was still uneasy
about Piso's arrogance. Germanicus had ordered that either he himself or his son, should lead
some of the legions into Armenia and neither did anything. Finally, they both met at Cyrrhum, a
city of Syria, where the tenth legion wintered. In the presence of a few families, Caesar had a
heated discussion with Piso and and Piso answered with a proud submission. Hence they
departed with grudges against each other. After that Piso was seldom at Caesar's tribunal, and if
at any time he assisted, he showed himself froward and obviously dissented from him. This
speech of his was told at a banquet made by the king of the Nabateans, where large crowns of
gold were given to Germanicus and Agrippina and small ones to Piso and the rest. This feast
was made for the son of a Roman prince and not for the son of the Parthian king. The son threw
away his crown, and spoke many things against the generosity of the host. (??) Although
Germanicus could hardly digest this, yet endured it all patiently. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 57.}

6231. Ambassadors came from Artabanus, the king of the Parthians, to Germanicus to renew the
friendship and league between them. The king said that he would give so much to the honour of
Germanicus that he would come to the banks of the Euphrates River. He desired in the
meantime that Vonones might not stay in Syria, lest by secret messengers he might make a
rebellion among the noble men of the country around there. Germanicus answered agreeably to
the alliance between the Romans and the Parthians. Concerning the king's coming and the
honour done to himself, he answered politely and with modesty. Vonones was moved to
Pompeipolis, a sea town of Cilicia. This was not done so much at Artabanus' request, as to spite
Piso to whom Vonones was most acceptable for many services and gifts which he had given to
Plancina, Piso's wife. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 58.}

4022b AM, 4732 JP, 19 AD

6232. When M. Silanus and L. Norbanus were consuls, Germanicus went into Egypt to learn its
history but pretended a concern for the province. He opened the granaries and brought down the
price of grain and did other things to win the favour of the people. He went about without
soldiers, wore open shoes and dressed like a Greek. Tiberius lightly blamed him for his
behaviour and apparel and sharply rebuked him that contrary to Augustus' order he had entered
Alexandria without the permission of the prince. However, Germanicus did not yet know that
his journey was frowned on and sailed up the Nile River starting at the town Conopus. Later he
visited the great ruins of Thebes where the Egyptians' letters could still be seen in the old
buildings which contained their ancient wealth. He intended to see other marvels of which the
main attraction was the stone image of Memnon. When it is illuminated by the sun, it makes a
sound like a man's voice. He also saw the pyramids as high as mountains built by the former
kings to show their riches. He saw the impassable sands and the hand made ditches to hold the
flooding of the Nile River. They were so narrow in same places and so deep in other places that
the bottom could not be determined. Then he came to Elephantine and Syene. So that summer
was spent by Germanicus in seeing various provinces. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 59-62.}

6233. At the same time Vonones bribed his guards and tried by all means to escape to the
Armenians and from there to the Albanians and Heniochians and to his relative, the king of
Scythia. Under the pretence of going hunting, he left the seacoasts and took the byways. His fast
horse brought him quickly to the Pyrimus River, whose bridges the inhabitants had broken down

when they heard of the king's escape. The river was too deep to ford across. Therefore on the
bank of the river, he was captured and bound by Vibius Fronto, captain of the cavalry. Then as it
were through anger, he was run through by Remmius Evocatus, to whose keeping he was first
committed. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 68.}

6234. The daughter to Jairus, the ruler of the synagogue, was born. She was his only child and
died when she was twelve years old. Christ restored her to life. During this year also, the woman
became sick of the flux of blood. Twelve years later she was healed by touching the garment of
Jesus. {Lu 8:42,43 Mr 5:42}

6235. There were many vain oracles that went about as though they had been the Sibyls
concerning the destruction of Rome which was to happen in the year 900 from its founding.
Tiberius reproved them and saw all the books which contained any prophesies. He rejected some
as of no importance and he received others into the number of those which were to be approved.
{*Dio, 1.57. 7:161,163}

6236. The senate debated about elimination of the Egyptian and Jewish religion. An act was
made that those who observed them must depart from Italy if within a certain day they did not
stop those practices. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 85.} They were compelled to burn all their
religious garments with all things belonging to them. {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 36.} This may
also be what Seneca refers to. {Seneca, ep. 108.}

vv When I was a young man in the government of Tiberius, the foreign rites of the countries were
removed. It was thought superstitious to abstain from some kinds of food."

6237. An horrible crime was committed against Paulina, a noble woman by the Egyptian
religion. When it was known, Tiberius commanded the temple of Isis to be thrown down and
Isis' statue to be drowned in the Tiber River. { Josephus, Annals, 1. 18. c. 4. <c. 3. 1:481>} A
certain imposter was the reason for the expulsion of the Jews. He fled his country for fear of
being punished, according to their laws. He then lived at Rome and made himself as though he
were an interpreter of Moses' law. He had also three associates like himself. A noble woman,
Fulvia, embraced the Jewish religion and became their scholar. They persuaded her that she
should send purple and gold to the temple of Jerusalem. When they had received this, they used
it for themselves. Tiberius was informed of this by his friend Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia
who complained of the wrong to his wife. Tiberius ordered all the Jews to get out of the city.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 5. <c. 3. 1:481>}

6238. The consuls enlisted 4000 of the youth for soldiers from the Jews who were the sons of
free men. They were sent into Sardinia to suppress the robbers. They thought it no great loss if
they should perish through the intemperance of the air. Many who refused to be enlisted because
of the religion of their country, were grievously punished. The rest of that nationality or any that
followed their religion, were turned out of the city under the penalty of perpetual slavery if they
did not obey. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 5. <c. 3. 1:481>} {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 36.}
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 85.}

6239. Rhascupolis or Rhascoporis, the king of Thracia, killed Cotys his brother's son, who also
was his partner in the kingdom. He was betrayed by Pomponius Flaccus. (Ovid mentions
Flaccus { *Ovid, Pontus, 1. 4. . e. 9. } as governor of Moesia.) He was brought to Rome and there

condemned and taken to Alexandria. He was killed as though he had made an attempt to flee
from there. {Tacitus, Annals 1. 2. c. 67.} {*Velleius Paterculus, 1. 2. c. 126. 1:311} {Suetonius,
Tiberius, c. 37.}

4023a AM, 4732 JP, 19 AD

6240. When Germanicus returned from Egypt, he found that everything he had ordered about
the legions or cities was not done or done exactly opposite to what he ordered. Thereupon, he
had very harsh words with Piso as if Piso had disobeyed the emperor directly. Hence Piso
decided to leave Syria, but was then detained by reason of Germanicus' sickness. When he heard
he was getting better and that the vows were to be made for his health, he thought his sergeants,
drove away the beasts brought to the altar and disturbed the preparation for the sacrifices and the
solemn meeting of the people of Antioch where Germanicus was. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 69.}
When Germanicus was sick, he used him most harshly in words and deeds without any
moderation. {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 2.}

6241. Then Piso went to Seleucia and expected Germanicus to become sick again. {Tacitus,
Annals, 1. 2. c. 69. } In the house where Germanicus lived, they found pieces of human bodies
dug out, verses and charms, his name engraved on lead sheets, ashes half burned and mingled
with corrupt blood and other sorceries. It was believed that by this the souls are dedicated to the
infernal powers. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 69.} {*Dio, 1. 57. 7:163}

6242. Germanicus was very angry and renounced by letters Piso's friendship according to the
ancient custom. Some add that he ordered him to leave the province. Piso did not stay but
weighed anchor. However he sailed slowly so that he might return the sooner if news of
Germanicus' death should open a way for him into Syria. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 70.}
{Suetonius, Caligula, c. 3.}

6243. Germanicus was greatly weakened by his sickness and knew his end was near. He accused
Piso and his wife Plancina and desired his friends to revenge it. He died to the great regret of the
province and the neighbouring people. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 71,72.} He died at Antioch from
a disease that had no respite when he was 34 years old. He was suspected to have been poisoned
that was given to him through the treachery of Tiberius and Piso. {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 1,2.}

6244. The day that Germanicus died, the temples were battered with a storm of stones, altars
were overturned, the household gods by some were thrown into the streets and children laid out
to die. They report also that the barbarians consented to a truce for public mourning with whom
there was civil war or war against the Romans. Some governors among them cut off their beards
and shaved their wives' heads, as a sign of their greatest mourning. The king of kings did no
hunting or feasting with the nobles, which is a kind of holiday among the Parthians. {Suetonius,
Caligula, c. 5.}

6245. His funeral was without any images or pomp and was solemnized with the praises and
memory of his virtues. Before his body was burnt, it lay naked in the forum of Antioch where it
was to be buried. It was uncertain, if he showed any signs of poison for there was a difference of
opinion. Those who favoured Germanicus thought he was and those who favoured Piso did not
think so. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 73. } In addition to the marks which were all over his body and
the froth which came from his mouth, the heart did not burn with the rest of his body. It was

thought that it would not be consumed with fire if the man died from poison. { Suetonius,
Caligula, c. 1. } In a speech Vitellius later made, he tried to prove Piso guilty of this villainy and
used this argument and publicly testified that the heart of Germanicus could not be burned
because of the poison. Piso used the defence that the hearts of those who die of the disease
called Cardiaca Passio cannot be burned. {*Pliny, 1. 11. c. 71. 3:549}

6246. Cneus Sentius was chosen as the governor for Syria, by the lieutenants and senators who
were there. They sent Martina to Rome, a woman infamous in that province for poisoning but
very much liked by of Piso's wife, Plancina. This was done at the request of Vitellius and
Veranius who alleged crimes and accusations against them as if they were already found guilty.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 74. } Although Agrippina was worn out with grief and sickness, she
was impatient of anything which might hinder her revenge. She sailed with Germanicus' ashes
and her children. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 75.}

6247. Piso received the news of Germanicus' death at the isle of Cos and expressed his joy most
intemperately. Plancina was more insolent, who then first of all stopped her mourning for the
death of her sister. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 75.} The centurions came flocking about him and
told him that the legions were already at his command and he should return to the province
which was wrongfully taken from him and now had no governor. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 76.}
He sent letters to Tiberius and accused Germanicus of riotousness and pride and that himself
was driven out to make way for a revolt Germanicus was planning. Piso said that he had taken
the charge of the army again with the same fidelity he had governed it before. He had ordered
Domitius Celer with a galley to sail to Syria as quickly as possible by the open sea and avoid the
longer coastal route. Piso then marshalled and armed renegades and his rascal companions. He
sailed over to the continent and intercepted an ensign of new soldiers who were going to Syria.
He wrote to the leaders of Cilicia to send him help. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 78.}

6248. Piso and his companions sailed by the coast of Lycia and Pamphilia and met with the
ships which conveyed Agrippina. They each hated one another and prepared to fight. They were
equally afraid of each other and only exchanged harsh words. Marsus Vibius told Piso that he
should come to Rome and answer for himself. He scoffingly replied that he would come when
the praetor who was to inquire into the poisonings would appoint a day for the plaintiff and
defendant. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 79.}

6249. In the meanwhile, Domitius went to Laodicea, a city of Syria, and came to the winter
quarters of the sixth legion. It was the best one to corrupt but he was prevented from this by the
lieutenant Pucureius. Sentius warned Piso by letters that he should not go about to corrupt the
army nor raise any war in the province. He immediately marched with a strong force and was
ready to fight. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 79.}

6250. Piso seized the strong citadel of Celenderis in Cilicia. He had intermixed the renegades
and the new soldiers that he had intercepted, with his own troops, Plancina's slaves (??) and the
forces which the leaders of the Cilicians had sent him. He marshalled them into the form of a
legion and then he drew out his companies before the citadel walls on a steep and craggy hill.
All the other sides were surrounded by the sea. When the Roman cohorts came, the Cilicians
fled and the Romans occupied the citadel. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 80.}

625 1 . In the meantime, Piso tried in vain to attack the navy that was not far off. He then returned

to the citadel again. He tormented himself on the walls and called every soldier by name. He
offered bribes and tried to raise a rebellion. He succeeded so well that the standard bearer of the
sixth legion defected to him with his ensign. Then Sentius commanded the cornets and trumpets
to sound and made an assault on the rampart. He raised the ladders and ordered the ablest men to
follow him and others to shoot from engines, arrows, stones and firebrands. In the end, Piso was
overcome and entreated that since he had laid down his arms he wanted to stay in the citadel
until Caesar was consulted as to who should be the governor of Syria. These conditions were
rejected and nothing was granted to him except naval escort and safe conduct to Rome.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 81.}

6252. When the rumour of Germanicus spread, it was exaggerated by the distance it travelled to
Rome. The people were deeply grieved by his death {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 82. } as much as it
pleased Tiberius and Livia. {*Dio, 1. 57. p. 615.} No consolations or edicts could restrain the
public mourning which lasted all the festival days of the month of December. { Suetonius,
Caligula, c. 6.}

6253. Germanicus was decreed every honour which love or imagination could conceive. Arches
were erected at Rome and on the bank of the Rhine River. On the Amanus mountain in Syria, an
inscription was placed of what he had done and that he died for the country. A sepulchre at
Antioch was made for his burial. A funeral monument was made at Epidaphne where he died.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 2. c. 83.}

6254. Although it was winter, Agrippina still continued her voyage by sea and arrived at the
island Corcyra opposite the coast of Calabria. She rested a few days to settle her mind and then
sailed to Brundusium. After she landed with her two children and held the funeral urn in her
hand, there was a general mourning among them all. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 1.}

4023b AM, 4733 JP, 20 AD

6255. Drusius, the son of Tiberius, went as far as Tarracina to meet her with Germanicus'
brother Claudius and the children of Germanicus who had remained in the city. The new consuls
M. Valerius and M. Aurelius, the senate, and a large number of the people lined the way.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 2.}

6256. The day that the remains of Germanicus were placed in Augustus' tomb in Campus
Martius, there was a desolate silence that was sometimes broken by their weeping. Everyone
honoured Germanicus and had great sympathy for his widow, Agrippina and railed against
Tiberius. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 4, 5.}

6257. When Piso came to Rome, he landed at Caesar's tomb. That day, the shore was full of
people. Piso with a large company of followers after him and Plancina with a number of women
in her train went ashore. They both looked very cheerfully and solemnizing their happy return in
an house that overlooked into the forum which was decked out for feasts and banquets. {Tacitus,
Annals, 1. 3. c. 9. } The next day Fulcinius Tiro accused Piso before the consuls. Tiberius
referred the whole case to the senate. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 10.} The day the senate met
Drusius, Tiberius made a prepared speech and tried to accommodate and moderate the
defendant's offence. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 12.} The accusers were given two days to bring in
their accusations and after six day's time, the defendant had three days to answer for himself.

{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 13.}

6258. As the case was pleaded, the outcry of the people could be heard before the court. They
said they would tear him in pieces if the senate found him innocent. They had dragged his
images into the Gemonian Steps and began to break them in pieces. (These steps descended
from the capital to the forum and were used to expose the bodies of executed criminals.)
However, by Tiberius' orders they were restrained from their actions. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c.
14.} They showed the same hatred against Plancina but she was protected by Tiberius (through
the influence of his wife.) Piso knew he was finished when his wife separated her defence from
her husband's. Thereupon he killed himself with his own sword. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 15.}

6259. Suetonius writes that he was almost torn in pieces by the people and was condemned to
death by the senate. {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 2.} Dio related this account. For the death of
Germanicus, Piso was brought into the senate by Tiberius himself. Piso desired that he might
have time to defend himself and he committed suicide. {*Dio, 1. 57. 7:165} Cornelius Tactius
says that he had often heard from the old men, {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 16.} that there was often
seen a little book in Piso's hand which he kept to himself. His friends said it contained Tiberius'
letters and commission against Germanicus. Piso planned to disclose it to the senators and to
accuse Tiberius, had he not been deluded by Tiberius' vain promises. Piso did not kill himself
but someone was sent to murder him. Tacitus said:

VV I will not confirm either of these things although I ought not to conceal it to have been said by
those who lived until I came to a man's age." {Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 52.}

4025 AM, 4735 JP, 22 AD

6260. Licences for ordaining sanctuaries increased greatly throughout the cities of Greece.
These places became havens for debtors against their creditors and those that were suspected of
capital crimes. Hence the wickedness of men was protected by the ceremonies of the gods.
Tiberius ordered that the cities should sent their charters and ambassadors to the senate to Rome
for confirmation. The Ephesians were first heard concerning this business. Then came the
Magnetians, Aphrodisians, Stratonicenses, Hiero-Caesarians, Cypriots, Pergamenians,
Smyrnians, Tenians, Sardians, Milesians, Cretians, and others. An honourable standard was
prescribed. They were commanded to erect altars in the very temples for a sacred memory yet so
that under pretence of religion, they should not fall into rivalries. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 60-
63.}

6261. Caius Silvanus was accused of bribery by his companions and banished into the Isle
Cythera. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 66-69} Caesius Cordus was also accused of bribery by the
Cyrenenses, by the suit of Ancharius Priscus and was condemned. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 3. c. 70.}

4026 AM, 4736 JP, 23 AD

6262. Aelius Sajenus killed Drusius (the son of Tiberius and his partner in the tribuneship after
Sajenus committed adultery with Drusius' wife, Livia) by poison given him by Lygdus, an
eunuch. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 8. 10.} Sajenus also accused the Jews who lived at Rome to
Tiberius of pretended crimes so that he might wholly destroy that nationality. He knew they
were the main ones who opposed his wicked practices and he said they conspired against the life

of the emperor. {Philo, de legat. ad Caium} {Flaccus, in initio.}

6263. After Drusius' funeral was over Tiberius returned to his accustomed business and took no
extra time off. He jeered the ambassadors of the Illenses that came too late to comfort him, as
though the memory of grief had been blotted out. He replied that he also was forty when they
had lost so gallant a citizen as Hector was. {Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 52.}

6264. The senate passed the decrees of Tiberius that the city Cibyra in Asia and Aeginum in
Achaia that were badly damaged by an earthquake should not have to pay tribute for the next
three years. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 13.}

6265. The Samians and the men of Cos sent their ambassadors to Rome and desired the
confirmation of their ancient right of sanctuaries. One temple was for Juno and the other for
Aesculapius. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 13.}

6266. Lucilius Longus died who was the companion of the fortunes of Tiberius whether good or
bad and who only of all the senators, was Tiberius' companion when he exiled himself to
Rhodes. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 15.}

6267. Lucilius Capita, the governor of Asia, was condemned by the accusation of the province.
In the previous year, they had brought C. Silanus to justice and the cities of Asia decreed a
temple dedicated to Tiberius, his mother, and the senate. They received permission to build it.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 15.}

6268. Valerius Gratus the governor of Judea, removed Ananus or Annas from the high
priesthood and made Ismael, the son of Fabus, the high priest. He soon removed him also.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478>}

4027 AM, 4737 JP, 24 AD

6269. Ismael was removed from the high priesthood and Eleazar, the son of Annas, (or Ananus
who was previously removed,) was made high priest by Valerius. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3.
<c. 2. 1:478>}

6270. Cassius Severus the orator, seventeen years earlier, was banished into Crete for his vicious
tongue by the decree of the senate. He behaved just as poorly there and had all his estate taken
from him. He was forbidden both water and fire and was banished into the stony island of
Seriphos. Eight years later, he died in extreme poverty. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 21.} {Jerome,
Chronicles}

6271. P. Dolabella, the proconsul of Africa, summoned to help him and his country men,
Ptolemy, the son of Juba, King of Mauritania. He killed Tacfarinas and put an end to the
Numidian war. The king of the Garamantes had helped Tacfarinas with light cavalry whom he
sent from a long way off. When Tacfarinas was killed, Garamantes sent ambassadors to give
satisfaction to the people of Rome. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 23-26.}

6272. Vibius Serenus a banished man, was falsely accused by his son of treason and was

condemned for an old grudge that Tiberius had against him. Gallus Asinius was of the opinion
that he should be confined, either to Gyaros or Donusa. Tiberius set aside his grudge and said
that he disagreed with that sentence. He said that both those islands lacked water and that to
whom life was granted, things necessary for life were also to be granted. Thereupon, Serenus
was banished to Amorgos, (one of the islands of the Sporades.) {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 28-30.}

6273. The ten year term of Tiberius' empire had expired and he made no plans of resuming it by
any decree for another ten years longer neither did he want to have it divided by ten year periods
as Augustus had done. He just continued on by his own authority. However, the decennial plays
were held. {*Dio, 1. 57. 7:181}

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4028 AM, 4738 JP, 25 AD

6274. Valerius Gratus removed Eleazar from the high priesthood after one year and gave the
office to Simon, the son of Camithus. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478>}

6275. The citizens of Cyzicum imprisoned some Roman citizens and had not completed the
temple for Augustus that they had started. They had their liberty again taken from them that they
had earned by being besieged in the war of Mithridates. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 4. c. 36.} {*Dio, 1.
57.7:183}

6276. Fonteius Capita, who had governed Asia as proconsul, was acquitted because it was found
that he was falsely accused by Vibius Serenus. (Tacit. Annal. 4. c. 36.)

4029a AM, 4738 JP, 25 AD

6277. Eleven cities in Asia strove with great rivalry to see in which of them would build the
temple that was appointed for Tiberius and the senate. Tiberius heard their ambassadors
disputing for many days concerning this matter in the senate. The Hypepenians and Trallians, as
also the Laodiceans and Magesians were eliminated as not having enough strength to do this.
The Ilians related how Troy was the mother of Rome and they had a good argument but the
glory of antiquity was doubted and they were eliminated. The Halicarnassians affirmed that their
city had not been shaken with an earthquake for 1200 years and that the foundation of their
temple was upon a natural rock. The Pergamenians were excluded because they already had a
temple to Augustus. The senators thought one temple was enough for them. The Ephesians and
Milesians were excluded because their cities were already involved with the ceremonies of
Apollo and Diana. The decision was between the Sardians and Smyrnaeans. Each presented
their case. The senate preferred the Smyrnaeans and Vobius Marius was of the opinion that M.
Legidus who governed that province, should be placed in charge of the new temple as well as
his other duties. Legidus refused through modesty and the senate selected by lot Valerius Naso
who had been praetor, for the job. {Tiberius, Annals, 1. 4. c. 55, 56.}

4029b AM, 4739 JP, 26 AD

6278. When Simon had held the high priesthood for one year Valerius Gratus appointed Joseph
as his successor in that office. He was surnamed Caiphas, the son-in-law of Annas or Ananus
who was formerly removed from the priesthood. {Joh 18:13} After the annual changes of the
high priest were completed, Gratus returned to Rome after he had been eleven years in Judea.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3. <c. 2. 1:478>} By this action, we are rather inclined to refer these
changes to the end of his government than to the beginning.

6279. Pontius Pilate was sent as the successor to Valerius Gratus. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 3.
<c. 2. 1:478>} Philo documents Pilate's actions in his government. {Philo, Embassy to Caius}
Philo wrote that he was afraid lest the embassy which was sent by the Jews to take away the
bucklers that were dedicated to him within the Holy City, would find out about his other crimes:

vv sale of judgments, repines, slaughters, rackings, condemning innocent men to death, savage

cruelty &c."

4030a AM, 4739 JP, 26 AD

6280. The 30th jubilee happened in the 30th year of our Lord Jesus Christ and the beginning of
his gospel. It was now proclaimed by the voice of one crying in the wilderness:

""Prepare ye the way of the Lord make his paths straight," {Mr 1:1-3}

6281. and the start of the acceptable year of the Lord or the time of his divine pleasure in which
the good God showed the great one to the world. {Isa 61:2 Lu 4:19}

6282. It was in the 15th year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, (which was the 13th of his empire
which began after the death of Augustus) when Pontius Pilate was governor of Judea, Herod
(Antipas), the tetrarch of Galilee and his brother Philip, tetrarch of Ituraea and the region of
Trachonitis and Lysanias, tetrarch of Abylene, under the priesthoods of Annas and Caiphas. The
word of the Lord came to John, the son of Zacharias in the desert. {Lu 3:1,2} He by God's
authority was a Nazarite who was both a priest and prophet of the Lord and baptized in the
desert of Judea. (These cities were mentioned in {Jos 15:1-6}) He preached the baptism of
repentance for the remission of sins. {Mt 3:1 Mr 1:4 Lu 3:3} By his ministry, he announced and
made known to Israel, Christ who would come after him. { Joh 1:7,8,13} So John would
certainly know who he was, God gave him this sign. Whomever he saw the Holy Ghost
descending on and remaining, he would know that it was he that should baptize others with the
Holy Ghost. {Joh 1:33}

6283. It is most probable that his ministry began on that most suitable day, the tenth day of the
seventh month, (about the 19th day of our October.) This was the solemn fast in which whoever
did not afflict his soul was to be cut off from his people. It was the day of atonement in which
the high priest went into the holy of holies to expiate the sins of the people with blood that was
offered. On the same day a trumpet was sounded announcing the start of the year of jubilee in
the land. {Le 25:9}

6284. Hence John the Baptist was the preacher of repentance and remission of sins to be attained
by the blood of Christ who was to come. John went into every region around Jordan, lifting up
his voice like a trumpet proclaiming:

vv Repent ye for the kingdom of heaven is at hand."

6285. Many came to him from Jerusalem, all Judea and the regions around the Jordan River.
(This would be especially true of that huge multitude who returned from Jerusalem after the
feast of tabernacles was over about the beginning of November.) Many were baptized by him in
the Jordan and confessed their sins. {Mt 3:2,3,5,6 Mr 1:5}

6286. John had his garment of camel's hair and a leather belt about his waist like Elijah. {2Ki
1:8} He ate locusts (which was a clean inexpensive food {Le 11:22}) and wild honey. {Mt 3:4
Mr 1:6}

6287. John sharply rebuked the Pharisees who came to his baptism. {Lu 3:10,13} When people
wondered if John was the Christ, John answered:

VV I indeed baptize you with water, but there cometh one who is stronger than I, whose shoe
latchet I am not worthy to unloose, he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire,
whose fan is in his hand, and he will throughly purge his floor, and gather his wheat in his barn,
and will burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire. {Lu 3:15-17 Mt 3:11,12 Mr 1:7,8}

4030b AM, 4740 JP, 27 AD

6288. When all the people were being baptized, Jesus came from Nazareth of Galilee to the
Jordan to be baptized of John. {Lu 3:21 Mt 3:13 Mr 1:9} John denied that Jesus needed any
baptism from him but the Lord urged him and said that it was needful that all righteousness be
fulfilled. Then John baptized him. {Mt 3:14,15} Jesus was about 30 years old. {Lu 3:23}

6289. There was made a most obvious manifestation of the trinity. The Son of God in the human
nature which he assumed ascended out of the water and was praying. The heavens were opened
and the Spirit of God was seen in a bodily shape like a dove and descended on him. The voice of
the Father was heard from heaven and said:

vv This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased." {Mt 3:16,17 Mr 1:10,11 Lu 3:21,22}

6290. Jesus was full of the Holy Ghost and returned from the Jordan. He was driven by the
Spirit into the desert. He was tempted for forty days and nights, by Satan while he remained
among wild beasts. He ate nothing and after this was over, he was hungry. {Lu 4:1,2 Mt 4:1,2
Mr 1:12,13}

6291. Satan then presented the Lord with a threefold temptation. When this was over, Satan left
him for a time {Mt 4:3-11 Lu 4:3-13} and the angels came and ministered to him. {Mt 4:11 Mr
1:13} Jesus returned in the power of the Spirit into Galilee. {Lu 4:14}

6292. Herod Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, had by Cyprus, the daughter of Phasaelus Agrippa
the younger, the last king of the Jews. He is mentioned in Acts. {Ac 25:1-26:32} He was 17
years old when his father died. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7. <c.5. 1:485> 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 9.
1:524>}

4031 AM, 4741 JP, 28 AD

6293. Berenice his sister of whom likewise mention is made in Acts was born and later married
to Herod, the king of Chalcis and was sixteen years old when her father died. {Josephus, Antiq.,
1. 18. c. 7. <c.5. 1:485> 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 9. 1:524>}

4033a AM, 4742 JP, 29 AD

6294. The fourth year of John the Baptist's ministry started. His ministry of preparing the people
for Christ was drawing to a close, for this was his primary purpose. The Lord himself, whose
way John had prepared, entered into his ministry. He executed his prophetic office and sealed

his ministry with famous miracles, for John did no miracles. John's ministry of preparation was
so celebrated by Isaiah and Malachi so many ages before. None will wonder that so long a
period of time was assigned to it by us when they consider that a shorter time for so great a work
would be too short especially without the help of miracles to accomplish as much as the angel
Gabriel confirmed to his father Zacharias that John should do. {Lu 1:16,17}

vv Many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God, and he shall go before him in
the spirit and power of Elijah, that he may turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the
disobedient to the wisdom of the just, and to prepare a people ready for the Lord,"

6295. Those words of Paul argue that not a short period of time but a full course of preaching
was to be finished by John before the coming of the Lord. {Ac 13:24,25}

vv When John had first preached before his coming the baptism of repentance to all the people of
Israel, and as John fulfilled his course, he said, whom think ye that I am? I am not he, but behold
there cometh one after me whose shoes of his feet I am not worthy to loose."

4033b AM, 4743 JP, 30 AD

6296. The next day after Christ came, the Jews from Jerusalem sent some priests and Levites of
the sect of the Pharisees to John when he was baptizing at Bethabara by the Jordan. They asked
him to plainly tell them if he was the Christ or not. He denied that he was Elijah or that prophet
(foretold by Moses, {De 18:15} and was indeed the Christ, {Ac 3:22 7:37} but by the Jews
thought to be another.) He said he was:

vv The voice of one crying in the wilderness, make straight the way of the Lord:"

6297. Then he added that testimony about Christ which Paul so praised:

VV I baptize with water, but there standeth one among you, whom ye know not, he it is, who
cometh after me, who is preferred before me, whose shoe latchet I am not worthy to unloose.
{Joh 1:19-28 5:33}

6298. The next day John saw Jesus coming to him and said:

vv Behold the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world. This is he of whom I spoke,
there cometh one after me, that is preferred before me, for he was before me, &c. and I saw him,
and testify that this is the Son of God." {Joh 1:29-34}

6299. The next day John stood with two of his disciples. John saw Jesus walking and said,
"Behold the Lamb of God." When his two disciples heard that they followed Jesus and stayed
with him that day for it was about the tenth hour (4 o'clock). Andrew was one of these two and
brought his brother Simon to Jesus. When Jesus saw Simon he said, "You are Simon, son of
Jona, you shall be called Cephas." {Joh 1:35-42}

6300. The next day Jesus went into Galilee and asked Philip (who was from Bethsaida, the city

of Andrew and Simon Peter) to follow him. Philip found Nathanael under a fig tree and brought
him to Jesus. Jesus said that he was truly an Israelite in whom there was no guile. Jesus said he
was that ladder of heaven, (foreshadowed by Jacob's dream, {Ge 28:12}) upon which the angels
of God were seen ascending and descending. {Joh 1:42-51}

6301. On the third day, there was a marriage in Cana of Galilee, to which Jesus was invited
along with his mother and his disciples. There he turned the water into wine which was his first
miracle. His glory was thus shown and his disciples believed on him. {Joh 2:1-11}

6302. Now we are come to the public ministry of Christ, whose acts we do record according to
the four distinct passovers we can gather from the harmony of the four gospels as written by that
learned man and much laboured in the studies of the Holy Scriptures, John Richardson, Dr. of
Divinity and worthy Bishop of Ardah, in our province of Armagh. In this record it is note
worthy that only Matthew neglected the order of time which is constantly observed by the other
three gospels (if you will exclude the parenthesis when John was cast into prison by Herod.) {Lu
3:19,20}

The

FIRST PASSOVER

Of The

MINISTRY Of CHRIST.

{Joh 2:13}

From which the first year of the

seventieth and last week of Daniel

begins in which the covenant is

confirmed with many.

{Da 9:27 cf. Mt 26:28}

6303. Jesus went to Jerusalem for the passover. {Joh 2:13}

6304. Jesus went into the temple, he scourged those who bought and sold there and drove them
out. As a sign of his authority, he told them how the temple of his body would be destroyed by
the Jews and be raised again by himself. {Joh 2:13-22}

6305. He performed miracles and many believed on him but he did not commit himself to them
because he knew what was in man. {Joh 2:23-25}

6306. He instructed Nicodemus the disciple who came to him by night about the mystery of
regeneration, in faith, in his death and in the condemnation of unbelievers. {Joh 3:1-21 }

4034a AM, 4743 JP, 30 AD

6307. Jesus left Jerusalem and went into the land of Judea with his disciples. {Joh 3:22}

6308. Jesus stayed there and baptized people. (That is his disciples baptized people who had
been baptized before either by himself or John.) John baptized in Aenon for he was not yet cast

into prison. {Jon 3:22-24}

6309. John's disciples and the Jews had a discussion about purifying. { Joh 3:25}

6310. John instructed his disciples who were envious of Jesus. John told them about Jesus and
his office and of the excellence of Jesus Christ, the Son of God. He gave this notable and last
testimony of him before his imprisonment. {Joh 3:26-36}

6311. Herod the tetrarch cast John into prison for reprehending his incest with his brother
Philip's wife and his wickedness. {Mr 6:17-20 Mt 14:3-5}

6312. Jesus heard that John was cast into prison and that the Pharisees had heard that Jesus had
made and baptized many disciples (that is, by the hand of his disciples.) He left Judea after he
had stayed there about eight months and went into Galilee. {Joh 4:1-3 Mt 4:12}

6313. Jesus needed to go through Samaria where he converted the Samaritan woman near the
city of Sychar and the citizens of Sychar. It was four months before the harvest, (or the
passover, about the middle of the ninth month, called Ab.) {Joh 4:4-42}

6314. After he had stayed two days in Sychar, he continued on to Galilee. (This is his second
return from Judea to Galilee after his baptism.) {Joh 4:43,44}

6315. Jesus was received by the Galileans who had seen the great things which he had done at
Jerusalem. He preached with great fame in their synagogues. {Joh 4:45 Lu 4:14,15 Mr 1:14,15}

6316. In Cana, Jesus healed the sick son of a nobleman. This was the second miracle that Jesus
did when he left Judea and came to Galilee. {Joh 4:46-54}

4034b AM, 4744 JP, 31 AD

6317. He did miracles in Capernaum and later came to Nazareth where he was raised. He
entered the synagogue, as his custom was, he expounded the prophesy of Isaiah about himself.
The citizens first wondered at this but later were filled with wrath. They thrust him out of the
city and tried to throw him down headlong from a hill. However, he passed through the crowd
and went his way. {Lu 4:16-30}

6318. He left Nazareth and lived at Capernaum. He taught them on the sabbath days and they
were astonished at his doctrine. Lu 4:31,32 Mr 1:21,22 Mt 4:13-17

6319. In the synagogue of Capernaum, he cast out an unclean spirit and ordered the spirit that he
should not tell who he was. {Lu 4:33-37 Mr 1:23-28}

6320. He arose from the synagogue and went into the house of Simon and Andrew and healed
Simon's wife's mother who lay sick with a fever. {Lu 4:38,39 Mr 1:29-31 Mt 8:14,15}

6321. About sunset, he healed all the sick folk who were brought to him and cast out devils. He

ordered them not to speak. {Lu 4:40,41 Mr 1:32-34 Mt 8:16,17}

6322. In the morning, he went into a deserted place to pray. When Simon and others sought for
him and would have prevented him from leaving, he replied that he must preach to other cities
also. {Lu 4:42-44 Mr 1:35-39}

6323. He went through all Galilee and taught in their synagogues and cast out devils. {Lu 4:44
Mr 1:39}

6324. As he stood by the lake of Gennesaret, a great multitude pressed upon him. Therefore he
entered into Simon's ship and taught the multitude from there. {Lu 5:1-4}

6325. When he had finished speaking, at his command, the disciples went fishing and caught a
large number of fish. Simon Peter, Andrew, James and John were astonished. Jesus commanded
them to follow him and he would make them fishers of men. {Lu 5:4-11 Mr 1:16-20 Mt 4:18-
22}

6326. Jesus went through all Galilee and taught in their synagogues and healed every disease.
His fame went into all Syria and a great multitude followed him. {Mt 4:23-25}

6327. In a certain city, he healed a leper. Jesus forbid him to tell anyone but he told everyone he
met. People came to him from every place to hear him and to be healed. So many came that he
could not publicly enter the city and he went into deserted places and prayed. {Lu 5:12-16 Mr
1:40-45 Mt 8:1-4}

6328. After some days, he again returned to his own city of Capernaum and he taught them at
home. In the presence of the scribes, Pharisees and a large crowd, he forgave the sins of one
who was sick with the palsy. The sick man was let down through the roof of the house and Jesus
healed the disease also to the astonishment of all. {Lu 5:17-26 Mr 2:1-12 Mt 9:1-8}

6329. Jesus went out again by the seaside and all the multitude came to him and he taught them.
As he passed by he saw and called Levi or Matthew who was sitting at the receipt of custom. Lu
5:27,28 Mr 2:13,14 Mt 9:9

6330. In the house of Levi, Jesus defended himself and his disciples for they ate with publicans.
He excused and vindicated them against the Pharisees because his disciples did not fast. {Lu
5:29-39 Mr 2:15-22 Mt 9:10-13}

6331. And it came to pass on the second sabbath after the first, (that is, the first sabbath of the
new year which was instituted after the Jews left Egypt and began from the month Nisan or
Abib,) Jesus went through the grain fields. He cleared his disciples from the reproach of the
Pharisees because they plucked the ears of grain. He explained the doctrine of the sabbath. {Lu
6:1-5 Mr 2:23-28 Mt 12:1-8}

The SECOND PASSOVER

of the

MINISTRY of CHRIST.

{Joh 5:1} cf. {Joh 4:3,5}

From which begins the second year

of the 70th week of Daniel.

6332. After these things, the feast of the Jews was coming and Jesus went up to Jerusalem. On
the sabbath day, he healed a man who had been infirmed for thirty eight years and lay at the
pool of Bethesda. He answered the Jews who were seeking to kill him because he said that God
was his Father. {Joh 5:1-47}

6333. He went from there and entered again into a synagogue and taught the people. He healed
one that had a withered hand. The Pharisees went out and immediately with the Herodians took
counsel how they might destroy him. {Lu 6:6-11 Mr 3:1-6 Mt 12:9-14}

6334. When Jesus knew this, he withdrew himself to the sea and healed the multitudes who
followed him. He strictly charged them that they should not make him known. He ordered his
disciples to have a small boat to wait on him because of the multitude who thronged him. {Mr
3:7-12 Mt 12:15-21}

6335. It came to pass in those days, that he went into a mountain to pray and continued in prayer
all night. When it was day, he chose the twelve whom he called apostles. {Lu 6:12-16 Mr 3:13-
19}

6336. Jesus went down with them and stood in a plain and a great multitude came to him and he
healed them all. {Lu 6:17-19}

6337. They went into a house and the multitude came together again so that they could not so
much as eat a meal. When his friends heard of this, they went to lay hold on Jesus for they said
that he was beside himself. {Mr 3:20,21 }

6338. When he saw the multitude, he went up into a mountain. When he sat down, his disciples
came to him. He then preached that long and excellent sermon, first to the apostles and later to
all the people. {Lu 6:20-49 Mt 5:1-7:29}

6339. When he had finished speaking to the people, he went into Capernaum and healed the
centurion's servant who lay sick with the palsy and was almost dead. {Lu 7:1-10 Mt 8:5-13}

6340. The next day, he went into the city of Nain and raised one who was dead and being
carried out for burial who was the only son of a widow. Thereupon, his fame spread abroad. {Lu
7:11-17}

6341. When John was in prison, he was told by his disciples about the fame and deeds of Jesus.
John sent two of them to him to ask to ask if Jesus was the one they should expect or should
they look for someone else. After they returned to John with Jesus' answer, Jesus gave a great
testimony about John. Then he upbraided some cities for their ingratitude. He rested in the fact
of the divine sovereignty of his Father who hid these things from some and revealed them to
others. {Lu 7:18-35 Mt 11:2-30}

6342. And Simon, the Pharisee wanted Jesus to dine with him. As they were eating, Simon
criticized the actions of a women because she was a great sinner. Jesus defended the woman
who washed his feet with her tears and wiped them with the hairs of her head and kissed and
anointed them. {Lu 7:36-50}

6343. It came to pass later that he went from the city and preached. His disciples were with him
and certain women ministered to him. {Lu 8:1-3}

6344. They brought to him one who had a demon and who was blind and dumb. Jesus healed
him and eagerly defended himself against the Pharisees and scribes that came down from
Jerusalem who blasphemed him said that he cast out devils through Beelzebub. {Mr 3:22-30 Mt
12:22-37} Some of the scribes and Pharisees asked for a sign. When Jesus had sharply rebuked
them, he gave them no other sign than that of Jonah. {Mt 12:38-45}

6345. And while he spoke to the people, he was told that his mother and brethren, stood outside
and wanted to see and speak with him. Jesus replied and showed them whom he counted for his
mother and brothers and sisters. {Lu 8:19-21 Mr 3:31-35 Mt 12:46-50}

6346. The same day Jesus left the house and sat by the seaside. Great multitudes came to him so
that he went into a boat and sat and taught them many things through the parable of the sower
and many other parables. {Lu 8:4-18 Mr 4: 1-34 Mt 13:1-53}

6347. The same day at evening, he told his disciples to sail across the lake. When he had given
an answer to some who wanted to follow him, he sent away the multitudes. As they were
sailing, a strong storm of wind came up. He rebuked the wind and calmed the sea and saved his
disciples. {Lu 8:22-26 Mr 4:35-41 Mt 8:18-27}

6348. They came to the other side into the country of the Gadarenes, or Gergesenes which was
on the opposite shore from Galilee. When he was come to land, he was met by two fierce men
who were possessed with demons. (Mark and Luke mention only one man.) He cast out the
demons and allowed them to enter into a herd of swine. The Gadarenes asked him to leave their
country. The possessed persons begged Jesus to stay with them. This request was denied and
Jesus sent them back to proclaim around Decapolis what great things Jesus had done for them.
Jesus sailed across the lake again to his own city of Capernaum. {Lu 8:27-39 Mr 5:1-20 Mt 8:28-
34}

6349. It came to pass that when Jesus was returned, the people received him gladly for they
waited for him. He was by the seaside. {Lu 8:40 Mr 5:21 }

6350. The disciples of John came to him and asked why do we and the Pharisees fast often but
your disciples do not fast? He answered their question. {Mt 9:14-17}

6351. While he was speaking, Jairus, one of the rulers of the synagogues came and begged him
to heal his only daughter. She was about twelve years old and lay at the point of death. As he
was going and almost at Jairus' house, a woman who had an issue of blood twelve years, was
suddenly healed by touching the hem of Jesus' garment. The dead daughter of Jairus was
restored to life by his word only. He strictly ordered them to tell no one about it. {Lu 8:41-56

Mr 5:22-42 Mt 9:18-26}

6352. When he departed from there, two blind men followed him whom he healed. He strictly
ordered them to tell no one but they told everyone they met. {Mt 9:27-31 }

6353. As they went out, they brought to Jesus a dumb man who was possessed with a demon.
When the demon was cast out, the dumb man spoke and the multitude marvelled but the
Pharisees blasphemed. {Mt 9:32-34}

6354. He went all around their cities and villages. He taught them and healed their diseases.
When he came into his own country with his disciples, he taught in their synagogue on the
sabbath day. He was again despised by them and called the carpenter. However, they were
astonished at his doctrine. {Mr 6:1-6 Mt 13:54-58}

6355. He went around their villages and taught them. {Mr 6:6}

6356. He was moved with compassion toward the multitude when he saw how great the harvest
was and how few labourers there were. He told his disciples that they should pray the Lord that
he would send forth more labourers. {Mt 9:35-38}

6357. Jesus sent out the twelve apostles, by two and two. He instructed them to preach and gave
them power to heal diseases. {Lu 9:1-5 Mr 6:7-11 Mt 10:1-42}

6358. It came to pass when Jesus had made an end of commanding his disciples, he departed
from there to teach and to preach in their cities. {Mt 11:1,12-16}

6359. After the twelve had departed, they went through the towns preaching the gospel and
healing everywhere. {Lu 9:6}

4035a AM, 4744 JP, 31 AD

6360. The seventeenth of November, Sejanus was killed. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 25.} After his
death, Tiberius immediately knew that all the crimes that Sejanus had accused the Jews of were
imagined by himself. Therefore Tiberius commanded the governments of all provinces that in
every town they should spare this nationality. Only a very few who were guilty persons should
be punished. They should not alter their customs but should take note that these men were lovers
of peace and their customs were for the public peace. {Philo, Embassy to Caius}

4035b AM, 4745 JP, 32 AD

6361. After Severus, the governor of Egypt had died, Tiberius appointed Flaccus Avillius, one
of his friends, as his successor for six years. He governed the province well for the five first
years as long as Tiberius lived. {*Philo, Flaccus, 1:724}

6362. John Baptist was beheaded.

6363. When his disciples heard this, they came and took up the body and buried it and came and
told Jesus. {Mr 6:27-29 Mt 14:6,11,12}

6364. Herod the tetrarch and others heard of the fame of Jesus and Herod desired to see him.
{Lu 9:7-9 Mr 6:1-4}

6365. When the apostles returned, they told Jesus the things they had done. {Lu 9:10 Mr 6:30}

6366. When Jesus had heard of the death of John and of the deeds of the apostles, he told them
to depart into a deserted place and rest for a while. The multitude had kept them so busy they
did not have time to eat. He sailed with the twelve with him and privately went into a deserted
place near Bethesda. When the multitude heard it, they followed him on foot from all cities and
came to him. Jesus taught and healed them. {Lu 9:10,11 Mr 6:31,32 Mt 14:13,14}

6367. Jesus went up into a mountain and sat there with his disciples. The passover was close at
hand. At evening, he fed with five barley loaves, and two little fishes more than 5000 men in
addition to women and children. There were twelve baskets full of the left overs. When they
wanted to make him a king, Jesus constrained his disciples to go before him to the other side,
opposite to Bethesda toward Capernaum. He went alone into a mountain. When the disciples
had gone about 3 or 4 miles, Jesus walked out to them on the sea in the fourth watch of the
night. He told them not to be afraid. Peter asked to join him and he walked out to Jesus. Jesus
rebuked Peter for his little faith when Peter began to sink. They were all amazed. They landed
and came to the country of Gennesaret. When he left the boat, as soon as it was known, they
brought their sick that they might touch the hem of his garment and they were made whole. { Joh
6:1-21 Lu 9:12-17 Mr 6:35-56 Mt 14:15-36}

6368. The next day after Jesus had crossed over, the people who stood on this side of the sea
sailed to Capernaum to look for Jesus. He preached to them in the synagogue of Capernaum of
the bread of life and affirmed to the Jews that murmured that he was the bread of life. From that
time many of his disciples went back but the apostles would not go away. However, he called
one of them a devil. {Joh 6:22-71 }

The THIRD PASSOVER

of the

MINISTRY of CHRIST

{Joh 6:4}

From which began the third year

of the 70th week of Daniel.

6369. The scribes and Pharisees who came from Jerusalem, went to Jesus. When they saw some
of his disciples eat with unwashed hands, they found fault with them that they did not follow the
traditions of the elders. Jesus answered them concerning their traditions. He said that they
frustrated the commands of God that they might keep the traditions of men. He taught the people
and also told his disciples at home that nothing which entered into a man, defiles him but that
which comes from within defiles a man. {Mr 7:1-23 Mt 15:1-20}

6370. Jesus left and went into the country of Tyre and Sidon. He could not escape the crowds. A
Canaanitish woman, a Gentile of the Syrophenician nationality, came to him and earnestly

begged him for her daughter who was possessed by a demon. Jesus praised her great faith and
cast out the demon from her daughter. {Mr 7:24-30 Mt 15:21-28}

6371. After he left the country of Tyre and Sidon, he came to the Sea of Galilee through the
middle of the country of Decapolis. A deaf man was brought to him who also had a speech
impediment. Jesus healed and in vain ordered him to tell no one. {Mr 7:31-37}

6372. When he went up into a mountain, he sat there and healed many and the multitude
wondered. {Mt 15:29-31}

6373. In those days when a very great multitude had stayed with him for three days in the desert,
he fed 4000 men in addition to women and children, with only seven loaves and a few little
fishes. They gathered seven baskets full of left overs. {Mr 8:1-9 Mt 15:32-38}

6374. Immediately, Jesus with his disciples, sailed over to the country of Dalmanutha or
Magdala. {Mr 8:10 Mt 15:39}

6375. The Pharisees came and required a sign from him from heaven. After Jesus had sighed
deeply, he refused to give them any sign but that of Jonah. He called them hypocrites because
knew how to tell the weather from the appearance of the sky but could not discern the times. He
left them and sailed to the other side. {Mr 8:11-13 Mt 16:1-4}

6376. When he and his disciples came to the other side, they had forgotten to take food with
them and they had but one loaf of bread with them in the ship. Jesus warned them to beware of
the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees and the leaven of Herod. They reasoned among
themselves that because they had forgotten to take bread, Jesus had said this. Jesus rebuked
them that they had forgotten the miraculous multiplication of the loaves and helped them
understand that he spoke not of the leaven of bread but of doctrine. {Mr 8:12-14 Mt 16:5-12}

6377. Then he came to Bethsaida and a blind man was brought to him. The blind man was led
out of town and Jesus anointed his eyes with spittle and his sight was restored. Jesus forbade
him to tell anyone about it. {Mr 8:22-26}

6378. Jesus and his disciples went into the towns of Caesarea Philippi. It came to pass as he was
alone praying and was now on his way, he asked his disciples who the people though he was.
When they had answered, he asked them their opinion. When Peter answered that he was the
Christ, Jesus declared him happy and gave him promises. He forbade his disciples to tell any
man that he was the Christ. He foretold his death and resurrection and called Peter, "Satan",
because he rebuked Jesus for talking about his death. Then he preached to his disciples and the
multitude about the cross that everyone must bear who will follow him. Finally, he foretold his
transfiguration. {Lu 9:18-27 Mr 8:27-38 Mt 16:13-28}

6379. It came to pass about eight days after these sayings, (or six intermediate days) Jesus was
transfigured on an high mountain. When they came down from the mountain, he charged them
that they should tell no man what they had seen until he was risen from the dead. They kept this
private and asked one another what the rising from the dead should mean. They asked him why
did the scribes say that Elijah must first come? Jesus replied and by this they understood that

Jesus spoke of John the Baptist who was Elijah. {Lu 9:28-36 Mr 9:1-13 Mt 17:1-13}

6380. After this on the next day when they were came down from the hill, Jesus came to his
disciples. He saw a great multitude about them and the scribes asking questions. When all the
multitude saw him, they immediately were greatly amazed and ran to greet him. As he was
asking about their questions, the father of a lunatic child told him, that it was about his child that
had an unclean spirit and was deaf and dumb. His disciples could not cast him out. Then Jesus
cast out the spirit and restored the child whole to his father. When Jesus went home, he showed
his disciples the reason why they could not cast out this demon. {Lu 9:37-42 Mr 9:14-29 Mt
17:14-21}

6381. They departed from there and passed through Galilee and he did not want any man to
know it. He taught his disciples about his death and resurrection but they did not understood
this. They were exceedingly sorry and were afraid to ask him. {Lu 9:43-45 Mr 9:30-32 Mt
17:22,23}

6382. When they came to Capernaum, they asked Peter about Jesus' tribute money. When Jesus
came into the house, he anticipated Peter and told him that he should find a piece of money in a
fish's mouth and told him to pay the tribute for both of them. {Mt 17:24-27 }

6383. At Capernaum, Jesus asked his disciples what they were discussing on the way. At first
they were silent and then they said that it was about who would be greatest in the kingdom of
heaven. Jesus took a child and placed him in the midst of them and taught that they should have
humility even as a child. He warned them in the world were offences and that they must take
heed that neither hand, foot nor eye cause them to offend. Little children were not to be
despised. If our brother sinned against us, he was to be reproved. He told of the power of the
church to bind and loose. They were to forgive one that asked forgiveness until seven times
seventy times as he showed in the parable of two debtors to the king. {Lu 9:46-48 Mr 9:33-37
Mt 18:1-35}

6384. John replied and said that they saw one casting out devils through Christ's name. Jesus
taught that he was not to be forbidden and again warned them of not offending little ones and to
take heed again, that neither hand, foot or eye cause them to offend. {Lu 9:49,50 Mr 9:38-50}

6385. Junius Gallio, who was trying to win Tiberius' favour, proposed that Tiberius' soldiers,
when their time of service was expired, should sit in the same benches with the equestrians to
see the plays. Tiberius banished him under the pretence that Gallio would seem to persuade the
soldiers to be loyal to the state rather than to Tiberius. When it was written that he would easily
endure his banishment in so pleasant an island as Lesbos was, he was brought back to Rome and
handed over to the custody of the magistrates. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 3.} {*Dio, 1. 58. 7:233}

6386. Cassius Severus, the orator died in the 25th year of his banishment on the island of
Sephone. He was reduced to such poverty that he had scarcely had a cloth to hide his privates.
{Jerome, Chronicles}

6387. At Rome it was proposed in the senate by Quintilian, the tribune of the people, concerning
a Sibyl's book. Caninius Gallus, one of the Fifteen for Religious Ceremonies, had requested that
it might be received among other books of the same prophetess and passed a decree of the senate

to ratify it. When this was done by joint vote, Tiberius sent letters and rebuked the tribune
mildly as not being well versed in the old customs because he was young. He attacked Gallus
very smartly, who was a man of years and well experienced in the ceremonies and in spite of
this had introduced the business into the senate at such a time when many of the senators were
absent. The author of the poem was uncertain and the college had not delivered their opinion, or
had the poem been revised and adjusted by the masters (of the priests) according to the usual
custom. Thereupon the book was referred to the cognizance of the fifteen. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6.
c. 11.}

6388. After these things Jesus walked in Galilee, for he would not walk in Judea because the
Jews sought to kill him. The feast of tabernacles was approaching and Jesus did not go up to the
feast at that time as his brothers wished. They as yet did not believe on him. Jesus went up after
them, not publicly but as it were in secret. { Joh 7:1-10}

4036a AM, 4745 JP, 32 AD

6389. It came to pass, when the time was come that he should be received up, he set his face to
go to Jerusalem. He sent messengers ahead to prepare a place for them to stay. The city would
not accept him and they went into another city. He rebuked his disciples who wanted fire to
come down from heaven upon them. {Lu 9:51-56}

6390. It came to pass as they went on the way, Jesus answered some who wanted to follow him.
{Lu 9:57-62}

6391. After these things, Jesus sent 70 disciples two by two into every city and place where he
was going to proclaim that the kingdom of God was at hand. He gave them power to
authenticate their message. {Lu 10:1-16}

6392. The multitude enquired after him and murmured concerning him. Jesus taught in the
temple in the middle of the feast. They wondered at his doctrine and he answered that his
doctrine was not his own but his who sent him. He answered many things to those who
reproached and objected against him. Officers were sent to apprehend him. In the last and great
day of the feast, Jesus cried out concerning faith in him. There was a division concerning him
among the people but the officers who were sent and Nicodemus defended Jesus and his cause
before the Pharisees who spoke against Jesus. {Joh 7:11-53}

6393. Jesus went to the mount of Olives and early in the morning he sat and taught in the
temple. He was not willing to condemn, as a judge, the woman taken in adultery and warned her
to sin no more. He taught in the treasury of the temple and he affirmed that he is the light of the
world and defended his bearing record of himself. He taught many things concerning the Father
and himself, where he goes, who he is, about their father Abraham, about the servitude of sin
and the devil. He denied that he had a demon as the people thought. He said whoever kept his
sayings, would not taste of death. He concluded and said he was before Abraham. Thereupon
they took up stones to throw at him but Jesus hid himself, and went out of the temple and went
through the midst of them and so passed by. {Joh 8:1-59}

6394. As Jesus passed by, he saw one begging who was blind from his youth and he healed him.
The beggar and his parents were examined by the authorities and he was expelled from the

synagogue. He found and worshipped Jesus. { Joh 9:1-41 }

6395. Jesus preached that he is the door of the sheepfold and that good shepherd. He taught
about thieves and hirelings. There was a division again among the Jews because of these
sayings. {Joh 10:1-21}

6396. The 70 returned with joy, whom he further warned and instructed. In a rejoicing spirit, he
tells them privately that they are blessed because their names are written in heaven. {Lu 10:17-
24}

6397. A certain lawyer asked him what he must do to inherit eternal life. Jesus instructed him
from the law and taught him who his neighbour was by the parable of the man who fell among
thieves. {Lu 10:25-37}

6398. Now it came to pass as he went on his way, he came to a certain town and was received
into the house of Martha. She herself ministered to them while Mary heard the words of Jesus.
Jesus said Mary had chosen the better part. {Lu 10:38-42}

4046b AM, 4746 JP, 33 AD

6399. It came to pass that he was praying in a certain place. When he stopped, one of his
disciples asked him to teach them to pray as John taught his disciples. Therefore he for the
second time prescribeed to them the Lord's prayer. He used arguments also to stir them up to
constancy in prayer and for obtaining the confirmation of their faith. {Lu 11:1-13}

6400. Jesus cast out a demon from one who was dumb and the multitude marvelled. He rebuked
some blasphemers and said that he did not cast out the demons through Beelzebub. {Lu 11:14-
26}

6401. It came to pass as he spoke these things, that a certain woman of the company said to him
that his mother was blessed. He replied to her that blessed are those who hear the word of God
and keep it. {Lu 11:27,28}

6402. When the multitude had gathered thickly together, he said that this generation sought a
sign but they shall have no sign except that of Jonah. He added that the queen of the south and
the Ninevites shall condemn this generation. They were to take heed that the light that is in them
was not really darkness. {Lu 11:29-36}

6403. When he had spoken these things, a certain Pharisee invited him to dine with him. He
wondered that Jesus had not first washed. Jesus severely reprehended him along with the rest of
the Pharisees for their apparent outward holiness with hypocrisy but inwardly was wickedness,
covetousness and pride. He pronounced a woe on the lawyers also. {Lu 11:37-54}

6404. In the meantime, when there were gathered together an innumerable company, Jesus
warned to his disciples to beware of the leaven of the Pharisees, which was hypocrisy and not to
be afraid of those who kill the body. {Lu 12:1-12}

6405. One of the company asked Jesus to talk to his brother so that he divide the inheritance
with him. Jesus replied and said that who made him a judge? On this occasion, he preached
against covetousness using the parable of the rich man who wanted to build larger barns. He
warned them against an anxious distrustful and unprofitable carping about the necessary things
of this life and urged that they rather seek the kingdom of God. They should be like those who
wait for the coming of their Lord as it becomes a faithful and wise steward. Jesus said that he
shall send the fire of division on the earth and upbraided them that they did not know that this
was the appointed time. {Lu 12:13-59}

6406. At that time there were some who told him of the Galilaeans, whose blood Pilate had
mingled with their sacrifices. From this, Jesus preached about repentance and propounded the
parable of the fig tree not having fruit. {Lu 13:1-9}

6407. He taught in one of the synagogues on the sabbath day. There was a woman who had a
spirit of infirmity eighteen years and was bent over. He healed her on the sabbath and defended
the deed against the indignation of the ruler of the synagogue. Then he likened the kingdom of
heaven to a grain of mustard seed and to leaven. {Lu 13:10-21}

6408. He went through all the cities and villages teaching and journeying toward Jerusalem for
the feast of dedication. {Lu 13:22}

6409. One asked him if there would be only a few who would be saved. He replied that they
must strive to enter in at the narrow gate. {Lu 13:23-30}

6410. On the same day, some of the Pharisees came to him and warned him to leave the area for
Herod wanted to kill him. He gave that resolute answer. {Lu 13:31-35}

641 1. It came to pass that he went into the house of one of the chief Pharisees to dine with him.
There was one there who had the dropsy, whom he healed. He defended the deed, although done
on the sabbath. He spoke a parable to them that were bidden to a feast and Jesus instructed the
Pharisee who had invited him to dine. {Lu 14:1-14}

6412. When one of them who dined with him, heard these things, he said to him that blessed is
he who shall eat bread in the kingdom of God. Jesus replied to him and propounded the parable
of the great supper and of each excuse that those made who were invited. {Lu 14:15-24}

6413. There was a great multitude that went with him and he turned and preached to them, that
life itself is to be surrendered for Christ. He propounded to them the parables of the man who
was about to build a tower and of the king going to war. {Lu 14:25-35 }

6414. There came to him all the publicans and sinners to hear him but the scribes and Pharisees
murmured. He spoke to them the parables about the lost sheep, the lost coin and the prodigal
son. {Lu 15:1-32}

6415. He told the disciples the parable of the unjust steward who was accused to his master and
made a practical application from it. The Pharisees heard all these things and they were covetous
and derided him. He then preached against them and taught many other things and told about the

rich man who fared sumptuously and of Lazarus the beggar. {Lu 16:1-31}

6416. Jesus warned his disciples of those who cause offences. He taught that their brother who
sinned against them, was to be forgiven. {Lu 17:1-9}

6417. Then the apostles asked Jesus to increase their faith. He replied about the power of faith
and by the parable of the servant who came in after working, immediately ministered to his
master. He showed them that they were unprofitable servants when they had done all that they
were commanded for they had have done no more than what was their duty. {Lu 17:5-10}

6418. It came to pass as he went to Jerusalem, that he passed through the middle of Samaria and
Galilee. He entered a certain village and ten lepers met him. After they were healed and were
going to the priest as Jesus commanded, only one of them came back to Jesus to thank him and
he was a Samaritan. {Lu 17:11-19}

6419. The Pharisees asked Jesus when the kingdom of God will come. Jesus replied that the
kingdom of God will not come with observation but was within. He told his disciples that
according to the days of Noah and Lot, so shall be the day in which the Son of Man shall be
revealed, but he must first suffer many things. {Lu 17:20-37}

6420. He spoke to them a parable that they should always pray. He used the example of a widow
who interceded with an unjust judge and contrasted this with God who is a just avenger. {Lu
18:1-8}

6421. He spoke also to some who thought that they were just and despised others. He told the
parable about the Pharisee and publican praying in the temple. {Lu 18:9-14}

6422. At Jerusalem in the feast of the dedication in the winter time, Jesus walked in the temple
in Solomon's porch. The Jews came around him and asked how long he would keep them in
suspence as to who he really was. He pointed to his miracles and said that he and his Father are
one. Again they took up stones to stone him. He defended himself to be God, by the scriptures
and by his works. They tried again to take him but he escaped from their hands. { Joh 10:22-39}

6423. He went again beyond the Jordan River into the place where John first baptized and
stayed there and many came to him. As was his custom, he taught them and healed them and
many believed on him there. {Mr 10:1 Mt 19:1,2}

6424. The Pharisees came to him and tempted him and asked if it was lawful for a man to put
away his wife for any reason. Jesus denied it and replied to the Pharisees who objected and said
the bill of divorce was commanded by Moses. Jesus taught them the true meaning of marriage.
When his disciples heard this, they said it was better for a man not to marry. {Mr 10:2-12 Mt
19:3-12}

6425. They brought to him little children that he should lay his hands on them and pray. His
disciples forbid them and Jesus rebuked them. After he had laid his hands on the children and
blessed them, he departed from there. {Lu 18:15-17 Mr 10:13-16 Mt 19:13-15}

6426. As Jesus was leaving on the way, a rich young ruler met him and asked him what he had
to do to inherit eternal life and he called Jesus, Good Master." Jesus spoke concerning the title
he gave him and pointed him to the commandments. He replied that he had kept them all and
observed them and Jesus loved him. However, he told him to sell all that he had and give to the
poor. He sent him away very sorry. Jesus inveighed bitterly against covetous rich men. Peter
replied that they left everything to follow him. Jesus made notable promises to all who followed
him especially to his twelve apostles. He added that many who were first would be last. He
instructed them by a parable of labourers going into a vineyard for many were called but few
were chosen. {Lu 18:18-30 Mr 10:17-31 Mt 19:16-30}

6427. Lazarus of Bethany was sick. Therefore, his sisters sent to Jesus to tell him of his
sickness. As soon as he heard that he was sick, he stayed two more days in the place where he
was but later he told his disciples to go again into Judea. They reminded him that just recently
the Jews tried to stone him there and and did he really want to go back again. Jesus replied that
Lazarus sleeps, (speaking of his death, not of his sleep.) and that they should go to him. Thomas
added that we may die with him. { Joh 11:1-16}

6428. When Jesus came near Bethany, he found that Lazarus had been buried four days in the
grave. Martha came to meet him, they talked about the resurrection. Mary heard of it and came
quickly to him. When Jesus saw her weep, he also wept and went to the grave. He asked them to
remove the stone and thanked his Father for hearing him. Jesus called Lazarus from his grave.
Thereupon many believed on him and some went to the Pharisees and told them what things
Jesus had done.

6429. Therefore the Pharisees convened a council in which Caiaphas prophesied about Jesus.
From that day on, they consulted together how they might put him to death. They ordered that if
anyone knew where he was, he should tell them so they could take him. Therefore Jesus did not
walk publicly among the Jews but went into a city called Ephraim and stayed there with his
disciples. {Joh 11:17-54}

6430. As they were on the way up to Jerusalem, Jesus went ahead of them and they were afraid.
He again took the twelve and began to tell them what things should happen to him but they did
not understand. {Lu 18:31-34 Mr 10:32-34 Mt 20:17-19}

6431. James and John, the sons of Zebedee, and their mother came to him and asked that they
might sit in the kingdom, one on the right hand and the other on the left of Jesus. Jesus rebuked
them and the rest were upset with those two disciples. Jesus admonished them all that he who
would be great and first among them, must be the minister and servant of all. {Mr 10:35-45 Mt
20:20-28}

6432. It came to pass when he came near Jericho, a certain blind man sat begging by the way
side. When he asked who it was that passed by and he was told it was Jesus of Nazareth, he
earnestly implored his mercy even though the crowd rebuked him. Jesus called to him and he
received his sight and followed him glorifying God. {Lu 18:35-43}

6433. Jesus entered and passed through Jericho and saw Zacchaeus in a sycomore tree and told
him he needed to stay at his house that day. {Lu 19:1-10}

6434. As they left the city of Jericho, a large crowd following him. He restored the sight to two
blind men (of which one was Bartimaeus,) and they followed him. {Mr 10:46-52 Mt 20:29-34}

6435. When they heard these things and because they were near Jerusalem, they thought that the
kingdom of God should immediately appear. As they went, Jesus spoke the parable of the noble
man that went into a far country who gave his ten servants ten pounds to invest until he returned.
When he returned, he determined who had gained the most by trading. He rewarded each of
them according to the proportion of their gain. {Lu 19:11-27}

6436. The passover was near and many went from the country up to Jerusalem before the
passover to purify themselves. {Joh 11:55-57}

6437. Therefore six days before the passover, Jesus came to Bethany. They prepared a supper
for him and Lazarus sat with him. Mary anointed his feet and wiped them with the hairs of her
head. Jesus rebuked the criticism of Judas against her. Many people came there not only for
Jesus' sake, but that they might see Lazarus. However, the chief priests consulted how they
might put Lazarus to death also because many of the Jews believed on Jesus because of him.
{Joh 12:1-11}

6438. When he had thus spoken, he went ahead and ascending up to Jerusalem. It came to pass
when he was near Bethphage and Bethany, at the mount called the Mount of Olives (the 29th
day of March) he sent two of his disciples for an ass colt that was tied. (Matthew makes mention
of the she ass also.) {Lu 19:28-35 Mr 11:1-7 Mt 21:1-7}

6439. Therefore, they brought the colt to Jesus and put their garments on the colt and set Jesus
on the colt. Many people met him who came to the feast. Many cast their garments in the way
and others cut down branches of trees and spread them in the way. When he came to the descent
of the Mount of Olives, the crowd who went before him and those who followed behind cried,
hosanna to the son of David. Some of the Pharisees told him to rebuke his followers. He replied
he would not. Therefore, the Pharisees said among themselves that the whole world was gone
after him. {Joh 12:12-19 Lu 19:36-40 Mr 11:8-10 Mt 21:8,9}

6440. When he came near and saw the city, he wept over it. he predicted her utter destruction.
When he entered into Jerusalem all the city was stirred and asked who he was. {Lu 19:41-44 Mr
11:10,11}

6441. Jesus went into the temple of God and cast out those who bought and sold in it and healed
the blind and the lame in it. He justified the children who cried hosanna in the temple against the
objections of the Pharisees and scribes. He taught daily in the temple they who heard him, were
very attentive. However, the chief priests and elders of the people tried to destroy him. {Lu
19:45-48 Mr 11:11 Mt 21:12-16}

6442. Some Greeks who came to worship at the feast wanted to see him. He told those that told
him about these Greeks about his passion. He called on his Father and received an answer from
heaven. Some thought it was thunder and others thought an angel spoke to him. He again spoke
of the lifting of the Son of Man from the earth. He answered those who asked him who was the
Son of Man? After he left there, he hid himself from them. When it was evening, he went with
the twelve to Bethany. Although he had done so many miracles among them, they still did not

believe on him that the word of Isaiah might be fulfilled. However, many of the rulers believed
on him but did not confess him publicly for fear of the Pharisees. Jesus preached concerning
faith in himself. Joh 12:20-50 Mr 11:17

6443. The next morning when he came from Bethany, he was hungry and saw a fig tree which
only had leaves on it. He cursed it and it immediately withered. They came to Jerusalem and
entered into the temple. He again expelled those who bought and sold and did not want anyone
to carry a vessel through the temple. He taught them concerning faith in himself. However, the
chief priests sought how they might destroy him for they feared him because all people were
astonished at his doctrine. When evening came, Jesus left the city. {Mr 11:12-19 Mt 21:18,19}

6444. The next morning as they passed by the fig tree, they saw that it was dried up from the
roots which Peter noted. Jesus preached to them about the power of faith especially in prayers.
They again came to Jerusalem and as he walked in the temple and taught the people, the chief
priests, elders and scribes came to him and asked by whose authority he did these things. Jesus
replied by asking them about John's baptism. He spoke to them the parable of the two sons and
asked them which of the two did the will of the father and then applied it to them. He also told
the parable of the vineyard that was rented out to husbandmen and of their killing of the heir of
the vineyard and made an application of this also. Therefore, from that hour, they sought to take
him but they feared the people for the people thought he was a prophet. Again he propounded to
them the parable of the king's son and the refusals and excuses of some that were bidden and the
wickedness and punishments of others, especially of him who was not wearing a proper
wedding garment. Then the Pharisees went and took council how they might entangle him in his
talk. Therefore they sent out to him their disciples with the Herodians who asked if it was lawful
to pay tribute to Caesar. They were astonished at his answer and left him and went their way.
{Lu 20:1-26 Mr 11:13-12:37 Mt 21:19-22:46}

6445. The same day the Sadducees came to him and asked about a woman who had the seven
brothers for her husband. They wanted to know who would be her husband in the resurrection.
When the multitude heard his answer to prove the resurrection, they were astonished at his
doctrine. Then a Pharisee, a lawyer, tempted him and asked which is the greatest commandment
in the law? After Jesus had replied he asked the Pharisee whose son Christ is? No man was able
to answer him a word neither dared any man from that day on ask him any more questions. {Lu
20:27-44}

6446. Then Jesus spoke to the multitude and to his disciples about the scribes and Pharisees. He
pronounced a woe eight times against them and spoke to the city of Jerusalem and accused her
of cruelty and obstinacy and foretold her desolation. {Lu 20:45-47 Mr 12:38-40 Mt 23:1-39}

6447. As Jesus sat opposite the treasury, he commended a widow who cast in two mites more
than those who cast in much more. {Lu 21:1-4 Mr 12:41-44}

6448. When he went out of the temple, his disciples showed him the buildings and its stones and
he predicted its utter destruction. {Lu 21:5-36 Mr 13:1-37 Mt 24:1-51 }

6449. As Jesus sat on the Mount of Olives opposite the temple, his disciples asked him when
would these things happen and what would be the sign of his coming and the end of the world?
He gave a lengthy reply concerning the sign and his coming. He warned them to watch and to be

ready for they did not know the hour when the Lord would come. {Mr 13:1-37 Lu 21:1:36 Mt
24:1-51}

6450. He taught the same things by the parable of the ten virgins as by the parable of the talents
given to the servants to invest. He described the judgment of this world (perhaps as a type of
that) by setting the sheep on the right hand and the goats on the left and passing sentence on
each of them. By day, he taught in the temple but at night he went to the Mount of Olives. All
the people came to him early in the morning and he taught them in the temple. {Lu 21:37,38 Mt
25:1-46}

6451. When Jesus had finished these sayings, he told his disciples that after two days was the
passover and the Son of Man would be betrayed to be crucified. The Jewish leaders consulted
together in the palace of the high priest about how they might kill Jesus. They agreed that it
should not be done on the feast day, lest there by a riot. {Mr 14: 1,2 Mt 26: 1-5 }

6452. When he was in the house eating with Simon the Leper, he defended a woman who
poured an alabaster box of ointment on his head because his disciples murmured about this. He
foretold his burial. {Mr 14:3-9 Mt 26:6-13}

6453. Then Satan entered into Judas who was to betray Jesus to the Jewish leaders. {Lu 22:1-13
Mr 14:10,11 Mt 26:14-16}

The FOURTH PASSOVER

in which CHRIST, our PASSOVER, was

sacrificed, {ICo 5:7} and so

put an end to all the legal

sacrifices prefiguring this one.

The beginning of the fourth or middle year

of the last week of Daniel.

{Da 9:27}

6454. On the first day of unleavened bread, when the passover was slain (April 2nd) his
disciples asked Jesus where they should prepare it. He sent Peter and John into the city and told
them that they would meet a man carrying a pitcher of water. They should follow him to his
house and ask the owner of it for the use of the guest chamber. They would find the guest
chamber already furnished by the good man of the house. {Mr 14:12-16 Mt 26:17-19}

6455. In the evening Jesus went with the twelve disciples and ate supper. Jesus said that he had
greatly desired to eat this passover with them before his sufferings. He took the cup and asked
them to divide it among themselves. He said that he would no more eat of the passover or drink
of the fruit of the vine until the kingdom of God would come. He also said that one of them
would betray him. They began to be sorrowful and asked one by one, if it was he. Jesus replied
that it was the man who dipped his hand with him in the dish. When Judas asked if it was him,
Jesus said it was. {Lu 22:14-18 Mr 14:17-21 Mt 26:20-25}

6456. While they were eating, he instituted the sacrament of his body and blood which were
symbolised by the bread and the wine. After he had drank the wine, he said that he would not
drink of the fruit of the vine after this until he would drink it anew with them in the kingdom of

his Father. He stated that the one who would betray him was eating with them. Then they began
to enquire among themselves if anyone among them would do this. {Lu 22:19-23 Mr 14:22-25
Mt 26:25,26}

6457. There was also a dispute among them of who would be the greatest. After supper, Jesus
arose and laid aside his garments. He took a towel and girded himself and began to wash and to
wipe his disciple's feet. At first Peter refused to have this done to him but later he consented.
After this, Jesus sat down and said that he had given them an example. Just as he had done, they
should likewise wash one another's feet. Whoever would be the greatest among them, must
become the least. He added moreover that he was not speaking about everyone for he knew
whom he had chosen. When he had said these things, he was troubled in the spirit and said that
one of them would betray him. Therefore his disciples looked at each other and were uncertain
of whom he referred to. Peter beckoned to the beloved disciple that he should ask who it was.
Jesus answered that it was the one to whom he gave the sop after dipping it. He gave it to Judas
and told him to quickly do what he had to do. When Judas had received the sop, he went out
immediately and it was night. { Joh 13:2-38 Lu 22:24-30}

6458. After Judas left, Jesus said that now was the Son of Man glorified and God was glorified
in him. He admonished them of his sudden departure and of their mutual love one for another.
He also said to Simon that Satan had desired to sift him as wheat. However, Jesus said he had
prayed for him and that when he was converted, he was to strengthen his brethren. Peter too
confidently replied that he would die for Jesus. Jesus replied that he would deny him three times
before the cock crowed. Then Jesus told them all that he who has a purse let him take it and he
who did not have a sword, go and buy one. They said they had two swords to which Jesus
replied that it was enough. {Lu 22:31-38}

6459. Jesus anticipated their sorrow for his death and comforted them as he usually did. He
answered the questions raised by Thomas, Philip and Judas, (who is also Lebbaeus, surnamed
Thaddaeus, another of the sons of Alphaeus, and brother of James.) He promised them that the
Holy Ghost would be their teacher and left his peace to them. Again he admonished them of his
approaching death and of its joyful fruit. Then he said they should now leave. After they sang a
hymn, they left for the Mount of Olives. {Joh 14:1-31 Mr 14:26 Mt 26:30}

6460. On their way, he told them the parable of the vine and the branches and exhorted them to
bring forth fruit and to remain in the love of God toward them. They should have mutual love
one toward another and to endure patiently the hatred of the world which also hated Christ
himself. They should not be offended by persecution. Again he comforted them for the sorrow
they had about his approaching death, by the promise of sending them the Comforter. He would
be the Spirit of Truth and witness against the world and help them. He warned them that in a
little while, they would not see him. They did not understand what he meant. He explained it to
them and said that their predicted sorrow would be turned into joy just as a woman rejoices who
gives birth to a son. He predicted his return to them and told them of the love of the Father
toward them and by his willingness to hear their petitions that they would make in his name. He
said that he came from the Father into the world and he would again leave the world to return to
the Father. His disciples said they now understood what he meant and believed that he came
from God. Jesus replied that the time was now come when they all would be scattered and
Christ would be left alone. At last he concluded with a most divine prayer to the Father for the
mutual benefit of his own and the Father's glory, for the apostles and the whole company of
believers. {Joh 15:1-17:26}

6461. When Jesus had spoken these things, he went with his disciples as was his custom and
crossed over the brook Kidron to the Mount of Olives. Then Jesus told them that all of them
would be offended because of him that night. However, after he was risen again, he would go
ahead of them into Galilee. Peter replied that although everyone would be offended, yet he
would not be. Jesus told Peter that before the cock crew, he would deny him three times. To this
both he and all the disciples replied that although they would die with him, they would never
deny him. {Joh 18:1 Lu 22:39 Mr 14:27-31 Mt 26:31-36}

6462. Then they came into a place called Gethsemane where there was a garden. After Jesus had
entered with his disciples, he told them to pray lest they fall into temptation. They were to sit
there while he went away to pray. He took Peter and the two sons of Zebedee with him and
began to be very sorrowful. He told them to stay there and watch. He went a little further about a
stone's throw and kneeled down and prayed that this cup might pass from him. And there
appeared an angel from heaven who strengthened him. Then he returned and found his disciples
sleeping. He reprehended and admonished them and went the second time and prayed more
earnestly. He was in an agony and he began to sweat as it were drops of blood. He came again
and found them sleeping for sorrow for their eyes were heavy. He again admonished them and
they did not know what to say. He then left them and went away again and prayed the same
words. Then he returned to his disciples and told them to sleep and take their rest. The Son of
Man was betrayed into the hands of sinners. He told them to get up and go for the man who
betrayed him was close by. Lu 22:40-46 Mr 14:32-42 Mt 26:36-46

6463. While he was speaking, Judas arrived who knew the place, (because Jesus often went
there with his disciples.) He brought with him the chief priests, Pharisees, captains of the
temple, elders of the people, officers and a band sent from them. They came there with lanterns
and torches and a large number with swords and staves. Judas had given a sign and said the one
they were after would be the one he kissed. Judas immediately kissed Jesus. Jesus asked Judas
why he came and would he betray the Son of Man with a kiss. Jesus who knew all things that
would happen to him, went out to them and asked who they were after. They said they wanted
Jesus of Nazareth and Jesus told them he was the one. They went backwards and fell to the
ground. He asked them again and answered them as he did the first time and added that if they
were only after him, to let the disciples go their way. They took him. When those who were
around him saw what would happen they asked him if they should fight for him. Peter struck off
the right ear of Malchus, a servant of the high priest's. Jesus told Peter to put away his sword
and if he wanted to, he could call down more than twelve legions of angels. He said that he
should drink of the cup that his Father had given him and they should allow it to happen. Jesus
touched Malchus' ear and healed him. Jesus asked the crowd why they came to him as if he were
a thief with swords and staves. He told them that this was their hour and the power of darkness.
Then all his disciples left him and fled. A certain young man (of their company) was laid hold
on and left his linen cloth and fled naked from them. {Joh 18:3-11 Lu 22:47-53 Mr 14:43-52 Mt
26:47-56}

6464. They bound Jesus and brought him first to Annas, the father-in-law of Caiaphas. Annas
sent him bound to Caiaphas, the high priest, who had previously prophesied that it was
expedient that one man should die for the people. All the chief priests, elders and scribes of the
people were gathered together. Caiaphas asked Jesus concerning his disciples and his doctrine.
Jesus said he had spoken publicly and to ask those that heard him. Therefore one of the officers
struck him with a staff. Jesus asked him that if he had answered well, why did he hit him? Then

all the council looked for false witnesses against him and could not find any. Finally two false
witnesses came but their testimony disagreed with each other. Caiaphas asked Jesus to reply to
what these witnesses said against him but Jesus said nothing. Then Caiaphas adjured him that he
should say whether he was the Christ. Jesus answered that he was and they would see the Son of
Man sitting at the right hand of the power of God and coming in the clouds of heaven. Therefore
they judged him guilty of death for this blasphemy. Then they mocked and spat on him. They
cruelly beat him with buffets and staves. They covered his eyes and asked him who had hit him.
They did many other things and they spoke reproachfully against him.

6465. Peter followed afar off to see the end of the matter. Another disciple accompanied him
who was known to the high priest. He went with Jesus into the palace but Peter stood outside at
the door whom that other disciple (who spoke to her who kept the door) had brought in. As Peter
was warming himself at the fire that burned in the courtyard, (for it was cold) the maid who kept
the door asked him and affirmed that he was one of his disciples. Peter denied it and claimed
that he did not know him or what the maid spoke about. A little later, he went out into the porch
and the cock crew. As he was going out another maid saw him and said to those that were there
that Peter was with Jesus of Nazareth. Another person said to him that he was one of the
disciples. Then Peter again denied it with an oath. About an hour later, those who stood by came
and said to him that his accent gave him away. The cousin of Malchus who was among the rest
said that he had seen Peter in the garden. While he was speaking, the cock crowed the second
time. Then Jesus turned around and looked at Peter. Peter remembered the words of Jesus and
went out and wept bitterly. { Joh 18:12-27 Lu 22:54-65 Mr 14:53-72 Mt 26:57-75}

6466. As soon as it was day, the elders of the people, chief priests and the scribes came together
and led him into their council and asked Jesus if he was the Christ? He replied that they would
not believe him nor answer his questions nor let him go. Jesus said he was the Son of God and
they replied that they did not need any more witnesses. {Lu 22:66-71 }

6467. Immediately in the morning, the whole multitude arose and led him bound to Pontus
Pilate the governor, from Caiaphas to the hall of judgment. (April 3rd) They did not go into the
judgment hall lest they would be defiled and unable to eat the passover. When Jesus stood
before the governor, Pilate asked the crowd what was his crime. They said that if he was not a
criminal, they would not have brought Jesus to him. They accused Jesus of perverting the
country and forbidding any to pay tribute to Caesar. They also said that Jesus claimed to be
Christ a king. Jesus refused to answer them and Pilate asked him why he did not defend himself
against their many accusations? Jesus did not answer Pilate even so much as a word so that
Pilate marvelled. Then Pilate told the crowd to take him and judge him according to their law.
They replied that they did not have the power to kill him. Then Pilate entered into the judgment
hall again and called for Jesus. He asked Jesus if he were the king of the Jews? Jesus asked
Pilate if he asked the question of his own accord or did others tell that to him. Pilate retorted that
he was not a Jew and that his own people and the chief priests had brought him to him. He asked
Jesus what had he done. Jesus stated that his kingdom was not an earthly kingdom. Pilate asked
if he were a king to which Jesus said that this was the reason he came into the world so that be
might witness to the truth. Pilate asked him what was truth and then went out again to the Jews
and said Jesus was innocent. The crowd was more hostile and said he had stirred up the people
and taught through all the country of the Jews starting at Galilee to this place.

6468. When Pilate heard about Galilee, he asked Jesus if he were a Galilaean. When he knew
that he belonged to Herod's jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod who was at Jerusalem in those

days. Herod was exceedingly glad and hoped to see some miracle. Jesus would not answer
Herod or the chief priests and scribes who vehemently accused him. After Herod had set Jesus at
naught and mocked him, he sent him back to Pilate arrayed in a gorgeous robe. Both the
governors became friends that same day.

6469. When Pilate had called the chief priests and the rulers and the people, he told them that
both he and Herod found Jesus innocent. Therefore he would chastise Jesus and release him. It
was the custom on every feast day, for the governor to free any prisoner the people wanted. The
crowd cried out aloud and began to desire that he would do for them as he had always done.
Therefore, Pilate called them and asked whether they wanted him to release the king of the Jews
or Barabbas. Pilate knew that the chief priests had delivered him for envy. However, they stirred
up the people that Pilate should release Barabbas to them instead of Jesus. Barabbas was an
infamous thief who was imprisoned for insurrection and murder in the city. When Pilate sat in
the judgment seat, his wife sent him a message saying that he should have nothing to do with
that just man because she had suffered may things in a dream because of him that day.

6470. Therefore, Pilate asked the crowd again whom they wanted to have released because he
really wanted to release Jesus. However, they all cried out and said they did not want Jesus but
Barabbas. Therefore Pilate asked them what he should do with the one they called the king of
the Jews. They all cried out again and said he should be crucified. Pilate asked a third time what
was his crime and he found him innocent. He would chastise him and let him go free. Then they
cried more earnestly in loud voices that he should be crucified. Then Pilate took Jesus and
scourged him. The soldiers made a crown of thorns and placed it on his head and clothed him
with purple. They mocked him and greeted him as the king of the Jews and beat him with
staves. Therefore, Pilate went out again to them and said that he brought Jesus out to them
whom he found innocent. Jesus was led out wearing the crown of thorns and the robe. Pilate told
them to look at Jesus. When the chief priests and officers saw him, they cried out and said to
crucify him. Pilate told them to take and crucify him but that he was innocent. The Jews replied
that he should die because he said he was the Son of God. When Pilate heard that, he was more
afraid and went again into the judgment hall and asked Jesus where he came from. Jesus did not
reply. Then Pilate admonished him to answer and bragged that he had the power to crucify him.
Jesus answered that he could have no power unless it was given to him from above.

6471. From that time on, Pilate tried to release him but the Jews replied that if he did he was not
Caesar's friend. When Pilate heard this, he brought out Jesus and sat in the judgment seat in the
place called "the Pavement". It was the preparation for the passover and about the sixth hour
(noon). He told the Jews that here was their king. They cried out that he should be crucified.
Pilate asked if he should crucify their king but the chief priests said that they had no king but
Caesar. When Pilate saw he was getting nowhere and that he had a potential riot on his hands,
he took some water and washed his hands before the crowd. He said that he was innocent of the
blood of this just person. All the people replied that his blood would be on them and their
children. Then to placate the multitude, Pilate released Barabbas. After he had scourged Jesus,
he did as the crowd wanted and ordered Jesus to be crucified. {Joh 19:1-30 Lu 23:1-25 Mr 15:1-
37 Mt 27:11-31}

6472. When the soldiers of the governor had led Jesus into the hall called Praetorium, they
called together the whole band. When they had stripped him, they put a scarlet robe on him.
They made a crown of thorns and put it on his head and put a reed in his right hand. They bowed
down and mocked him and greeted him as the king of the Jews. When they had spat on him,

they took that reed and hit him on the head. After they had mocked him, they took off the purple
robe from him and put his own clothes on him and led him out to be crucified.

6473. When Judas who had betrayed him, saw that he was condemned, he repented and brought
the thirty pieces of silver to the chief priests. He confessed his sin to them and after he cast the
silver pieces into the temple, he went and hanged himself. They used the money to buy the
potter's field that the prophesy might be fulfilled.

6474. Jesus went out carrying his cross. As they were leading him, they found Simon of Cyrene,
who came from the country. They took him and compelled him to carry the cross after Jesus.
There were two thieves that were led out with him to be crucified. There followed a great
multitude of people and of women who lamented him. He turned to them and foretold the
terrible destruction of Jerusalem. When they came to the place called Calvary, but in the Hebrew
it is called Golgotha, they gave wine to him to drink which was mingled with myrrh and vinegar
mingled with gall. When he had tasted it, he refused to drink it. They crucified him and the two
thieves there, about the third hour (9 am). One thief was on each side of him. Jesus prayed to his
Father to forgive them because they did not know what they were doing.

6475. Pilate wrote a superscription in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, and put it on the cross. The
chief priests asked Pilate to change it and he refused. After they had crucified him, they divided
his garments into four parts, one piece for each soldier who worked on the execution. They cast
lots for his seamless coat rather than divide it up so that the scripture might be fulfilled. They sat
down and watched him there and the people stood and watched.

6476. Those who passed by reviled him and shook their heads. They told him to come down
from the cross because he said he could destroy the temple and raise it up again in three days.
Likewise, the chief priests and rulers with the people, mocked and scoffed him along with the
scribes and elders. They said that he could save others but he could not save himself. If he really
was the king of Israel and that Christ, the chosen of God, then he should come down from the
cross and then they would believe him. They said he trusted in God to save him for Jesus
claimed to be the Son of God. The soldiers also mocked him and came to him. They offered him
vinegar and said that if he was really the king of the Jews, he should save himself.

6477. Also the thieves who were crucified with him, threw the same in his face. While one of
them continued in his railing against him, the other was converted and rebuked the other thief.
He asked Jesus to remember him when he came into his kingdom. Jesus promised him that
today he would be with him in paradise.

6478. His mother stood by his cross, as well as his mother's sister, Mary, the wife of Cleophas
and Mary Magdalene. When Jesus' mother and the disciple whom he loved was standing beside
her, he said to his mother to behold her son and to the disciple to behold his mother.

6479. When the sixth hour (noon) was come, there was darkness over all the land until the ninth
hour (3 pm). In the ninth hour (3 pm), Jesus cried out with a loud voice, "Eli Eli", or, " Eloi Eloi
Lamia sabachthani." Some who stood by said that he called for Elijah. After this, when Jesus
knew that all things were accomplished so that the scripture might be fulfilled, he said he was
thirsty. Beside the cross there was a vessel full of vinegar. They filled a spunge with vinegar and
put it upon hyssop or a reed. They put it to his mouth and said with the rest that they would wait

and see if Elijah would come and take him down from the cross. When Jesus had received the
vinegar, he said that it was finished. He again cried with a loud voice and commended his spirit
to his Father. Jesus bowed his head and gave up the ghost. When the centurion saw that he had
so cried out and died, he glorified God and testified that certainly this was an innocent man and
the Son of God. {Lu 23:26-46 Mr 15:38-42 Mt 27:32-50}

6480. The vail of the temple was ripped in two from the top to the bottom and there was an
earthquake and the rocks were split. The graves were opened and many bodies of the saints who
had died, arose, and came out of the graves after his resurrection and went into Jerusalem and
appeared to many. When the centurion and those who stood around Jesus saw the earthquake
and the things that were done, they were terrified and testified that certainly this was the Son of
God. Then all the people who came to watch the crucifixion beat their chests and returned home.
His acquaintances and the women who followed him from Galilee, stood a far off and saw these
things. Among them was Salome, Mary Magdalene and Mary, the mother of James the Less and
Joses. When he was in Galilee, these followed and ministered to him along with many other
women who came up to Jerusalem with him. {Lu 23:47-49 Mt 27:51-56}

6481. The Jews did not want the bodies to remain on the cross on the sabbath because it was the
preparation, (for that sabbath was an high day. They asked Pilate that their legs might be broken
and that they might be taken down. Therefore the soldiers came and broke the legs of the two
thieves but not of Jesus because he was already dead. One of the soldiers pierced his side with a
spear and there immediately came out blood and water. These things were done so that the
scripture might be fulfilled. {Joh 19:31-37}

6482. When evening came, because it was the preparation, that is, the day before the sabbath,
Joseph of Arimathea came to Pilate. Joseph was a rich man and an honourable councillor who
also looked for the kingdom of God. He was a good and just man and had not consented in the
council to their plans. He was a secret disciple for fear of the Jews but he came boldly to Pilate
and begged the body of Jesus. Pilate marvelled that Jesus was already dead and questioned a
centurion about Jesus. When Pilate knew it, he gave the body to Joseph. Nicodemus (who first
came to Jesus at night) brought a mixture of myrrh and aloes about an hundred pound weight.
Therefore they took the body of Jesus and wound it in a linen cloth with the spices as the
manner of the Jews was in burying a body. When Joseph had wrapped it in a clean linen cloth,
he laid it in his own new sepulchre which he had hewn from a rock which was never used
previously. The sepulchre was in a garden in the place where Jesus was crucified. Joseph rolled
a large stone to the door of the sepulchre. Mary Magdalene, and Mary the Mother of Joses, who
came with Jesus from Galilee saw where they had laid him and sat opposite the sepulchre. They
returned and prepared spices and ointments and rested on the sabbath day according to the
commandment.

6483. The next day (April 4th) the Pharisees asked Pilate that he secure the sepulchre until the
third day because Jesus said he would arise on the third day. When Pilate agreed, they went and
secured the sepulchre. They sealed the stone and set a watch. {Joh 19:38-42 Lu 23:50-56 Mr
15:42-47 Mt 27:57-61}

6484. When the sabbath was over, (April the 5th) and it dawned toward the first day of the
week, very early in the morning while it was still dark, Mary Magdalene and Mary the mother of
James, and Salome came with spices. They came to see the sepulchre and anoint Jesus. They
wondered who would roll away the stone from the door for them. When the sun was risen, they

came to the sepulchre and they saw the stone was rolled away. There was a great earthquake for
the angel of the Lord came down from heaven and rolled away the stone and sat upon it. The
women went in and did not find the body of the Lord Jesus. They were very perplexed by this
when two men came to them in shining clothes and their faces were as lightning and their
garments white as snow. Matthew and Mark mention only one angel. The guards shook for fear
and became as dead men. When the women were afraid and bowed their faces to the earth, the
angels told them not to be afraid for they were seeking Jesus who was crucified. They told them
he was not dead but alive. They invited the women to see the sepulchre for themselves. They
reminded them that when Jesus was still in Galilee with them, he told them that the Son of Man
must be delivered into the hands of sinful men, be crucified and the third day rise again. The
angels told them to quickly go and tell his disciples and Peter that he was risen again from the
dead. Also they said that Jesus went ahead of them to Galilee and they would see him there.
Then the women remembered the words of Jesus and they left quickly from the sepulchre with
fear, wonder and great joy. They ran to tell his disciples but they said nothing to any man (as
they went) for they were afraid. When the women had told these things to the eleven and to all
the rest, their words seemed as idle tales. However, Mary Magdalene told Peter and the other
disciple whom Jesus loved that they had taken away the Lord and they did not know where they
had laid him.

6485. Peter and that other disciple left for the sepulchre but the other disciple outran Peter and
came first to the sepulchre. When he stooped down, he saw the linen cloths lying there but did
not go in. Then Peter came and went into the sepulchre and saw the linen clothes lying there and
the napkin that was about his head not lying with the linen clothes but wrapped together in a
place by itself. Then the other disciple went in and saw and believed and Peter went to his own
home wondering about what had happened. As yet they did not know the scriptures that he must
rise again from the dead. The disciples went to their own home.

6486. However Mary Magdalene stood outside the sepulchre and wept. While she wept, she
stooped down into the sepulchre and saw two angels in white sitting there, the one at the head,
and the other at the feet, where the body of Jesus had been. They asked her why she wept. She
told them that they had taken away her Lord and she did not know where they had laid him.
When she had said this, she turned around and saw Jesus standing but did not know that it was
Jesus. Jesus asked her why she wept and whom she was looking for. She thought the man was
the gardener and asked that if he had taken the body away, to show her where he had put the
body. Jesus said "Mary" and she immediately recognised him. Jesus told her not to touch him
for he had not yet ascended to his Father. She was to go and tell his brethren. She went and told
his disciples and those that had been with him as they were weeping and mourning that she had
seen the Lord and that he had said these things to her. They did not believe her. The women
went from the sepulchre (perhaps Mary Magdalene was absent) that they might tell his disciples.
Jesus met with the women and greeted them and they all came and held him by the feet and
worshipped him. Jesus told them not to be afraid but to tell his brethren to go into Galilee and
meet Jesus there.

6487. When they were going, some of the guard went into the city and told the chief priests all
the things that had happened. When they were assembled with the elders, they took counsel that
they would give a large amount of money to the soldiers. The soldiers were to say that his
disciples came by night and stole the body away while they slept. If the governor heard about
this, they said they would protect the soldiers from any harm. So they took their money and did
as they were told. This saying is commonly reported among the Jews to this day. {Joh 20:1-18

Lu 24:1-12 Mr 16:1-11 Mt 28:1-15}

6488. Two of Jesus' followers went into the country that same day to the village of Emmaus
which was about 7.5 miles from Jerusalem. As they journeyed, Jesus went along with them and
they told him what things had happened in those days about Jesus of Nazareth. He was crucified
and was supposed to rise again on the third day. Jesus showed them from the scriptures that it
was necessary for Christ to suffer and to enter into his glory. In the village, when he had taken
bread and given thanks and broke it and given it to them, he revealed himself to them and their
eyes were opened although he appeared in another form. He vanished from their sight. They left
the same hour and returned to Jerusalem to the eleven and those that were with them. They told
these two that the Lord had risen indeed and had appeared to Simon. Then they told them what
things had happened on the way and how he was known of them in the breaking of bread. They
did not believe them. {Lu 24:13-35 Mr 16:12,13}

6489. While they were still talking in the evening of the first day of the week, they had the doors
shut for fear of the Jews. Jesus appeared and stood in their midst and greeted them. They were
terrified and frightened and thought they had seen a spirit. However he upbraided them for their
unbelief and hardness of heart because they had not believed those who had seen him since he
had risen. He asked them why they were troubled and he showed them his hands and his feet
and said that a spirit does not have flesh and bones. He showed them his hands, feet and his side.
When they did not believed for joy and wondered, he asked them if there was anything to eat
and he ate a piece of broiled fish, and an honey comb. The disciples rejoiced that they had seen
the Lord. Jesus told them that what had happened was exactly what he had told them would
happen so that all things would be fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, the prophets
and in the Psalms about Christ. Then he opened their understandings so that they might
understand the scriptures. He told them it was necessary for Christ to suffer and to rise from the
dead the third day so that repentance and remission of sins could be preached in his name among
all countries. He said they were witnesses of these things. He gave them the promise from his
Father. They were to stay at Jerusalem until they were endued with power from on high. Again
he greeted them and said that as his Father had sent him, so he would send them. They were to
go into all the world and preach the gospel to everyone. He who believed and was baptized
would be saved but he who did not believe, would be damned. He would give them signs to
authenticate their message. In the name of Jesus, they would cast out demons and speak in new
languages. They would take up serpents and if they drank any deadly thing, it would not hurt
them. They would lay their hands on the sick and they would recover. After he had said all these
things, he breathed on them and told them to receive the Holy Ghost. Whomever sins they
remitted, they would be remitted to them. Whomever sins they retained, they would be retained.
(Thus Jesus appeared five times on the very first day of his resurrection.) { Joh 20: 19-23 Lu
24:36-49 Mr 14:14-18}

6490. Thomas, who was called Didymus and one of the twelve, was not with them when Jesus
came. When the rest of the disciples told him, that they had seen the Lord, he very confidently
professed that he would not believe it. After eight days, (April 12th) Thomas was present with
the rest and Jesus came when the doors were shut. He stood in their midst and greeted them and
abundantly satisfied Thomas' unbelief. {Joh 20:24-29 Lu 24:16-20}

6491. Then the eleven disciples went into Galilee to the mountain where he told them to meet
him. When they saw him, they worshipped him but some doubted. When Jesus came to them, he
said that he had all power and they were to go and tell the gospel message to everyone. He

promised to be with them to the end of the world. After that, Jesus was seen by more than five
hundred brethren at once and after that by James. { ICo 15:6,7 Mt 28:16-20}

6492. Later Jesus showed himself to his disciples again at the sea of Tiberias or at least to seven
of them as they were fishing. After they had fished all night and caught nothing, Jesus was
standing on the shore and they did not recognise him. He told them to cast their net on the right
side of the boat where they caught 153 large fish. Jesus bid them to come and dine with him and
no one dared ask him who he was for they knew it was the Lord. When they had dined, he
warned Peter three times of his pastoral charge. Jesus foretold the kind of death he would die.
When Peter asked about John, Jesus replied but his answer was incorrectly understood by the
brethren. {Joh 21:1-24}

6493. Last of all, he appeared to his disciples in Jerusalem and led them out as far as Bethany.
He lifted up his hands and blessed them. It came to pass as he blessed them, he was parted from
them and carried up into heaven. {Lu 24:50,51 Mr 16:19}

6494. Here ends the history of the acts of Christ by the four evangelists including his forerunner,
John the Baptist. Josephus had a short note of honourable mention about John the Baptist.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:484>}

vv Herod the Tetrarch, killed John, surnamed the Baptist, who was a most excellent man. He
motivated the Jews to the study of virtues especially of piety and justice. He encouraged them to
be baptised which he said would be acceptable to God, if they made use of it, not for the
remission of their sins only but first having their minds purged through righteousness then they
would also purify the body. Many went out to him especially the common people who were
pleased with his words. Herod feared lest the great authority of the man would cause some
rebellion because they seemed as though they would listen to nothing which he advised them.
He thought it safer to take him out of the way before there was any sedition rather than act when
it was too late. Therefore he commanded him to be sent prisoner to Macharas and then to be put
to death."

6495. Josephus stated this about Christ, our Lord: {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 4, 5. <c. 3.
1:480>}

vv At the same time there was a wise man named Jesus, if we may call him a man. He was a
worker of miracles and a teacher of those who willingly receive the truth. He had many Jews
and Gentiles who followed him and was believed to be the Christ. When Pilate had crucified
him through the envy of our rulers, nevertheless those who first loved him continued loyal in
their love for him and he appeared to them alive the third day. The prophets in their prophesies
foretold both these and many other powerful things concerning him. The Christians (named after
him) continue to this very day."

6496. Thus Jerome in his book of ecclesiastical writers has translated this place. His reading is:
vv He was believed to be the Christ."

6497. is preferred before that of Eusebius. {Eusebius, History Eccles., c. 11.} or Rufinus or as it

is in our books:
vv This was the Christ."

6498. It is clear that Josephus came no nearer to our religion than King Agrippa to whom he was
most devoted whose confession to Paul was: {Ac 26:28}

""Almost you have persuaded me to be a Christian."

6499. Cornelius Tacitus stated:

vv Christ was put to death by Pontius Pilate, the governor of Judea in the reign of
Tiberius." {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c. 43.?}

6500. Lucian the martyr in Rufinus testifies to the darkness at that time by appealing to the
writings of the heathen themselves. {Eusebius, History Eccles., 1. 9. c. 6.}

vv Search your writings and you shall find in Pilate's time when Christ suffered that the sun was
suddenly withdrawn and a darkness followed."

6501. Before him Tertulian {Tertulian, Apologetic to the Gentiles, c. 21.} stated:

vv At the same moment the day was withdrawn even when the sun was at the height. Those that
never knew that this also was spoken concerning Christ, judged it to be nothing but an eclipse.
However, you shall find this event that happened to the world, recorded even on your own
monuments."

6502. Thallus, {Thallus, Histories, 1. 3} called this an eclipse and Phlegon of Tralles {Phlegon,
Chronicles, 1. 13. } also called it an eclipse. (Thallus lived at the time of these events and wrote a
history starting from the Trojan War down to the death of Christ. {*Oxford Classical
Dictionary, p. 1491. } Phlegon lived at the time of Hadrian and wrote a history starting from the
first Olympiad down to 140 AD. {*Oxford Classical Dictionary, p. 1172.}, Editor.) Thallus was
quoted by Julius Africanus in his third chronography. Africanus was a contemporary of Origen.
Phlegon was quoted in Origin's book {Origin, against Celsus, p. 83, 99. Greek edition} and in
his 35th tract. Phlegon stated that at the 19th year of Tiberius (as Eustathius Antiochus notes in
Hexameron) and the fourth year of the 202nd Olympiad (e.g. 33 AD) are these words. (Ussher
has a large quote from the Greek from Origin. Editor.) Jerome translated this in Eusebius'
Chronicle to Latin. (Ussher has a large quote in Latin from Jerome translation of Eusebius.
Editor.) The English translation is:

vv There was a large and most famous eclipse that has ever happened. The day was so turned into
night at the sixth hour (noon) so that the stars were seen. An earthquake also in Bithynia
destroyed many houses in the city of Nice."

6503. (Sir Robert Anderson, { * Anderson, The Coming Prince, p. 104. } gives the dates for the
passover from 22 AD to 37 AD. Note that the passover would start at sundown for the previous
day and end at sundown for the date shown. The passover meal would be eaten the previous

evening. These are:

Year

Passover

AD

Day

Date

22

Sunday

April 22

23

Thursday

March 25

24

Wednesday

April 12

25

Sunday

April 1

26

Thursday

March 21

27

Wednesday

April 9

28

Monday

March 29

29

Sunday

April 17

30

Thursday

April 6

31

Tuesday

March 27

32

Monday

April 14

33

Friday

April 3

34

Tuesday

March 23

35

Monday

April 11

36

Friday

March 30

37

Thursday

April 18

6504. Anderson independently confirmed the date for passover that Ussher computed for 33 AD
hence we assume his other calculations are equally accurate. He stated at length in his book how
these were done so it appears he did his homework well. The day of the week was calculated
independently by the editor using the the Online Bible Calendar program and was not included
with the original materal by Anderson. Ironically, Anderson selected 32 AD date as the year that
Christ died and goes to great pains to show why the Jews celebrated the passover on the wrong
day, that is on Friday not Monday. The only plausible date from the list is 33 AD for Good
Friday as the only other date for Good Friday would be in 36 AD which is too late. This
independently confirms the writings of Phlegon. Editor.)

6505. From the history of the gospels about the sayings and acts of Christ, Luke makes this
transition to the Acts of the Apostles.

vv The former treatise I have made O Theophilus, of all that Jesus began to do and teach, until the
day (of our May 14th.) in which he was taken up, after that he through the Holy Ghost, had
given commandments to his apostles whom he had chosen: to whom also he showed himself

alive after his passion by many infallible proofs, being seen of them forty days and speaking of
things pertaining to the kingdom of God." {Ac 1:1-3}

6506. When they were assembled together with them, the Lord commanded them that they
should not leave Jerusalem but should wait for the promise of the Father which was the soon
baptism of the Holy Ghost. {Ac 1:4,5 11:16} The apostles asked the Lord, if he would at this
time restore the kingdom to Israel. He replied that it was not for them to know the times that the
Father had put in his own power. However, they would receive the Holy Ghost and would bear
witness of him, not only in Jerusalem, Judea and Samaria, but to the uttermost parts of the earth.
After he had spoken these things while they saw him, he was taken up and a cloud received him
from their sight. They were also instructed by two angels who suddenly appeared in white
clothes. They said that he would come again (for judgment) in the very same way as they now
saw him go up into heaven. {Ac 1:6-1 1 }

6507. When they had worshipped him, they returned to Jerusalem with great joy {Lu 24:52}
from the Mount of Olives which was a sabbath day's journey from there. {Ac 1:12} The Syrian
version writes seven furlongs (about 7/8 of a mile.) Likewise does Theophylact based on
Josephus. However, our copies of Josephus read that the Mount of Olives was either 5 furlongs
(5/8 of a mile) {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 6.} or 6 {Josephus, Wars, 1. 5. c. 8.} as the Greek, or
{Josephus, 1. 6. c. 3.} as the Latin copy has it.

6508. The eleven apostles stayed in an upper room in Jerusalem and continued with one accord
in prayer with the women, Mary the mother of Jesus and his brothers. {Ac 1:13,14}

6509. In those days, Peter stood up in the midst of the disciples, who numbered abut 120, and
spoke to them about choosing a successor for the traitor Judas. He had thrown himself down
headlong and burst in the midst. When they had prayed, they cast lots between Joseph, called
Barsabas, and Matthias. The lot fell to Matthias and he was chosen to be numbered with the
apostles. {Ac 1:15-26}

6510. On the day of Pentecost (May 24th) when all the 120 were assembled together with one
accord, there suddenly came a sound from heaven like a mighty rushing wind and it filled all the
house where they sat. There appeared to them cloven tongues like of fire which sat on each of
them and they were all filled with the Holy Ghost. They began to speak with other tongues as
the Spirit gave them utterance. At Jerusalem were devout Jews from every country under
heaven. When they heard these speaking in their own languages the wonderful things of God,
they were all amazed. However others profanely derided the miracle. Peter, in a most grave
sermon, refuted their charge of drunkenness since it was only the third hour (9 am) of the day. (9
am) He then expounded to them about Christ from the law and the prophets and proved that he
was risen. Through the power of the Spirit, 3000 were converted. Peter commanded them to be
baptized in the name of Jesus Christ for remission of sins. {Ac 2: 1-41 }

6511. They continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and fellowship. They broke bread and
prayed. Fear came upon every soul and the apostles performed many signs and wonders. All
who believed were together and had all things common and sold their possessions and goods.
They gave them to all men according to their needs. They continued daily with one accord in the
temple and broke bread from house to house. They ate with gladness and singleness of heart.
They praised God and had favour with all the people. The Lord added daily to the church such

as should be saved. {Ac 2:42-47}

6512. Peter and John went up together into the temple about the hour of prayer which was the
ninth hour. (3 pm) At the gate of the temple, called "Beautiful", they healed in the name of
Christ, a man who had been lame from his birth who was about 40 years old. For this reason, the
people came running into Solomon's porch. Peter expounded the mystery of salvation through
Christ and upbraided their ingratitude and exhorted them to repentance. Many who heard him
believed and the number of men were about 5000. However, the priests and rulers of the temple
with the Sadducees came and took Peter and John and put them in prison until the next day
because it was then evening. The next day the council was convened (in which were Annas the
high priest who was the president of the council along with Caiaphas and John and Alexander
and as many as were of the high priest's relatives.) The apostles were called in question about
the miracles they had done. They boldly defended the cause of Christ and the council forbid
them to speak any more in the name of Christ. The apostles replied that it was better to obey
God than men. They were threatened and released. The apostles returned to their own home,
where, together with the whole church, they poured out fervent prayer to God for the
propagation of the gospel. The Lord answered this prayer by causing an earthquake and sending
his Holy Spirit into their hearts. {Ac 3:1-4:37}

6513. The multitude of those who believed had one heart and one soul and they had all things in
common. No one lacked anything because as many as had lands or houses, went and sold them.
They brought the money and laid it down at the apostles' feet to be distributed to the poor.
Josephus or Joses, a Levite, from Cyprus surnamed by the apostles, Barnabas, (e.g. the son of
consolation) set the first example by selling his possessions. {Ac 4:32-37}

6514. Ananias and Sapphira his wife, fraudulently agreed together to keep back some of the
money they received for the land they sold. They lied and said they had given the whole amount.
They were struck dead by the word and rebuke only of Peter who exposed the fraud and
avenged it by the power of the Holy Ghost to whom they had lied. Great fear fell on all the
church and on as many as heard of these things. {Ac 5:1-11}

6515. The apostles performed many miracles among the people and they were all together with
one accord in Solomon's Porch. None of the rest dared join them however the people magnified
them and the Lord added more believers to the church. They brought the sick into the streets that
at the very least when the shadow of Peter passed over them, they would be healed. A large
multitude came from the cities around Jerusalem and brought the sick and those who were vexed
with unclean spirits and they were all healed. {Ac 5:12-16}

6516. The high priest and the Sadducees who were with him, were envious and cast the apostles
into prison. In the night they were freed by an angel and told to teach the people boldly and
without fear. When they were brought to the council, they escaped death through the advice of
Gamaliel a Pharisee. He was a doctor of the law and held in much esteem among the people.
After they had been scourged, they were freed. They left the council rejoicing that they were
counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Jesus. They taught daily in the temple. {Ac 5:17-
42}

4037a AM, 4746 JP, 33 AD

6517. The number of believers increased at Jerusalem and the money that came in helped
support the poor of the church. There arose (as it commonly happens among a multitude) a
murmuring of the Greeks against the Hebrews because they thought their widows were
neglected in the daily distribution of the church's money. The apostles did not have time to be
involved in distributing the gifts from the rich of the church to the poor or to manage the money
that came in from the sale of property for the church. Seven men were chosen to be stewards of
the church's goods and manage that service. These were Stephen, Philip, Prochorus, Nicanor,
Timon, Parmenas and Nicholas, a proselyte of Antioch. (It was evident because they all had
Greek names that in this selection, there was no way the Greeks could say they were ignored.)
The word of the Lord increased and the number of the disciples was multiplied at Jerusalem and
many of the priests were obedient to the faith. {Ac 6:1-7}

6518. Stephen did many wonders and miracles among the people and stoutly defended the cause
of Christ against the Jews of the synagogue of the Libertines (those freed by their masters),
Cyrenians, Alexandrians and of those from Cilicia and Asia. He disputed with them about Christ
and when they could not resist the wisdom and spirit by which he spoke, they falsely accused
him. They captured him and brought him before the council. They had false witnesses who
would swear that they heard him speak blasphemous words against the temple and the law. {Ac
6:8-15}

6519. In a long speech before the high priest (Annas) and the council, Stephen showed that the
true worship of God was observed by Abraham and his posterity before the temple was built by
Solomon and even before Moses was born. He stated that Moses testified of Christ and that the
outward ceremonies that were given to their fathers, were only to last for a time. Then, he
sharply reprehended the Jews because they had always resisted the Holy Ghost and had
wickedly put Christ to death whom the prophets had foretold would come into the world.
Thereupon, the council was mad with rage and they cast that holy man out of the city and stoned
him to death while he was praying for them. {Ac 7:1-60}

6520. Before the witnesses (according to the law, {De 17:7}) were about to throw the first
stones at Stephen, they laid their garments at a young man's feet called Saul. He watched their
clothes and consented to the death of Stephen. {Ac 7:58 8:1 22:20} Saul was a man, an Hebrew
of the Hebrews, of the tribe of Benjamin, born at Tarsus in Cilicia which Strabo stated was a
famous city for the study of philosophy and the liberal sciences. {*Strabo, 1. 14. 6:347} Saul
was of the sect of the Pharisee and the son of a Pharisee. At that time he studied divinity in
Jerusalem in the synagogue of the Cilicians. He frequented the school of Gamaliel who was that
famous doctor among the Pharisees and a most strict observer of the law of Moses and of the
traditions delivered to the fathers. {Ac 21:39 22:3 23:6,34 26:4,5 2Co 11:22 Ga 1:14 Php 3:5,6}

6521. Devout men carried Stephen to his burial and made a great lamentation for him. {Ac 8:2}

6522. Aelius Lamia died at Rome who was the absentee governor of Syria. Flaccus Pomponius,
the true governor of Syria, died in the province. {Tacitus, Annals, 6. c. 27.} {Suetonius,
Tiberius, c. 42.}

4037b AM, 4747 JP, 34 AD

6523. Herod Agrippa had his daughter Mariamme by Cypros, ten years before his death.

{Josephus, 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:485> 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 8. 1:524>}

6524. There arose a great persecution after the death of Stephen against the whole church which
was at Jerusalem. {Ac 8:1 11:19} Saul in an exceedingly great rage, made havock of the church.
He received authority from the chief priests and he testified against the saints who were killed.
He also entered into every house and took captive men and women. He bound and put them in
prison and often beat them in every synagogue. He compelled some to deny Christ and to
blaspheme while he persecuted to death others who kept the faith. {Ac 8:1 9:13,21 22:4,5,19
26:9-11 Ga 1:13,23 Php 3:6 ITi 1:13}

6525. This persecution dispersed the church into various countries but was for the great
advantage of the church. The apostles were left alone at Jerusalem while the rest, of whom there
were some thousands, {Ac 2:41 4:4} were dispersed into the regions of Judea and Samaria.
They preached the gospel wherever they went. {Ac 8:1-4} Others went to Damascus, {Ac
9:19,25} among whom was Ananias, a devout man according to the law and one who had a
good report among all the Jews who lived there. {Ac 22:12} It is very likely that others went
even to Rome itself and among them Junias and Andronicus who were of note among the
apostles and relatives of this persecutor, Paul. They had embraced the faith before him. {Ro
16:7} Others travelled as far as Phenice, Cyprus and Antioch and preached the word of God to
the Jews only. {Ac 11:19} That is to those who were dispersed among the Gentiles. {Jas 1:1 IPe
1:1}

6526. Philip was among those who went to Samaria. He was the second in order after Stephen
the first martyr among the seven that were chosen. {Ac 8:5 21:8} Philip came into the city of
Samaria and preached Christ there. The people with one accord listened to what he said. They
saw the miracles which he did, for unclean spirits cried out with a loud voice and came out of
many. He healed many who were stricken with palsies and who were lame. There was great joy
in that city and many men and women believed and were baptized. Also Simon Magus listened
to Philip. For a long time Simon had bewitched the people of Samaria with his sorceries.
Everyone said this was the great power of God. When Simon saw the great signs and wonders
which Philip did, he believed and was baptized also. {Ac 8:5-13}

6527. When the apostles, who were at Jerusalem, heard that Samaria had received the word of
the Lord, they sent Peter and John to them. When they prayed and laid their hands on them, the
new converts received the Holy Ghost. When Simon Magus saw this, he offered them money so
that he also might receive the gift of conferring the Holy Ghost. Peter sharply rebuked his mad
impiety and warned him to repent of his wickedness and to ask pardon from God. Simon desired
the apostles to pray for him to the Lord. When they had completed their ministry in those
regions, they returned to Jerusalem and preached the gospel in the villages of Samaria as they
went. {Ac 8:14-25}

6528. After many ages had past, a bird called the Phoenix returned to Egypt and the learned
Egyptians and the Greeks discussed many things about this miracle. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c.
28.} Dio stated that this bird appeared in Egypt two years later. {*Dio, 1. 58. 7:253}

6529. Philip the tetrarch who was always reputed a modest man and a lover of ease and
quietness, died in the twentieth year of Tiberius. He had governed Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, and
Batanaea for thirty seven years and died at Julias. He was put in a monument that he built

previously for himself in which he was magnificently and sumptuously interred. Since he died
without children, Tiberius annexed that principality to the province of Syria. However, the
tributes which were collected in this tetrarchy, were to be kept within the borders of that
country. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:483>}

6530. At Rome in this twentieth year of Tiberius' reign, the consuls, Lucius Vitellius and Fabius
Priscus held the ten years games that they might as it were extend the government for him, as it
used to be done to Augustus. {*Dio, 1. 58. 7:247}

6531. In this year, (as Dio has it) or three years later (as Tacitus hints at the end of the fifth book
of his annals) this story is told. A certain young man said that he was Drusius Germanicus' son.
He was seen first in the islands of the Cyclades and soon after that on the continent of Greece
and Ionia. He was attended by some of Caesar's freed men. The ignorant were allured by the
fame of his name and by the minds of the Greeks ready for new and wonderful things. For they
pretended and also believed that if he could get from those who kept him, he would go to his
father's armies and would invade Egypt or Syria. When Poppaeus Sabinus heard these things,
who was in charge of Macedonia and Achaia, he entered Nicopolis which was a Roman colony.
There he knew that the young man who when he was more closely examined, had said that he
was Marcus Silanus' son and that many of his followers had sailed away and he sailed as if he
would go to Italy. Tacitus says he was never seen again and this was the end of the matter.
However, Dio added that this impostor was willingly received by the cities and strengthened
with troops. He would have had without doubt come into Syria and taken over the armies had
not someone recognised him and apprehended him and sent him to Tiberius. {Tacitus, Annals, 1.
5. c. 10.} {*Dio, 1.58. 7:249}

4038a AM, 4747 JP, 34 AD

6532. Philip the Evangelist, was directed by an angel and went to Gaza which is a desert. See
note on 3672 AM «1827». He met an eunuch, who had the charge of the treasure of Candace,
the queen of the Ethiopians, (in Meroe) and was returning in his chariot from Jerusalem where
he had been to worship. He was reading from Isaiah when the Spirit told Philip to go to him.
Philip instructed him in the faith of Christ and baptized him. Philip was immediately caught
away out of his sight by the Spirit of the Lord and was found at Azotus. He passed through the
country and he preached the gospel in all the cities until he came to Caesarea. {Ac 8:26-40}

4038b AM, 4748 JP, 35 AD

6533. Saul was still breathing out threatenings and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord
and obtained letters from the high priest (Annas, {Ac 4:6} and the council of which he was then
president) for the synagogues of Damascus. They stated that if he found any who were
Christians, he was to bring them bound to Jerusalem so that they might be punished. As he came
near Damascus at noon, a light from heaven brighter than the sun shone around him and those
who were with him. When they had all fallen to the earth, he heard a voice speaking to him in
the Hebrew language:

vv Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? it is hard for thee to kick against the pricks." {Ac 26:16}

6534. He asked who it was and was told:

VV I am Jesus of Nazareth whom thou persecutest, but rise and stand upon thy feet, I have
appeared to thee for this purpose, to make thee a minister and a witness both of those things that
thou hast seen and of those things in the which I will appear to thee; delivering thee from the
people, and from the Gentiles, to whom now I send thee, to open their eyes, and turn them from
darkness to light, and from the power of Satan to God, that they may receive forgiveness of sins
and an inheritance among them that are sanctified by faith that is in me." {Ac 26:15-18}

6535. Saul was trembling and full of fear and asked what the Lord would have him do. He was
told to go to Damascus and await further instructions. The men who journeyed with Saul were
so amazed that they were speechless. They saw the light and heard a sound of words but did not
see Christ who spoke nor understood anything that he spoke. {Ac 9:1-7 22:5-14 26:12-18}

6536. Saul arose from the earth and was blinded with the glory of the light. They led him by the
hand to Damascus {Ac 9:8 22: 1 1 } where he stayed for three days without sight and did not eat
or drink. Now there was a certain disciple named Ananias, to whom the Lord spoke by a vision.
He was told to go to the street called Straight and enquire for Saul of Tarsus in the house of
Judas. The Lord told him that Saul was praying. (Then Saul saw in a vision, Ananias coming
and laying his hands on him that he might receive his sight.) Ananias objected that he had heard
of this fellow and he had power from the religious leaders in Jerusalem to take all the Christians.
The Lord told Ananias to go, for Saul would become a great missionary and witness for
Christianity and would suffer much for it. Ananias went to the house and laid his hands on Saul.
He told Saul that Jesus had appeared to him on his way to Damascus and he had come to restore
his sight and to anoint him with the Holy Ghost. Immediately, there fell from his eyes as it were
scales and he received his sight. {Ac 9:9-18}

6537. Ananias told him:

vv The God of our fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know his will, and see that just
one, and shouldest hear the voice from his mouth, for thou shalt be a witness before all men, of
those things that thou hast heard and seen: and now why tarriest thou? arise and be baptized and
be washed from thy sins, calling on the name of the Lord." {Ac 22:14-16}

6538. Saul arose and was baptized. He ate and was strengthened. {Ac 9:18,19}

6539. Luke does not tell us in Acts what was revealed from the Lord to Saul at Damascus that
he should do. We learn what happened immediately after his conversion from the book of
Galatians. He was told not to confer with men nor go to Jerusalem to the apostles but should
spend some time in Arabia or places near Damascus. There he would receive the knowledge of
the gospel not from men but directly from Jesus Christ. {Ga 1:12,16,17.}

6540. After this, Saul returned to Damascus {Ga 1:17} and spent a few days with the disciples.
He immediately preached in the synagogues that Christ was the Son of God. They were all
amazed who heard these things, and said that is not this the one who came from Jerusalem to
bind the Christians to take them back to Jerusalem. Saul increased in strength more and more
and confounded the Jews who dwelt at Damascus and taught that Jesus was the Christ. {Ac 9:19-
22} He first preached the gospel to the Jews who lived in Damascus. {Ac 26:20}

6541. Tiberius was informed by Pilate from Palestine, concerning the affairs of Christ. Tiberius
proposed to the senate that Christ should be considered one of the gods. The senate opposed this
but Tiberius did not change his mind and threatened that:

vv it would be dangerous for any to accuse a Christian"

6542. So it is related by Tertullian {Tertullian, Apologetic, c. 5, 21.} and others that follow him.
{Eusebius, Chronicles} {Eusebius, History Eccles., 1. 2. c. 2.} Our English writer, Gildas in a
letter about the destruction of Britain, which if granted, we may correctly say, that the first
persecution after the murder of Stephen which arose in Judaea ceased partly by the conversion
of Saul who greatly promoted it and partly through the fear of Tiberius.

6543. L. Vitellius who the year before was consul at Rome, was sent by Tiberius as the
proconsul for Syria. He arrived in Jerusalem, at the very feast of the passover and received an
honourable welcome. He remited the whole tribute of the fruits put out for sale and allowed that
the high priest's garment with all that belonged to it should be stored in the temple by the priests.
It was formerly kept by the Roman governor in the citadel of Antonia. Thus he satisfied the
Jews. He put Jonathan the son of Ananus (or Annas) for the high priest instead of Joseph
Caiaphas. He then went to Antioch. { Josephus, 1. 15. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:424> 18. c. 6. <c. 4.
1:482,483>}

6544. After Artaxias, the king of Armenia had died, Artabanus, the king of Parthia, made
Arsaces, the oldest of his children, to be king over the Armenians. Since Tiberius did not object
or interfere, he made an attempt on Cappadocia and demanded the treasure left by Vonones in
Syria and Cilicia and asserted his right to the ancient boundaries of the Persians and
Macedonians. He bragged and threatened that he would invade all that was possessed by Cyrus
or Alexander. Sinnaces was a rich noble man and was supported by Abdus, an eunuch. They
drew away the principal men of the Parthians to them. They could find no suitable descendants
for Arsacides the king, since most of them were killed by Artabanus or too young to be king.
They sent secret messengers to Tiberius to request for their king, Phraates, the son of Phraates,
the son of Phraates the 3rd who was kept hostage at Rome. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 31.} {Dio,
1.58.7:251,253}

6545. Tiberius sent Phraates sufficiently armed into his father's kingdom and manipulated
foreign policy by astute diplomacy without warfare while he stayed quietly in Rome. In the
meantime, these conspiracies became known. Artabanus invited Abdus under the pretence of
friendship to a banquet and gave him a slow poison. He pretended friendship to Sinnaces with
gifts and kept him busy doing other things. When Phraates came into Syria, he abandoned the
Roman manner of life to which he had been accustomed and resumed the Parthian customs. He
was unable to handle his country manners and fell sick and died. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 32.}

6546. After the death of Phraates, Tiberius sent Tiridates 3rd who was from the same royal
family and who was an enemy to Artabanus. To help him get the kingdom quicker, Tiberius
wrote to Mithridates the Iberian that he should invade Armenia. Tiberius hoped by this means to
draw Artabanus from his own kingdom while he helped his son. To this end, he reconciled
Mithridates to his brother Pharasmanes, who succeeded his father Mithridates in the kingdom of
Iberia. He egged on Pharasmanes himself and the king of the Alanes with large gifts, to
suddenly make war on Artabanus. Tiberius made L. Vitellius the general over all these

preparations in the east. {Tacitus, 1. 6. c. 32.} {Josephus, Antiq, 1. 18. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:483>}
{*Dio, 1.58. 7:253}

6547. Mithridates induced his brother Pharasmenes to advance his endeavours by policy and
force. Arsaces, the son of Artabanus, was killed by his servants who were bribed to do this by
large sums of gold. The Iberians invaded Armenia and destroyed the city Artaxara. When
Artabanus knew these things, he outfitted his son Orodes to revenge it. He gave him the Parthian
troops and sent others to get mercenaries. On the other side, Pharasmenes allied himself to
Albanius and summoned the Samaritans to his help whose princes are called "Sceptruchi."
When the Samaritans had received gifts from both sides as the custom of that country was, it
supplied troops to both sides. The Iberians controlled all the passes and had the Samaritans enter
Armenia by the Caspian passes. Those Samaritans who came from the Parthians were easily
driven back. There was only one pass available to them and it was between the farthest Albanian
Mountains and the shore of the Caspian Sea. It is impassable in the summer because the Etesian
gales flood the seaboard . {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 33.} {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 6. <c. 4.
1:483>}

6548. When Pharasmenes had received reinforcements, he forced Orodes to fight who was
destitute of his allies. In the battle, he wounded Orodes through his helmet but could not hit him
again because he was carried away with his horse and the stoutest of his guard defended their
wounded king. Nevertheless a false rumour spread that he was slain and the Parthians believed it
and were appalled and lost the battle. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 34,35.} Hence the Parthians lost
Armenia again {Josephus, 1. 18. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:483>} and it was given to Mithridates of Iberia.
{*Dio, 1.58. 7:253}

4039a AM, 4748 JP, 35 AD

6549. Immediately after this, Artabanus went with the whole strength of his kingdom to revenge
this. However the Iberians were successful through their better knowledge of the terrain.
Artabanus would not have given up had not Vitellius gathered together his legions and spread a
rumour, as if he would invade Mesopotamia. Artabanus was afraid of the Roman forces. After
this Artabanus' fortune declined. He lost Armenia and Vitellius enticed his subjects to abandon
their king who was a tyrant in peace and unlucky in war. Thereupon Sinnaces had a secret
conference with Abdageses and others and made them revolt. The way was already prepared by
the continual Parthian defeats. His subjects served through fear not good will and were
encouraged when they had captains to follow. Vitellius bribed some friends and relatives of
Artabanus to try to kill him. When Artabanus knew of the conspiracy, he could not find any way
to thwart it. He was in danger from his nobility and he suspected even those who remained
under his protection. He fled to the higher provinces and places near to Scythia and hoped for
help from the Carmanians and Hyrcanians with whom he was related by marriage. {Tacitus,
Annals, 1. 6. c. 36.} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:483>}

4039b AM, 4749 JP, 36 AD

6550. Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, when he was in great financial need at Ptolemais,
borrowed money at interest from Protus a freed man and previously from his mother Bernice
who had died. He used the help of Marsyas, his own freed-man. He extorted from Marsyas a bill
of his hand for 20,000 Attic drachmas deducting out of that sum 2500 for Marsyas himself

which he might the easier do because Agrippa could not otherwise choose otherwise. (??) When
he got this money, he went to Anthedon and prepared to sail to Italy. When Herennius Capita,
the procurator of Jamnia heard that he was there, he sent soldiers there to exact of Agrippa the
300,000 drachmas of silver he owed to Caesar's treasury when he lived at Rome. By this means
he was forced to stay. Thereupon he made a pretence of obeying their commands but as soon as
it was night, he cut his cables and sailed to Alexandria. There, he offered to borrow from
Alexander Alabarcha 200,000 drachmas of silver. He said that he would lend him nothing but
would lend to his wife Cypros for he admired in her, her love for her husband and her other
virtues. When she had become his security, Alexander Alabarcha advanced him five talents at
Alexandria. He promised to deliver the rest to him at Puteoli because he feared Agrippa would
be a bad debt. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7,8. <c. 6. 1:486,487>}

6551. Philo, the Jew, mentions the arrival of Agrippa to the city of Alexandria {Philo, Flaccus}
when Flaccus was at that time governor of Egypt. Josephus stated that Philo was the brother of
Alexander Alabarcha. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 10. <c. 8. 494>} Jerome also states in his
catalogue of ecclesiastical writers, that Philo was of the same family of the priests. Thereupon
Baronius (on 34 AD, numb. 265.) thinks Philo to be none other than that Alexander {Ac 4:6}
who is said to be of the family of the Priests. However, this was that Alexander Lysimachus,
who bore the office of alabarch (a governor of the Jews) at Alexandria, (of whom Juvenal in his
first satire) and previously was the steward of Antonia, the mother of the Emperor Claudius and
father of Tiberius Alexander, the governor of Judea. Alexander was the richest of all the Jews of
Alexandria. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c. 4. <c. 5. 1:519> 1. 20. c. 3. <c. 5. 1:531>} He melted
gold and silver for the gates of the temple at Jerusalem, (and not his father, as Baronius wrote in
the previously mentioned place.) {Josephus, Wars, 1. 6. c. 6.}

6552. When Cypros had supplied her husband for his journey to Italy, she returned with her
children to Judea by land. When Agrippa came to Puteoli, he wrote to Tiberius Caesar who was
then living at Capreae. He told him that he had come so far to see him and asked permission to
come to the island. Tiberius immediately wrote back a kind answer that he would be glad to see
him at Capreae. Tiberius received him with great cheerfulness when he came and embraced and
lodged him. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 1:487>}

6553. The next day, Caesar received letters from Herennius concerning the 300,000 of silver
drachmas Agrippa owed. Tiberius ordered those of his house that Agrippa should not be
admitted until he had paid the debt. He was dismayed at Caesar's displeasure and begged
Antonia, the mother of Germanicus and Claudius, (later Emperor) that she would lend him
300,000 drachmas lest he should loose the friendship of Caesar. She recalled the friendship her
and Bernice, Agrippa's mother and that he had been brought up with her son Claudius and so
lent him the money. He paid his debt and regained Tiberius' favour and was so thoroughly
reconciled to Caesar that he commended to Agrippa's charge, his nephew (Tiberius the twin) the
son of Drusus. He ordered him that he should dutifully attend him wherever he went. Since he
was deeply obliged to Antonia for this benefit, he began to reverence Caius (Caligula) her
nephew, who was gracious in all men's eyes and honoured for the memory of his father. There
was there by chance at the same time, Thallus, a Samaritan, from whom he borrowed 1,000,000
Drachmas and repaid Antonia's debt. He kept the rest so he could more honourably attend to
Caius. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. ? <c. 6. 1:487>}

6554. Tigranes was the son of Alexander (that was killed by his father Herod) and of Glaphyra,
(the daughter of Archelaus, King of the Cappadocians.) He had turned from the Jews to the

Greek's religion and was the king of Armenia for a time. He was accused at Rome and there
punished and died without children. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 40.} { Josephus, Annals, 1. 18. c. 7.
<c. 485,486>}

6555. The Cietae, a tribe in Cilicia Thrachea, were subject to Archelaus the Cappadocian. They
were compelled after the Roman custom, to bring in the value of their annual revenues and to
pay tribute. They fled to the Taurus Mountain and there defended themselves by the strong
location of the place, against the weak forces of their king. Finally, M. Trebellius was sent from
Vitellius, president of Syria, with 4000 legionary soldiers and some choice auxiliaries. They
surrounded the two hills with works which the barbarians occupied. The smaller hill was called
Cadra and the other one, Davara. (Tavara ??) They killed any who dared leave their holds and
compelled the rest to surrender for want of water. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 41.}

6556. After Artabanus had fled, the minds of the people were inclined to a new king. Vitellius
persuaded Tiridates to seize the opportunity and led his legions and auxiliaries to the bank of the
Euphrates River. As they were sacrificing, some prepared Suovetaurilia, (a boar, a ram, and a
bull offered to Mars) according to the custom of the Romans. Others prepared an horse to
sacrifice to pacify the river. The inhabitants about the Euphrates River told them that the river
had exceedingly risen of its own accord, without any heavy rains. They also said that the white
froth made circles in the form of a diadem which was an omen of a prosperous journey.
However, others interpreted it more subtilly that the beginnings of their expedition would be
prosperous but not long lasting. They said this because they gave more credit to those things
which were portended by the earth and heaven and the nature of rivers was not constant. If the
rivers did show any good signs, they soon disappeared. Vitellius made a bridge from boats and
crossed over the river with his army. Orospades came to his camp with many thousands of
cavalry and joined him. He was once a banished man and brought considerable aid to Tiberius
when he warred in Dalmatia. For that, Tiberius made him a citizen of Rome. After this, he
entered anew into the king's favour and he made him governor of Mesopotamia. Not long after
that Sinnaces joined Tigranes as well as the Abdageses. They were tbe mainstay of his side and
brought him the court treasure and royal regalia. Vitellius thought it enough to have shown the
Roman forces and admonished Tiridates that he should remember his grandfather Phraates and
his upbringing with Caesar. He should consider the nobles so that they would be obedient to
their king and he should reverence the Romans. Everyone should keep their word. Then
Vitellius returned with his legions to Syria. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 37.}

6557. Tiridates received from the Parthians the cities of Nicophorium, Anthemusias and the
other cities of Macedonia who spoke Greek. Also Halus and Artemita, cities of Parthia, greatly
rejoiced for they hated the cruelty of Artabanus who was brought up among the Scythians. They
hoped that Tiridates would be gentle sonce he was raised among the Romans. The Seleucians
use much flattery and said their city was strong and walled about, not corrupted with barbarity
but kept the laws of their founder, Seleucus. When Tiridates arrived there, they highly honoured
him and reproached Artabanus as one indeed that was of the family of the Arsacidae on his
mother's side but in all other things he had degenerated. Tiridates committed the government of
the country to the people, whereas Artabanus had delivered it to the rule of 300 of the nobility.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 41,42.}

6558. Tiridates then consulted what day he should be crowned. He received letters from
Phraates and Hieron, who held the strongest governments, who desired that he wait for a time.
To satisfy those great men, he waited. In the meantime, he went to Ctesiphon, the seat of the

kingdom to await their arrival. When they delayed from day to day, Surena, with the approval of
many there present, crowned Tiridates after the custom of the country. If Tiridates had entered
farther into the country and the other countries, all waiver's doubts would have vanished and the
Parthian empire would have been his. Instead he stayed too long besieging a citadel where
Artabanus had stored his treasure and concubines. He gave them time to break the agreement.
Phraates and Hieron and some others did not celebrate the day appointed for his coronation.
Some did this from fear and some for envy to Abdageses who controlled the new king and was
the only favourite at court. These turned to Artabanus. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 42, 43.}

6559. Artabanus was found in Hyrcania very lowly attired and living by hunting with a bow. At
first he was afraid, as if there had been some treachery. When they had given their faith that they
came to restore him to his kingdom again, he stayed no longer than to assemble the Scythian
forces (Josephus related that he got together a large army of the Dahae and Sacae) and
immediately went with them. He did not change his poor clothes to make the common people
pity him more. There was neither subtilty, nor prayers, nor anything omitted, whereby he might
either draw the doubtful to him or confirm the willing. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 43, 44.}

6560. He then came with a strong force near Seleucia. Tiridates was afraid of Artabanus and
began to hesitate as to what to do, whether he should immediately encounter him or delay the
war. Abdageses' opinion was that he should retire into Mesopotamia with the river between
them. In the meantime, he should raise forces from the Armenians and Elymeans and the rest
behind them. After they increased their forces with the allies and such as the Roman captain
would send, then he should try his fortune. His advice was followed because of Abdageses'
authority and Tiridates' cowardliness. This retreat differed very little from a route and the
Arabians first led the way. The rest went either home or to Artabanus' camp. Tiridates returned
back into Syria with a small company and did not accuse them of the infamy of treason.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 44.}

6561. Artabanus easily overcame his enemies and was restored to his kingdom. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 18. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:483>} {*Dio, 1. 58. 7:253} Artabanus wrote letters to Tiberius, and
accused him of patricides, murders, sloths and luxury. He told Tiberius that he would quickly
satisfy the most just hatred of the citizens by a voluntary death. {Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 66.}
Artabanus invaded Armenia and planned to attack Syria. {Dio, 1. 59. 7:349}

6562. Agrippa was entertained with a close friendship by Caius Caligula. On a certain day as he
rode in the same coach with him, he wished that Tiberius might shortly turn over the empire to
him since he was a more worthy person. Eutichus overheard these words and said nothing. He
was one of Agrippa's freedmen and his coach driver. Eutichus was later accused of stealing a
garment from his patron. He had stolen it and fled. When he was brought back again, he was
taken to Piso, the prefect of the city and asked why he fled. He replied that he had some secrets
which he wanted to reveal to Caesar that concerned the safety of Caesar. Thereupon he was sent
in bonds to Capreae and there was a prisoner for a long time before it pleased Caesar to give him
any hearing. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:487>}

6563. A certain impostor persuaded the Samaritans that they should meet at Mount Gerizim
which that country thought was most holy. He affirmed that he would then show them the holy
vessels buried where Moses had put them. They believed him and took up arms and camped
around a village called Tyrabatha and awaited the arrival of the rest so that they might ascend
the hill with the larger company. Pilate took control of the top of the hill with his cavalry and

foot soldiers. He attacked those who were camped at the village. Some he killed, others fled and
the rest were captured. He beheaded the ringleaders and those with the most power among them.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 5. <c. 4. 1:482>}

4040a AM, 4749 JP, 36 AD

6564. The chief men of Samaria appealed to Vitellius, the governor of Syria and accused Pilate
of this murder. They denied that this assembly at Tirabatha was any revolt from the Romans but
a refuge from the tyranny of Pilate. Thereupon Vitellius sent his friend Marcellus to take charge
of Judea and ordered Pilate to go to Rome to answer before Caesar to the crimes the Jews
alleged he had done. He had lived ten years in that province to which would be added the little
time of 4 or 5 months, unless he deferred his voyage through fear of storms. (The fast of the
seventh month was past. {Ac 27:9}) He may have been detained by contrary winds or by some
delay that made him prolong his journey. Before Pilate came to Rome, Tiberius had died.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 5. <c. 4. 1:482>}

6565. When Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which was a region from the city of
about 12 miles, he was persuaded, though much against his will, that he should hear Eutichus so
that it might be known of what crime he accused his patron. When he examined the matter, he
found that Agrippa had neglected his commands of honouring his nephew Tiberius, Drusius' son
and had wholly given himself over to Caius. Thereupon he ordered Macro (who succeeded
Sejanus in the command of the praetorian guard) that he should bind Agrippa. Then Agrippa
prayed and begged for pardon for the memory of his son with whom he was brought up, in good
friendship and by those services that he had done for the young Tiberius. This was all in vain
and the praetorian soldiers carried him to prison even in his purple robes. At that time it was
very hot weather and he was very thirsty for want of wine. He saw a servant of Caius carrying a
pitcher of water and he desired to drink. When he had willingly given it to Agrippa, he drank it
and said to him:

vv Truly, Lad, you have done me this service for your own good, for as soon as I shall be free
from this bondage, I will beg Caius for your freedom."

6566. Agrippa followed through on his promise. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:488-
489>}

6567. Agrippa stood bound among the other prisoners before the palace and leaned in a
melancholy posture against a tree on which sat an owl. One of the prisoners, who was a German,
saw the bird and asked a soldier, who was the prisoner in the purple robe. When he knew that he
was one of the chief nobility of the Jews, he was led to him and through an interpreter, he told
Agrippa that this bird signified that there would be a sudden change of his present fortune. He
would be advanced to great dignity and power and he would have an happy death. (His death
was most unhappy and showed that the German was a false prophet.) He added that when he
would see this bird again, he would die within five days. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 6.
1:489,490>}

6568. Antonia was grieved at the calamity of Agrippa and thought it would be pointless to speak
to Tiberius on his behalf. However she obtained this much of Macro that he might be committed
to the custody of the soldiers of a gentle behaviour and that he would have a centurion who

would provide him his food. He was allowed the use of his daily things and that his friends and
freedmen might come to him whose services might relieve him. Then Silas his friend, visited
him along with his freedmen Marsyas and Stechus. They brought him his favourite foods and
they brought also garments as if they would sell them, on which he lay at night. The soldiers
allowed this having received orders from Macro. In this way he spent six months in prison, until
the death of Tiberius. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 1:490>}

6569. In the district of Gamalile, Herod the tetrarch and Aretas, the king of Arabia Petrea had a
dispute. He had not forgotten the wrong done to his daughter, whom Herod had married. Herod
despised her and married in her place, Herodias, his brother's wife. Herod and Aretas waged war
through their lieutenants. When the battle started, Herod's army was totally defeated because
they were betrayed by some banished men who were driven from the tetrarchy of Philip and had
served under Herod. Herod wrote letters to Tiberius telling him what had happened. Tiberius
was angry at Anetas for his bold attack and wrote to Vitellius that he should make war upon
him. Tiberius wanted Vitellius would to either bring him alive or if dead, to send him his head.
The Jews thought that Herod's defeat was the just judgment of God for the murder of John the
Baptist. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 5. 1:484>}

4040b AM, 4750 JP, 37 AD

6570. When Cn. Acerronius and C. Pontius Nigrinus were consuls, Tiberius died on March 18th
(17 calends of April) as it is in Suetonius {Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 13.} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c.
50. } or rather the 27th or 26th day of March when as after the death of Augustus, he had reigned
22 years 7 months 7 days. {*Dio, 1. 58. 7:257} It was not 5 months and 3 days, as Josephus
stated in {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:492?>} nor 6 months 3 days, as in his Wars.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 8.}

657 1 . After the death of Tiberius was known, Marsyas ran to his patron Agrippa, whom he
found bathing himself. He nodded his head and told him in Hebrew.

vv The lion is dead."

6572. When the centurion who kept him, knew from them that Tiberius was dead, he took off
Agrippa's bonds and bade them good cheer. As they were merrily eating and drinking, one came
and said Tiberius was still alive and that he would shortly return to the city. The centurion was
terrified by this and ordered Agrippa to be thrust from the rabble and bound and to be more
carefully guarded. The next day Caius sent two letters. One went to the senate which stated
Caius had succeeded Tiberius in the empire. The other went to Piso, the prefect of the city, and
said the same thing and added that he should set Agrippa free and restore him to that house
where he had previously lived. Although he was a prisoner yet he lived at his own discretion.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:492>}

6573. Caius returned to Rome and brought the body of Tiberius. He held a most sumptuous
funeral with great solemnity. When on the same day he would have released Agrippa, but by the
advice of Antonia, he held off. She wished Agrippa well but said he should not free him too
quickly lest he seem to do this in hatred for Tiberius who had imprisoned Agrippa. However,
not many days later, he sent for him to his house and ordered his hair to be cut and changed his
clothes and then put a crown on his head. He made him king of Philip's tetrarchy and gave him

also the tetrarchy of Lysanias. He changed his chain of iron into a chain of gold of the same
weight and sent Marallus as governor to Judea. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:492>}

6574. Caius Caligula freed Agrippa the grandson of Herod from bonds whom Tiberius had put
on him and gave him his grandfather's principality. {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:283} Philo {Philo, Flaccus}
stated that he was honoured with the office of a praetor by the Roman senate and that Caius
gave him the kingdom and the third part of the old dominion that his uncle Philip possessed.
When Agrippa had received the kingdom, he asked for Thaumastus who had given him a drink
when he was a prisoner, from Caius. Agrippa gave him his liberty and made him steward of his
goods. When Agrippa died, he left him in the same office to his son, Agrippa and daughter,
Bernice. Thaumastus was highly respected as long as he lived. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c.
6. 1:489>}

6575. Caligula gave to Antiochus, the son of Antiochus Commagene, his father's kingdom as
well as the coastal region of Cilicia. {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:283}

6576. Vitellius, the governor of Syria, took two legions and the foot soldiers and cavalry that
were sent from kings that were allies. He hurried toward Petra and came to Ptolemais. He
thought to lead his army through Judea but the leaders of that country approached him and
wished that he would not pass that way for the customs of their country would not permit that
any images should be carried there. The Roman banners had many images. He yielded to their
request and sent his army through the large plain and came with Herod the tetrarch and his
friends to Jerusalem to offer sacrifices to God at the next feast which was to happen soon. When
he was come, he was magnificently entertained by the people and stayed there three days. In the
mean time, he transferred the high priesthood from Jonathan to Theophilus, his brother.
{Josephus, 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:484,485>}

6577. Four days later, Vitellius received letters of Tiberius' death. He made the people take the
oath of fidelity to the new emperor Caius. {Josephus, 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:485>} Thereupon
Agrippa send letters to Caius and stated: {Philo, Legatio.}

vv They greatly desired succession, (Oh emperor) and it was first heard of at Jerusalem and the
same news was diffused to the neighbouring provinces from the holy city. Since this city, of all
the east, first greeted you emperor, it is fitting that it should be treated more graciously by you."

6578. In the council of the Jews, in their speech to Petronius: (in the same author)

vv When Caius had obtained the empire, we first, of all Syria and congratulated with Vitellius,
(whose successor you are.) When he was in our city and had received letters concerning this
business. We spread this joyful news to other cities and our temple first of all temples, sacrificed
for the empire of Caius."

6579. Vitellius recalled his forces and abandoned his intended war because of the new emperor.
Some report that when Aretas heard the news of Vitellius' expedition, he learned from auguries
that it was impossible for his army to come to Petra because one of the generals would die,
either he that commanded the expedition, or he that obeyed it, or he against whom the
expedition was. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:485>}

6580. Josephus wrote that Vitellius went to Antioch and sent his army into their winter quarters.
This was not likely, since it was the beginning of summer. He should have said that he went
with his forces to the Euphrates River to make a league with the king of the Parthians. It appears
from Suetonius and Dio, that this was done, not in Tiberius' reign, (as Josephus thinks) but
under Caius, for Artabanus always hated and despised Tiberius but willingly sought an alliance
with Caius. Vitellius by all his policy, not only had a conference with him but also had him
worship the Roman standards. As Arabanus was crossing the Euphrates River he admired the
Roman eagles and sacrificed to the images of Augustus and Caius. He agreed to the conditions
of peace which were favourable to the Romans and gave his children as hostages. { Suetonius,
Caligula, c. 14.} {Suetonius, Vitellius, c. 2.} {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:349,351}

6581. The king and Vitellius met in the middle of a bridge, each with their guard. After they had
agreed upon a league, Herod invited them both to a banquet in a pavilion he had erected at great
cost in the middle of the river. Then Vitellius returned to Antioch and Artabanes to Babylon.
However, Herod send this news to Caesar before Vitellius' ambassadors could inform Caesar.
Therefore Caesar wrote back to Vitellius when he received his letters that he knew all these
things beforehand by Herod's messengers. This greatly troubled Vitellius. {Josephus, Antiq., 1.
18. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:483>}

6582. Not long after, Artabanus sent his son Darius as hostage along with many gifts. These
included a Jew, named Eleazar who was five (seven ??) cubits tall and was called the giant.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 6. <c. 4. 1:483>}

6583. After Jews of Alexandria, had given Caius all the honours that were lawful for them to
decree, they came and offered the decree to Flaccus Abillius. They wanted him, since it was not
permitted for them, to send an embassy. He said he would be pleased to send it by his
messengers. He read the decree and allowed many of its points. He smilingly said:

vv Your piety highly pleases me, I will send it as you desire, I will be your ambassador, that
Caius may perceive your gratitude and I will be a witness of the peoples' modesty and obedience
well known to me."

6584. However, he withheld this decree that they might seem to be the only enemies of Caius.
{Philo, Flaccus}

6585. In the first year of the reign of C. Caligula, Josephus, the writer of the history of the Jews,
was born, who was the son of Mattathias, a priest, as Josephus shows in his autobiography.
{Josephus, Life, 1:1}

4041a AM, 4750 JP, 37 AD

6586. When Saul had preached the gospel a long time at Damascus, the Jews took council to kill
him and they were helped by the governor under Aretas, (who had recently defeated the army of
Herod, the tetrarch.) He held Damascus with a garrison and watched the gates day and night so
that they might take Saul and kill him. However, Saul was let down by a rope at night in a
basket and escaped from them. {Ac 9:23-25 2Co 11:32,33}

6587. After the first three years of his apostleship were over, Saul returned to Jerusalem to see
Peter and stayed with him fifteen days. {Ga 1:18} He tried to join with the disciples but they all
were afraid of him and did not believe that he was a disciple. However, Barnabas took him and
brought him to the apostles, (that is, Peter and James, the brother of the Lord, for he saw no
other apostles, {Ga 1:19}) and told them how Saul had seen the Lord in the way and that Jesus
had spoken to him and how Saul had preached boldly at Damascus in the name of Jesus. {Ac
9:26,27}

6588. Saul spoke boldly in the name of Jesus at Jerusalem and disputed with the Greeks or Jews
who spoke Greek as the Syriac version correctly translates this passage. The Jews planned to kill
him. {Ac 9:29}

6589. When Saul was in the temple praying, he was in a trance and saw the Lord speaking to
him to hurry and get out of Jerusalem for the Jews would not hear his message. He replied that
the Jews knew that he had imprisoned and beat in every synagogue those who believed on Jesus.
When the blood of thy martyr Stephen was shed, Saul was standing by also and guarded the
garments of those who killed him. The Lord told him to leave and he would send him to the
Gentiles. {Ac 22:17-21}

6590. The brethren at Jerusalem brought him to Caesarea and sent him into his own country of
Tarsus. {Ac 9:30} He went into the countries of Syria and Cilicia. He was unknown by face to
the churches of Judea, but they had only heard that he preached the faith which once he
destroyed and they glorified God in him. {Ga 1:21-23}

6591. The churches had rest throughout all Judea, Galilee and Samaria. They were edified and
walked in the fear of the Lord and comfort of the Holy Ghost and were multiplied. {Ac 9:31 }

4041b AM, 4751 JP, 38 AD

6592. Herod Agrippa had a daughter by Cypros, named Drusilla, (who later married Felix.) {Ac
24:24} She was six years old when her father died. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:485> 1.
19. c. ult. <c. 9. 1:524>}

6593. Caligula forced Macro, to whom Egypt was committed, (the six years that were appointed
by Tiberius for the government of Flaccus Abilius had expired) and his wife Ennia, by whose
help he had gotten the empire, to commit a voluntary suicide. {Philo, Caius} {Philo, Flaccus}
{Suetonius, Caligula, c. 26.} {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:291}

6594. After Marco was killed, Flaccus, who was the governor of Egypt on whom he most relied
was shrewdly afraid of Caligula. Dionysius Lampo and Isidore persuaded him to use that
occasion to be generous to the people of Alexandria and befriend them. They said that nothing
would be more grateful to them than that he would allow them to plunder the Jews and Flaccus
followed their council. {Philo, Flaccus}

6595. Caligula, by a decree of the senate, gave Sohaemus the kingdom of the Arabians of
Ituraea. He gave Cotys, Armenia the Less and some parts of Arabia. He gave Rhoematalces, the
kingdom of Cotys and to the son of Polemon, his father's kingdom (that is, Pontus.) { *Dio, 1. 59.

7:295,297}

6596. In the second year of Caligula's reign, Herod Agrippa asked permission to return home to
settle the affairs of his kingdom and he promised that when he had done that, he would return.

{ Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 8. <c. 6. 1:492>} The emperor persuaded him that taking the fastest
way was by sea and the Etesian winds were expected any day. Therefore he should go directly
to Alexandria and go home the rest of the way by land which would be easier than sailing.
Agrippa followed his advice and went to Puteoli. He found a ship ready to set sail for
Alexandria and a few days later he arrived in Alexandria. {Philo, Flaccus}

6597. The Alexandrians naturally hated the Jews and did not like that they had a king. In their
gymnasium they derided Agrippa with scurrilous speeches and mocking verses of jesters. They
brought a mad man there who was called Cariba and went naked night and day in the streets.
They put him in a high place so everyone could see him. They gave him a paper crown and a
mat for his body instead of his robe. He had a piece of a reed taken from the ground for his
sceptre. He was adorned with the trappings of a king like actors do and the young men carried
poles on their shoulders as a mock guard. Others came to greet him, some desired justice, others
asked council of him concerning the state. Then there was a general acclamation of those who
were around him and they called him "Marim", which means in the Syrian language, "Lord".

{ * Philo, Flaccus, c. 6. 1:728} Thus the king of the Jews was derided after the same manner by
others, as the Jews themselves five years earlier had mocked the true majesty of their own king,
Jesus Christ.

6598. The Jews of Alexandria told Agrippa of the treachery that Flaccus, the governor, had
prepared for their destruction. They also gave to him that writing that they had given to Flaccus
to be sent to Caius at the beginning of his reign. Flaccus through malice, had prevented them
and they could send it no sooner. {*Philo, Flaccus, c. 12. 1:734} {Philo, Caius}

6599. The apostle Peter visited the churches of Judea, Galilee and Samaria and went to the
saints that dwelt at Lydda. He healed Aeneas who was sick with the palsy and was in his bed
eight years. When all who lived at Lydda and Sharon (concerning which, see { ICh 5:16 ICh
27:29}) saw this miracle, they turned to the Lord. {Ac 9:31-35}

6600. A certain disciple called in Syriac language named, Tabitha, and in the Greek, Dorcas,
meaning a "she goat", did many good works and alms deeds. She died at Joppa. Since Lydda
was close to Joppa, the disciples heard that Peter was there. They sent two men to him to have
him immediately come there. When Peter arrived, he fell on his knees and prayed and restored
her to life. This was known through all Joppa and many believed in the Lord. Peter stayed there
many days in the house of Simon a tanner. {Ac 9:36-43}

6601. When the common people of Alexandria had regained the favour of Flaccus, the governor,
early one morning they all agreed that the statues of Caesar were to be set up in the synagogues
of the Jews. The governor allowed this to be done without any respect for the public security
although he knew that there were more than 100,000 Jews who lived in Alexandria and all that
large country from the descent of Libya even to the bounds of Ethiopia. { *Philo, Flaccus, c. 7.
1:729} Then they gathering together in great companies, and either laid waste their synagogues
by cutting down their groves or rased them to the ground. In all the synagogues which they
could not overthrow or burn, because of the great number of Jews who lived by them, they set

up the images of Caius and in the greatest and most frequented synagogues, they set up a statue
on high of chariots with four brass horses. In their zeal they ran out of new chariots, so they took
out the rusty old ones whose horses lacked their ears, tails, and feet and such as were dedicated
(as was reported) to Cleopatra, who was the great grandmother of the last queen by that name.
Caius thought that all these things happened from the love that the Alexandrians had for him. He
learned this through the registers sent to him from Alexandria (for he read them more willingly
than any poem or history) and from some domestic servants (of whom many were Egyptians.)
They were in the habit of praising and laughing at these things with him. {Philo, Caius}

6602. Caius Caligula, decreed a holiday for his sister Drusilla who was dead. Anyone who
laughed, bathed or made a feast on that day would be killed. {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 24.}
{*Dio, 1.59. 7:301}

6603. Flaccus, the governor of Egypt, made an edict, in which he called the Jews, foreigners and
did not give the liberty of pleading their cases but condemned outright. There were five
divisions of that city named from the first five letters. Two of them were called the Jewish
quarters because most of the Jews lived in them although many Jews had houses here and there
in the other quarters. The common people of Alexandria obtained from Flaccus, permission to
plunder the Jews. They expelled them from four of the divisions and drove them into a small
space of the remaining division. The place could not hold them all and the Jews went out to the
shores and monuments and dung hills and were robbed of all things. Their enemies ran violently
through their abandoned houses. They divided the spoils as would a victorious army and broke
open the shops of the Jews which then were shut because of the mourning for Drusilla's death.
They carried many things from there and used them for themselves. The ransacking of 400
houses did less harm to the Jews than their loss of trade. When the creditors had lost their
security, no husbandman, mariner, merchant, or craftsman, were allowed to use their trades.
{*Philo, Flaccus, c. 8. 1:729}

6604. Their enemies thought they should shortly see them lie on heaps since so many thousands
of men women and children were thrust into a narrow corner of the city like beasts. They would
either be killed or die from famine or be stifled in that hot place. Even the neighbouring air was
fouled by their breath. They took diligent heed, lest any should secretly escape. As many as they
intercepted, they first tormented them and then they killed them. They used all manner of
cruelty. Another band of them lay in wait for the Jews who arrived at the ports. When they had
taken away their merchandise, they burned the owners in a fire made from the rudders, oars and
planks of the ships. In the middle of the city, others were burned by a most miserable kind of
death. They lacked wood so they used green vines and made a fire with them. They cast into it
these miserable men who were killed from the smoke rather than the fire. Others were dragged
with cords tied to their ankles through the market place and the common people mocked them.
They mutilated their dead bodies and cut off their members and trampled on them with such
cruelty so that they allowed no remains of them to be found for burial. {Philo, Caius} If anyone
mourned the misfortune of his friend or relative, he was punished for his compassion. They were
scourged and after they had endured all torments that bodies were able to endure, they were
crucified. {*Philo, Flaccus, c. 9. 1:730,731}

6605. Flaccus the Governor ordered that 38 of the senate, whom Augustus had appointed for a
public council of the Jews, to be taken in their own houses and immediately bound. They
dragged these old men through the market place with their hands tied behind them. Some were
bound with cords, others with chains. They were brought into the theatre and stripped and

scourged as they stood before their enemies who sat as judges. Among these men were Erodius
Tryphon and Andron who were thus handled in the sight of those who had robbed them of their
goods. It was a custom that no one should be condemned until the solemn celebrations and feast
days of the births of the Augusti were past. Flaccus on those very days, (for the birthday of
Caius was on the last day of August) afflicted these innocent men in this way that day. From the
morning to the third or fourth hour (9 or 10 am) of the day, the Jews were scourged, hanged, tied
to wheels, condemned and led through the middle of the wrestling place for punishment. Then
were brought in dancers, jesters, trumpeters and other sports. The women were carried away as
captives, not only in the market place but in the open theatre also for any trifling matter. They
were brought on the stage with grievous reproaches. When the crowd knew they were not Jews,
they were let go. In their haste many were mistakenly apprehended for Jews before they
examined their origin. If they were found to be any Jews among the spectators, the crowd
became tyrannical. They ordered the Jews to eat swine's flesh. As many of the Jewish women
who ate it for fear of further torture, were let go. However, those who refused to eat it, were
tortured most cruelly. {*Philo, Flaccus, c. 10, 11. 1:731,732,733}

6606. Castor who was the boldest of the centurions, was ordered by the governor to take with
him the bravest of his band and break into the Jews' houses to see if they had any hidden
weapons. Castor immediately went and did as he was ordered. The Jews showed all their private
places to the searchers. Their women who never went abroad and the fearful virgins, who for
modesty avoided the sight of their own kindred, were made a spectacle of, not only to strangers
but also to the military rage. However, after all this scrutiny, the arms which they looked for,
were not found. For all arms were taken a short time before from the Egyptians by Bassus by the
orders of Flaccus. One might see a large number of ships arrive at the port full of arms, which
were suitable for seditious men who had often before tried to revolt. However, the Jews were
never involved nor ever suspected of being part of any revolt. They went about their business
and behaved as good citizens of the city. {*Philo, Flaccus, c. 11. 1:732,733}

4042a AM, 4751 JP, 38 AD

6607. The feast of tabernacles around the autumnal equinox was not observed by the Jews
because of this persecution. Flaccus, the governor, was suddenly apprehended by Bassus the
centurion as he was at a feast prepared by Stephanion, the freedman of Tiberius Caesar. Bassus
was sent with a band of soldiers from Italy on purpose to apprehend Flaccus. When he had set
sail in the beginning of winter, he was storm tossed and after much toil, he barely arrived in
Italy, where Flaccus was immediately welcomed by those two malicious accusers, Lampo and
Isodorus who had incited him against the Jews. Flaccus was condemned and despoiled of all his
inheritance and goods which were very expensive. He would have been banished to the most
barren island of Gyara in the Aegean Sea unless Lepidus had begged that he might be sent to
live on Andros which was close to Gyara. He was killed there by the command of Caius, (as he
did to all the noble men who were banished.) {*Philo, Flaccus, c. 13-15, 18. 1:734-336, 738}

4042b AM, 4752 JP, 39 AD

6608. Herodias, the sister of Agrippa, and wife of Herod the tetrarch, was mad with envy to see
Agrippa so glorious in his kingly majesty. She persuaded her husband, Herod, that they should
go to Rome and beg the same honours from Caesar. Agrippa knew of their intention and
preparation for the journey. As soon as he knew they had sailed, he also sent his freedman
Fortunatus to Rome to Caesar with gifts and letters written against his uncle. Herod arrived at

Baial, a most pleasant town in Campania, where Caesar stayed. He was admitted to his presence
and before he could do anything, Caesar gave him the letters he had received from Agrippa,
which accused Herod that he had previously conspired with Sejanus against Tiberius and that
now he favoured Artabanus the Parthian over the new empire of Caius. For that purpose he had
prepared enough arms to furnish 70,000 men. Caius asked Herod if those things were true which
were spoken concerning the number of arms, which he granted (for he could not deny it.) Caius
thought he had enough evidence of a planned revolt and took from him the tetrarchy of Galilee
and Peraea which he later added to Agrippa's kingdom as well as all of Herod's treasure. He sent
Herod to Lyons in France and condemned him to perpetual banishment. After Caius knew that
Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he allowed her to keep her own wealth. He did not think that she
would willingly be her husband's companion in banishment and he promised to spare her as a
favour to Agrippa. She thanked Caius for this favour but professed that at this time she would
not make use of it for she thought it a sin to forsake her husband in his calamity when she had
enjoyed prosperous times with him. Caius took that as a reproach and ordered her also to be
banished with her husband and gave her goods to Agrippa. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 9. <c. 7.
1:492,493>} So they were punished for their incestuous marriage eight years after John the
Baptist had been beheaded by this Herod and six years after Christ our Saviour had been
mocked by the same Herod. {Lu 23: 1 1 }

6609. Pontius Pilate was so continually vexed by Caius that he committed suicide. {Jerome,
Chronicles (from the Roman Historians)} {Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, (from the Greek
Writers of the Olympiads.) 1. 2. c. 7.} {Orosius, 1. 7. c. 5.} {Cassiodorus, Chronicle}

6610. Caius spanned the gulf between Bauli at Puteoli with a bridge almost 3 and an half miles
long. He crossed the bridge with his chariot followed by a long train of his supposed spoils.
Among the hostages in the train was the Parthian lad Darius who was the son of Artabanus. He
called Darius, Xerxes as a mockery because Caius had made a longer bridge upon the sea than
Xerxes. (??) {Josephus, Antiq, 1. 19. c. 1. <1:502>} {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 19.} {*Dio, 1. 59.
7:311,313}

661 1. He also, under pretence of the German war, went a little beyond the Rhine River and then
immediately returned as though he would go into Britain. {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:325}

6612. Caius sent for Vitellius from Syria so that he might be executed. He was accused of
allowed Tiridates, a king whom Tiberius had sent to the Parthians, to be kicked out of his
kingdom by them. {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:351} {in excerptis ab. Heurico. Valesio, edit. p. 670.}

6613. Caius sent Petronius as the successor to Vitellius to Syria. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 11.
<c. 8. 1:494>} His full name was Publius Petronius. {Philo, Caius} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c.
6. <1:520>} (Strabo mentions him also. See note on 3983 AM «5364».) He was not Lucius
Petronius who died long before this time) whom Valerius Maximus mentions was born of low
parentage and rose to the level of an equestrian {Valerius Maximus, 1. 4. c. 7. } as Baronius
thought. {Baronius, 41 AD num. 4.}

6614. Vitellius came to Caius and escaped death. He composed himself as more humble than his
rank. He fell at Caesar's feet and burst out crying and called him a god and worshipped him. He
vowed that if he should escape this punishment, he would sacrifice to him. He so mollified and
appeased Caesar, that he not only allowed him to live, but counted him among his best friends.

{ *Dio, 1. 59. 7:351 } He was the first that taught Caius to be worshipped as a god. Vitellius was
quite good in flattering. When he was returned from Syria, he dared not come into Caius'
presence, but with his face turned around he fell prostrate on the ground. { Suetonius, Vitellius,
c. 2. } Later when Caius affirmed that he talked with the Moon goddess, he asked Vitellius if he
had not seen him when he was accompanied with the goddess. Vitellius with his eyes cast down
as astonished and trembling, replied in a low voice that it was permitted only for the gods to see
one another. { *Dio, 1. 59. 7:351 } Vitellius made this beginning. Although he had governed the
provinces according to the virtues of his ancestors, he excelled all men in flattery. { *Dio, 1. 59.
7:351} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 6. c. 32.}

6615. Then Caius made himself priest and took his horse as colleague in his priesthood. {*Dio,
1. 59. 7:355} At Miletus in Asia he ordered a temple to be built to him. He selected that city
ahead of the others because he said that Ephesus worshipped Diana and Pergamos and Smyrna
were dedicated to Augustus and Tiberius. The real reason was that he desired to get for himself
that large and beautiful temple which the people of Miletus had built to Apollo. { *Dio, 1. 59.
7:351,353} {in excerptis. Valesii. p. 670. 673.} He purposed also to finish the oracle Didymena
at Miletus. {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 21.}

4043a AM, 4752 JP, 39 AD

6616. Strangers from of the neighbouring countries had crept into Jamnia, a city of Judea that
was very populous. They always tried to do something against the Jewish customs. When they
heard how much Caius desired to be worshipped as a god and what a good friend he was to the
country of the Jews, they immediately built an altar of clay bricks to vex the Jews. The Jews
were scornful and destroyed the altar. Their adversaries accused the Jews before Capita the holy
quaester, who had the oversight of the tributes in Judea. He wrote to Caius and aggravated and
amplified the business. Caius ordered that to replace the destroyed brick altar in Jamnia, they
should erect in the temple of Jerusalem a large image in honour of him all in gold. He followed
the advice of Helicon an Egyptian and Apelles of Askelon a tragedian. Caius sent letters to
Petronius, the governor of Syria, detailing the dedication of the statue. He was to march with
half the army (appointed for defence against the seditions of the kings and countries of the east)
from the Euphrates River against the Jews. He was to accompany the statue not necessarily so
that the dedication would be more majestic but so that if anyone resisted, he could be
immediately executed. The statue was not sent from Italy neither was Petronius commanded to
take any troops from Syria otherwise some sudden sedition would have happened about the
violation of the Jewish laws. Petronius ordered a statue to be made closer by and sent for the
best craftsman from Phoenicia and found the materials and a place where they could make it at
Sidon. {Philo, Caius}

6617. In the meantime, he gathered as large an army as he could and with two legions wintered
at Ptolemais. He intended to prosecute the war in the beginning of the spring. He sent a letter to
Caius who commended his industry and advised him to use all force in this and subdue the
stubbornness of that country. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 11. <c. 8. 1:494>}

4043b AM, 4753 JP, 40 AD

6618. In a dispute that arose between the Jews and the Greeks who lived in Alexandria, three
chosen ambassadors on either side were sent to Caius. Philo who was most famous, headed the

embassy of the Jews. Apion headed the Greek embassy. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 10. <c. 8.
1 :493> } He was born at Oasis in Egypt and wished to be called an Alexandrian because he was
made a citizen of that place. {Josephus, Apion, 1. 2. <1:795>} Pliny {Pliny, Natural History, 1.
37. c. 5} stated that he was surnamed by some as the "after Conqueror." Pliny added these things
about him in his preface to his whole work to Titus Vespasian:

vv Apion the grammarian, he whom Tiberius Caesar called the symbol of the world, whereas he
might rather be called the drum, wrote that they were immortalized by him to whom he
composed any thing."

6619. He wrote a most lying book against the Jews to which Josephus replied in his second book
against Apion. For the first book was against other slanderers of the Jews.

6620. The ambassadors of the Jews (whom Philo stated to be five at the end of the embassy
written by himself and not three as Josephus stated) sailed to Caius in the middle of winter to
entreat him that he would stop those wrongs which they suffered. They gave him a record
containing the list of all the calamities and the petition against them taken from that larger
petition which the Jews had sent him by their King Agrippa. However, their adversaries won the
favour of Helicon the Egyptian, who was the prefect of the emperor's chamber. They did this not
so much with money as with the hope of future honours which they promised to give him when
Caius came to Alexandria. When the Jewish ambassadors desired to pacify and appease Caius,
they were not allowed access to him. {Philo, Caius}

6621. At first Caius concealed his hatred against the Jews and received their ambassadors in
Mars' field. As he came from his mother's gardens, he greeted them with a cheerful countenance
and with his right hand, he made a sign as though he would be kind to them. He sent Obulus to
them, who was the master of the ceremonies. Caius promised them that he would take care of
their cause when he had time. Later when he came to visit the gardens of Mecenas and Lamia,
which were nearby the other garden and the city, the ambassadors were brought in and humbly
did their reverence to Caius. They greeted him by the name of Augustus and he smilingly asked
them:

vv Are you the ones who are hated of the gods, who alone despise me who is declared a god by
the confession of all men and had rather worship your unnamed thing?"

6622. Then he held up his hands to heaven and burst into a speech that was not lawful to be
heard much less to utter in the same words. The Jews' adversaries then greatly rejoiced and
called him by all the names of the gods. When Isidorus, a bitter Sycophant, saw how he was
pleased with these titles, he said:

vv You would, O my Lord more detest them and all their country, if you knew their impiety and
malice against you. For all men kill sacrifices of vows for your health while they only refrained
to offer sacrifice."

6623. Then the ambassadors cried out with one consent:

vv O my Lord Caius, we are falsely accused, we have sacrificed hecatombs. We have not as the

custom of some is, to bring a little blood to the altar and then carry the flesh home to feast on.
We have committed whole sacrifices to be burned with the holy fire and that three times. First,
when you became emperor, again when you escaped a great sickness at which all the world was
sorrowful and thirdly, as a vow for your victory over Germany."

6624. Caius repled:

vv Well say it were so that you offered sacrifice but to another and to me certainly you did no
sacrifices."

6625. Then an horror seized on the ambassadors who were terrified at his last words. In the
meantime, Caius went about the villages and the halls and parlours both below and above stairs,
where also he asked the ambassadors particularly: (??)

vv Why they forbid swine's flesh and what right the cities of Alexandria pretended." (??)

6626. Finally, setting aside his fierceness, he said:

vv These men seem to me not to be so wicked, as miserable, that cannot persuade themselves that
I am partaker of the divine nature."

6627. He immediately left and ordered the ambassadors to leave. {*Philo, Caius, c. 28. 1:774}

6628. Caius gave the tetrarchy of his father-in-law Herod (who was banished to Lyons in Gaul)
to Agrippa when he returned from his kingdom. For when he had reigned three years in the
tetrarchy of Philip, in the fourth year Herod's kingdom was given to him. { Josephus, Antiq., 1.
18. c. ult. <c. 7. 1:493>??} Philo wrote:

vv You have given the kingdom to me which could be no happier fortune to a mortal and which
being at first but one region, you have enlarged by the addition of Trachonitis and
Galilee." {Philo, Caius}

6629. Petronius convened the leaders of the Jewish priests and magistrates, to tell them the
commands of Caius. He was to erect Caius' statue and dedicate it in their temple. He urged them
to bear patiently the decrees of his emperor and cautioned them of the imminent danger that
would ensue upon their disobedience. The whole power of the Syrian army was ready to make
havock of them and their country. At the first mention of these things they were so shocked,
they had not a word to say but poured out rivers of tears, ripping out their hair and pulled their
beards in a most mournful way. However, those of Jerusalem and all the surrounding country
that heard this, came flocking together with one consent and publicly mourned. They in one
group, left their houses, towns, and citadels desolate and continued their march until they came
to Phoenicia where Petronius was. At first they made such a doleful and so deep a noise that
those that were nearby, could not hear or be heard for it. Calamitous times instructed what was
to be done. They were organised into six ranks or orders of old men, young men and boys, of
old women, wives and maids. When they saw Petronius on an high place, all the ranks, as if by a
general command fell prostrate on the ground and howled as it were in a mournful tone. When
they were ordered to rise, they could barely be persuaded to. Finally when they did, they cast

dust on themselves and hung their hands behind them like condemned persons. They came
before him and made their pitiful complaint and supplication. Petronius and all that sat with him
were very much moved. When he had consulted about the matter, he ordered letters sent to
Caius. He told him that the dedication of the statue was deferred. The workmen needed time to
finish the colossus and time was needed to gather grain for such an expedition. It was reported
that Caius had intended to go to Egypt. The grain was then fully ripe and it was feared that the
Jews would take the loss so heavily of their religion that they would not value their own lives
and waste and burn up all the harvest throughout the fields and mountains in their desperation.
{*Philo, Caius, c. 32,33. 1:778-780}

6630. When Caius had received the letters, he concealed his anger to Petronius for he very much
feared the governors because they had the power to create seditions. This was especially true of
those in large provinces with numerous armies like the province of Syria which extended to the
Euphrates River. Thus by his letters he appeased Caius who seemed to applaud his providence
and dexterity in foreseeing future problems. Caius ordered that when the harvest was over, he
should dedicate the statue without delay. { * Philo, Caius, c. 34. 1:780,781 }

6631. The ambassadors of the Alexandrian Jews received the message that Caius had ordered
his colossus to be erected at the innermost entrance of the temple and entitled the "New Jupiter."
This news terrified them. They entered into the conclave all together and deplored the public as
well as their private calamity. They hoped that God would not abandon them, who had so often
delivered that country from ruin. {Philo, Caius}

6632. When Agrippa came in his usual manner to greet Caius, he looked sternly at him and said:

vv Your good and honest citizens, who alone of all mankind think it scornful to have Caius for a
god, even take a course in likelihood to bring destruction upon themselves by their contumacy.
When I ordered the statue of Jupiter to be dedicated in their temple, they ran wholly from the
city not like suppliants indeed but truly despisers of my commands."

6633. By these words Agrippa was so struck with horror that he trembled and his knees knocked
together, he would have surely fallen to the ground had not the bystanders supported him. They
were ordered to carry him home in that condition. By the suddenness of the events, Agrippa had
lost his memory and was grown quite stupid and senseless. However, Caius was the more
exasperated against the country of the Jews and said:

vv If Agrippa, who is my close friend and obliged to me by so many benefits, is so attached to his
country customs that he cannot endure they should be violated so much as by my word only but
faints, what is to be expected from them who have no tie to restrain them?" { * Philo, Caius, c.
35. 1:781,782}

6634. When Agrippa was come to himself, he wrote a very long letter to Caius on the behalf of
his country. {Philo had a copy of it in his book) He closed with this epilogue:

vv What will my countrymen or anyone else say of me? For either it will follow that I betrayed
my country or I must be blotted from the list of your friends. Which of the two can be more
unhappy? For before I was your close friend and now I shall be considered a traitor if I do not
keep my country from indemnity nor the temple sacred. For you have the power for protection

of men. If in anything I am offensive to you, do me the favour not to bind me (as Tiberius) but
lest I should remain in fear of bonds, kill me immediately. For what need have I then of life
when as the hope of my welfare wholly rests on your favour." {Philo, Caius, c. 36,37 1:782-
787}

6635. Caius seeming to be somewhat appeased by these letters and replied more mildly and
granted to Agrippa a great favour that the statue should not be dedicated. He wrote the same to
Petronius, the governor of Syria that he cause no sedition in the temple of the Jews. Lest this
favour should seem too generous, he added some terror and wrote:

vv If anyone shall please in the other province or anywhere outside the metropolis in any other
city, to dedicate any temple or altar to me, whoever shall oppose it, let them either be
immediately executed or sent to me."

6636. But divine providence so ordered it so that none in any of the other provinces planned to
do this. {*Philo, Caius, c. 52. 1:787}

6637. When the pestilence grew very severe at Babylon, a great number of the Jews left for
Seleucia. More arrived five years later from Neerda, (which is a city of Babylon on an island in
the Nile River and has an academy of the Jews. In Syriac it is called a[dArhb as if one should
say:)

vv The river of knowledge."

6638. Now at Seleucia, the Greeks and Syrians were always at odds but the Greek faction was
too strong for the Syrians. Since the arrival of the Jews, the Syrians made their friendship and
became the stronger party. In addition, they still increased in warlike and resolute men.
Therefore when the Greeks saw they were becoming weaker and did not know how to change
the situation, they made all the friendship they could to have a peace mediated between them
and the Syrians. This thing was easily obtained. For the chief men on both sides were involved
and they concluded and confirmed a peace on the condition they should both persecute the Jews.
They attacked them by surprise and killed 50,000 men so that none escaped unless they were
saved by the mercy of some friends or relatives. They escaped to Ctesiphon, a Greek city near
Seleucia, where the king used to make his winter quarters and he stored most and the best part of
his household belongings. They settled there and established themselves under the reverence of
the regal majesty. The terror of the Babylonians and Seleucians spread over all those parts of
Judea. Wherever any of the Syrians were in those parts with the Seleucians, they conspired the
ruin of the Jews. Hence it came to pass that many fled to Neerda and Nisibis and had security
because the cities were strongly fortified, although otherwise they were occupied by very
warlike people. {Joseph. 1. 18. c. ult. <c. 9. 1:501,502>}

6639. Caius triumphantly entered Rome on his birthday (which was the last of the month of
August.) {Suetonius, Caligula, c. 43.}

4044a AM, 4753 JP, 40 AD

6640. When the Alexandrian delegates appeared before Caius, Apion accused the Jews of many

things and they did not give Caesar his due respect. All the countries built temples and altars to
Caius and worshipped him with equal honour with the rest of their deities. Only the Jews
thought it scornful to build altars to him or swear by the name of Caesar. When he had alleged
these and what other matters he thought would exasperate Caius, Philo prepared to answer him.
Before he could, he was interrupted by Caesar who ordered him to get out and was so enraged
that Philo barely escaped without harm. After Philo was put out, he encouraged those who were
with him. Although Caius was angry in his words, yet they might be assured that God would
defend and provide for them, in spite of all that Caius could do. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 10.
<c. 9. 1:494>} {Eusebius, History Eccles., 1. 5.}

6641. Caius repented of the favour he had given the Jews. He ordered another colossus to be
built at Rome of brass covered with gold. He left the statue alone at Sidon lest it should cause
any sedition among the people. It was to be carried secretly by ship and be placed in the temple
at Jerusalem before any were aware of it. This was to be done as they sailed into Egypt, for
Caius had a great desire to see Alexandria. He took great care in preparing for his journey,
because he intended to stay a long time. He was possessed that his deification which he dreamed
of, would succeed in this city alone and from there the religion would spread to smaller cities.
Thus Philo wrote, who was very well acquainted with these things. {Philo, Caius} Tacitus
should be amended:

vv They were ordered by Caesar to place his statue in their temple and they chose rather to take
up arms. The death of Caesar ended the rebellion." {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 5. c. 9.}

6642. Apelles from Askelon who incited Caius against the Jews was punished for some other
crimes he committed. Caius had him bound and racked in a most tormenting and delaying
manner with some intermissions to make it the more painful. { * Philo, Caius, c. 30. 1:776}

6643. Caius was admonished by the Antiatinian lots to beware of Cassius. Cassius Longinus
was then proconsul of Asia and was suspected because he was of the family of Cassius, one of
the murderers of Caesar. Caius ordered him to be brought bound to him and condemned him to
death. He forgot the Chaereas, who a little later killed him, was also called Cassius. { Suetonius,
Caligula, c. 57.} {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:359}

6644. Apollonius the Egyptian, who at home foretold what should become of Caius, was
dragged before Caius at Rome the day before his death. (Suetonius says this was January 23rd,
(9th calends of February) {Surtonius, Caligula, 1. 58.}) His punishment was postponed and he
escaped death when Caius died first. {*Dio, 1. 59. 7:359}

6645. Caligula reigned three years, ten months eight days or {Suetonius, Caligula, 1. 59.}
{Clements Alexandria, Stromatum, 1. 1 } or rather 9 months and 28 days. { *Dio, 1. 59. 7:362} In
whose place, his uncle Claudius Caesar, the son of Drusius, was declared emperor by the
praetorian guard.

6646. King Agrippa heard that the empire was forced upon Claudius by the soldiers. With much
adieu in getting through the multitude, he came to Claudius and found him troubled and desirous
to resign his place to the senate. Agrippa dispelled his fears and encouraged him to go on
courageously and retain the empire. Agrippa was called by the senate and he pretended that he
knew nothing of the business and arrived as if he had been prepared to dine. He asked them

what was done concerning Claudius and they told him the truth and asked his advice. He said he
would forsake no danger that might be for the dignity of the senate and that he thought the best
way was to send one to Claudius who might persuade him to lay down his authority. He offered
to be a part of that embassy. When Agrippa was sent with others to Claudius, he told him plainly
the fearful condition the senate was in and advised him to answer like a prince. Agrippa was the
reason that Claudius was more mild to the senate than he would have been. { Josephus, Antiq., 1.
19. c. 3. <c. 4. 1:516,517>}

6647. After Claudius was confirmed in the empire, he sent Mithridates of Iberia (whom Caius
had kept in bonds) home to receive his kingdom. He gave to another Mithridates who was
descended from that great Mithridates, the kingdom of Bosphorus, except a part of Cilicia which
he gave to Polemon. {*Dio, 1. 60. 7:387}

6648. Claudius enlarged Agrippa's kingdom. He had helped him to get the empire and was then
at Rome. Claudius also gave him the honours of a consul. He gave his brother Herod praetorian
honours and a certain principality (that is of Chalcis) and permitted them to go into the senate
and to thank to the senators. {*Dio, 1. 60, 7:387}

6649. Claudius also proposed an edict whereby he confirmed Agrippa in the kingdom formerly
granted him by Caius. He praised his endeavour and his industry and added Judea and Samaria
to his kingdom. These, formerly belonged to the kingdom of his grandfather Herod. These
therefore he restored as due to the family. Abila and the regions around the Libanus Mountain
which was Lysanias' and belonged to the emperor. He gave these also to Agrippa. There was a
league between the king and the people of Rome cut in brass and placed in the middle of the
forum of the city. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c. 4. <c. 5. 1:519>}

6650. Claudius released Alexander Lysimachus of Alabarcha, his old friend, and formerly
procurator to his mother Antonia, whom Caius in his anger had committed to bonds. Bernice,
the daughter of Agrippa was betrothed to his son, Marcus (Concerning this see {Ac 25:13-23})
who died while married to her as her first husband. The king gave her to his brother Herod, after
getting the kingdom of Chalcis from Claudius for him. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c. 4. <c. 5.
1:519>}

6651. He bestowed Commagena and a larger part of Cilicia on Antiochus whom Caius had
deprived of his kingdom. {*Dio, 1. 60. 7:387} {Joseph. 1. 19. c. 4. <c. 5. 1:519>}

6652. Helicon the Egyptian, who was master of the bedchamber to Caius and the man who most
incited him against the Jews, was executed by Claudius. {Philo, Caius, c. 30. 1:776} Philo's
book ironically was entitled "De virutibus" (for in it the wickedness of Caius was clearly set
out.) Philo was said at the command of Claudius to read it before the whole senate. Later, the
Romans so liked this and his other works, that they thought them worthy as precious monuments
to be set up in their public library. {Eusebius, History Ecclesiast, 1. 2. c. 17.} Among his
writings were five books of the miseries the Jews endured under the empire of Caius of which
three were lost. {Eusebius, History Ecclesiast, 1. 2. c. 5.} The book about Flaccus and Philo's
embassy to Caius still survive.

6653. After Caius was murdered, the Jews who under him were much oppressed by the
Alexandrians, were encouraged and took up arms. Claudius ordered the governor of Egypt that

he should appease that sedition. By the entreaty of Agrippa, the king of Judea and Herod, the
king of Chalcis, Claudius sent this edict to Alexandria:

VV I will that their rites be not infringed by the madness of Caius and that they shall have full
power and liberty to persevere in their father's religion and worship. I order both parties, as
much as in them lies, to live peaceably one toward another and to endeavour to prevent all
distractions or seditions of state between them." { Josephus, 1. 19. c. 4. <c. 5. 1:519>}

6654. At the entreaty of these two kings when he was for the second time designed consul (the
first year of his reign), Claudius permitted the Jews in Alexandria and his whole empire to live
according to their own laws and the customs of their ancestors. Along with this, he advised them
that under this grace, they should live the more modestly and warily and that they should not
abuse the religions of the other countries. They should be content quietly to enjoy their own
customs and traditions. {Josephus, 1. 19. c. 4. <c. 5. 1:519, 520>} When the Jews grew so
numerous at Rome, the city could scarcely hold them without tumults. He did not eject them but
forbid those who lived after their own laws to hold meetings. Also he disbanded the clubs which
Caius had allowed and abolished the taverns where they met and drank. {*Dio, 1. 60. 7:383}

6655. Through his letters, Claudius commended Agrippa to all the governors of the provinces.
He sent King Agrippa into his own kingdom to take care of it. Agrippa made a very large great
expedition and came to Jerusalem and paid his vows. He omitted nothing prescribed by the law.
He ordered many Nazarites to be shaven and hung up in the holy temple over the treasury, a
gold chain which he had received from Caius, as a memorial of his many miseries and happy
deliverances by God. When he had duly performed his vows to God, he removed Theophilus,
the son of Ananius, from the high priesthood and appointed Simon surnamed Cantharus in his
place. Simon was the son of Boethus whose daughter Herod the Great had married. He gained
the good will and gratitude of the people at Jerusalem by remitting a tribute to them which they
annually paid from every house. He made Silas master over all the militia, who was his constant
companion in all his difficulties and plans. {Josephus, 1. 19. c. 5. <c. 6. 1:522>}

6656. A little after this, certain rash young men of the Doris people, under pretence of religion,
erected a statue to Caesar in the temple at Jerusalem. Agrippa, the king of the Jews, was very
angry and immediately went to Petronius into Syria and complained of the impudent boldness of
them. Petronius was equally offended by this impious action and that it went directly against the
laws of the empire. He wrote very sharply to the magistrates of the Doris people that they should
send those bound to him whoever they were, who dared do such actions which were so contrary
to the emperor's edicts. He ordered them to never let that happen again. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19.
c. 5, 6. <c. 6. 1:520,521>}

6657. At Caesarea, Cornelius who was a Roman centurion of a company which belonged to the
Italian band, favoured the Jewish religion and studied it. He was uncircumcised. (The Hebrews
usually called such people, "Proselytes of the Gate", and the "Godly of the Nations".) About the
ninth hour of the day (3 pm), he was ordered by an angel who appeared to him, to send for
Simon Peter. Simon had stayed a long time at the house of Simon a tanner. Cornelius obeyed the
command and sent two of his household servants and a godly soldier who was one of those who
were constantly with him. {Ac 10:1-8 9:43}

6658. The next day as they journeyed and came near the city, Peter ascended to the housetop to

pray about the sixth hour (noon). While he was waiting for dinner to be prepared, he became
hungry. He saw a large linen sheet coming down from heaven full of all kinds of animals. He
was ordered to freely eat without regard to what he ate. By this object lesson, Peter was taught
that the Gentiles were not to be considered unclean. The next day, Peter arrived at Caesarea with
the men who were sent by Cornelius and six brethren who accompanied them from Joppa. Peter
found at Cornelius' house, his whole family. They were converted to the faith in Christ and the
Spirit of God descended on them all of his own accord without any laying on of hands by Peter.
Then Peter baptized them into Christ. {Ac 10:9-48 11:5-17}

6659. The apostles and brethren who were at Judea and heard that the Gentiles also had received
the Word of God. When Peter came to Jerusalem, there arose a contention between those who
had been converted from Judaism to Christ and Peter because Peter had associated with
uncircumcised persons and ate with them. When Peter had told them everything that had
happened and proved it by the testimony of the six who were with him, they were satisfied.
They glorified God who also had given repentance to life to the Gentiles. {Ac 11:1-18}

6660. King Agrippa removed Simon Cantheras from the high priesthood. When he would have
given it to Jonathan, the son of Ananus, he declined from modesty and because he had held the
office before. Jonathan recommended it be given to Matthias, his brother since he thought his
brother was more worthy than himself. { Josephus, 1. 19. c. 6. <1:521>}

6661. Vibius Marsus succeeded Petronius as governor in the province of Syria. {Josephus, 1. 19.
c. 6. <1:521>}

6662. Silas was the general to King Agrippa's cavalry. All along he had been faithful to him and
shared every danger with him and was a very close friend of Agrippa. Silas began to desire
equal honours with the king because of his close friendship. Sometimes he praised himself
beyond all modesty and recalled the hard times they had gone through together. He did this so
often that he very highly exasperated the king against him. Agrippa was so fed up that he
removed Silas from his command and sent him bound to his own country to be kept. A little
later, the king was to celebrate his birthday and he sent for Silas to attend the kingly feast. Silas
returned such a churlish answer that the king left him with his keepers. {Josephus, 1. 19. c. 7.
<1:521,522>}

6663. King Agrippa now turned his attention to Jerusalem. He fortified the walls of the part
which was called the new city (Bezethal), and made the gates wider and higher than they had
been before. He did all this at the public expense. He would have completed the walls so that
they would be impregnable by human force had not Marsus, the president of Syria, written
letters to Claudius about this. The emperor suspected that the Jews were about to attempt some
sedition and wrote earnestly to Agrippa that he should stop this work and he immediately
obeyed. {Josephus, 1. 19. c. 7. <1:522>}

6664. A door of faith was now opened to the Gentiles. The men of Cyprus and Cyrene who were
scattered to Antioch after the martyrdom of Stephen and preached Christ to the Greeks. (It is
Ellhnaj in the oldest book of Alexandria has it, not as the common edition Ellhnisaj) There was

a large number who believed and turned to the Lord. When the church at Jerusalem heard this,
they sent Barnabas there who admonished them all to stedfastly adhere to the Lord. A large
company were added to the Lord. {Ac 11:20-24}

6665. A severe famine raged at Rome. Claudius provided plenty of provisions for the present
need and also took care for the future. Since most of the grain and other provisions came from
foreign lands and the mouth of Tiber had no good ports, Claudius built the port Ostia. { *Dio, 1.
60. 7:393,395} After eleven years it was barely finished, although he kept 30,000 men working
at it constantly. { Suetonius, Claudius, c. 20. }

6666. This famine happened in the second year of Claudius. There was a notable famine also in
his eleventh year of which others have mentioned. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 43.} {Suetonius,
Claudius, c. 18.} {Orosius, 1. 7. c. 6.} This was not that world wide famine which was foretold
by Agabus. It began in the fourth year of Claudius as evident from history. {Eusebius,
Chronicles} {Orosius, 1. 7. c. 6.} This famine happened at the same time as Herod Agrippa's
death. {Ac 12:23-25}

4046 AM, 4756 JP, 43 AD

6667. Barnabas went to Tarsus to find Saul. When he had located him, he brought him to
Antioch. It came to pass that for a whole year, they met together in the church and taught a large
multitude. The disciples were first called Christians at Antioch. This name was derived in Latin
form and not from the Greek form of Christ. It seems to have been created by some Romans
who were then at Antioch.

6668. About this time, the prophets went down from Jerusalem to Antioch. One of these was
Agabus who made known by the Spirit that there would come a severe famine in the whole
world. {Ac 11:27,28}

6669. Claudius brought the Lycians again to his servitude who had revolted and killed many
Romans. He added their country to the prefecture of Pamphylia. While he was examining this
business in court, he asked in Latin a certain ambassador who was born of Lycian parents but
born at Rome. When the ambassador did not understand Latin, Claudius deprived him of his
Roman citizenship and said it was not fitting that he should be a Roman who could not speak
Latin. {*Dio, 1. 60. 7:411}

6670. King Agrippa build at enormous cost at Berytus a theatre, amphitheatre, baths and
porches. He celebrated the dedication of them most sumptuously. He held shows in the theatre
of all kinds of musical performances of the greatest variety. In the amphitheatre he held many
gladiatorial games. Furthermore, because he desired to gratify and please the spectators, he had
two troops of 700 criminals to be brought and to fight with each other. This presentation of war
concurred as well to the punishment of the malefactors as to the delight of those who loved
peace. So they were all killed by one another's mutual wounds. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c. ult.
<c. 7. 1:522>}

6671. At last, the kings came to Agrippa at Tiberius in Galilee, Antiochus of Commagene,
Sampsigeranus of the Emesa, Cotys of the Lesser Armenia, Ptolemon of Pontus and his brother
Herod, king of Calcis. While they were all together, Marsus, the governor of Syria also came.
Therefore, Agrippa paid his due respects to the Romans and went to meet him even to the
seventh road marker, (about a mile.) When Agrippa rode in the same chariot with his guests,
Marsus distrusted the friendship of so many kings. Therefore he sent his messengers to every
one in particular to depart without delay. Agrippa was most grievously offended by this so that

he hated Marsus. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 8. 1:523>} Agrippa very often solicited
Claudius by his letters, to remove Marsus from being governor of Syria. {Josephus, Antiq., 1.
20. c. 1.<1. 19. c. 8. 1:523>}

6672. Agrippa removed the high priesthood from Matthias, the son of Ananus, and gave it to
Elioneus, the son of Cantheras. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 8. }

4047 AM, 4757 JP, 44 AD

6673. The famine foretold by Agabus increased and the Christians of Antioch, collected a gift
for their friends who lived in Judea. They sent it by Barnabas and Saul after they preached for a
whole year preached the word of the Lord to the people of Antioch. {Ac 1 1:26,29,30}

6674. About this time King Herod Agrippa, (as the Syriac paraphrase correctly called him) laid
hands on them who belonged to the church {Ac 12:1 } because they opposed the institutions and
rites of their country of which Agrippa was a most religious observer. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c.
ult. <c. 6. 1:521>}

6675. Agrippa killed James, (the son of Zebedee) the brother of John with a sword. Ac 12:2
Clement Alexandria added from the tradition of his anscestors {Clement, Institutions, 1. 7.}
{*Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 2. c. 9. 1:58} that the very same man who brought James
into judgment became a Christian. He saw how freely he gave testimony of Jesus and that he
publicly confessed he was a Christian in spite of having received most severe warnings.
Therefore when they were brought both together for punishment, he desired James' forgiveness
and James considered little of it and said:

vv Peace be to you."

6676. James kissed him and so later they were both beheaded.

6677. When the king saw that the death of James pleased the people, he cast Peter into prison
during the days of the feast of unleavened bread. He was guarded by four quaternions (sixteen)
soldiers. Agrippa intended after the passover to being him out to the people. The church prayed
daily for him and an angel of the Lord delivered him miraculously in the night. He went to the
house of Mary the mother of John Mark where many met and prayed. After he told them of his
deliverance that they might inform James, the son of Alphaeus and brother of our Lord, and the
rest. Peter then went into another place. {Ac 12:3-17}

6678. Herod Agrippa was frustrated and in a rage he ordered the innocent keepers to be dragged
to execution. He travelled down to Caesarea and stayed there. He was displeased with the people
of Tyre and Sidon whose land was not sufficient to maintain them (especially in that year of
famine) and they were forced to seek sustenance from Galilee and other places under Herod's
jurisdiction. Therefore, they came unanimously to him through the mediation of Blastus the
king's chamberlain, whom they had made their friend and desired peace with him. A day was
appointed and Herod in his royal attire, sat before the tribunal and made a speech to them. The
people with acclamations shouted out that this was the voice of a god not a man. Immediately,
an angel of the Lord smote him because he did not give the glory to God. He was eaten up by

worms and he died. {Ac 12:18-23}

6679. The historian Josephus mentions this and added an owl appeared to him lest the prophecy
of his German prophet would be void.

vv When Agrippa had now finished the third year of his reign and was starting his fourth year, he
went to Caesarea which was formerly called Strata's Tower. He solemnized some annual plays
for Caesar's health which were attended by a large number of noble men and youngsters from all
the province. On the second day of this celebrity, he went all attired with his princely robes.
These were richly and intricately woven with silver, which by the reflection of the rising sun
produced an angelical or extraordinary lustre. This struck reverence in the spectators.
Immediately some wicked men shouted from the distance and greeted him as a god and desired
that he would be propitious to them. Before this, they had only honoured him as a man but now
they saw there was something more in him than human. He neither refused nor repelled this
impious adulation. A little later, he looked up and saw over his head on owl sitting on a rope that
was extended for some occasion. He immediately knew that as this which had been a token of
his good fortune, was now a sign of his ruin and he was struck to the very heart. Later his belly
began to torment him more and more grievously. Therefore he turned to his friends, he said.
"Behold I who by your greeting was called god, am now ordered from this life. My certain fate
gives the lie to your flattery. I whom you greeted as immortal, am forced to die. I must endure
the wishes of providence, for I have not lived poorly nor so happily that all men may call me
blessed." When he had said those things his pain grew worse and worse. Immediately those
things were told around the country and the rumour went out that he was dying. Therefore
immediately all the people with their wives and children were in sackcloth after their country's
manner, praying to God for the health of their king. They made all places ring with their
lamentations and howling. As the king was laying on a high bed and looked down and saw the
people prostrate on their faces, he could not stop weeping. His pain lasted in great extremity and
without intermission for five days time and then he died. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 8.
1:523>}

6680. Josephus stated he reigned for seven years, four under Caius (less three or four months,
for Caius himself did not rule four whole years) and three under Claudius (adding in like manner
three or four months.) He stated that his yearly revenue came to 12,000,000 drachmas and
because he was so noble and generous that this was not enough and he was forced to borrow
money. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 8. 1:524>}

6681. Before the king's death was known, Herod of the king of Chalcis and Chelcias, the general
of the cavalry, conferred together and sent Arista to kill Silas, their common enemy as if by
Agrippa's orders. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 8. 1:524>}

6682. Agrippa left only one son named Agrippa who was seventeen and was being educated at
Rome with Claudius. He left three daughters, of whom Bernice was married to Herod her uncle
at the age of sixteen and the other were still virgins. Mariamme was ten years old and was
betrothed by her father to Julius Archelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias.
Drusilla was six years old and betrothed to the king of the Commagenians. {Josephus, Antiq. 1.
19. c. ult. <c. 9. 1:524>}

6683. When it was known for sure that Agrippa was dead, the people of Caesarea and Sebaste

(two cities which were built by his father) acted like enemies of the dead prince. The common
soldiers, with one consent, dragged his and his daughters' statues from of the palace and brought
them into the brothels. They abused them in such calumnious ways that it is a shame to recount.
They made feasts and banquets in all public places. They were very happy and adorned
themselves with garlands and anointed their bodies. They sacrificed and made offerings to
Charon and even worshipped one another for the joy they had by the death of the king.
{Josephus, Antiq. 1. 19. c. ult. <c. 9. 1:524>}

6684. The Word of God was sown, increased and multiplied. Barnabas and Saul returned to
Jerusalem. When they had finished their ministry there, they took along with them John Mark.
{Ac 12:24,25}

6685. Claudius deprived the Rhodians of their liberty because they had crucified some Romans.
{*Dio,l. 60. p. 681.}

6686. When Claudius wanted to send the young Agrippa into his kingdom, to succeed his father,
his freedman and friends, who could do much with him, dissuaded him. They said it was
dangerous to commit so large a kingdom to so young a youth who had barely reached manhood.
He was very unqualified to rule there since the kingdom required a large force of soldiers to
keep it. Claudius could not deny that they spoke rationally and truly. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 19. c.
ult. <c. 9. 1:524>} Although indeed their aim was at the prefectureship of that kingdom and by
this to make themselves rich. Tacitus stated: {Tacitus, History, 1. 5. c. 9.}

vv When the kings had either all died or lost most of their territory, Claudius made Judah a
prefecture to be governed by Roman equestrians or freedmen."

6687. Therefore Claudius made Cuspius Fadus, governor of Judea and all the kingdom of
Agrippa, (which was much larger than the first Herod, his grandfather.) Claudius honoured the
dead king in this in that he would not bring Marsus, his enemy, into his kingdom. He ordered
Fadus to severely chastise the cities of Caesarea and Sebaste for their ingratitude to their dead
king and the contumely against his daughters who were still alive. He wanted the troops from
Caesarea and Sebaste, along with the fifth cohort to make war in Pontus. He would substitute in
their place, soldiers chosen from the Romans who were ordered to defend Syria. Later, the
soldiers sent an ambassador to Claudius and obtained permission to stay in Judea. In later times
they were involved in the most grievous calamity to the Jews and sowed the seeds of that war
which started when Floras was governor. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 19. c. fin. <c. 9. 1:524,525>}

6688. Josephus wrote {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 1. <1:525>} that Claudius moved Marsus as a
favour to his dead friend, Agrippa and he made Cassius Longinus governor of Syria in his place.
Tacitus stated this happened three years later.

4048a AM, 4757 JP, 44 AD

6689. The Jews who lived beyond the Jordan River, had a dispute with the Philadelphians about
the limits of the town Mia, a place full of most warlike people. The Jews who lived on the other
side of the river, had taken up arms without the knowledge or consent of their rulers and killed
many of the Philadelphians. When Caspius knew this, he was greatly offended that they did not
let him decide the matter if the Jews thought that the Philadephians had done them any wrong

rather than so rashly take up arms on their own accord against them. Therefore, he captured
three of the ringleaders and had them bound. He executed Hannibal and banished Amaram and
Eleazar. Not long after this, he took and condemned Tholomy to death, who was the leader of
the robbers and had done many wrongs to Idumea and Arabia. He tried to eliminate all the
robbers from the whole country of Judea. {Josephus, 1. 20. c. 1. <1:525>}

4048b AM, 4758 JP, 45 AD

6690. When Cassius Longinus (whom Tacitus thought was Vibius Marsus) was governor of
Syria, he went to Jerusalem with his army, together with Caspius Fadus, the procurator of the
Jews. They convened the priests and chief of the Jews and plainly showed to them the full intent
of the emperor's commands. They were to store the clothes of the high priest in the tower of
Antonia where the Romans would guard them as was done in the time of Vitellius. The Jews
dared not oppose them in anything but desired time to send an ambassador to Caesar to try to
gain the favour of him that they might not be deprived of the privilege of keeping the holy
clothes. They also wanted nothing to be done until Caesar had replied. Fadus and Longinus said
they would allow this if they would first give hostages while they waited for Caesar's reply.
They readily turned over their children and sent away the ambassadors. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15.
c. ult. <c. 11. 1:425>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 1. <1:525>}

6691. At the church at Antioch there were prophets and teachers as Barnabas and Simeon who
was called Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Menahem, who was educated together with Herod the
Tetrarch and Saul. All served God and fasted. The Holy Ghost ordered Barnabas and Saul to
separate themselves from the rest and to start preaching the gospel. These were commended to
God by the church with fasting and praying and laying on of hands. They took with them, John
Mark, a servant and came to Seleucia. From there they sailed into Cyprus, (Barnabas' country)
where they first began to preach the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews at Salamis. {Ac
13:1-4}

6692. They travelled over that island as far as Paphas and they found a false Jewish prophet,
Barjesus, surnamed Elymas or Magus. He tried to turn away Sergius Paulus, the ruler of that
country, who had a desire to hear Saul and Barnabas. Saul sharply reproved this man and he was
immediately struck with blindness. The proconsul was stirred with this miracle and the gospel
and was converted to the faith. From this time on, Saul was always called by the name of Paul.
He and those that came with him to Paphos went to Perga of Pamphylia, where John Mark left
them and returned to Jerusalem. {Ac 13:6-13}

6693. The ambassadors from Jerusalem through the intercession of Agrippa, who was then with
Claudius, obtained the confirmation of that privilege of keeping the holy garments which was
first granted to them by Vitellius. These also received a written ruling to take to the magistrates
at Jerusalem from the emperor about this matter in the fifth year of his tribunal power. This was
dated June 27th (4th calends of July) when Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus were consuls by
Claudius to gratify Herod the king of Chalcis and Aristobulus the younger, his most endeared
friends, so that herein he would gratify them. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 15. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:425>}
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 1. <1:525,526>}

6694. About the same time, Herod the king of Chalcis, successfully petitioned Claudius for the
authority over the temple and holy treasury and the right of choosing the high priests. {Josephus,

Antiq., 1. 20. c. 1. <1:525,526>}

6695. Since there was to be an eclipse of the sun on his birthday and because of some other
portents that had already happened, Claudius was afraid lest it might be an occasion for some
sedition. Before the time, he wrote and had it known that there would be an eclipse. He noted
the very time, space, and all the natural causes of it and showed that it was inevitable. { *Dio, 1.
60. 7:433,435} The birthday of Claudius was on the first of August {*Dio, 1. 60. {*Dio, 1. 60.
7:379} on which day the sun was eclipsed about two hours before noon to a fourth part of its
diameter.

6696. Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Simon Cantheras and placed Joseph the son of Camus
(or Camydes) in the high priesthood. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 1. <1:526>}

6697. Theudas, a mere impostor, pretended himself to be a prophet and persuaded a large
number of the Jews to take their riches with them and follow him to Jordan. He promised them
that he would divide the river and make an easy way for them to pass through. Fabius Caspius,
the procurator of the Jews, sent out some cavalry troops who overtook the company by surprise
and killed a large number of them and took many alive. Theudas was beheaded and they took
his head to Jerusalem. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 2. fin. <c. 5. 1:531>}

6698. Paul and Barnabas left Perga and came to Antioch in Pisidia. They entered into their
synagogues on the sabbath day after the reading of the law and the prophets. They were invited
by the rulers of the synagogue to teach. After Paul had preached an excellent sermon, the Jews
left the synagogue. However, the Gentiles asked that they would expound the same things to
them the next sabbath day. After they had broken up, many devout Jews and religious proselytes
followed Paul and Barnabas. They spoke to them and admonished them to continue in the grace
and favour of God. {Ac 13:14-43}

6699. The next sabbath almost all the city came flocking to hear the Word of God. When the
Jews saw the multitude, they were filled with envy and opposed what Paul taught with
blasphemies. Paul and Barnabas were grievously offended and they left the Jews and preached
only to the Gentiles. They joyfully embraced the gospel and all believed who were ordained to
eternal life. The Word of God was spread over that whole country. The Jews were frustrated in
their malicious designs and stirred up many honourable religious women, (called by the Jews,
Proselytes of the Gate) and the chief men in the city. They raised a commotion and drove Paul
and Barnabas from their region. Paul and Barnabas shook the dust off their feet against them and
travelled to Iconium. The disciples were filled with joy and the Holy Ghost. {Ac 13:44-52}

6700. At Iconium, Paul and Barnabas entered the synagogue of the Jews and spoke so that a
large number of Jews and Greeks believed. The unbelieving Jews exasperated and prejudiced
the minds of the Greeks against the brethren. However, they stayed there a long time and spoke
freely as inspired by the Lord who gave testimony to the word of his grace and did many
miracles by their hands. {Ac 14:1-3} At which time Thecla, a noble maid of Iconium, was
thought to be converted to Christ. Her acts are most deservedly recorded among the Apocrypha
by the LXX by a synod of bishops who met under Gelasius.

6701. The multitude of Iconium was divided. Some were for the Jews and some for the apostles.
When it came to pass that a number of Jews and Gentiles together with their chief rulers came to

assault and stone them, they fled away into the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra, Derbe and the
surrounding regions and preached the gospel there. {Ac 14:4-7}

6702. At Lystra, a man who was born lame, was healed by Paul. When the Lystrians would have
sacrificed to Paul as Mercury, and Barnabas as Jupiter, they tore their clothes, refused the
honour and had much trouble restraining the multitude from sacrificing to them. Soon after, the
unbelieving Jews came there from Iconium and Antioch and raised a tumult and excited the
people against them. The furious multitude stoned Paul and threw his body out of the city for
they thought he was dead. When his disciples came around him, he arose and entered the city.
{Ac 14:8-20}

6703. In this year and it may be at this very time, Paul was taken into the third heavens and
heard unspeakable words fourteen years before the second epistle to the Corinthians was
written. {2Co 12:2-4} This may be the event that is thought to refer to that of Triephon in
Lucian or the more ancient author of that dialogue written by Philopatris.

vv When I met that Jewish bald head, I justly laughed at him who was wrapped up into the very
third heavens through the air. He learned there those things that were most excellent and
glorious. He renewed us by water and made us walk in the steps of the blessed and redeemed us
from the dominions of the wicked."

6704. So Triephon:

vv God reigned on high, great, heavenly, and eternal, the Son of the Father, the Spirit, proceeding
from the Father, one of three, and three of one."

6705. In a similar manner, the Christians used to preach.

6706. Paul with Barnabas left Lystra and came to Derbe. They preached the gospel there and
had many converts to Christ. {Ac 14:20,21 }

6707. Among many others who were converted to Christ at this time, was Timothy with his holy
mother Eunice and his grandmother Lois, who took care to teach him the Scriptures from his
very infancy. Timothy was there and although he was still a child, he was an eye witness of the
sufferings of his spiritual father, Paul at Antioch (in Pisidia) Iconium and Lystra (in Lycaonia.)
{Ac 16:1,2 2Ti 1:2-5 3:11-15}

6708. Paul and Barnabas went no further than Derbe and returned to Lystra Iconium and to
Antioch. They confirmed the minds of the disciples and exhorted them to endure affliction for
their faith's sake without wavering. They appointed bishops over them in everyone of their
churches and prayed for them with fasting. They commended them to God in whom they
believed. Later they travelled over Pisidia and came into Pamphylia. After they had declared and
published the word of the Lord at Perga, they crossed to Attalia and sailed to Antioch from
where they started. They told to the congregated churches what God had done through them and
how he had opened the door of faith to the Gentiles. {Ac 14:21-27}

6709. Tiberius Alexander replaced Caspius Fidus as the governor of the Jewish government. He

was the son of Alexander, the alabarch of Alexandria (an old friend of Claudius') who had
forsaken the Jewish religion. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 3. <c. 5. 1:531>}

6710. A little after this when the news spread through all Judea, Helena the queen of Adiabene
(in the confines of Assyria and Mesopotamia) was converted by a certain Jew to the worship of
the true God and came to visit the temple at Jerusalem. She wanted to worship the true God
there and to pay her vows and made ample provision for her journey. She was delayed for a few
days by her son Izates, who was then king, and later converted to the same religion by Ananias,
a Jewish merchant. When she saw many of the Jews starving from famine, she sent some to
Alexandria for a large quantity of wheat which she paid for by herself. She sent others to Cyprus
to get a large quantity of figs to their relief. These quickly returned and she divided all the food
to those who needed it. When her son, Izates heard of the hardships caused by the famine, he
sent money to the chief magistrates at Jerusalem. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 2,3. <c. 2.
1:527,528>}

671 1. Izates, the king, sent his five sons to Jerusalem to learn their language and customs
correctly. His mother Helena also erected three pyramids about 600 yards from Jerusalem in
which the bones of her son, Izates were entombed. {Josephus, Antiq. 1. 20. c. 2. <c. 3,4.
1:529,530>} The monuments of Helena were extant, not only in the time of Josephus, but in
Eusebius also. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 5. bell. kef. n. & is in Greek, or 1. 6. cap. 6 & 7. in Latin,}
{*Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 2. c. 12. p. 61} {Jerome, Epistle 27.}

4050a AM, 4759 JP, 46 AD

6712. Paul and Barnabas stayed at Antioch with the disciples for a long time. {Ac 14:28} After
that, Paul, as it appears, preached the gospel even to Illyricum to those who never heard it
before. {Ro 15:19,20} He suffered those things there which he mentioned in his second epistle
to the Corinthians. {2Co 1 1:24-26} He mentioned that he had been whipped with rods at
Philippi and twice elsewhere by the Gentiles. Five times he received 39 stripes from the Jews.
He had been shipwrecked three times and was all night in the deep. We find that five years
elapsed between the return of Paul and Barnabas to Antioch and their going to the council at
Jerusalem. We cannot place these things better anywhere else than in so large a vacuum and
silence in the history of the church.

6713. When Valerius Asiaticus was again consul, the island of Therasia rose from the Aegean
Sea {Seneca, Natural Quest., 1. 2. c. 26. & 1. 6. c. 21.) on a night when the moon was eclipsed.
{ Aurelius Victor, in Claudius} This eclipse was seen the last night of December (which ended
the year when Valerius Asiaticus was consul for the second time) and the first of January which
began the consulships of Claudius (fourth time) and Lucius Vitellius (third time.) This little
island appeared for the first time near Thera. { *Dio, 1. 60. 8:5 }

4050b AM, 4760 JP, 47 AD

6714. James and Simon the sons of Judas of Galilee were crucified because in Qurinius' time,
they incited the Jews to revolt. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 3. <c. 5. 1:531 }

6715. Herod, the king of Chalcis, removed Joseph the son of Camydus, and made Ananias the
son of Nebedaeus the high priest in his place. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 3. <c. 5. 1:531 }

6716. Gotarzes prepared to kill Artabanus, the king of the Parthians, with his wife and son.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 11. c. 8.} However, Artabanus died and left his kingdom to his son,
Bardanes. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 2.} Tacitus stated that Gotarzes and Bardanes were
brothers and Josephus thought them to be Artabanus' sons.

6717. Bardanes was invited by the Parthians (who feared the cruelty of Gotarzes) to be their
king. He was always an adventurous man and in two days had covered 350 miles and invaded
Gotarzes. He was terrified by his sudden coming. Without delay Bardanes seized the next
provinces also. Only the city of Seleucia refused to submit. Since they had also revolted against
his father, he was very angry with them. He unwisely wasted time and besieged their very strong
city which was fortified on the one side by a river and on the other with a very strong guard. In
the interim, Gotarzes with the help of the Dahae and Hyrcanians, recruited his forces and
renewed the war. Thereupon Bardanes was forced to abandon the siege of Seleucia and
withdraw to Bactria. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 11. c. 8.}

6718. The news of the Parthian discord and that they were fighting to appoint a new king
reached Rome. Mithridates, the king of Armenia the Greater, was advised by Claudius Caesar to
march into Armenia. He trusted in the power and wealth of his brother Pharasmanes, the king of
the Iberians. Indeed, the affairs of the east were in such a turmoil, that Mithridates took over
Armenia. The Roman soldiers subdued the citadels and strong forts while the Iberian army held
the field. The Armenians did not resist for Demonactes, their general was killed in a battle.
Immediately, Cotys, the king of Armenia the Less advanced there but Caesar changed his mind
through letters he sent him. All the countries rallied to Mithridates, who behaved more harshly
than was fitting for a new king. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 11. c. 8,9.}

6719. Gotarzes and Bardanes were about to fight. Gotarzes showed his brother the treachery of
the people and they shook hands and swore at an altar to revenge themselves on each others'
enemies. They made peace between themselves. Bardanes appeared better to hold the kingdom
so Gotarzes, to avoid all strife, retired into Hyrcania. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 11. c. 9.}

6720. When Bardanes returned, Seleucia surrendered in the seventh year after its defection.
After this he invaded the strongest provinces and planned to recover Armenia. Vibius Marsus
(or, according to Josephus, Cassius Longinus) who was the governor of Syria, threatened him
with war through his ambassador. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 11. c. 9.}

4051 AM, 4761 JP, 48 AD

6721. Ventidius Cumanus replaced Tiberius Alexander in the government of the Jews and
Herod, the king of Chalcis brother of that great Agrippa died in the eighth year of Claudius'
reign. He was survived by three sons of whom Aristobulus was by his former wife Mariamme
and Berniciansus, and Hyrcanus were sons of Bernice his brother's daughter. {Josephus, Antiq.,
1. 20. c. 3. <c. 5. 1:531>}

6722. As the feast of the passover was approaching, many people came from all parts to the
feasts. Cumanus followed the example of the previous governors and set one cohort for a guard
on the porch of the temple to preclude any riots. On the fourth day of the feast, one of the
soldiers showed his obscene parts to the crowd who cried out and were enraged by that action.

(History's first flasher!) They said that the one whom they honoured in that feast was affronted
by it and some of the boldest of them railed against Cumanus saying this impudent soldier was
sent by him. When Cumanus heard this he was quite troubled and wanted the people to raise no
commotions in the time of the feast. When they still railed at him, he commanded the whole
army to Antonia, a citadel that adjoined the temple. When the common people saw the soldiers
coming, they were afraid. They began to flee in panic and stampeded into a narrow passage and
thought that the soldiers had pursued them. They oppressed and trampled one another so that
20,000 of them were found dead. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 4. <c. 5. 1:531>} Josephus stated
elsewhere that only 10,000 died. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12. 1:612>} {*Eusebius,
Ecclesiastical History, 1. 2. c. 19. 1:72} Rufinus noted more than 30,000 perished. Eusebius and
Orosius also confirmed Rufinus' number. {Eusebius, Chronicles} {Orosius, 1. 7. c. 6.}

6723. Some who fled and escaped this tumult, robbed Caesar's servant, Steven on the road near
Bethhoron about 12 miles from Jerusalem. They took all his bags of treasure. When Cumanus
heard this he sent soldiers there with orders to destroy the surrounding villages. In this havock
one of the soldiers brought out the books of the Mosaic law which he found in one of those
villages. He tore it up in the sight of them all and railed exceedingly against the law and the
Jews. When the Jews heard this, they gathered a large company and went to Caesarea where
Cumanus lived. They entreated him that he would revenge this act not just for their sakes but for
the contempt and wrong of their God. Then the governor was afraid of a revolt among people.
Through the advice of his friends, he executed the soldier that had done this and so appeased the
people. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 4. <c. 5. 1:531,532>}

4052 AM, 4762 JP, 49 AD

6724. Apollonius, the Tyanean, on his journey to the Indians, entered the city of Babylon in the
second month of the third year of Bardanes and conferred with the king. {Philostratus, Life of
Apollonius, 1. 1. c. 19,20.} {Eusebius, in Hierocl.}

6725. Gotarzes, regretted that he had surrendered his kingdom and was recalled by his nobility
who were the more enslaved by the peace. He gathered a large force and fought with Bardanes
at the Erindes River in a fierce battle. Bardanes won and with good success he proceeded and
subdued the mid countries to the Tedzhen River which divided the Dahae and the Arii. Their his
success ended for although the Parthians were conquerors they hated fighting a long way from
home. Therefore he erected monuments there glorifying his power and the subjection to peoples
that were never before subject to the Parthians. Bardanes returned home with great glory and
became much sterner and more intolerable to his subjects. {Tacitus, 1. 11. c. 10.}

6726. Bardanes went to Izates, the king of Adialene, and tried to persuade him to join with him
in a war against the Romans. Izates tried to change his mind by telling him of the Roman acts
and their power. Bardanes was offended at this and immediately planed to war against Izates.
His death prevented this war. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 2. <1:527>} When the Parthians knew
that he planned to make war with the Romans, they surprised and killed him while he was
hunting. He died in his prime and was one of the most famous for such a young king. If he had
obtained the love of his subjects as he had the fear of his enemies, he might have been numbered
among the old ones. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 2. <1:527>} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 11. c. 10.}

6727. The Parthian affairs were thrown into confusion by the death of Bardanes and they did not

know who would be the next king. Many favoured Gotarzes and some wanted Meherdates (the
son of Phraates the 4th, the son of Zenones the 1st) who was then a hostage with the Romans. At
last Gotarzes prevailed and occupied the throne. He forced the Parthians by his luxury and
cruelty to send secretly to Claudius to send them Meherdates to be their king. {Tacitus, Annals,
1. 1 1. c. 10. } They complained of Gotarzes' cruelty to the nobility and the common people. First
Gotarzes killed his brothers then his close relatives then his more distant relatives. He even
killed pregnant women and their small children. He was slothful and licentious at home and
unlucky in war, he covered his foul deeds by his cruelty. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 10.}

6728. Didius, the Roman general had deposed Mithridates from the kingdom of Bosphorus and
made his son Cotys, a rash young fellow, king there. Didius led away the power of the army and
left the new king with only a few cohorts under the command of Julius Aquila, a Roman
equestrian. When Mithridates had lost everything, he wandered about and incited the countries
and gathered from them all the renegades. He got together an army and disposed the king of the
Daridaridae and took over his kingdom. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. 15.}

6729. After Claudius heard the Parthian ambassadors, he sent Mithridates (or Meherdates) to be
their king. He told him that he should not think of himself as an autocrat among slaves but as a
guide of free men and that he should show mercy and justice. He ordered C. Cassius, who was
governor of Syria that he escort the young man safely to the banks of the Euphrates River.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 11.}

6730. At this time Cassius excelled all others in his legal skill but was inexperienced in martial
affairs since there were no wars going on. He renewed the ancient customs of exercising the
legions with the same care as if an enemy had been invading the country. He wanted to live up
to the name of the Cassian family and his ancestors who were held in high esteem in those
countries. When he had pitched his tents at Zeugma, where the river was easily crossed, he
convened those who had voted to make Meherdates king. When the Parthian nobles and the king
of the Arabians, Acbarus (or Abgarus) had arrived, he, before them, admonished the young man
Meherdates not to delay since that caused people to lose enthusiasm and instigated treachery.
Therefore he advised him to press on with his plans quickly. Meherdates despised this good
advice through the deceit of Acbarus. Meherdates was young and thought all fortune consisted
in luxury and stayed at the town Edessa for many days. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 12.}

6731. Mithridates was possessed of the kingdom of the Dandaridae and he thought of invading
the Bosphorus. Aquila and Cotys, did not think they could handle Mithridates with their own
weak forces because Zorsines, king of the Siraci (to Caucasus) had joined with Mithridates.
They sent for foreign troops and sent ambassadors to Eunones, who ruled over the country of the
Aorsori, (among the Scythians) whose friendship they easily obtained by showing how
Mithridates had rebelled against the Romans. Therefore they agreed that Eunones should fight
the cavalry battles and the Romans would handle the besieging of their cities. {Tacitus, Annals,
1. 12. c. 15.}

6732. After they had marshalled their forces, they advanced. The Romans and Bosphorans
defended each wing of Aorsus from before and behind. After they had driven the enemy back,
they came to Soza, a town of the Dandaridae which was abandoned by Mithridates because the
loyalty of the people was suspect. The invading forces thought it best to take it and leave a
garrison there. They went on into the country of the Siracians. After they crossed the Panda
River they besieged Uspe which was defended by walls and ditches. The walls were not made of

stone, but wickerwork hurdles with earth between and were weak. From the high seige towers,
they attacked the besieged with firebrands and spears. Had night not intervened and stopped the
battle, the place would have been captured the same day. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 16.}

6733. The next day ambassadors, unsuccessfully asked that they might go free who were free
born and offered 10,000 slaves. The conquerors despised this offer because it would be cruelty
to kill those who had surrendered and dangerous to keep such a large company of prisoners.
They decided to let the matter be settled in a battle. They ordered the soldiers, who scaled the
walls, to kill everyone in the city. The rest of the country was terrified by the destruction of
Uspe. They saw that eminent and fortified places were of no value but the enemy broke through
rivers and all. Zorsines thought hard about the future of his alliance with Mithridates and if he
should rather attend to his own distressed country. At last he abandoned Mithridates and gave
hostages to the Romans. He fell down at the image of Caesar, in respect to the great glory of the
Roman army, who were victorious. The Romans were unscathed and triumphant and were only
a three day's journey from the Tanais River. Their return journey was not so successful. Some of
their returning ships ran aground on the coasts of the Tuarians. The barbarians surrounded them
and killed the captain of their cohort and many more. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 17.}

6734. In the interim Mithridates had no relief and tried to decide whose mercy he had best seek.
His brother Cotys, who was formerly his traitor, he now feared would be his enemy. There was
none of the Romans of sufficient authority for his promises to carry much weight. He fled to
Eunones, entered his palace, fell at his feet and said:

""Mithridates hunted for by sea and land for so many years, behold, is now present of his own
accord. Use as you please the son of great Achamenes, for my enemies have taken all other help
from me."

6735. Eunones was moved with the honour of the person, the change of his fortune and his
generous petition. He wrote to Caesar and sent ambassadors to entreat Claudius not to restore
Mithridates' kingdom, not to have him in a triumph nor put him to death. Claudius was
undecided whether to punish or pardon him. At last he decided to grant a more merciful
sentence. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 18-20.}

4053a AM, 4762 JP, 49 AD

6736. Carrenes sent for Mehardates to take over the kingdom and told him it would be very easy
if he came without delay. Mehardates was given bad advice and did not go straight to
Mesopotamia but took a more round about way through Armenia at the start of the winter
season which was a difficult time to travel. They were exhausted by the journey through the
mountains when they finally arrived in the plain country. They joined forces with Carrenes and
crossed the Tigris River. They marched across Adiabene, whose King Izites was publicly
friendly with Mehardates but privately loyal to Gotarzes. In spite of their journey, they captured
the ancient Assyrian capital city of Ninos. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 12,13.}

6737. Mithridates of Bosphorus was brought to Rome by Junius Cilo, the procurator of Pontus.
He is said to have addressed Caesar somewhat more highly than his condition warranted and
that he said these words:

VV I am not sent back to you, but I have come back. If you do not believe me, let me go again—
and then try to catch me."

6738. His countenance continued undaunted, when at the rostrum he was exposed to public view
and hemmed in on all sides with guards. Consular ensigns were given to Cilo and the praetorian
ones to Aquila. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 21.}

6739. The Bithynians accused Junius Cilo their prefect of taking many large bribes. They spoke
before Claudius in a riotous fashion and Claudius did not understand what they meant. He asked
those who stood by what they said. They lied and replied that they thanked him for Junius Cilo.
Claudius believed it and said:

vv Let him therefore be their procurator for two more years." { *Dio, 1. 60. 8:25 }

6740. At this time the Bithynians accused Cadius Rufus, their governor, of extortion and he was
condemned. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 22.} {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 1. c. 77.}

6741. When the King Sohaemus of Ituraea and King Agrippa of Judea were dead, their countries
are added to the province of Syria. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 23.} Indeed the years of Agrippa
the younger's reign were calculated from Josephus. He stated that the beginning of the Jewish
war (which started in May 66 AD) was in the 17th year of King Agrippa. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2.
c. 13. fin. kef ke init.) It is also calculated from the Greek money which stated that when Judea
was taken (about September 70 AD), it was the 21st year of Agrippa. Claudius did not give his
father's kingdom of Judea to Agrippa the younger, but to his uncle Herod of Chalcis. Herod also
received authority over the temple and holy treasury and to choose the high priests, which was
granted before to his uncle Herod. (??) His father's kingdom was added to Syria so that it should
have a procurator there. However by Caesar's choice Ventidius Cumanus (as formerly) retained
at this time the administration of Judea and Galilee and Felix was sent as procurator for Samaria
which was between them. Felix was a freedman of Claudius and his mother. Antonius, had the
surname Antonius from her and Claudius from him. He was the brother of another freedman,
Pallantes, whom Tacitus notes to have been most affectionately beloved by his patron Claudius.
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12.? c. 53.?}

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4053b AM, 4763 JP, 50 AD

6742. Gotarzes at the mountain Sambulon made vows to the god of the place. The chief cult of
that is Hercules. His army was not yet strong enough and he used the Corma (Adhaim??) River
for his defence. Although he was incited to battle by envoys with challenges, he delayed and
moved from place to place. He sent bribes to corrupt the loyalty of his enemies. The king of
Adiabene and King Acbarus of the Arabians (of Edessa) deserted to Gotarzes because by
experience it was known that the barbarians would rather seek a king at Rome than keep him.
Meherdates was stripped of his forces and did not trust those who remained. He resolved to
decide the matter in a battle. Gotarzes joined battle confident now that he could defeat his
weakened forces. They fought with a great slaughter and uncertain outcome. When Carrenes
routed his opponents and advanced too far, fresh troops cut off his return. Mehardates gave up
all hope and trusted to the promises of Parraces, his father's client. Mehardates was defeated by
his deceit, and turned over to the conqueror. Gotarzes sneered at Meherdates as being no relative
of his, not of the royal family of the Arsaces but one who was a Roman and foreigner. He cut off
his ears in contempt of the Romans and gave him his life to show his mercy. (Tacit. 1. 12. c. 14.)

6743. At the age of fourteen, Josephus, the son of Matthias, was an accomplished scholar and
was consulted about the more full sense and meaning of the law, even by the high priests and
leaders of Jerusalem. {Josephus, Life, <1:1>}

6744. After Gotarzes died of a disease, Venones who was the president of the Medes, was called
to the rule there. He had a short and most undistinguished reign among them. The Parthian
kingdom was given to Volgeses, his son. His mother was a concubine and he attained the
kingdom with the agreement of his brothers. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. 14, 44.} Josephus wrote that
Gotarzes was killed by treachery and his brother Volgeses succeeded him. He added that he
divided the kingdom to his two brothers by the same father. Pacorus who was the oldest
received Media and to the younger Tiridates, Armenia. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 2. <c. 3.
1:529>}

4054 AM, 4764 JP, 51 AD

6745. A war arose between the Armenians and Iberians, which was the cause of very great
troubles between the Romans and Parthians. Pharasmanes obtained the Iberians by ancient
possession and his brother Mithridates the Armenia with the help of the Romans. Pharasmanes
had a son called Rhadamistus who was very handsome, proper composure, of a very strong body
and much admired by the whole country. When he began to desire his father's kingdom, the
aged Pharasmanes was afraid and tried to divert him by giving him the idea of taking over
Armenia. He told his son that he defeated the Parthians and gave it to Mithridates. He added that
it was better to use craft than force to get it and so take Mithridates by surprise. Then they might
easily oust him and do what they pleased. So Rhadamistus, pretended to have fallen out with his
father and said he could not endure his step mother's hostility. He then defected to his uncle
Mithridates and behaved well. All the while he was seducing the Armenian nobles and leaders
to rebel. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 44.}

6746. Rhadamistus pretended to be reconciled and after he returned to his father, he told him
how far he had gone by deceit and that the rest must be done by force. In the interim,

Pharasmanes trumped up some reasons for war. He alleged that during the war against the king
of the Albanians, his brother had opposed his appeal for Roman help and he must pay for that
wrong with his life. He gave his son a large army and he suddenly invaded Armenia. Mithridates
was compelled to repair to the citadel of Gorneas and was terrified and deprived of the country.
The place was very secure because of its location and the strong guard under Coelius Pollio and
Casperius was his centurion. Rhadamistus tried in vain and with great loss to capture the
fortress. Then he began to see if he could bribe Pollio with money. However, Casperius opposed
the overthrow of a king and ally because Armenia was given to Mithridates by the Romans and
should not be sold for money. At last, when Casperius argued for the superior number of the
enemy, Rhadamistus pleaded his father's orders. Finally they made a truce and Casperius left.
He stated that although he had frightened Pharasmanes by wars, he should make T. Numidius
Quadratus, the governor of Syria, aware of the state of affairs in Armenia. {Tacitus, Annals, 1.
12. c. 45.}

6747. The sixth Calippic period began.

6748. After the departure of Casperius the centurion, Pollio the prefect, was no longer under his
supervision. He urged Mithridates to make a league, with his older brother Pharasmanes. Pollio
said that Mithridates had married Pharasmanes' daughter and he was an uncle to Rhadamistus
and gave him many other reasons. Mithridates delayed the matter and did not trust Pollio for he
kept a whore and was given up to all manner of lust and luxury. He was known to be available
for a price for any outrage. In the meantime, Casparius required Pharasmanes to withdraw the
Iberians from the siege. He gave vague answers and seemed inclined to do it but in the
meantime he sent secretly to Rhadamistus to capture the citadel as quickly as possible by any
means he could. Rhadamistus secretly bribed the soldiers to demand peace and to threaten to
stop fighting. This forced Mithridates to appoint a day for a conference and he left the citadel.
At first Rhadamistus feigned obedience and embraced him and called him his father-in-law and
father. He swore an oath that he would not harm him with the sword or poison. He lead him
immediately to a nearby grove and told Mithridates that he had provided to sacrifice there that
by the witness of the gods, their peace might be confirmed. However, Mithridates was thrown
down and bound with chains. Finally when Pharsamanes' orders were received, Rhadamistus, as
if mindful of his oath, cast down his father-in-law (Rhadamistus' uncle), together with wife
(Rhadamistus' sister) and heaped heavy clothing on them so that they were smothered to death.
His sons were all killed because they cried at their father's death. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. 46, 47. }

6749. When Quatratus heard that Mithridates was betrayed and slain and Armenia was ruled by
his murderers, he called a council and explained the business and whether it was to be revenged.
After they had debated the matter, many were of the opinion to do nothing. However lest they
should seem to assent to such a wickedness and Caesar should order them otherwise, they sent
messengers to Pharasmanes to order him to get out of Armenia and to recall his son. {Tacitus,
Annals, 1. 12. c. 48.}

4055a AM, 4764 JP, 51 AD

6750. Julius Pelignus was the procurator of Cappadocia and was equally contemptible for his
stupidity and his appearance. He was extremely intimate with Claudius when he was a private
man and most amused with ease and sloth. Pelignus gathered together the auxiliaries of the
provinces as if he would recover Armenia. He then preyed rather on his friends than his
enemies. His troops deserted him and he was left defenceless against the barbarian invasions. He

went to Rhadamistus who bribed him well. Pelignus urged him to assume the kingly ensigns and
was the very author and abettor to him in it. When this dishonourable conduct was known and
lest the rest of the Romans would be branded with Pelignus' fault, Helvidius Priscus was sent as
an ambassador with a legion for a time to take care of those unsettled affairs. He quickly crossed
the Taurus Mountains and settled more things by diplomacy than with force. He was ordered to
return into Syria for fear of a new Parthian war. Vologeses planned to invade Armenia which
was part of his ancient kingdom and now ruled by a wicked foreign king. He gathered an army
and prepared to give his brother Tiridates the kingdom so that none of the family might be
without a kingdom. When the Parthians came, the Iberians were overcome without a fight and
the cities of Armenia, Artaxata and Tigranocerta came under their yoke. A very terrible winter
followed and an epidemic broke out among the Parthians for lack of supplies. This compelled
Vologeses to evacuate the country for the time being. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. 49,50}

6751. Rhadamistus invaded Armenia now that there was no ruler there. He behaved more
cruelly than before as if he came against rebels and who in time would rebel again. Although the
Armenians were accustomed to servitude, their patience ran out and they took up arms. They
surrounded the palace and forced Rhadamistus and his wife, Zenobia, to flee on fast horses. His
wife was great with child and tried at first to endure the flight for she feared the enemy and
loved her husband. Afterwards with continued haste, her belly was jarred too much and her
bowels tormented her with pangs. She begged that she might die rather honourably than live in
the disgrace of captivity. At first, he embraced, cherished and helped her. He admired her
courage and was sick with fear if he should have to leave her that someone might find and harm
her. At last for the vehemency of his love and being no stranger to wicked exploits, he drew his
sabre. After he wounded her sufficiently, he dragged her body to the bank of the Araxis River
and threw her into it so that she would not fall into enemy hands. He immediately went through
Iberia to his father's throne. In the meantime some shepherds found Zenobia, obviously
breathing and alive and thought that she was nobly born by her appearance. They bound up her
wounds and applied their country medicines. When they knew her name and story, they carried
her to Artaxata. From there she was officially brought to Tiridates. He accepted her courteously
and took her as his queen. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. 50,51.}

6752. Certain professors of the name of Christ, of the sect of the Pharisees, came down from
Judea to Antioch, and said that the Christians of the Gentiles ought to be circumcised and keep
the law of Moses if they would be saved. This upset many of the brethren in Syria and Cilicia
with their perverse doctrine. Both Paul and Barnabas stiffly opposed them. Ac 15:1,2,5,23,24
Paul called them "brethren brought in unawares." Ga 2:4 Philastrius {Philastrius, de Haeres. c.
87.} and Epiphanius {Epiphanius, Heres. 28.} said that Cerinthus, who was an arch heritic, was
the first to hold this opinion.

4055b AM, 4765 JP, 52 AD

6753. Fourteen years after he went to Jerusalem, which he did three years after his conversion,
Paul went to Jerusalem with Barnabas. { Ga 2: 1 } Both of them were sent from the church at
Antioch with some others that they might ask the judgment of the apostles and elders at
Jerusalem, (whose names those disturbers had misused to bolster their own opinion) concerning
the recent controversy. {Ac 15:2,3,24}

6754. Paul went up by revelation and Titus, a Greek, accompanied him. Paul would not compel
him to be circumcised lest he should seem to give place to the false brethren for a moment. {Ga

2:1-5}

6755. On their journey through Phoenicia and Samaria, Paul and Barnabas told of the
conversion of the Gentiles to the great joy of all the brethren. When they came to Jerusalem,
they were received by the church and of the apostles and elders. Paul and Barnabas told what
things God had done through them. {Ac 15:3,4}

6756. Paul related the gospel that he had preached among the Gentiles, privately to the leaders
among the apostles, James, Peter and John, (who were thought to be the pillars of the church.)
They saw that the gospel among the Gentiles was committed to Paul just as the Jews were to
Peter. They saw the grace that was given to Paul and they gave the right hand of fellowship to
him and Barnabas that these should perform the office of the apostleship among the Gentiles and
they among the Jews. They advised them only that they should take care to relieve the poor at
Jerusalem. {Ga 2:2,7,9,10}

6757. In a council of the apostles and elders held at Jerusalem, there was a long dispute. After
Peter had spoken his opinion, Barnabas and Paul told what great miracles God had done by them
among the Gentiles. Then James concluded that it seemed good by the common decree of the
apostles, elders and of the whole church that the Gentiles should abstain from things sacrificed
to idols, fornication, strangled animals and eating blood. For this purpose, letters were written to
them at Antioch, and to the rest of the brethren in Syria and Cilicia. Paul and Barnabas carried
these letters to Antioch to Judas. After they had delivered and read the letters, the brethren
greatly rejoiced. Judas and Silas were also prophets and exhorted the brethren with many words.
{Ac 15:6-32}

6758. Later Judas returned to the apostles and Silas thought it best to stay at Antioch where Paul
and Barnabas along with many others preached the gospel. {Ac 15:33-35}

6759. Josephus, the son of Matthias, when he was sixteenth, began with much hard labour, to
learned as much as he could about all three sects of the Jews: the Pharisees, Sadducees and
Essenes. {Josephus, Life, 1:1}

6760. Pallas, the freed man of Claudius, was given an honourary praetorship and 15,000,000
sesterces. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 53.}

6761. When the Galileans went up to the feast at Jerusalem, they had to travel through Samaria.
{ Joh 4:3-4} It happened that there was a Galilean killed in a Samaritan village called Nais, (or
Ginea.) This caused a fight between the travellers and the villagers in which many of the
Galileans were killed. The Jewish rulers took this very heinously and stirred up the Jews to arms
and exhorted them to defend their liberty. They said slavery was bad enough without having to
suffer additional wrongs as well. At Jerusalem, the common people left the feast, took up arms
and invaded Samaria. They would not stop fighting no matter what the magistrates said or did.
The people also called for help from Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and Alexander, both the
captains of the thieves. They invaded the part of Samaria which bordered on the country of
Acrabatene and made a confused slaughter. They spared no age nor sex and also burnt the
towns. When Cumanus knew what was done, he took with him one cavalry troop from Sebaste
and four cohorts of foot soldiers along with armed Samaritans and he attacked the Jews. When
he had overtaken them, he killed many of those who followed Eleazar but took more prisoners.

When the rulers of Jerusalem saw the magnitude of the calamity, they put on sack cloth and
ashes on their heads and pleaded with the rest of the multitude who went to destroy the
territories of Samaria that they would change their minds. They told them how their country
would be destroyed, the temple burnt and their wives and children taken captives. Therefore
they begged them to put down their arms and go home. The Jews obeyed and went home.
However, the thieves retired again to their strongholds and after this time Judea was overrun by
thieves. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12. 1:612>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 6.
1:532>}

6762. The governors of Samaria resorted to Numidius Quadratus, the president of Syria who
then lived at Tyre. They begged him to take vengeance on the Jews who had plundered and
burned their towns. Some of the Jewish nobility and Jonathan, the son of Ananus the high priest
answered the changes. They stated that the Samaritans started this sedition by murdering a Jew
and that Cumanus was the cause of all the calamities that followed because he was bribed and
would not revenge that murder. When Quadratus had heard them, he deferred his sentence and
said that he would decide that matter when he came to Judea and there more exactly know the
truth of the matter. So they departed and nothing was done. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12.
1:613>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 6. 1:532>}

6763. In the meantime Felix, by his injudicious disciplinary measures, provoked the Jews to
offend the more. Ventidius Cumanus, who controlled part of the province was his rival in all
manner of wickedness. Cumanus administered the area of Galilee and Felix the Samaritans.
Both countries were always at odds but then much more through the contempt of their
governors. Therefore they invaded one another and sent thieves and robbers to plunder. They
laid ambushes and sometimes fought battles and brought the spoils and preys to the governors.
At first the governors were pleased but when the disorder grew intolerable, they sent soldiers to
quell it who were all killed. The whole province would have been in an uproar had not
Quadratus redressed the matter in time. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. 54.}

6764. He acted immediately and executed those Jews who had killed the Roman soldiers.
Cumanus' and Felix's actions were told to Claudius. When he had heard the causes of the
rebellion, he gave authority to Quadratus to deal with the matter even with the officials of the
provinces. Quadratus appointed Felix among the judges, (because he was the brother of Pallas,
the great favourite at Rome) and received him into the tribunal to intimidate his accusers.
Cumanus alone was condemned for the faults that both had committed. By that means,
Quadratus made peace in the province. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. 54.}

6765. The Cietae tribes of Cilicia made Trosoborus (or Arosoboras) their captain. They camped
on rough mountains and from there ran down to the shores and cities. They plundered the
husbandmen and citizens but most commonly the merchants and seamen. They besieged also the
cities of the Anemunenses and also routed the cavalry sent from Syria who were sent there
under their captain Curtius Severus. The places around there were good to fight on foot but poor
for the cavalry. Then Antiochus Epiphanes the 4th, the king of that country, used diplomacy
toward the common people and craft toward their captain and divided their forces. He executed
Trosuborus and some of the ring leaders and appeased the rest through his clemency. {Tacitus, 1.
12. c. 55.}

6766. When Peter the apostle came to Antioch, he ate and was friendly with the believing
Gentiles. When certain Jewish brethren came there from James, he withdrew himself from the

Gentiles and some Jews of the church of Antioch followed his example. Barnabas was even
carried away with their hypocrisy. This was plainly contrary to the gospel and Paul did not stand
for it. He withstood Barnabas to the face and sharply reproved his fearfulness before them all.
{Ga2:ll-14}

4056 AM, 4766 JP, 53 AD

6767. When Quadratus came to Samaria, he ordered those who were accused to defend their
actions and found that the tumult was caused by the Samaritans. When he went to Caesarea, he
knew that some Jews were trying to rebel. Therefore he hanged those whom Cumanus had taken
alive and taken prisoner. He went to Lydda which was almost the size of a city, and held a
tribunal to hear again the cause of the Samaritans. He learned from a certain Samaritan, that
Dortus, a ruler of the Jews had persuaded the Jews to a revolt. Quadratus had Dortus executed.
He also beheaded eighteen Jews, who had been in the fight. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12.
1:613>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 6. 1:533>}

6768. Quadratus sent to Caesar, two of the chief priests, Jonathan and Ananias and his son
Ananus along with some of the nobility of the Jews and of the Samaritans. He ordered also that
Cumanus the governor and Celer the tribune to go to Rome to give an account to Caesar of what
they had done in the country. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12. 1:613>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1.
20. c. 5. <c. 6. 1:532>}

6769. After this was done, Quadratus feared that the Jews might revolt. He went from Lydda to
Jerusalem where he found all things quiet and the people busy celebrating their feast of
unleavened bread and offering sacrifices. Therefore, he thought that they would be quiet and he
left them busy at their feast and returned to Antioch. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12.
1:613>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 6. 1:532>}

6770. Cumanus and the Samaritans were sent to Rome. At an appointed day, they were ordered
to defend their actions. They obtained the favour of Caesar's freedmen and friends and would
have won there case. However, King Agrippa the younger, who was living at Rome, saw that
the rulers of the Jews were being over powered by the favour of the great ones. He by much
intreaty had Agrippina, the wife of Claudius, persuade her husband that he would fully hear the
matter and execute justice on those he found to be the authors of the sedition. Claudius yielded
to their requests and when he heard both sides he knew that the Samaritans started the fighting.
Claudius executed those who came before him to plead their cause. He punished Cumanus with
banishment and sent Celer, the tribune, as prisoner to Jerusalem. He was to be turned over to the
Jews to be punished. He was to be dragged through the city and then beheaded. {Josephus,
Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12. 1:613>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 6. 1:532>}

677 1 . Claudius sent Claudius Felix, the brother of Paulus, to be the governor of Judea as well as
Samaria and Galilee. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 11. <c. 12. 1:613>} Jonathan the high priest had
begged Caesar for him. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 6. 1:532>} Suetonius wrote:
{Suetonius, Claudius, c. 28.}

vv Claudius preferred Felix, one of his freedmen, to command the cavalry or foot soldiers and to
the government of Judea. He was the husband of three queens."

6772. Tacitus wrote: {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 54.}

vv When Felix was the governor of Judea, he thought he might do any wickedness with impunity
and behaved arrogantly."

6773. He added this about his tyrannical government in Judea. {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 5. c. 9.}

vv Antonius Felix exercised regal power with the instincts of a slave with all cruelty and lust. He
married Drusilla, the niece of Cleopatra and Antonius. Claudius was the grandchild of the same
Antonius and son of Felix."

6774. When king Agrippa the younger had governed Chalcis for four years, after the 12th year
of his empire, Claudius took that from him and gave him a larger one. He received the tetrarchy
of Philip, which contained Batanea, Gaulonitis and Trachonitis. He also added Abilene (or
Abila) which was the tetrarchy of Lysanias which Varus had governed. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c.
11. <c 12. 1:613>} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 7. 1:533>}

6775. After Agrippa had been advanced by Caesar's gifts, he gave Drusilla, his sister, in
marriage to Azizus, the king of the Emisa who was circumcised. Epiphanes, the son of
Antiochus the king of the Commagenians had refused her, because he changed his mind and
would not embrace the Jewish religion as he had promised her father. Agrippa gave in marriage
Mariamme to Julius Archelaus the son of Helcias, to whom she was betrothed by her father
Agrippa. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 9. <c. 7. 1:533>}

6776. Josephus, the son of Matthias, began to adopt the lifestyle of Banus, who lived in the
wilderness who clothed himself with what the trees brought forth and used for his food those
things which grew of themselves. To keep himself chaste, he often washed himself in cold water
and thus he lived for three years. {Josephus, Life, <1:1>}

6777. Nero took up the cause of the Ilienses in his speech. He said how the Romans were
descended from Troy and that Aeneas was the father of the Julian family as well as many other
old things which were likely fables. The Ilienses were freed from tribute for ever because they
were the founders of the Romans. Nero read this speech publicly in Greek to the senate and the
people of Rome. He promised to King Seleucus friendship and alliance and freed their kinsmen,
the Ilienses from all tribute. (??) {Suetonius, Claudius, c. 25.}

6778. Rhodians repened of their old misdeeds and Claudius restored their liberty. It was often
taken away or confirmed either as they had deserved in foreign wars or offended by sedition at
home. {Suetonius, Claudius, c. 25.} {Tacitus, Annals, c. 58.} Suetonius wrote that he pleaded
for the Rhodians and Ilienses in Greek before his father Claudius who was in his last consulship
two years earlier. {Suetonius, Nero, c. 7.} Claudius remitted all tribute to the Apameans for five
years, because their city was destroyed by an earthquake. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12. c. 58.}

6779. After that Claudius spoke concerning the freeing of the island of Cos from tribute. He
alleged many things about their antiquity such as that the Argives or perhaps Coeus, the father
of the goddess Latona (of whom the island was named) were the ancient inhabitants. Aesulapius
brought the art of healing there and he was famous among all his posterity. He named them by

their names and in what ages they lived. Then he said that Zenophon his own physician, was
from Cos and descended from that family. Claudius had yielded to his entreaty that they might
hereafter be free from tribute and be devoted to the service of that god. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 12.
c. 62.}

6780. Paul asked Barnabas to go again and visit the churches where they had preached the
gospel. Barnabas was determined to take John Mark with him but Paul thought it not good to
take him since he had abandoned them in Pamphylia {Ac 13:13} and did not went with them to
the work. Barnabas took this badly that such an infamy should lie upon his sister's son. {Col
4:10} The contention was so sharp that they departed one from the other. Barnabas took Mark
and sailed to his own country of Cyprus but Paul who was commended to the grace of God,
chose Silas and went into Syria and Cilicia and confirmed the brethren. {Ac 15:36-41 }

6781. Paul came to Derbe and Lystra and found there among the disciples, Timothy who was
born of a Greek or Gentile father but his mother was a believing Jew (Eunice) to whom all the
brethren at Iconium and Lystra gave good testimony. Paul wanted to take Timothy with him. To
win over the Jews more easily, he had Timothy circumcised. {Ac 16:1-3}

6782. As Paul and Silas passed through the cities, they gave them the decrees they were to keep
that were ordained by the apostles and elders who were at Jerusalem. The churches were
established in the faith and increased in number daily. {Ac 16:4,5}

6783. When they had gone through Phrygia and the region of Galatia, they were forbidden by
the Spirit to preach the word of God in Asia. When they had come to Mysia, they planned to go
into Bithynia but the Spirit did not allow them. They left Mysia and came down to Troas. Here,
Paul had a vision of a man asking them to come into Macedonia to help them. {Ac 16:6-9}

6784. When he had seen this vision, they planned to go into Macedonia and were certain that the
Lord had called them there to preach the gospel. {Ac 16:10} Thus said Luke who spoke after
this of Paul and his companions in the first person whereas always before he had spoken in the
third person. He showed that from that time, he was a companion of Paul's in the preaching of
the Gospel.

4057a AM, 4766 JP, 53 AD

6785. Paul and Silas with Luke and Timothy sailed from Troas and sailed straight to
Samothracia. The next day they arrived at Neapolis and from there to Philippi. It was the main
city of that part of Macedonia and a Roman colony. They stayed there for some days. {Ac
16:11,12}

6786. On the sabbath day, they left the city to go to the river side where there was an house of
prayer. They spoke to the women who came there. Among these was Lydia who worshipped
God and was a seller of purple in the city of Thyatira. She listened to the things which Paul said
and the Lord opened her heart and she believed in Christ. When she was baptized and her
household, she entertained Paul and his companions. {Ac 16:13-15}

6787. Later at the place of prayer, they cast out an unclean spirit from a servant who had the

spirit of divination. He had cried after them many days and said that these men were the servants
of the most High God and showed them the way of salvation. Paul was grieved and ordered in
the name of Jesus, the spirit to come out of her. When the masters of the maid saw that the hope
of their financial gain was gone, they drew Paul and Silas into the market place and caused a
commotion before the rulers. The rulers had both Paul and Silas publicly scourged and cast into
prison. At midnight as they were praying and singing psalms, there was a violent earthquake and
all the doors of the prison were opened and all the prisoners bands were released. Therefore the
jailor in desperation, would have killed himself with his naked sword. Paul and Silas preached to
him and he was converted to the faith and baptized the same night with all his family. When it
was day, the magistrates sent them word that they were free to go. Paul and Silas objected about
the shame and injury done to them because they had publicly scourged them and cast them into
prison uncondemned. Thereupon the magistrates came themselves and set them at liberty with
honour and asked them to depart from the city. They went to Lydia's house and comforted the
brethren who came to them and so left the city. {Ac 16:16-40}

6788. As they journeyed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, the
main city of Macedonia where there was a synagogue of the Jews. {Ac 17:1-3 } There Paul
wrote { ITh 2:2} that after he was shamefully entreated at Philippi, he preached the gospel with
much zeal. As was his custom, Paul went into the synagogue of the Jews for three sabbaths and
reasoned with them concerning Christ from the scriptures. Some Jews believed along with a
great number of the religious Greeks and many of the chief women. {Ac 17:2-4}

6789. Paul taught the Thessalonians about faith in Christ and concerning the future apostasy of
antichrist and his revelation. {2Th 2:5-12}

6790. When Paul stayed a long time at Thessalonica, he received once and again relief from the
Philippians for his needs. {Php 4:16} The unbelieving Jews stirred up certain lewd fellows of
the baser sort and made an uproar in the city. They drew Jason (with whom Paul and his
companion lodged) and certain brethren before the magistrates and accused them in a riotous
fashion. When the magistrates had taken security from them, the brethren sent Paul and Silas
away by night to Berea. {Ac 17:5-10}

6791. When they had entered into the synagogue of the Jews, they diligently preached Christ
from the scriptures. Those that heard diligently compared this with the scriptures. When the
scriptures confirmed what was said, many of them believed including many honourable Greek
women and men. When the Jews of Thessalonica came there, they stirred up the multitude
against Paul. Immediately the brethren sent them away to go as it were to the sea but they
brought him to Athens. Paul asked that Silas and Timothy whom he left at Berea, should come
quickly to him. {Ac 17:10-15}

4057b AM, 4767 JP, 54 AD

6792. The Jews by the instigation of Chrestus continually caused trouble so that Claudius
expelled them from Rome. { Suetonius, Claudius, c. 25. } Suetonius, if I am not mistaken
mentioned only Chrestus. I am not persuaded that Christ out Lord is meant here (for whom the
Christians in another place by the same name are called.)

6793. While Paul waited for Silas and Timothy at Athens, he reasoned in the synagogue with the

Jews and devout men and daily in the market place with anyone who would listen. He argued
also with the philosophers of the Epicurean and Stoic sects concerning Christ and the
resurrection. He was brought to Mars Hill to hear him expound about these strange gods. Paul
defended his cause in a most learned speech. He used the example of the altar dedicated to the
unknown God, as also from the testimony of Aratus the poet and confirmed that all were the
offspring of God. It was that God whom they ignorantly worshipped that Paul spoke to them
about. {Ac 17:16-31} The God of the Jews among the Gentiles was called the unknown God. In
the same sense, Lucan called him "the uncertain God." {Lucan, Pharsilia, 1. 2.} Trebellius Pollio
called him the "God of uncertain power." In the life of Claudius, whom the inhabitants of Mount
Carmel, {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 2. c. 78.} attributed neither image nor temple but only an altar
and reverence. Hence the Athenians made an altar to Mercy in the middle of their city without
any image. {Statius, Thebais, 1. 12.}

God's form by pictures cannot be expressed, He loves to dwell within the heart and breast.

6794. Among Paul's converts were Dionysius the Areopagite, a woman, (or his wife as it seem
to Ambrose, Chrysostome and Augustine) called Damaris, and some others. {Ac 17:34}

6795. When Felix, the governor of Judea saw Drusilla, the sister of king Agrippa, he fell in love
with her. He sent his friend Simon, a Jew from Cyprus who pretended to be a soothsayer, to
persuade the woman to leave her husband and marry Felix. Simon promised that she would be
happy if she did not refuse him. She married Felix unadvisedly and was willing to escape the
troubles of her sister Bernice, who envied her for her beauty. She broke the laws of the Jew's
religion. However, Bernice, the widow of her uncle, persuaded Polemon to be circumcised and
to marry her. She thought by this that she might prove false that she had illegal conduct with
Agrippa (the younger.) Polemon agreed because she was rich but the marriage did not last long.
Bernice (as it was reported) through her intemperance left him and when he was abandoned by
his wife, he immediately left the Jewish religion. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 7.
1:533,534>}

6796. At the same time also Mariamme, the third sister of King Agrippa, scorned Julius
Archelaus the son of Chelcias. She went and married Demetrius, a chief man among the Jews of
Alexandria both for birth and riches and was at that time the alabarch. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20.
c. 5. <c. 7. 1:534>}

6797. Paul sent back Silas and Timothy who had come to him from Berea, again into Macedonia
and remained alone at Athens. He planned to return to Thessalonica but Satan hindered his
plans. Therefore, he sent Timothy there that he might confirm and comfort the Thessalonians in
the faith. {Ac 18:5 ITh 2:17,18 3:1,2}

6798. In the meantime, he left Athens and went to Corinth, where he found Aquilla a Jew and
his wife Priscilla, who came recently from Italy, because Claudius had made a decree that all
Jews should leave Rome. Paul stayed with them because they were both tent makers. Paul
reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath and persuaded the Jews and Greeks. {Ac 18:1-5}

6799. Here Paul with his own hand baptized the family of Stephanus, { ICo 1:16} who were the
first fruits of Achaia and who had dedicated themselves to the ministry of the saints. { ICo
16:15}

6800. As Silas and Timothy came from Macedonia, the Jews withstood Paul's preaching of
Christ with great zeal and blasphemed Paul. Paul shook his garments against them and turned to
the Gentiles. He went into the house of one who was surnamed Justus, who worshipped God and
lived near the synagogue. {Ac 18:6,7}

6801. Chrispus the ruler of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his family and when
many of the Corinthians heard the gospel, they believed and were baptized. {Ac 18:8} Of these,
Paul only baptized Chrispus and Gaius with his own hand. { ICo 1:14}

6802. The Lord told Paul in a vision by night not to be afraid and to speak boldly. No one would
harm him and the Lord had many people in that city. Paul stayed another eighteen months and
taught the word of the Lord among them {Ac 18:9-1 1 } along with Silvanus (or Silas) and
Timothy. {2Co 1:19}

6803. After the return of Timothy from Macedonia, Paul with the same Timothy and Silvanus
(or Silas) wrote the first epistle to the Thessalonians. { ITh 3:6} He wrote some difficult things
concerning the day of judgment as if it were now at hand. { ITh 1:1-5} He wrote later another
epistle to them where he more clearly expounded that matter. {2Th 2:2,3} This was written
when he had Silvanus and Timothy as his companions in the ministry of the gospel {ITh 1:1}
and after he had been with the Thessalonians and they had embraced the faith of Christ. {2Th
2:5} Grotius was extremely mistaken when he thought that it was written under Caius Caligula.

6804. The Parthians invaded Armenia after driving out Rhadamistus, who had often reigned as
king there and often been ejected and had given up the struggle. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 6. }
When Vardanes' son revolted from Vologesus, the king of the Parthians, the Parthians
abandoned Armenia as if they deferred the war. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 7.}

4058a AM, 4768 JP, 54 AD

6805. Claudius died on October 13th (3rd ides) when Asinius Marcellus, and Asinius Aviola
were consuls. {Seneca, in Ludi. de Mort. Claudii.} {Suetonius, Claudius, c. 45.} {*Dio, 1. 60.
8:31 } He had reigned thirteen years, eight months and twenty days. { *Dio, 1. 60. 8:31 }
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 5. <c. 8. 1:534>} In the middle of the same day, the gates of the
palace were suddenly thrown open and Nero, the son in law and adopted son was declared
emperor. {Tacitus, 1. 12. c. ult.}

6806. In the beginning of Nero's reign, Junius Silanus, the proconsul of Asia, was a noble man
and descended from the Caesars. Nero was not involved in his murder and he had barely reached
manhood. Julius was murdered through the treachery of his mother Agrippina. His officers were
P. Celer, an equestrian of Rome and Aelius, a freedman. They had the charge of the prince's
revenues in Asia. They poisoned the proconsul at a feast. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 1.}

6807. The ambassadors of Armenia pleaded their cause before Nero. His mother wanted to
come up into the seat of audience and sit with him. Everyone was stupefied. Seneca advised
Nero to meet his mother and so under pretence of doing his duty, he prevented a scandal.
{*Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 5.}

6808. The report was brought to Rome that the Parthians had occupied Armenia. Nero ordered
the youth of the neighbouring provinces to be mustered to supply the eastern legions. The
legions were to be stationed near Armenia. The two old kings, Agrippa (of Judea) and Jocchus
(or Antiochus, of Commagene) were to prepare their forces to invade Parthia and bridges were
to be built over the Euphrates River. Nero gave Aristobulus the kingdom of Armenia the Less
and Sohaemus was given the kingdom of Sophene. Both had royal status. He sent Domitius
Corbulo to hold Armenia and allocated the forces of the east. Some should remain in the
province of Syria with Quadratus its lieutenant. A similar number of citizens and allies should
go with Corbulo with other cohorts and cavalry who had wintered in Cappadocia. Nero ordered
the confederate kings to be ready for war if required. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 5, 7, 8.}

6809. In the first year of Nero's empire, Azizus, the king of Emesea died and his brother
succeeded him in the kingdom. Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the king of Chalcis received from
Nero the kingdom of Armenia the Less (as previously mentioned from Tacitus) and Nero added
four cities to the kingdom of Agrippa with all the land belonging to them, in Galilee, Tiberias
and Tarichea. In Iturea beyond Jordan, Abila and Julias. He received the land that was inhabited
with fourteen villages. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 6. <c. 8. 1:534>} { Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 12.
<c. 13. 1:614>}

6810. Domitius Corbulo hurried quickly to Aegeae, a city of Cilicia and met Quadratus who
went there on purpose lest if Corbulo had entered Syria to receive the forces, all men's eyes
would have been on him. Both of them sent messengers to Vologeses, the king of the Parthians
and asked him to choose peace and send hostages to secure it. He was to continue to respect the
people of Rome as his ancestors had done. Either to buy time to better prepare for war or to
remove all contenders for the throne, Vologeses turned over the most noble of the family of the
Arsacidae. Quadratus sent the centurion Hostorius (or Histius) to receive them. When Corbulo
knew this, he ordered Arrius Varus, the captain of the foot soldiers to go and receive the
hostages. Thereupon there was a quarrel between the captain and the centurion. So as not to air
their differences in front of strangers, both men let the hostages decide whom they wanted to go
with. They selected the captain to escort them because Corbulo was famous even among Rome's
enemies. Hence Corbulo and Quadratus had a falling out. Quadratus complained that he was
robbed of the fruits of his negotations. Corbulo protested that the king never offered hostages
until he had been chosen the general and the king was afraid of him. To settle the differences,
Nero proclaimed this order that Quadratus and Corbulo, for their prosperous success should
have their imperial fasces wreathed with laurel. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 8,9.}

681 1. At the beginning of Nero's reign, all Judea was filled with thieves and enchanters and
seducers of the ignornant multitude. Every day Felix put to death as many as he took. Eleazar,
the son of Dinas, had a great band of thieves about him. Felix persuaded him to come to him,
giving him his word, that he should suffer no harm from him. When he came, Felix bound him
and sent him to Rome. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 6. <c. 8. 1:535>}

6812. Felix could no longer tolerate Jonathan, the high priest, who so often and so freely
admonished him concerning his government of the Jews. He persuaded Dora, a great friend of
Jonathan's, by promising him a great sum of money, to kill Jonathan by some assassins. Some
entered the city under the pretence of religious worship and had short swords hidden secretly
under their garments. They mingled among his family and killed Jonathan. Since that murder
was unpunished, this was an invitation to more licentiousness. Others came at every feast and
hid their swords in the same way. They mixed with the crowd and freely killed some of their

private enemies. Some were hired for money to murder both in the city and even in the temple.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20 c. 6. <c. 8. 1:535>}

6813. Thus was the city was infested with thieves. The deceivers and magicians enticed and
drew multitudes into the deserts and promised them that they would show them signs and
wonders done by the power of God. When the multitude was thus persuaded, they suffered the
penalty for their folly. They were called back by Felix and put to death. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20
c. 6. <c. 8. 1:536>}

6814. At that time there was a certain Egyptian who called himself a prophet. He gathered
30,000 (or 4000 Ac 21:38) men and brought them from the wilderness to the Mount of Olives.
He told them that from there they would see the walls of Jerusalem fall down by which way they
might enter into the city. When Felix found out, he attacked this seduced multitude with his
Roman cavalry and foot soldiers along with a large number of Jews. He killed 400 and took 200
prisoners alive. The rest of the multitude dispersed into their own countries. No one knew what
became of the Egyptian, with a few that escaped from the fight. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20 c. 6. <c.
8. 1:536>} {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 12. <c. 13. 1:614} Lysias the captain, mentioned him to
Paul and {Ac 21:38} asked if Paul was not that Egyptian who before these days created an
uproar and lead 4000 men who were murderers into the desert.

6815. When Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews of Corinth brought Paul before his
judgment seat. The Greeks took Sosthenes, the ruler of the synagogue and beat him. Gallio did
not care about this. {Ac 18:12-17}

6816. Gallio was the brother of L. Anneus Seneca, (who together with Burrhus, commanded all
things at Rome under his young student Nero.) Gallio derided the deifying of Claudius who died
from poisoning and it was claimed he was taken up to heaven by a litter. He said Claudius
received "pumpkinfication" not deification! {Dio, 1. 60. 8:33} There is extant the book of
Controversies, of Marcus Anneus Seneca, the father to the three sons, Novatus, Seneca and
Melas. The second of these L. Seneca in his consolation to his mother, Helvia said:

vv One of his brothers by his industry received honours, the other despised them."

6817. The first one referred to Novatus, who was adopted by Junius Gallio (who was banished
by Tiberius, See note on 4035 AM. fin) He was also called Gallio and was by the same Seneca
called Lord, as being his older brother as Lipsius noted: {Lipsius, Epistle 104. }

vv This was the saying of my Lord Gallio who began to have a fever in Achaia and immediately
sailed away and cried that it was not the disease of the body but of the place."

4059 AM, 4769 JP, 56 AD

6818. When Paul had stayed many days at Corinth, after the riot at Gallio's tribunal, he bid
goodbye to the brethren and sailed from the port of Cenchrea for Syria. He arrived first at
Ephesus and entered into a synagogue and reasoned with the Jews. When they wanted him to
stay longer, he did not agree to it and said that he wanted to keep the feast at Jerusalem. He
promised that he would return to them again, if God willed. After bidding them farewell, he left

Aquila and Priscilla behind and sailed from Ephesus with the rest of his companions. {Ac 18:18-
22}

6819. Paul landed at Caesarea (Stratonis) and went to greet the church at Jerusalem. He went
down to Antioch, (of Syria) and after he had stayed there for some time, he left and went over in
order, all the regions of Galatia and Phrygia to confirm all the disciples. {Ac 18:22,23} The
Galatians received him as an angel of God or as Jesus Christ himself. {Ga 4:14} Among other
things, he arranged that the collections for the poor should be set apart every Lord's day. { ICo
16:1,2}

6820. After the three years which he had lived with Banus in the wilderness, Josephus, the son
of Matthias returned to Jerusalem. He was now nineteen years old and he began to dabble with
public affairs and followed the sect of the Pharisees which was the closest sect to the Greek
Stoics. {Josephus, Life, <1:1>}

6821. A certain Jew named Apollos, was born at Alexandria and was an eloquent man and
powerful in the scriptures. He came to Ephesus and was instructed in the way of the Lord and
was fervent in the spirit. He spoke and taught diligently the things of the Lord and knew only of
the baptism of John. He began to speak freely in the synagogue. Aquila and Priscilla heard him
and they took him and expounded to him the way of the Lord more fully. When Apollos planned
to go into Achaia, the brethren exhorted him and wrote to the disciples to receive him. When he
came, he helped those who had believed, for with great zeal he convinced the Jews publicly,
showing by the scriptures that Jesus was the Christ. {Ac 18:24-28}

4060 AM, 4770 JP, 57 AD

6822. When Apollos was at Corinth, Paul passed through the upper coasts (that is, Galatia and
Phrygia) and came to Ephesus. He found twelve disciples who only knew of the baptism of John
and had not yet received the Holy Ghost by the laying on of hands. After Paul had further
instructed them in the doctrine of Christ, he laid his hands on them the Holy Ghost came on
them and they spoke with tongues and prophesied. Then he went into the synagogue and spoke
freely, disputing and persuading the things concerning the kingdom of God. {Ac 19:1-8}

6823. When some Jews were hardened and believed not, they spoke evil of the way of the Lord.
Paul in the view of the multitude, departed from them and separated the disciples and daily
disputed in the school of Tyrannus for two whole years. All who lived in Asia, both Jews and
Greeks heard the word of the Lord Jesus. Paul performed many miracles so that handkerchiefs
and aprons were brought from his body to the sick and they were healed and evil spirits went out
of them. {Ac 19:9-12}

6824. Asia accused P. Celer of his crimes. Caesar could not absolve him, so he delayed his trial,
until Celer died from old age. Celer had killed Sylanus the proconsul, which masked other
wickednesses, by the greatness of this villainy. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 33.}

6825. The Cilicians accused Cossutianus Capita, as one besotted and defiled with all vices. He
thought that he had the same authority to do wickedly in the province as he had exercised in the
city of Rome. The prosecution was so determined that he abandoned his defence and was
condemned of extortion. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13. c. 33.} It was he whom (according to Lipsius)

is referred to in Juvenal: {Juvenal, Satire, 8.}

-How the senate's just thunder struck Suitor and Capita for making prize, As pirates of the
Cilician merchandise.

6826. Quintilian mentioned: {Quintilian, 1. 6. c. 1.}

vv The accuser of Cossutianus seemed to us young men to speak bravely, it was in Greek, but to
this sense, "He was ashamed to be afraid of Caesar.""

6827. His great intrigues prevailed so much for Epirus Marcellus, of whom the Lycians
demanded restitution, that some of the accusors were banished, as though they had endangered
an innocent man. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 13, c. 33.}

4061 AM, 4771 JP, 58 AD

6828. The war about who would control Armenia which started coolly enough between the
Romans and Parthians, was now hotly pursued. Vologeses would not allow his brother Tiridates
to be removed from that kingdom that he had given him or let him accept it as the gift from
another. Corbulo thought it worthy of the greatness of the people of Rome to recover what was
in former time captured by Lucullus and Pompey. Corbulo prepared his army for this war in the
old manner after the old severity and discipline of the Romans. He entered Armenia and
destroyed some citadels and burnt Artaxata. Tiridates did not dare to give him battle. {Tacitus, 1.
13. c. 34-41.}

6829. Seven exorcists of the Jews, the sons of Sceva a chief priest, called those over who had
unclean spirits. They tried to cast out the unclean spirit in the name of the Lord Jesus whom Paul
preached. However the man who had the unclean spirit, leaped on them and forced them to flee
the house wounded and naked. When it was known both to the Jews and Greeks who lived at
Ephesus, they were all afraid and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified. Many who
believed, came and confessed and showed their deeds. Many of those who used curious arts,
brought their books together and burned them before all men. These books were valued at
50,000 pieces of silver. So mightily the word grew and prevailed. {Ac 19:13-20}

6830. Immediately after Paul left them, the Galatians {Ac 18:23} were seduced by false
brethren and thought that they were to be justified by the works of the law. Paul sent a strongly
worded letter to them to correct this error. {Ga 1:6,7}

4062 AM, 4772 JP, 59 AD

6831. Paul planned to go to Jerusalem after he had passed through Macedonia and Achaia. He
said that after he had been to Jerusalem he wanted to go to Rome as well. {Ac 19:21 } First he
thought he would go to Corinth, and from there to Macedonia and return again to Corinth. From
there he would travel to Judea { 1 Co 1:15,16} to take the collections for the poor saints at
Jerusalem. From there, he planned to go to Rome and then to Spain. {Ro 15:24-28}

6832. While Paul thought about this, he sent Timothy and Erastus to Macedonia but he remained

in Asia for a while. {Ac 19:22} He likely was in Lydia where he seemed to have preached the
gospel to the cities which were near Ephesus for nine months. He spent two years teaching in
the school of Tyrannus and three months teaching in the synagogue of Ephesus. Therefore he
spent three years labouring in Asia. {Ac 20:15-31 } He said a great door was opened for him
although there were many adversaries. { ICo 16:9}

6833. On the last day of April in Campania when Vipsanius and Fonteius were consuls, there
was an eclipse between one and two p.m. Corbulo, the general who was in Armenia, wrote that
it was seen between four and five p.m. {*Pliny, 1. 2. c. 70. 1:313} At Rome, this eclipse was
seen in the middle of their sacrifices that were made by the decree of the senate, for the cause of
Agrippina that was killed by her son. It was so dark the stars were seen. { *Dio, 1. 62. 8:73 }
{Tacitus, Annals, 1. 14. c. 12.}

4063a AM, 4772 JP, 59 AD

6834. People from the family of Chloe told Paul there was a schism in the church of Corinth.
Some said they followed Paul, some Apollos, some Cephas and some Christ. { ICo 1:11,12
3:3,4} Apollos with some other brethren went from Corinth to Paul in Asia { ICo 16:12} by
whom the Corinthians wrote to Paul and asked his advice about the matter of marriage and the
single life. {ICo 7}

6835. Paul together with Sosthenes, the ruler of the synagogue at Corinth, who was converted to
Christ, wrote the first letter to the Corinthians from Lydia. (Timothy was absent { ICo 16:10 Ac
19:22} from Asia) He sent it by Stephanas, Fortunatus, and Achaicus, who were sent from
Corinth to visit the apostle. Apollos did not wish to return at that time to the Corinthians. { ICo
1:1 16:12,13,17,19}

6836. In this letter, Paul ordered the incestuous Corinthian who had married his father's wife, to
be delivered to Satan. { ICo 5} He also corrected other errors that had crept into the church. He
corrected errors in conduct and refuted the error of the Sadducees who said there was no
resurrection. { ICo 15} He told them that when he arrived, he would set the rest of the church in
order. { ICo 4:18,19, 11:34} He would pass through Macedonia. However, he planned to stay at
Ephesus until Pentecost { ICo 16:5-8} unless something came up that changed his plans.

6837. Demetrius a silversmith who made silver shrines for Diana, feared that he would lose his
livelihood. He convened all the workmen of the same craft and raised an uproar against Paul. He
claimed that Paul had persuaded the Ephesians and almost all of Asia that they were not gods
which were made by men. They laid hold on Gaius and Aristarchus who were from Macedonia
and were Paul's travelling companions and rushed into the theatre. When Paul wanted to go
there, some of the disciples and some of the chief men of Asia (who provided for the plays
shown in the theatre) and his friends would not allow Paul to go to the people. When Alexander
the Jew would have made his defence to the people, there was a great cry among the people
almost for two hours, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians." At length the tumult was settled by the
wisdom of the town clerk. Paul called the brethren together and took his leave and departed for
Macedonia. {Ac 19:24-41 20:1}

6838. Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus and returned to Rome after they had risked their lives to
save Paul. {Ro 16:3,4 ICo 16:19} The Jews everywhere returned to Rome since the edict of

Claudius for their expulsion, expired after his death. {Ac 28:17-21 }

6839. Paul went from Ephesus to Troas. Although he had opportunities to preach the gospel, he
was troubled because he did not find Titus there (whom he had sent to the Corinthians with
another brother.) Paul sailed from there into Macedonia and {2Co 2:12,13 12:18} when he
arrived, he earnestly exhorted the brethren. {Ac 20:2}

6840. Paul's afflictions continued. People opposed him and he was fearful. He was comforted by
the arrival of Titus who told him the good news about the Corinthian church. {2Co 2:5-16} Paul
used the Corinthians as an example to stir up the Macedonians to provide collections to be sent
to Jerusalem. He said that Achaia was ready for this a year ago. {2Co 8:1-5}

4063b AM, 4773 JP, 60 AD

6841. When Titus told Paul how well his first letter was received by the Corinthians, he sent
another letter with Timothy to the Corinthians. He told of the great afflictions that he had
suffered in Asia by Demetrius. He stated he did not come to them as he had intended to do in
order to spare them. {2Co 1:8,9 17-23} He desired that they would pardon the incestuous
Corinthian upon his repentance. {2Co 6:5-1 1 } Paul sent Titus to them again along with another
brother whose praise was in the gospel throughout all the churches. (This man was thought to be
Luke.) They were to prepare them to have their collections ready to be sent to Jerusalem by the
time Paul arrived. {2Co 8:16-19 9:3-5}

6842. Paul went from Macedonia into Greece and stayed there three months. {Ac 20:2,3}
During that time, he went to Corinth and received the collections in Achaia for the relief of the
believers at Jerusalem. { ICo 16:3-5 2Co 9:4}

6843. The famous letter to the Romans was written from Corinth at this time as Origen
confirmed by many reasons in his preface to the exposition of that epistle. It was dictated by
Paul and written by Tertius and sent by Phebe, a servant of the church of Cenchrea near Corinth.
{Ro 16:1} This was at the time Paul was about to take his journey to Jerusalem with the
collections from Macedonia and Achaia. {Ro 15:25,26}

6844. When Paul planned to go directly from there to Syria to carry the collections to Jerusalem,
the Jews planned to ambush him. Thereupon, he thought it best to return to Macedonia from
where he came. From there he would pass into Asia. {Ac 20:3,4}

6845. Paul sent ahead his travelling companions from Philippi in Macedonia to Asia. Sopater or
Sosipater, {Ro 16:11} of Berea, Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe and
Timothy with Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia were to wait for him at Troas. He, Luke and the
rest sailed from Philippi after the days of unleavened bread and arrived at Troas in five days.
They stayed there seven days. {Ac 20:4-6}

6846. On the eighth day which was the first of the week, the disciples assembled together to
break bread. Paul preached to them since he was leaving the next day. He continued to midnight
and restored to life Eutychus, a young man who fell down from the third loft in the room where
they were gathered together. {Ac 20:7-12}

6847. From here Paul travelled on foot to Assos where Luke and his other companions sailed to.
They took him in and they sailed to Mitylene. After they left there, the next day they sailed
opposite Chios. The following day they arrived at Samos. They stayed at Trogyllium and the
next day they came to Miletus. {Ac 20:13-15}

6848. Paul hurried to be at Jerusalem by the time of the feast of Pentecost. Therefore to save
time, he bypassed Ephesus and sent messengers from Miletus to Ephesus to summon the elders
of the church to meet him. He delivered a most grave speech to them and warned them of their
duty and seriously exhorted them to do it. He kneeled and prayed with them. They all wept
especially because Paul thought he would never see them again. {Ac 20:16-38}

6849. After they had launched from Troas, they sailed straight for Cos. The next day they came
to Rhodes and from there to Patara. They took a ship which sailed for Phoenicia. They sailed
north of Cyprus and arrived at Tyre. {Ac 21:1-3}

6850. They stayed with some disciples for seven days. They warned Paul by the Spirit that he
should not go up to Jerusalem. However, he kneeled down on the shore and prayed with them.
He sailed from Tyre to Ptolemais and there stayed many days with Philip the evangelist. He was
one of the seven deacons {Ac 6:5} and had four daughters who were virgins and prophesied. He
was met by Agabus, a prophet from Judea who bound his own hands and feet and foretold about
the bonds that waited for him. When Paul could not be persuaded by the brethren that he should
not go to such a dangerous place, he went to Jerusalem. The disciples accompanied him from
Caesarea and brought Mnason of Cyprus with them. He was an old disciple with whom Paul
would stay. {Ac 21:4-16}

6851. They were most gladly received by the church. James and all the elders of Jerusalem
advised Paul to remove the stigma that was on him. It was alleged that he taught the Jewish
converts to Christianity to forsake the law of Moses. Paul went with four men who were
believing Jews and had made the vow of the Nazarite. He purified himself with them according
to the command of the law. This was of no avail. When some of the unbelieving and rebellious
Jews of Asia, (who came to Jerusalem to the feast) saw him in the temple, they made a great
clamour and noise and stirred up the people about Paul's alleged crime. They said that Paul had
brought Trophimus, a Gentile of Ephesus into the temple and had profaned the temple. When
they were about to kill him, Claudius Lysias, who was the chief captain came with a band of
men and took Paul away to the safety of the citadel. The chief captain allowed him to speak in
Hebrew to the people. {Ac 21:17-40}

6852. The Jews were enraged and more vehemently cried out against him because of his speech
and the chief captain ordered him to be examined by scourging. He was spared this punishment
because he was a Roman citizen. The chief captain wanted to know what crime the Jews
accused him of. The next day he ordered the chief priests and all their council to come together
and set Paul before them and released him from his bonds. {Ac 22}

6853. As Paul was beginning to plead his cause before the council, Ananias ordered him to be
struck on the mouth. He was the high priest (the son of Nebidius, who, although he was
removed from the high priesthood, yet seemed to be president of the council. This was similar to
what happened before him with Annas or Ananus who was the father-in-law of Caiaphas.)
Therefore Paul severely rebuked him and called him a whited wall. Then Paul proclaimed

openly that he was a Pharisee and that he was called into question because of the hope of the
resurrection. Then there arose a dissension between the Sadducees who accused him and the
Pharisees who excused him. The chief captain feared lest he should be torn in pieces by them as
they were fighting. He took Paul from among them with his soldiers and brought him into the
citadel. The Lord appeared the next night to Paul and comforted him since he was sad. The Lord
encouraged Paul and told him that he must witness in Rome also. {Ac 23:1-11}

6854. When it was day, more than forty of the zealous Jews bound themselves under a curse,
that they would neither eat nor drink until they had killed Paul in an ambush. Paul's sister's son
told the chief captain about the plot. In the third hour of the night, he sent Paul with a guard of
soldiers to Felix, the governor of the province. Felix took Paul in the night to Antipatris and the
next day to Caesarea. He was ordered by Felix to be kept in Herod's judgment hall. {Ac 23:12-
35} All these things happened within one week as may be understood when {Ac 24:1 } and {Ac
24: 11} are compared together.

6855. Five days later Paul was accused before the governor of Caesarea by Ananias and the
elders through Tertullus an orator. Paul cleared himself of their false accusations. This was
twelve days after he was attacked in the temple. When Felix who had governed the Jews many
years, (for this was now the tenth year of his government,) heard them, he deferred his sentence
to another time. He ordered a centurion that Paul should be kept and to be allowed to have his
freedom. All his visitors could come and minister to him. {Ac 24:1-23}

6856. Some days later Felix came with his wife Drusilla who was a Jew, (the sister of King
Agrippa.) There was another Drusilla besides the one who was the wife of Felix. She was the
daughter of Juba, the king of Mauritania, the niece of Antony and Cleopatra. Felix called for
Paul and heard him. He trembled as he heard Paul reason about faith in Christ, righteousness,
temperance and the judgment to come. He spoke more often with Paul and hoped that he would
redeem himself with money. He had him in bonds for two whole years. {Ac 24:24-27 }

6857. Tigranocerta surrendered to Corbulo who also subdued all of Armenia. {Tacitus, Annals,
1. 14. c. 13-26.}

6858. Tigranes, the son of Alexander (the son of that Alexander who was executed by his father,
Herod the Great) and of Glaphira (the daughter of Archelaus the King of Cappadocia) were kept
hostages at Rome for a long time. He was sent by Nero to take the kingdom of Armenia and was
not received there by a general consent. Some still loved the family of the Arsacida and the
Persians. However, most hated the arrogance of the Parthians and desired a king to be given to
them from Rome. He was given a guard of a thousand legionary soldiers, three bands of allies
and two wings of cavalry. This was to help him defend more easily his new kingdom. The
frontier zones of Armenia that bordered the neighbouring kings (Pharasmanes of Iberia,
Polemon II of Pontus, Aristobulus of Armenia the Less, and Antiochus IV Epiphanes of
Commagene,) were allocated to them to defend the new king. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 14. c. 26.}
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:485,486>}

6859. Corbulo went into Syria to be the governor because Ventidius (Numidius) Quadratus, who
was the lieutenant, there had died and it was committed to Corbulo's charge. {Tacitus, Annals, 1.
14. c. 26.}

6860. In the same year Laodicea, one of the most famous cities of Asia, was destroyed by an
earthquake. They rebuilt the city themselves using their own wealth. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 14. c.
27.}

4064 AM, 4774 JP, 61 AD

6861. Tarquitius Priscus was condemned for extortion, at the suite of the Bithynians. The senate
remembered that he had once accused his proconsul Titus Statilius Taurus (II) and was
delighted. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 14. c. 46. 1. 12. c. 59.}

6862. There arose a contention at Caesarea between the Jews and the Syrians about the equal
right of privileges in the city. The Jews who were rich reproached the poor Syrians. Although
the Syrians were poorer, they thought they were better because many of them who had served
the Romans in the wars in those places, were natives of Caesarea and Sebaste. Hence they
thought they were as good as the Jews. Later they began to throw stones at one another so that
many were killed and hurt on both sides. However, the Jews won the victory. When Felix
required the Jews to stop this mini-war, they refused. He sent soldiers among them who killed
many of them and took many prisoners. He also allowed his soldiers to plunder many of the rich
houses. The more honourable and modest Jews feared they would suffer next. They begged
Felix that he would call off his soldiers and spare what was left. They repented and asked Felix's
pardon which he granted. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 6. <c. 8. 1:536>}

6863. At the same time, King Agrippa conferred the high priesthood on Israel, the son of
Phabius. There arose also a dispute between the chief priests and the rest of the priests and rulers
of Jerusalem. They each were guarded with a company of most bold and seditious men who
decided their arguments with reproachful language and by throwing stones. No one curbed them
since the city had no magistrates. The impudence of the high priest grew to such an height that
they dared to send their servants to the very grain floors to take away the tithes that were due to
the priests. Many poor priests died from lack of food. So much did the violence of the seditious
men prevail over justice. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 6. <c. 8. 1:536>}

4065a AM, 4774 JP, 61 AD

6864. Mark the evangelist who first preached Christ at Alexandria, died in the 8th year of Nero
and was buried at Alexandria. {Jerome, Scriptor. Ecclesiastical Catalogue} The elders of
Alexandria chose one from among themselves whom they placed in a higher position and called
him a bishop. They followed the pattern like an army choosing a general. Likewise would
deacons choose one among themselves to be the archdeacon whom they knew to be most
industrious. {Jerome, Scriptor. Ecclesiastical Catalogue, Epist. 85. ad Euagrium} They chose
Anianus who was a man dear to God for his piety and admirable in all things. He was the first
bishop of the church of Alexandria after Mark and was there twelve years, from the eighth year
of Nero to the fourth year of Domitian. {Jerome, Scriptor. Ecclesiastical Catalogue} {Eusebius,
in Chronicles} {*Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 2. c. 24. <1:79> 1. 3. c. 14. <1:100>}

4065b AM, 4775 JP, 62 AD

6865. Vologeses the king of the Parthians, tried to restore his brother Tiridates who was driven
out of Armenia. He sent one army into Armenia and another into Syria. Corbulo sent part of his

army to Tigranes, the king of Armenia while he drove the Parthians from Syria and threatened to
invade the Parthians. They stopped their war and sent ambassadors to sue for peace. Nero
dismissed them without granting their request. Caesennius Paetus was made the general for the
defence of Armenia. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c. 1-7.}

4065b AM, 4775 JP, 62 AD

6866. Vologeses the king of the Parthians, tried to restore his brother Tiridates who was driven
out of Armenia. He sent one army into Armenia and another into Syria. Corbulo sent part of his
army to Tigranes, the king of Armenia while he drove the Parthians from Syria and threatened to
invade the Parthians. They stopped their war and sent ambassadors to sue for peace. Nero
dismissed them without granting their request. Caesennius Paetus was made the general for the
defence of Armenia. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c. 1-7.}

6867. When Felix saw the sedition between the Jews and Syrians of Caesarea still going on, he
sent some of the nobility of both sides as ambassadors to Nero to argue their cause before him.

{ Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 12. <c. 13. 1:614} He also sent some priests as prisoners to Rome for a
very minor fault. They were good and honest men and were to plead their own cause before
Nero. {Josephus, Life, <1:2>} He also left Paul the apostle, whom he had kept prisoner two
whole years at Caesarea, as a favour to the Jews. Paul was still a prisoner there, when he had
received Portius Festus from Nero as his successor in the province. {Ac 24:27}

6868. Three days after Festus came into the province, he went up from Caesarea to Jerusalem.
The high priest and the rulers of the Jews accused Paul and desired that he might be brought
from Caesarea to Jerusalem. They planned to ambush and kill him on the way. When Festus
refused, he ordered Paul's accusers to come to Caesarea. He spent about ten more days in
Jerusalem and then returned down to Caesarea. The next day he sat in his tribunal and heard the
Jews accusing Paul and Paul clearing himself of their accusations. Festus wanted to please the
Jews and asked Paul if he would be judged at Jerusalem before him of that matter which he was
accused of. Paul knew with what intent and by whose advice he asked that question and feared
some treachery from the Jews. He refused to go there and appealed to Caesar. After Festus had
conferred with his council, he agreed to send Paul to Caesar. {Ac 25:1-12}

6869. After some days, Agrippa the king and Bernice, his sister, came to Caesarea, to greet the
new governor. They stayed there many days. Festus did not know what to write to Caesar about
Paul and consulted with Agrippa about that matter. Agrippa said he would be willing to hear
him himself. The next day, Agrippa and Bernice with much pomp came into the place of the
hearing along with the captains and the principal men of the city. Festus summoned Paul to be
brought out bound in chains to them. {Ac 25:13-27} Paul made an eloquent speech and showed
that he was innocent. The governor who was ignorant of these things, thought he was mad.
However, the king, who was well versed in the scriptures, stated that Paul had almost persuaded
him to be a Christian. The whole council decided that this man had done nothing worthy of
death or bonds and that moreover he might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to
Caesar. Ac 26

6870. The rulers of the Jews who lived at Caesarea, went to Rome to accuse Felix. He would
have suffered punishment for the wrongs he had done the Jews, unless Nero had pardoned him
by the intreaties of his brother Pallas, who was in great favour at that time with Nero. {Josephus,

Antiq., 1. 20. c. 7. <c. 8. 1:536>} Later Pallas was poisoned by Nero that year because he kept
from Nero an huge sum of money by living so long. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 14. c. 65?}

6871. Two principal men of the Syrians from Caesarea bribed Beryllus with a large sum of
money. He had been Nero's school teacher but was then his secretary for the Greek language. He
was to get the emperor's letters patents, by which the Jews might be deprived of all authority in
the city. They presently shared this authority with the Syrians. This he easily accomplished.
When the Jews of Caesarea knew what had happened, they continued in their seditions even to
the beginning of the wars of the Jews which had their seeds in this sedition. { Josephus, Antiq., 1.
20. c. 7. <c. 8. 1:536>}

6872. When Festus came into Judea, he found it most grievously afflicted with thieves,
everywhere who plundered the villages. The most cruel of the thieves were called cut throats
and they were very numerous. The carried a short crooked sword like the Persian scimitar. They
thrusted themselves into the crowd of people that came to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast days
as God had commanded. They could easily kill as many as they pleased. They also attacked the
villages of their enemies and after they had plundered them, they burnt them. {Josephus, Antiq.,
1. 20. c. 7. <c. 8. 1:536>} Festus pursued and captured many of them and executed a great
number of thieves. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 12,13. <c. 14. 1:615>}

6873. When it was decreed that Paul would be sent to Caesar, he was turned over to Julius, a
centurion of Augustus' band along with some other prisoners. Julius put him onto a ship of
Adramyttium that was to sail to Asia. Aristarchus of Macedonia, besides Timothy and Luke
accompanied Paul. The next day they landed at Sidon where Julius courteously entreated Paul
and allowed him to go visit his friends and to refresh himself. They sailed past Cyprus because
the winds were contrary. When they had sailed over the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia, they came
to Myra, a city of Lycia. When the senturion had found a ship whose sign was Castor and Pollex
which was bound for Italy, he put the captives on her. When they had sailed slowly many days,
they barely past opposite Cnidus. They sailed south of Crete opposite Salmone. They barely
passed by it and they came to Fair Havens in the isle of Crete. {Ac 27:1-8}

4066a AM, 4775 JP, 62 AD

6874. After the Jewish feast in the seventh month of the day of atonement was past, sailing was
dangerous. Paul foresaw the danger to come and advised them to winter there. When that port
seemed unsuitable to winter in, they planned to winter in another port of Crete called Phenice.
At first when they sailed, they had a favourable south wind. A little latter there arose a
tempestuous wind called Euroclydon, by which they were carried to the little island of Clauda.
Since they were caught and tossed about by the violent storm, they lightened the ship. On the
third day they cast out the tackling of the ship with their own hands. They did not see the sun
nor stars for many days. When all hope of safety was gone, an angel told Paul in the night that
he must be brought before Caesar and that God had given him all that sailed with him in the
ship. On the fourteenth day as they were driven up and down in Adria, the sailors thought that
they were near some country which they learned later was the island Melita. As they tried to
head there, the ship was broken by the violence of the storm. All on board made it safely to land.
Some swam and others floated in on the some planks and boards from the ship. {Ac 27:9-44}

6875. Caesennius Paetus had not sufficiently fortified his winter camps nor made provision for

grain. He quickly marched over the Taurus Mountains and took a few citadels with some prey.
He made long marches and overran places which he could not hold. When the provisions which
he had taken had spoiled, he returned back and wrote letters to Caesar in exalted words as
though the war had been finished. However, this was far from the truth. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15.
c. 8.}

6876. In the meantime, Corbulo took special care to fortify the bank of the Euphrates River with
more garrisons and to frighten Vologeses from entering into Syria. Therefore, Vologeses turned
against Paetus and attacked him so severely that he forced him to a dishonourable peace which
was witnessed by Monobazus, King of Adiabene. The fortresses which Corbulo had built on the
other side of the Euphrates River were demolished, and the Armenians were left to decide their
own future. At Rome, trophies and triumphal arches were set up in the middle of the Capitoline
Hill for honour of the victory over the Parthians. The senate decreed this. However, the war
resumed again and all this was done only for show and not out of respect of what actually
happened. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c. 9-18.}

4066b AM, 4776 JP, 63 AD

6877. Paul and his companions were highly honoured by the inhabitants of Melita and had all
their needs supplied. After staying there three months, they went in a ship from Alexandria
which had wintered in the island and came to Syracuse. They stayed there three days and sailed
to Rhegium. Within one day the south wind blew and the next day they came to Puteoli where
they found brethren who desired that they would stay with them seven days. So they went
toward Rome {Ac 28:10-14} in the ninth year of Nero's reign.

6878. The brethren left Rome to meet Paul while he was as far away as Appii Forum and the
Three Taverns. When they came to Rome, the centurion delivered the prisoners to the captain of
the guard. Paul was allowed to live by himself with a soldier who guarded him. After three days,
he called together the chief of the Jews who were at Rome and told them the reason why he was
sent as a prisoner to Rome and that he was compelled to appeal to Caesar. They denied that they
had received any letters from Judea concerning him and said that they had only heard that this
heresy was everywhere spoken against. When they had appointed a day, they came to him to his
lodging. Paul expounded Christ from the law and the prophets from morning to evening. Some
assented to the things that were spoken and other did not believe. Paul pronounced their
judgment from Isaiah and they left him. After that, Paul turned to the Gentiles. He remained in
his own hired house for two whole years and received all who came to him. He preached the
kingdom of God and taught those things that concerned the Lord Jesus Christ and no man
forbade him. {Ac 28:14-31}

6879. Onesiphorus very diligently sought out Paul at Rome and found him and encouraged him.
{2Ti 1:16,17}

6880. In the beginning of the spring, the ambassadors of the Parthians brought to Rome the
messages and letters of King Vologeses. They desired that Armenia (which they had already
taken) might be given to them and that a peace might be confirmed. Both these things were
denied and the government of Syria was committed to Cintius (as governor) while Corbulo
managed the war. The fifteenth legion was brought from Pannonia by Marius Celsus. Also the
tetrarchs, kings, prefects and governors, and those who ruled in the neighbouring provinces were

ordered to obey Corbulo as supreme commander. He received the same authority that Pompey
had in fighting the pirate war. Paetus was back at Rome and feared the worst. Nero thought it
enough to scoff at him and said that he would immediately pardon him lest he became sick with
the fear of uncertainty over Nero's actions. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c. 24,25.}

6881. After Corbulo had mustered his army, he went into Armenia where the ambassadors of
Vologeses met him and desired peace. Tiridates was compelled to come into the Roman camp.
He took off his crown and laid it at Caesar's image and agreed to go to Rome to Nero to take it
from him again. His only condition was that he might first go visit his family and friends. In the
meantime, he left his daughter as hostage and sent supplicatory letters to Nero. As he went
away, he found Pacorus with the Medes and Vologeses at Ecbatana. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c.
26-31.}

6882. In Judea, Festus sent foot soldiers and cavalry against a certain impostor, a magician, who
drew men after him into the wilderness. They were deceived by his promises that they should be
freed from all their misfortunes. The soldiers killed the seducer and his followers. { Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 20. c. 7. <c. 8. 1:537>}

6883. At the same time, King Agrippa built a stately house near the porch in the palace of
Jerusalem. In previous times, this site belonged to the Asmoneans and was located on an high
place where one could get a good view of all Jerusalem. The chief men of Jerusalem were not
pleased that the sacrifices and all the things which were done in the temple could easily be seen
from a private house. They built an high wall which blocked the king's view of the city as well
as the western porch in the outer court of the temple where the Roman soldiers guarded on the
feast days for the safe keeping of the temple. Both the king and Festus, the governor of the
province, were offended by this and ordered it to be pulled down. However, ten chief men (by
his permission) were sent as ambassadors to Nero about this matter along with Ishmael the high
priest and Helcias, the keeper of the holy treasure. After Nero heard their embassy, he forgave
the Jews and allowed the wall to remain. This was as a favour to his wife, Poppea, who favoured
the Jew's religion, and became their intercessor to Nero for them. She allowed the ten men to
return but kept Ishmael and Helcias as hostages with her. When Agrippa knew this, he took
away the high priesthood from Ishmael and gave it to Joseph surnamed Cabi, the son of Simon,
who formerly had been an high priest. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 7. <c. 8. 1:537>}

6884. Josephus, the son of Matthias, heard that some priests who had been his close friends were
sent as prisoners to Rome by Felix. In this unfortunate circumstance, they still obeyed their
religion and lived only on figs and nuts. He went to Rome at age 26 to see if he could free them.
He had a perilous sea voyage. Their ship sank in the middle of the Adriatic Sea. Of the 600 who
swam all night, about 80 who swam were more fortunate and were saved and picked up by a
ship from Cyrene. Among these was Josephus. After he was set ashore, he came to Dicearchia,
(or Puteoli, as the Italians called it) where he became acquainted with Aliturus who was a
Jewish actor and much liked by Nero. Through him, he was introduced to Poppea the empress
and by her means immediately had those priests freed. {Josephus, Life, <1:2>}

6885. After Festus died in the province, Nero sent Albinus to be his successor in Judea. King
Agrippa took away the high priesthood from Joseph and gave it to Ananas, the son of Annas or
that Ananus who formerly had the high priesthood a long time earlier. He had five sons who had
also been high priests which had never happened to any of the high priests before. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:537>}

6886. Ananus, the new high priest was of the sect of the Sadducees. He was a bold and heady
man and thought it was a good time to convene the sanhedrin of judges since Festus was dead
and Albinus the new governor had not yet arrived. They brought James the brother of Jesus
before them who was accused of transgressing the law. James was condemned and stoned.
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:538>} At the time of the passover, James was thrown
down from a pinnacle of the temple and stoned. One of them who was a fuller, killed James by
hitting him on the head with the bar he used to press clothes. Eusebius related this from the fifth
book of the history of Hegesippus. {Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 2. c. 23. <1:77,78>}

6887. The murder of James much displeased all the good men and those who kept the law.
Thereupon they sent a messenger secretly to King Agrippa and desired from him that he would
order Ananus to stop such deeds. Some also met Abinus as he came from the city of Alexandria
and informed him that Ananus had no power to call a council without his permission. He was
persuaded by their words and wrote a sharp letter to Ananus and threatened to punish him. For
the same reason Agrippa took the high priesthood from him when he had only held it for three
months and gave it to Jesus, the son of Dammaeus. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:538>}
After the death of James, Simon the son of Cleophas was appointed the bishop of the church of
Jerusalem. {Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 3. c. 32. <1:117>}

6888. As soon as Albinus came to Jerusalem, he diligently tried to restore order by executing all
the thieves. Ananus, the high priest (the son of Nebedeus) increased every day more and more in
the love and esteem of the people and he was honoured by all men for his generosity. Albinus
daily honoured the high priest for his gifts he sent to him. Ananias had some very wicked
servants who attracted a company of headstrong men. They went from farm to farm and took
away the priests' tithe and beat those who refused to give it. Some of the priests also did the
same for there was no one able to restrain them. Many of the priests who lived on those tithes,
perished from hunger. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:538. >}

6889. At the feast of Pentecost, the thieves entered Jerusalem at night and captured the scribe
Eleazar who was the son of Ananias the high priest. They held him hostage then sent to Ananias
to have Albinus to free ten of the thieves. Then they would free the scribe. Ananias was forced
to obtain this request from Albinus. This was the beginning of greater calamities for the thieves
always found some trick to intercept some of Ananias' family whom they would never free until
they had freed some of their own men. Therefore they increased in boldness and number and
plundered the whole country. {Josephus, Annals, 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:538>}

6890. At this time King Agrippa enlarged the walls of Caesarea Philippi and changed its name
to Neronias in honour of Nero. He built at Berytus a theatre at great expense and annually held
games which cost him large amounts of money. He also gave to the people of Berytus grain and
oil. He decorated that city with statues in various places and with original images made many
years ago. He transferred almost all that was ornamental in his kingdom to that city. Hence his
own subjects began to hate him because he stripped them of their ornaments to adorn a foreign
city. {Josephus, Annals, 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:538>}

4067a AM, 4776 JP, 63 AD

6891. Four years before the Jewish war, (that was prosecuted by Vespasian) when the city of

Jerusalem enjoyed both peace and plenty, Jesus the son of Ananus, a country man and one of the
common people arrived at the feast of tabernacles and began suddenly to cry out:

VV A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against
Jerusalem and the temple, a voice against newly married men and women, a voice against all
this people."

6892. He cried like this night and day and he went through all the streets of the city. Some of the
nobility ignored any sign of the coming trouble and took the fellow and scourged him with
many stripes. However, he spoke nothing secretly for himself nor to them that scourged him but
continued still in the same cry. The rulers thought it rather to be some message in him from God
and brought him to the Roman procurator. He was beaten until his bones appeared yet he never
made an intreaty nor shed a tear but as well as he could compose a weeping voice, at every
stroke, he replied:

vv Woe, woe, to Jerusalem."

6893. Albinus then asked them who he was, where he was born and why he still cried after this
manner. He answered nothing and did not cease to bewail the city, until Albinus thought he was
mad and allowed him to leave. He cried like this most on the feast days and for seven year's time
(or rather six, as it is in {Phor., Biblioth. c. 47}) and five months and yet he was never hoarse
nor weary. Finally, he was killed by a stone shot from an engine in the time of the siege.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 7. c. 12. <1. 6. c. 5 1:742>}

4067b AM, 4777 JP, 64 AD

6894. At the command of King Agrippa, Jesus, the son of Gamaliel succeeded in the high
priesthood. Jesus the son of Damneus who very unwillingly yielded it up. Thereupon there arose
a discord between them. They both had followers of resolute young fellows. They started
arguing, then throwing stones. Since Ananias was the richest, he got most of them on his side
through his money. Costabarus and Saul each got a band of rascals. These were of the royal
blood and received special favours because they were closely related to King Agrippa. However,
they were violent and as eager as any to exploit anyone weaker than themselves. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:539>}

6895. From this time the civil state of the Jews degenerated daily. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8.
<c. 9. 1:539>} The seeds of the future destruction were then sown through number of leaders
that led these bands. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 13. <c. 14. 1:615>}

6896. Albinus, the governor, robbed private citizens of their goods in the name of justice and
greatly burdened the whole country with heavy taxes. He freed for a price those thieves whom
the soldiers of the city had captured and those whom the former governors had left in prison.
Those who could not afford to bribe him, remained in prison as most heinous offenders.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 13. <c. 14. 1:615>}

6897. At the same time also, the insolence increased of those who wanted a revolution in
Jerusalem. Those who were rich, bribed Albinus to overlook their seditious actions. Those who

delighted in disturbances allied themselves with Albinus' side. Each of them had a troop of
rascals and Albinus himself was over them all as a tyrant and a prince of the thieves. He used
the help of his guard to rob the quieter sort. So it was that those whose houses were ransacked
held their peace and those who escaped were glad to flatter those whom they knew deserved
death lest they should suffer the same things. { Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 13. <c. 14. 1:615>}

6898. When Rome was on fire, Nero saw it burn from Mecena's Tower and was very delighted
with the beauty of the flames. He sang of the destruction of Troy in his actor's clothes and
compared the present evil to the old ruins. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c. 38-40.} {Suetonius, Nero,
c. 38.} {Xiphiline in Dio, 1. 62. 8:115} Some noted that this fire began on July 19th, (14th
calends), on which the Senonian Gauls set the city on fire after they had taken it. Others went so
far in their curiosity that they calculated the very days and months that were between the two
burnings. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c. 41.} They said there were 418 years, 418 months and 418
days between the two fires.

6899. To quell the rumour that he started the fire, Nero falsely accused and punished most
grievously with exquisite torments those who were called Christians. Those who confessed to
being Christians, were the first to be apprehended. Based on the information of these, an huge
multitude were convicted. They were hated no so much for being alleged to have set the city on
fire as for the general hatred of all men against them. These suffered and died most cruelly.
Some were covered with beasts' skins to be torn with dogs. Some were crucified and some
burned. When it was night, their bodies were turned into torches to give light by night. Nero
made his garden fit for that spectacle and held shows in the circus. He mingled among the
common people in the clothes of a charioteer or stood in a ring. They were pitied since they
suffered not for any common good but to satisfy one man's cruelty. {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 15. c.
44. } The words of an old scholiast are mentioned as commenting on Juvenal's writings.
{Juvenal, Satyr 1.}

Thou shalt be made a torch by night to shine And burn impaled, name thou but Tigilline.

vv If you touch Tigillinus, you shall be burnt alive as it was in the shows of Nero of whom he
commanded torches to be made that they might give light to the spectators. They were fastened
through their throat that they might not bend themselves. Nero clothed malefactors with pitch,
paper and wax and so set them on fire."

6900. This was the first persecution that was raised against the Christians by the Roman
emperors. Suetonius, {Suetonius, Nero, c. 16} an heathen man mentioned:

vv The Christians were punished who were a kind of men of a new and pernicious superstition."

6901. Tertullian, a Christian stated: {Tertullian, Apologetic, c. 5.}

vv Search your records then you shall find that Nero was the first that used Caesar's sword against
this sect which at that time greatly increased at Rome. However, we glory in such a dedicator of
our condemnation for he that understands himself cannot but understand that nothing can be
condemned by Nero but some great good."

4068a AM, 4777 JP, 64 AD

6902. Nero appointed Cestius Gallus as the governor of Syria and Gessius Floras of Judea.
Floras was born in the city of Clazomenae and he married Cleopatra, a wicked woman. She was
a friend of the Empress Poppea and got this appointment for him. { Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 9.
<c. 11. 1:541>}

6903. When Albinus heard that Floras was coming to succeed him, he was willing to gratify the
citizens of Jerusalem. He called before him all the prisoners and those who were notoriously
guilty of any capital crime. These he executed. He remanded those who were in prison for
smaller offences, to prison again. He freed them when he was paid fines. After this manner the
prisons were emptied, but Judea was filled with thieves. {Josephus, Annals, 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9.
1:539>}

6904. In the meantime, the Levites whose office was to sing hymns in the temple, went to King
Agrippa. By their entreaty, they persuaded him, that he would call a council and permit them the
use of the linen robe which was then only granted to the priests. They said that this new custom
would serve as a perpetual memorial of his reign. Therefore the king by the advice of his
council, permitted to those who sang the hymns to set aside their former clothes and wear a
linen garment as they desired. Also at their entreaty, he allowed another part of the same tribe
that was allocated to the services of the temple, to learn to sing the sacred hymns. {Josephus,
Annals, 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:539>}

6905. The Philippians sent Epaphroditus with money to Rome to visit Paul in prison and to
minister to him in his needs. He became Paul's helper and fellow soldier for the work of Christ.
He did not consider his life and risked it for he fell seriously ill. {Php 2:25-30 4:10,14,18}

6906. Although Paul was old and in prison, he won Onesimus to Christ. He was a servant who
fled from Colosse from his master Philemon. {Phm 1:9,10,15 Col 4:9,18}

6907. Timothy who was kept as a prisoner with Paul, was set at liberty. {Heb 13:23}

6908. Paul wrote the letter to the Philippians by Epaphroditus, after he had recovered his health.
He hoped also that in a short time, he would send Timothy to them. As soon as he would know
their state, he trusted also that he himself would come shortly to them. {Php 2:2,19,29} At that
time Paul's bonds for Christ were famous in all the court and even some of Caesar's palace staff
were converted to the faith. {Php 1:12,13 4:12} Since he was sent into prison by Caesar, he was
more known in his family and so made the house of persecution the church of Christ. {Jerome,
Commentary to Philemon}

6909. Paul wrote a letter to Colosse to Philemon by his servant Onesimus. He reconciled and
commended him to his master and indicated that he hoped he should be freed from prison and
desired him to prepare a lodging place for him. Paul used Onesimus and Tychicus to deliver a
letter to the Colossians whom he had never seen but were instructed in the doctrine of Christ by
Epaphras. {Col 1:7,8 2:1 4:7,9,18} At that time besides Timothy (whose name is prefixed to
both of these letters) there were with Paul at Rome of the circumcision, his companions in
bonds, Aristarchus of Thessalonica {Ac 20:4} and Mark, Barnabas' sister's son. He instructed
the Colossians to receive him, if he came to them. Also with him was Jesus who was called

Justus as well as Luke, the beloved physician, Demas and Epaphras. Paul told of Epaphras' great
affection for the Colossians, (with whom Archippus supplied his ministry and now he was
absent) Laodicea and Hierapolis. {Col 4:10-14,17 Phm 1:23,24}

6910. Paul also sent back the same Tychicus who was the companion in his travels from Asia,
{Ac 20:4} to them in Asia that from him the brethren might know his affairs. He carried with
him Paul's letter to the Ephesians. {Eph 6:21,22} Tertullian, {Tertullian, against Marcion., 1. 5.
c. 11,17} and Epiphanius {Epiphanius, in Hares. 42.} confirmed what was said by Marcion the
heretic that this letter went by the name of the epistle to the Laodiceans. Grotius thought this to
be credible enough to be done by him from the credit of the church of Laodicea. He affirmed
that there was no reason why he should tell a lie in this matter and gathered from this that the
letter to the Ephesians and also to the Laodiceans was written with the same words. It is to be
noted in some old books (as it appears from Basil {Basil, against Eunomius, 1. 2.} and of
Jerom's commentary on this place of the apostle) it was generally written (as it was the custom
in the copies of letters that were to be sent to various places) "To the Saints which are at
********, and to the faithful in Christ Jesus." This was as if it had been sent first to Ephesus as
the metropolis of Asia and from there to be sent to the rest of the churches of that province, (the
name of each church would be inserted for the ********) Some of these churches had never
seen Paul and his words especially bare this out:

"After I heard of your faith in Christ Jesus and love to all the saints," {Eph 1:15}

6911. Again Paul stated:

"If you have heard of the dispensation of the grace of God which is given to me for you,
&c." {Eph 3:2-4}

6912. Perhaps Marcian's idea might rather agree to the Laodiceans, who had not seen the apostle
Col 2:1 than to the Ephesians with whom he spent so much time. {Ac 19:8-10 20:31 }

6913. About the same time, Paul wrote the letter to the Hebrews. Timothy was set at liberty but
had gone from him somewhere for a time. He promised to see them with Timothy if he came
shortly. In the meantime, he sent them greetings from the brethren from Italy. {Heb 13:23,24}

4068b AM, 4778 JP, 65 AD

6914. The building of the temple was now finished and the people saw that about 18,000
workmen would be idle who previously worked on the temple. They did not want the holy
treasure to become a prey to the Romans and desired also to help the workmen. If they only
worked one hour, they were immediately paid. They tied to persuade King Agrippa to repair the
eastern porch. This porch hung over a deep and narrow valley and was supported by a wall 600
feet high, built from stones that were 30 feet square and 9 feet high. Claudius Caesar had
committed the charge of the temple to King Agrippa. Agrippa thought that any large building
might easily be pulled down but was hard to set up and especially this porch. It would cost much
time and money to do, hence he denied their request. He allowed them to pave their city with
white stone if they wanted to. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:539>}

6915. After two years of being detained, Paul was released. He taught the gospel at Rome during
this period. {Ac 28:30} He seemed to have gone from there to Asia and to have lived with
Philemon atColosse. {Phm 1:22}

6916. In the feast day of unleavened bread, which happened on the 8th of Xanthicus or April
about the ninth hour of the night (3 am.) a light shone for half an hour between the altar and the
temple so that it was as bright as noon. At the same feast day, a cow that was led to sacrifice
brought forth a lamb in the middle of the temple. The east gate of the temple was made of brass
and extremely heavy. In the evening it could barely be closed by twenty men and was locked
with bars of iron and had bolts that were let down deep into a threshold that was made all of one
stone. About the sixth hour of the night (midnight), the gate opened of its own accord. When
this was told to the magistrate by the keepers of the temple, as they went on their rounds, he
went there and could barely shut it. { Josephus, Wars, 1. 7. c. 12. <1. 6. c. 5. 1:742>}

6917. On the 21st day of Artemisius or May, before sunset, there were seen in the air, iron
chariots all over the country and armies in battle array passing along in the clouds and
surrounding the cities. {Lu 21:20} At the feast of Pentecost, the priests went into the inner
temple by night according to their custom to do the divine service. At first they found the place
to move and make a noise and later they heard a sudden voice, which said: {Josephus, Wars, 1.
7. c. 12. <1. 6. c. 5. 1:742>}

vv Let us depart hence."

6918. Paul preached the gospel in the isle of Crete where he left Titus so that Titus might set in
order the things that were needful and ordain elders in every city there. {Tit 1:5}

6919. King Agrippa took the priesthood from Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, and gave it to
Matthias, the son of Theophilus. The Jewish war started when he was high priest. {Josephus,
Antiq., 1. 20. c. 8. <c. 9. 1:539>}

6920. After Josephus had received gifts of money from the Empress Poppea, he returned to his
own country. He found among them many signs of seditions and rebellions, whom he in vain
endeavoured to dissuade from their unhappy enterprise. {Josephus, Life, <1:2>}

6921. Gessius Floras so outrageously abused his authority that the Jews desired Albinus again
and thought that Albinus was their benefactor. Although Albinus was privately as wicked and
injurious as he could possibly be, Floras openly did his villainies and bragged publicly of the
wrongs he did to the country. He left nothing undone to the height of iniquity in repines and
punishments. He was inflexible to any mercy, insatiable in his gains, equally greedy of small
and great things so much so that he became a partner with the thieves. Many became thieves and
paid part of the booty to him. There was no means or end of their wrongs so that the miserable
Jews were not able to endure the ravening insolence of the thieves and were constrained to
abandon both their houses and religion and flee to foreign countries. They thought it better to
live even among barbarians. {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. 9. <c. 11. 1:541>} {Josephus, Wars, 1. 2.
c. 13. <c. 14. 1:615>}

6922. Poppea, who was Nero's wife and was great with child and sick, upbraided Nero as he
returned late from driving his chariot. In his anger he killed her with a kick of his foot. This was

after the end of his quinquennial games which were held for the second time and Nero won first
prize. These games were instituted in 60 AD. {Suetonius, Nero, c. 35.} {Tacitus, Annals, 1. 16.
c. 2-6.}

6923. Paul stayed sometime at Ephesus and left Timothy there while he went to Macedonia so
that Timothy might administer that church in his absence. { ITi 1:3 3:14,15} In Macedonia, he
stayed with the Philippians as he had previously promised them. {Php 1:25,26 2:24}

4069a AM, 4778 JP, 65 AD

6924. Paul wrote his first letter to Timothy in which he declared that he had delivered over to
Satan, Hymaeneus and Alexander who made shipwreck of their faith. When they were
chastised, they would learn not to blaspheme. {ITi 1:20} Hymenaeus denied the resurrection to
come as did Philetus and said that it was past already. {2Ti 2:17,18} Alexander was that
coppersmith who greatly hindered Paul and so greatly withstood his preaching. {2Ti 4:14,15}

6925. Paul also wrote another letter to Titus in Crete and desired that when he sent Artemus or
Tychicus to him, he would come to Paul to Nicopolis, (famous for the victory at Actium) where
Paul planned to winter. Also Paul said that he should diligently bring Zenas, the lawyer, and
Apollo on their journey so that they should lack nothing. {Tit 3:12,13}

4069b AM, 4779 JP, 66 AD

6926. After winter was over, Paul returned to Ephesus to Timothy and went to Troas and there
left his cloak. Erastus stayed at Corinth where he was the city treasurer. {Ro 16:23} Paul left
Trophimus at Miletum sick. { ITi 3:14 2Ti 4:13,20}

6927. Cestius Gallus came from Antioch to Jerusalem to report to Nero the strength and state of
the city. He despised that country and asked the high priests, if it were possible, that they would
count the people. It was the day of the passover when they killed sacrifices from the ninth hour
to the eleventh. There were 256,500 sacrifices made. Each lamb would be eaten by ten or twenty
individuals. An estimated 2,700,200 people were present for the feast. { Josephus, Wars, 1. 7. c.
17. (Latin Edition) or 1. 6. c. 45. Greek Edition) <1. 6. c. 9. 1:749>}

6928. More than 300,000 Jews came to Gallus and begged him that he would take pity on the
calamities of their country. They asked him to remove Floras who plagued their country.
Although Floras was in the sight of the people and with Gallus, he was not moved and laughed
at their cries against him. At that time Cestius appeased the rage of the people and promised that
he would make Floras more gentle to them. He returned back again to Antioch. Floras brought
him as far as Caesarea and deceived him with lies and planned to make a war on the country of
the Jews. This was the best way he could think of to hide his villainies. As long as the peace
continued, he would always have the Jews accusing him to Caesar. If he could make them revolt
then his impieties would seem to be small compared to the Jews' revolt. To make that country
revolt from the Roman Empire, every day he more earnestly increased their calamities.
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 2. c. 12. <c. 14. 1:616>}

6929. Paul came to Rome the second time and was heard and acquitted by Nero. He mentioned

this: {2Ti 4:16,17}

vv In my first answer, no man stood with me, but all forsook me: I pray God it be not laid to their
charge. Notwithstanding the Lord stood with me, and strengthened me; that by me the preaching
might be fully known, and that all the Gentiles might hear: and I was delivered out of the mouth
of the lion."

6930. So that as he did before for two years, so now again for an whole year, he preached the
gospel to all countries that came from every place and flocked to Rome and made it their home
country.

6931. Demas left Paul, loving this present world and went to Thessalonica, Crescens went into
Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia. Only Luke remained with Paul at Rome. {2Ti 4:10,11}

6932. There was an old saying that was commonly talked of over all the east. There was a
prophecy which said that there should come from Judea those who would be masters of all. It
was later obvious by what happened that this was foretold of the Roman emperor. The Jews
applied this prophesy to themselves and rebelled. {Suetonius, Vespasian, c. 4.} The Jews
patiently endured until Gessius Floras was made governor. {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 5. c. 10.}
Under him the war began, in the Artemisian month or our May in the twelfth year of Nero's
empire, the 17th of the reign of Agrippa and the second year of the government of Gessius
Floras. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 1. c. 13.} {Josephus, Antiq., 1. 20. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:541>} This war
was fully described by Josephus in the later part of the second book and the five following
books. A summary of this we have taken from the abridgement of the Jewish history of that
most eminent man Ludovicus Capellus.

6933. Nero crossed into Greece and stayed there until winter. {*Dio, 1. 62. 1:149 (Xiphilin. ex
Dio)}

6934. In a long speech King Agrippa tried in vain to persuade the Jews from war. A little while
after he left Jerusalem, some of the seditious men occupied the strong citadel of Masada by
surprise and killed all the Romans they found there. At Jerusalem, Eleazar the son of Ananias
the high priest, and commander of the soldiers of the temple, was a bold and factious young
man. He persuaded the priests that they should not offer any sacrifices except for the Jews. None
were to be offered for Caesar or the Romans. The city governors who were peaceful men,
judged this rash act to be intolerable. They saw that it was an invitation to open rebellion.
However, they could not make these seditious men change their minds. Thereupon they sent
messengers to Caesarea to Floras and to King Agrippa and asked them to immediately send
troops to quash the rebellion in its very beginnings. Floras wanted a revolt and did nothing.
Agrippa sent 1000 cavalry who together with the rulers and priests, and the rest of the multitude
that loved peace, captured and held the upper city from the seditious men who held the temple
and the lower city. There were continual skirmishes between them for the next seven days. On
the feast day when they carried wood into the temple, many murderers were received into the
temple. These with the rest, attacked the king's soldiers and forced them from the upper part of
the city. They drove them into Herod's palace and burnt the place where the records were kept,
the palace of the Asmonaeans (which was then Agrippa's court) and Ananias the high priest's
house. The next day which was the 15th of August, they captured the citadel of Antonia after a
two day siege and killed all the Roman soldiers there. They burned the citadel. A little later, they

attacked the king's palace. (Manahemus the son of Judas Galilaeus was their captain, who after
he had taken the citadel of Masada and plundered Herod's armoury, he brought his armed
murderers into Jerusalem.) After they took the palace and burned it, Manahemus seized the
leadership of the revolt but immediately after he was killed in the temple as he was praying by
Eleazar, the captain of the temple. Manahemus' men were driven out and returned to Masada
under the leadership of Eleazar the son of Jairus who was related to Manahemus. The seditious
men also of Jerusalem on the very sabbath day put to death the Romans. After the palace was
won by assault, the Romans had retired into the citadel Hippico, Phasaelus, and Mariamme.
They were besieged and surrendered and turned over their arms. They were promised safety but
the Jews broke their oath and put them to death.

6935. The same day at Caesarea, Floras instigated the heathen to kill all the Jews who lived
there. 20,000 were killed. The Jews through the whole country were so vexed. They lived in all
the villages of the Syrians and the neighbouring cities of Philadelphia, Gerasa, Ptolemais, Pella,
Scythopolis, Gadara, Hippo, Gaulanitis, Sebaste, Askelon, Anthedon and Gaza. There was a
general slaughter made by the Syrians of the Jews in all Syria. This was done partly from the old
hatred against the Jews and their religion, partly for the love of plunder and desire of revenge.
Only they of Antioch, Apamea and Sidon spared the Jews who lived among them. At
Alexandria, the metropolis of Egypt, 50,000 Jews were killed in one day in a sedition by two
Roman legions that were sent to put down the sedition.

6936. Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, was very upset by these riotous actions. He left
Antioch for Judea with the 12 legions, King Agrippa's soldiers and other forces. From Ptolemais
he invaded Joppa and burned it. He sent Cesennius Gallus into Galilee which he pacified. After
staying at Sephoris, he came to Caesarea.

6937. Peter and Paul are warned by revelation from the Lord of their approaching death. {2Pe
1:14 2Ti 4:6,7}

6938. Peter wrote his second letter to the Hebrews who were dispersed through Pontus, Galatia,
Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia. {2Pe 3:1 IPe 1:1}

6939. Paul sent his second letter to Timothy at Ephesus by Tychicus where the family of
Onesiphorus lived. This was after Aquila and Priscilla had left Rome and returned to Ephesus.
{2Ti 4:12,19} In this letter he wanted Timothy to come to him before winter and bring with
him, Mark who was very profitable for him to the ministry, {2Ti 4:9,1 1,21 } Paul sent greetings
from Eubulus Pudens, Linus and Claudia. {2Ti 4:21 }

4070a AM, 4779 JP, 66 AD

6940. At the feast of tabernacles, after Cestius Gallus had burnt Lydda, he marched toward
Jerusalem. The men of Jerusalem met him about seven or eight miles from there and fought a
perilous battle near Bethhoron. When fresh troops came to Cestius, he forced them into
Jerusalem. On October 4th, he broke in and captured the lower part of the city, (as also Bezetha,
and Caenopolis.) Then he attacked the temple and the upper city. He would have easily taken it
if he had more valiantly continued the attack. Most of the people favoured the Romans and the
seditious men only opposed them.

6941. When Cestius had nearly captured the temple, for no good reason he raised the siege and
retreated to Antipatris. On his march, many Romans and auxiliaries soldiers were killed. Many
were also killed by the Jews who pursued them. The Romans abandoned most of their baggage,
ammunition, engines, slings and other arms in their flight. The Jews made good use of this
equipment in their own defence against the siege of Titus. This happened on November 8th in
the twelfth year of Nero. (That is the twelfth year was over.) The thirteenth year of Nero had
begun on the thirteenth of the previous October.

6942. The Jews were elated by this victory and returned to Jerusalem. They appointed Joseph
the son of Gorion and the high priest as governors of the city. They sent many commanders into
each province to govern. Among these, Josephus (the writer of this war of the Jews) was sent
into Galilee. After he had fortified and walled many towns, he prepared all things to endure a
war. He expected the invasion of the Romans.

6943. In the meantime, there were many riots and many and frequent rebellions of the cities
against Josephus. These were caused by the subtilty and fraud of John, the son of a certain
Levite and by the envy of some of the governors of Jerusalem who wanted the government
taken from him. Josephus thwarted all their machinations by his prudence and patience. He
forced John to flee to Jerusalem with his forces from Giscala, a town of Galilee which he had
fortified. At Jerusalem, Ananias, the governor of the city, made preparations for a real war. He
repaired the walls and ensured that warlike instruments, arrows and arms, were made through
the whole city. He endeavoured to reconcile those who were called the Zealots but in vain. He
tried to catch Simon who was the son of Giora and a thief. He sent soldiers against him but
Simon with his followers, fled to the thieves who held Masada. From there, they infested all the
country of Judea and Idumea with their robberies.

6944. Moreover Cestius sent messengers to Nero (who was then in Achaia) and told him of the
troubled state of Judea. Nero was disturbed by this news and ordered Vespasian to go there.
When Vespasian had received this command, he sent his son Titus to Alexandria to bring from
there the fifth and tenth legions into Judea. Vespasian went by land from Achaia into Asia and
from there he came into Syria and Antioch.

4070b AM, 4780 JP, 67 AD

6945. Peter and Paul foretold at Rome, that it would shortly come to pass that God would send a
king who would overcome the Jews and who would lay their city level with the ground. He
would besiege them until they so pined with hunger and thirst that they would start eating one
another. Finally, they would fall into their enemies' hands and would see their wives most
grievously tormented in their sight and their virgins violated and prostituted. Their sons would
be torn asunder and their little ones dashed to pieces. All things would be destroyed by fire and
sword and they would for ever be banished from their own lands. All this would happen because
they exalted themselves above the most loving and approved Son of God. {Lactantius, 1. 4. c.
21.}

6946. At Antioch, Vespasian gathered together the Roman forces and the auxiliaries from the
kings. From there he went to Ptolemais and recovered Sepphoris which favoured the Romans.

6947. Titus came to his father at Ptolemais sooner than could have been hoped for because it

was winter. Their combined forces and the auxiliaries numbered 60,000 cavalry and foot
soldiers besides their servants and the baggage.

6948. Vespasian invaded Galilee and burnt and wasted the city of the Gadarenes which he took
at the first assault. From there, he went to Jotapata on the 21st day of May and he fought against
it.

6949. On the 29th day of June (which was last day of that month that happened within the reign
of Nero) Paul was beheaded at Rome as the records both of the eastern and western church
confirm. Thereupon Chrysostom undoubtedly affirmed that the day of his death was more
certainly known than that of Alexander the Great himself. {Chrysostom, 2 Corinthian Homily,
26. } Dionysius, the bishop of the Corinthians, affirmed in a letter to the Romans that Peter also
suffered martyrdom at the same time with him. {*Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 2. c. 25.
<1:79,80>} Origin also stated {Origin, Commentaries upon Genesis, tome. 3.} that at Rome,
Peter was crucified with his head downwards (as he had desired.) { *Eusebius, Ecclesiastical
History, 1. 3. c. 1. <1:82>} The prediction of Christ was then fulfilled which he made to him:
{Joh 21:18,19}

vv When thou art old, thou shalt stretch forth thine hands, and another shall gird thee, and carry
thee whither thou wouldest not."

6950. After a forty day siege, Vespasian captured Jotapata by force and burned it. It was
valiantly defended by Josephus who was the governor then on the first of June, in the 13th year
of Nero. Vespasian captured Josephus as he lay hidden in a cave and gave him his life but kept
him prisoner.

6951. After Jotapata was destroyed, Vespasian retired with his army to Caesarea. He stationed
two legions there to refresh themselves after the siege. He sent a third legion to Scythopolis to
rest also. He went to Caesarea Philippi where he and his army were feasted by King Agrippa for
twenty days. There he prepared for the siege of Tiberias and Tarichea. Tiberias immediately
surrendered and by the intreaty of King Agrippa, the city was not rased. After Tarichea had
endured a siege, it was taken by storm.

6952. After these cities were recovered or overthrown, almost all Galilee was inclined to the
Romans, except Gamala in Gaulanitis, Giscala and the Mountain Itaburium.

4071a AM, 4780 JP, 67 AD

6953. After an whole month's siege, Gamala was taken on the 23rd of October, and overthrown.
A little later the Mountain Itaburium was taken by the Romans. Titus attacked Giscala which
was kept by John with his party of the seditious men. John seemed to like the conditions of
peace that were offered by Titus but in the night he with his party fled from the city to
Jerusalem. Titus spared the city but placed a garrison there and then went to Caesarea.
Vespasian left Caesarea for Iamnia and Azotus and conquered them both and returned again to
Caesarea.

6954. Meanwhile there was a great dissention throughout all Judea. Some wanted to continue

the war while others wanted to remain under the protection of the Romans. Thereupon there
were whole troops of thieves gathered together all over Judea, who plundered those who wanted
peace. They were loaded with their plunder and were received into Jerusalem. There they filled
all things with murders, dissensions, discords and repines. First they imprisoned Antipas, a great
many noble men and the chief men of the city. Soon after they killed them without any trial and
falsely accused them that they would have surrendered the city to the Romans. When the people
would have risen up against them, they seized the temple and used it as a fortress against the
people. They appointed by lots for an high priest Phannius, (or Phanazus) who was a rude and
unskilful man and not of the order of the priesthood.

6955. Ananus, and the nobler priests stirred up and armed the people against those Zealots (as
they called themselves) and attacked them in the very temple and forced them into the inner
temple. The Zealots sent letters secretly to the captains of the Idumeans accusing Ananus of
treachery. They complained that while they are fighting for liberty, they were besieged in the
temple and asked the Idumeans to help them. They immediately came there with 20,000 men
and were secretly let into the city and temple by night by the Zealots. They made a great
slaughter, destruction and repines in Jerusalem. For there were 80,000 killed that night and in
the following days they killed Ananus and others of the nobility to the number of 12,000 besides
an uncountable number of the common people. A little later, the Idumeans began to regret this
action when they saw the wickedness of the Zealots and saw no indication of treachery in the
nobility whom the Zealots accused them of. They freed 2000 which they held in prison and the
Idumeans left Jerusalem and returned home. When they had left, the Zealots began to use more
cruelty against the nobility than previously. They would not allow any dead noble man to be
buried. They killed anyone they suspected who would flee to the Romans and did not bury the
bodies. They guarded all the exits and diligently watched for defectors.

6956. In the meantime there arose a dissention among the Zealots. John who fled from Gescala
to Jerusalem, lead in their tyranny and others could not endure him to be their superior whom
they before had accounted their equal. Thus while they disagreed among themselves, they were
unanimous in robbing the common people and all Judea. They followed the example of
Jerusalem which was very full of thieves and most miserably vexed.

6957. The Jews destroyed each other with these discords. Vespasian was roused to action by the
cries of those who fled to him and entreated him to preserve and free their country from this
sedition. When Vespasian prepared for the siege of Jerusalem, he did not want anyone behind
him to cause trouble while he was besieging Jerusalem. He went with his army to Gadara to
quench those remnants of the war. This was the country on the other side of the Jordan River
and he was summoned there by the moderate men of the city who wanted peace rather than war.
He immediately took the city and the seditious men fled. He sent Placidus with his cavalry to
pursue them and put them all to the sword. So he possessed all the country beyond the river even
to the Dead Sea except for the citadel of Macherun. He put garrisons through the towns and
arranged the winter quarters for his soldiers. He went back to Caesarea and there wintered.

4071b AM, 4781 JP, 68 AD

6958. Vespasian received news of the rebellions in Gaul by Vindex, who had armed the Gauls
against the Romans. This made him more earnest to finish the war against the Jews. Therefore in
the beginning of the spring, he led his army from Caesarea and ran through all Judea and
Idumea and wasting it. He brought back his army and led them though Samaria to Jericho. The

inhabitants fled to the mountain country opposite Jerusalem but he pursued them and drove
them from the hills. He attacked the citadels at Jericho and other places and surrounded the Jews
on every side.

6959. Some promised themselves (after Nero was forsaken) the government of the east, some
the kingdom of Jerusalem but most wanted the recovery of their previous fortune. { Suetonius,
Nero, c. 40.}

6960. Nero knew he was doomed when he heard that Galba and Spain had revolted from him.

{ Suetonius, Nero, c. 42. } Finally he killed himself on the ninth day of June after he had reigned
thirteen years and eight months.

4072b AM, 4782 JP, 69 AD

6961. On the first of January in Germany, the images of Galba were thrown down and on the
third day, Vitellius was greeted Emperor by the army. On the 25th day of the same month,
Galba was killed, seven months after the death of Nero. {Tacitus, Histories, 1. 1. c. 55,57?}

6962. After Galba was killed, Otho was created emperor by the soldiers who did not know that
Vitellius had assumed the empire. He was killed the 90th day {*Dio, 1. 63. 8:219} of his reign
and he was buried on the 95th day. {Suetonius, ???}

6963. Tiberias Alexander, the governor of Egypt was the first that swore the legions to support
Vespasian on the first of July. This day was his first day as emperor and later kept as a festival.
Then the Jewish army on July 11th, (5th ides) swore to him. {Suetonius, Vespasian, c. 6.}
{Tacitus, Histories, 1. 2. c. 79. } There was only one year and 22 days between the death of Nero
and the beginning of the reign of Vespasian. {*Dio, 1. 66. 8:295}

6964. When Vespasian returned to Caesarea, he prepared to go with his whole army to besiege
Jerusalem. When he received news of Nero's death, he deferred the war against the Jews and
sent his son Titus to Galba who had succeeded Nero to know his pleasure concerning the Jewish
war. Titus sailed to Achaia and there heard that Galba was killed. Thereupon he immediately
returned to his father to Caesarea. They were both in suspense, (and the empire seemed to be
tottering) and deferred the wars of Judea. They were afraid lest some harm would come to their
own country and they thought it not a convenient time to invade a foreign country.

6965. In the meantime Simon, who was the son of Giora, (concerning whom we wrote earlier)
and a bold and valiant young man, left Masada where he had fled. He went to the murderers into
the mountain country of Judea and he promised liberty to servants and rewards to the freemen.
In a short time he got a band of thieves and gradually increased his forces. He wasted not only
villages but invaded cities. In a short time he conquered all Idumea and wasted Judea and finally
came before Jerusalem and pitched his tents there. He was a terror to those of Jerusalem and
also to the Zealots. Thus were the citizens of Jerusalem grievously oppressed on both sides,
from within by the Zealots whom John commanded and from without by Simon, a most cruel
man. In the meantime, the Idumeans who were of John's party and were among his forces had a
falling out with him. They fought with him and killed many of the Zealots. They captured John's
palace and burned it. He was forced with his followers to flee into the temple. The Idumeans
also feared the citizens, lest by night John would make an excursion into the city and burn it.

They took council and sent for Simon and admitted him into the city so that they might defend
themselves against John. When Simon's forces came, they attacked the temple, but the Zealots
fought valiantly.

6966. Vespasian left Caesarea and went to Berytus and Antioch. From there he sent Mutianus
with troops into Italy but he went to Alexandria.

4073a AM, 4782 JP, 69 AD

6967. In Moesia, Antonius Primus who followed Vespasian's party, led the third legion into
Italy against the side of Vitellius. He fought a battle at Cremona against Vitellius' forces and
routed them. He then went to Rome and was joined with Mutianus in the middle of the city. He
defeated Vitellius' army and dragged Vitellius himself through the forum and there cut his
throat. Mutianus made Domitian, the son of Vespasian, prince of the empire while his father
came from Syria.

4073b AM, 4783 JP, 70 AD

6968. When Vespasian heard these things at Alexandria, he sent his son Titus with forces into
Judea to finish the rest of the war of Judea while he sailed to Italy.

6969. While Titus stayed at Alexandria, the city of Jerusalem was divided into three factions.
Simon whom the citizens of Jerusalem had sent against John and admitted into the city, held the
higher city and some part of the tower. John with his Zealots had occupied the temple and the
other part of the lower city. The last faction was divided again into two. Eleazar who was the
first commander and captain of the Zealots, was displeased that John by his boldness and
subtilty ran things all by himself. Therefore he left him and took some followers with him and
occupied the inner part of the temple. From there, he fought against John. Eleazar had fewer
men than John but his position was more easily defended. John held the outer parts of the temple
and the porches. There was a battle on two sides, one against Eleazar and the other against
Simon and so some fought against others. They burnt many things around the temple and ruined
the grain and many provisions which might have lasted them a long time. When these things
were spoiled and consumed, they had a severe famine later when they were besieged by the
Romans.

6970. Titus came from Alexandria to Caesarea and gathered his forces together. He marched to
Jerusalem with four legions and the auxiliaries of the neighbouring kings and pitched his camp
about a mile or so from the city a little before the feast of unleavened bread. By that means he
shut up within the city an enormous multitude of people (about 3 million) who according to the
custom, had gone up to the feast. In a short time a most cruel famine oppressed the city. All food
and nourishment was quickly consumed. A most horrid and memorable example of this
happened at that time. A mother had devoured her own child. On the feast day of unleavened
bread, about the 14th of April, Eleazar, who had seized upon the inner temple, had opened the
gate of the temple so that the people might sacrifice. John used this opportunity and sent secretly
many on his side who were armed with swords hidden under their garments. When they were
admitted into the temple with the rest of the multitude, they attacked Eleazar and seized the
inner temple and slaughtered many Zealots. Hence the faction that was threefold, was now made
twofold. John had 8400 men on his side and Simon had about 10,000 men in addition to 5000

Idumeans.

6971. Titus came near the walls and pitched his camp near the tower Psephina and immediately
raised a mount. He battered the wall with a ram and beat it down by force. On May 7th, he broke
into the city after the first wall was beaten down. The Jews retired to the inner city and Titus
occupied the north quarter of the city up to the citadel of Antonia and the valley of Kidron. Five
days later, a certain tower of the second wall was battered and broken down with the ram from
the north quarter and he went into the new lower city. He was driven back again by the Jews but
four days later he retook it. He prepared for the assault on the third wall. On May 12th, he
ordered four mounts to be raised, two at the citadel of Antonia, by which he hoped to gain the
temple, and two at John the high priest's tomb, by which he hoped to gain the upper city. John
fought the Romans at Antonia and Simon at John's tomb. Those mounts were completed in 17
days on the 29th of May and the Romans began to batter the wall. John by a mine from Antonia
cast down one mount and burnt it. Two days later, Simon made a sally and burned the two
mounts opposite to him along with the rams and other engines. The Jews attacked the Romans in
their camp. When Titus came from Antonia, they were again forced into the city.

6972. The previous mounts were destroyed and burnt and Titus thought best to raise new ones
from which he might assault the city. He also surrounded the city with a wall so that none could
flee from it nor anything could be brought into it. Thereupon in three days time, he built a wall
aruond the city about 5 miles long. Around the wall, he built 13 citadels and each citadel
controlled two and an half miles. Thereupon famine so prevailed in the city and so cruelly raged
that not only the common people died of it but the seditious men were severely oppressed by it.
So many perished by famine and pestilence that from the 14th of April, (on which day the siege
began) to the first of July that through only one gate (as Mannaeus who had fled gave this
account) there were carried out 1 15,800 carcases of the poor people that were buried at the
common expense. This did not include those who were buried by their relatives and friends. A
little later it was known from those who fled, that there were 600,000 that were carried out of
the gates for burial. Later, there were not enough people to bury the poor, so they cast them in
great heaps into empty houses and shut the doors on them. The manner of burial of them was
none other than simply throwing them over the walls and filling up the ditches with them.

6973. In the meantime, inside the city, Simon had not refrained from murders and repines. He
killed Matthias the high priest whom he accused of treachery as though he would have fled to
the Romans. (It was ironic that it was Matthias who let Simon into the city.) Simon also killed
three of his sons and fifteen of the noblest of the people, all of them uncondemned. Moreover he
raged with such cruelty, that Judas, one of his captains, so detested his cruelty, that he planned
to turn the part of the city he controlled over to the Romans. Simon prevented him and killed
him along with the ten men who were in on the plot. John was compelled by necessity to use the
sacred things of the temple for his own use. He used the vessels of gold and silver and the
money of the temple. He was compelled to distribute to his soldiers the very oil and wine which
was dedicated for divine service.

6974. Titus also fetched materials from every place and cut down woods and all trees even as far
as eleven miles away. With great labour in 21 days, he raised new mounts. He made four around
Antonia, one on every side of the citadel. When John had cowardly and in vain attempted to
overthrow these, they were repulsed by the Romans. On July 1st, the Romans began to batter the
wall of Antonia. On July 5th, they made a breach and broke into Antonia and pursued the
fleeing Jews even into the temple. After a long skirmish the Romans were held off for some

time. On July 17th, the daily sacrifice termed by the Greeks endelecismds, was not offered for
lack of men. On that same day, Titus asked Josephus to urge the seditious men to surrender but
in vain. Seven days later, Titus brought his mounts nearer. He was now bringing the materials
from a distance of twelve to thirteen miles away for the mounts. He overturned the foundations
of Antonia and made an easy ascent to the temple. He broke in by Antonia and seized on the
north and west porches of the outer temple court. The part of the porches, especially those which
joined to Antonia, were burnt and destroyed by the Jews. Two days later, on July 24th, the other
part was burnt by the Romans. The Jews did not put out the fire but let it burn so that the porch
might be clearly separated from Antonia.

6975. On the 27th day the Jews again burnt the western porch to the bridge that lead to the
gallery and many Romans were burned to death. (The Jews fled there to draw the Romans into
the trap. (??)) The next day the Romans burnt all the northern porch even to the eastern porch.

6976. By August 8th, Titus was getting nowhere by battering with the ram the wall of the inner
temple nor by undermining the foundations of the gates because of their huge size and the strong
cementing of the stones together. Neither could the Romans get up into the porches with ladders
for the Jews drove them back from above. From the reverence of the place Titus had not burned
it but was compelled by necessity to do so. He ordered the gates of the inner temple to be set on
fire. The fire caught onto the adjoining porches and everything was in flames. The Jews beheld
and wondered at it but did not try to stop and quench the fire for very amazement. Hence the
porches burnt all that day and the following night. Titus and his captains had determined to keep
the temple from burning but he was unable to do this. On August 10th, when the Romans who
kept the guard in the outer range of the temple were provoked by the Jews, they made a charge
on them who quenched the fire on the inner range and had driven them into the very temple. A
Roman soldier took a flaming fire brand and got up on his fellow's shoulders and threw the
brand through the golden window into the houses and chambers which were built on the north
side of the temple. They immediately caught fire and burnt the temple also which joined to
them. Titus in vain ordered his soldiers to quench the fire. This happened in the second year of
Vespasian, in the same month and the very same day of the month that the first temple was
burned by Nebuchadnezzar.

6977. After the temple was pillaged and burnt, the ensigns were set up on the eastern gate of the
temple. After making sacrifices, Titus was proclaimed emperor by the army. Titus from the
bridge by which the temple is joined to the city upon a gallery, exhorted through an interpreter,
the seditious men to surrender. These had fled into the upper city. Although he offered them
their lives, they refused his offer. They asked that they might have permission to leave the city
with their wives and children and to go into the wilderness. Titus scorned this and threatened
them with utter destruction. He ordered all the lower city to be set on fire including the Palace
Acra which he had captured. He began to assault the upper city which was located on a steep
rock. On August 20th, he began to raise his mounts and completed them on September 7th. He
brought his engines to the walls. After he made a breach, the tyrants fled with their guards for
fear and amazement. On September 8th, the Romans broke into and destroyed all with fire and
the sword.

6978. Jerusalem was destroyed on a Saturday. { *Dio, 1. 65. 8:271 } This was the day the Jews
most religiously observe and September 8th fell on a Saturday that year. The city was taken and
destroyed. Titus commanded all the city and temple to be rased to the foundation and made flat
and also to be ploughed according to the custom. He spared the west part of the wall only and

the three towers, Hippicon, Phasaelus, and Mariamme. He left those which for their great beauty
and strength, would be a monument to posterity to the magnificence of that city.

6979. When Titus had thus taken the city and had filled all the places with dead bodies, the
neighbouring countries wanted to crown him. He replied that he was unworthy of that honour
for it was not he that was the author of this work but that he had given his hands to God, who
had showed his anger against the Jews. {Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, 1. 6. c. 14.} However,
there are coins of Titus which are marked with a trophy and a triumphal chariot. There are coins
of Vespasian with the image of a woman sitting sorrowful under a palm tree and with the
inscription, (JUDEA CAPTA S.C.) as also money was coined about the end of the 21st year of
King Agrippa with an inscription in Greek, (but translated into English) "Vespasian Emperor
and Caesar, Judea was taken in the year 21 of Agrippa."

4074a AM, 4783 JP, 70 AD

6980. When Titus had finished the war, he rewarded the soldiers and committed the custody of
Jerusalem to the tenth legion. He banished the twelfth legion which had fought poorly under
Cestius, from Syria and sent them to Euphrates into the region of Armenia and Cappadocia. He
took the fifth and fifteenth legion to Caesarea on the sea coast, where he gathered together all
the prey and spoils and the captives. Since winter was coming, it was too dangerous to sail to
Italy.

6981. The two tyrants, John and Simon, were captured as they hid in the vaults of Jerusalem.
John was condemned to perpetual imprisonment and Simon was reserved for the triumph. In the
same vaults, 2000 men were found who either perished from hunger or killed each other rather
than surrender to the Romans.

6982. Titus stayed at Caesarea where he celebrated the birthday of his brother Domitian, which
was on December 30th. In the celebration, more than 2500 Jews perished by fighting with wild
beasts, burned with fire or were killed in fighting each other.

4074b AM, 4784 JP, 71 AD

6983. Later, Titus came to Berytus in Phoenicia, where he stayed longer and celebrated the
birthday of his father with great magnificence. (This was not the birthday of his empire which
was celebrated on the first of July according to Suetonius and Tacitus.) A multitude of captives
also died in a similar manner as before.

6984. Titus went to see Antioch and the other cities of Syria. He then travelled through Judea
and Jerusalem, with the fifth and fifteenth legion to Alexandria in Egypt. He sailed from there to
Rome where he was welcomed home by all men. He and his father held a triumph for the
conquest of Judea.

6985. The two captains of the sedition, John and Simon, were led in that triumph along with 700
other Jews who excelled in strength and beauty. Only Simon was killed, (also called, Barpores.

{ *Dio, 1. 65. 8:269,271 }) The book of the law of the Jews was carried in this triumph as the last
of the spoils. It along with the purple vails of the sanctuary were stored in the palace.

6986. From this victory, both father and son got the name of emperor. However, neither of them
was called Judaicus although many other things and especially triumphal arches were decreed
for them. {*Dio, 1. 65. 8:271 (Xiphiline ex Dio)} There remains still at the foot of the hill
Palatine, a marble triumphal arch erected to the honour of Titus. From it there is a copy written
by Villalpandus of the instruments of the temple which were carried in the triumph.
{Villalpandus, Tom. 2. explanat. on Ezekiel. 1. 5. c. 7. p. 587.}

4075a AM, 4784 JP, 71 AD

6987. Lucilius Bassus was sent as lieutenant into Judea who received the army from Cenalis
Vitellianus. The citadel Herodian with its garrison surrendered to him. A little later, he captured
the strong citadel of Machaeron beyond Jordan by assault.

4075b AM, 4785 JP, 72 AD

vv It happened even in our time, that there was an eclipse of the sun and moon within 12 days of
each other (others say 15 days) when the Vespasians were emperors, the father for the third time
(perhaps the fourth) and the son the second time were consuls. (71 AD)" {*Pliny, 1. 2. c. 10.
1:207}

6988. Some think this was foretold by our Saviour. {Mt 24:29}

6989. Caesar wrote to Tiberius Maximus, the governor of Judea, that he should sell all the land
of the Jews. He imposed a tribute on all the Jews wherever they lived and ordered them to bring
in every year to the capital two drachmas which they formerly paid to the temple of Jerusalem.

6990. In the fourth year of Vespasian, Cesennius Paetus, the governor of Syria, drove
Antiochus, the king of Commagene from his kingdom. He fled into Cilicia and his son to the
Parthians. Later both of them were reconciled to Vespasian and he was restored to his kingdom.
{Josephus, Wars, <1. 7. c. 7. 1:761,762>}

4076b AM, 4786 JP, 73 AD

6991. The Abans invaded Media and laid it waste all over. King Pacorus fled before them. They
later went into Armenia. Tiridates, the king opposed them himself and was almost captured in
the very battle. {Josephus, Wars, <1. 7. c. 7. 1:761,762>}

4076c AM, 4786 JP, 73 AD

6992. Among the Jews, after Bassus had died, Publius Silva replaced him in the government of
Judea. On April 15th, he captured by force that impregnable citadel of Masada that was held by
Eleazar, the nephew of Judas Balitaeus, the captain of the thieves. Eleazar persuaded all the
thieves who were in the castle to the number of 960 with their wives and children to kill each
other. First they burnt the citadel with all the household belongings lest they should fall into
Roman hands. Hence the last remains of the Jewish wars were eliminated and all Judea was
quiet.

6993. Many of the thieves who escaped from Judea, fled into Egypt to Alexandria. They try to
solicit the Jews to revolt. However, the common people were persuaded by their rulers and
attacked those thieves. They captured 600 of them whom they turned over to the Romans to be
punished. The rest who escaped into Egypt and Thebes were also captured. Concerning this
matter Caesar ordered Lupus, the governor of Alexandria to pull down the temple of the Jews.
(That temple was built a long while ago in Egypt, by Onias the brother of the high priest.)
However, Lupus did no more than take away some furniture from the temple and so shut it up.
Paulinus, his successor in the government, took away all the furniture and shut up the doors. He
ordered that no one should come there so that there was not so much as any trace of religion left
there.

6994. Jonathan, a certain Jewish weaver, escaped to Cyrene, where he raised a tumult and drew
2000 Jews into the wilderness. Catullus (or Catulus) the governor of Libia Pentapolis, sent his
cavalry and foot soldiers and easily defeated them. When Jonathan was brought before him, he
falsely accused the most wealthy of the Jews to be the main instigators of this revolt. Catullus
willingly listened to these accusations and immediately executed 3000 of them. He did this
without fear of retribution because he confiscated their estates to Caesar's treasury first.
Jonathan was sent prisoner by him with the other captives to Rome to Vespasian so that he
might accuse the most honest of those who lived at Rome and Alexandria of sedition. He
affirmed among many other things that Josephus, the writer of the Jewish history, sent him both
arms, and money. Vespasian knew that this accusation was not lawfully brought against these
men and he, at Titus' intreaty, acquitted them but deservedly punished Jonathan. First he
scourged him and then he was burnt alive. Catullus also through the mercy of the emperor was
not punished. However, not long after, he was taken with a complicated and incurable disease
and he was tortured and tormented in his mind. He thought that he saw the ghosts of those
whom he had killed always before him. At last his guts and bowels rotted and poured out of him
and he died. {Josephus, Wars, 1. 7. c. ult. <c. 11. 1:771,772>} {Josephus, Life, <1:25,26>}

6995. Here Joseph ended the history of the destruction of Judea. He was captured in this war and
made a freedman by Flarius Vespasian the Emperor and assumed the name of Flarius from his
patron.

6996. Cornelius and Suetonius relate that there were 600,000 Jews killed in this war. Josephus a
Jew, was a commander in that war and who deserved thanks and pardon from Vespasian for
foretelling him that he should be emperor. He wrote that 1,000,000 perished by sword and
famine, and of the rest of the Jews that were dispersed all over the world and put to death
various ways to the number of 90,000. Orosius {Orosius, 1. 7. c. 9. } also stated the same. I
cannot find the number of 600,000 of those who were killed in Suetonius' writings. In Josephus
{Josephus, Wars, 1. 6. c. 17. <c. 9. 1:749>} the number of captives was 97,000 and the other
number of 1,100,000 is only of those who perished in the six month siege of Jerusalem. Justius
Lipsius made this catalogue from Josephus. {Lipsius, de. Constantia., 1. 2. c. 21.} of those who
perished outside of Jerusalem during the whole seven years.

6997.

At Jerusalem, first killed by
the command of Floras

630
20,000

By the inhabitants of Caesarea
in hatred to them and their religion

At Scythopolis (a city of Syria) 30,000

At Askelon in Palestine
by the inhabitants

Likewise at Ptolemais 2,000

At Alexandria in Egypt under
Tib. Alexander the President

At Gamala as well killed as those
who threw themselves down

In the citadel of Masada,
that slew themselves

2,500

50,000

8,400
2,000

At Damascus 10,000

At the taking of Joppa
by Cesius Floras

At a certain mountain
called Cabulo

In a fight at Askelon 10,000

By an ambush 8,000

At Aphaca when it was taken 15,000

Slain at mount Gerizim 1 1 ,600

At Jotapae, where Josephus was 30,000

At Joppa when it was taken
were drowned

Slain at Tarichaea 6,500

9,000

2,000

(The only survivors in the
whole city were two women
who were sisters.)

When they forsook Giskala,
killed in the flight

Slain of the Gadarenes, besides

an infinite number that leaped 13,000

into the river

Slain in the villages of Idumea 10,000

At Gerizim 1,000

AtMacheron 1,700

In the wood of Jardes 3,000

960

In Cyrene by Catulus the Governor 3,000

Which number of the dead, being

added to those who died " v '

at the siege of Jerusalem

Total 1,337,490

6998. An innumerable company were omitted who perished through famine, banishment and
other miseries. (At the passover feast a few years earlier Josephus estimates there were about
three million people in Jerusalem. See note on 4096b AM «6403». There were likely this
many there for the passover when Titus started the seige. Most were unaccounted for. This
would make the offical death toll low by at least two million. Editor.)

6999. Justus Tiberiensis in his chronicle of the Kings of the Jews showed that Agrippa the last
king of the family of Herod, had his kingdom augmented by Vespasian, {Photius, Bibliotheca,
cod. 33.} Dio related that he had praetorian honours given him. His sister Bernice who came to
Rome with him lived in the palace. Titus was so in love with her that he made her believe he
would marry her and she carried on all things as if she had been his wife. However, when Titus
knew that the people of Rome did not take it well, he put her away. { Seutonius, Titus, c. 7 }
{*Dio, 1. 65. 1:291 (Xiphiline ex Dio)} The observation of Josephus is very memorable
{Josephus, Antiq., 1. 18. c. 7. <c. 5. 1:485>} about the rest of Herod's progeny that they all failed
within one hundred years although they were very numerous.

7000. This was the end of the Jewish affairs and happened as predicted by Jesus in Mt 24. (See
John Bray's book, "Matthew 24 Fulfilled", for a most detailed discussion of these events.
Editor.)

vv And as he sat upon the mount of Olives, the disciples came unto him privately, saying, Tell us,
when shall these things be? and what shall be the sign of thy coming, and of the end of the
world? ... Verily I say unto you, THIS GENERATION shall not pass, till all these things be
fulfilled." {Mt 24:3,34}

FINIS

Previous Table of Contents

Table of Contents

PARTI

Title Page and Preface

Explanatory Notes
THE FIRST AGE
la AM, 710 JP, 4004 BC
THE SECOND AGE

1657a AM, 2366 JP, 2348 BC

THE THIRD AGE

2083 AM, 2793 JP, 1921 BC
THE FOURTH AGE

2513b AM, 3223 JP, 1491 BC

THE FIFTH AGE

2992c AM, 3702 JP, 1012 BC
THE SIXTH AGE

3416c AM, 4126 JP, 588 BC
3504 AM, 4214 JP, 500 BC
3604b AM, 43 14 JP, 400 BC
3654 AM, 4364 JP, 350 BC
3679b AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC
3704 AM, 4414 JP, 300 BC
3804 AM, 4514 JP, 200 BC

PART 2
Title Page and
Preface

3829 AM, 4539 JP,
175 BC

3854 AM, 4564 JP,
150 BC

3904b AM, 4614 JP,
100 BC

3929b AM, 4639 JP,
75 BC

3954b AM, 4664 JP,
50 BC

3979 AM, 4689 JP,
25 BC

THE SEVENTH
AGE

4000b AM, 4710 JP,
4BC

4028 AM, 4738 JP,
25 AD

4053b AM, 4763 JP,
50 AD

Biography

James Ussher

1581-1656
Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland

James Ussher, was one of the greatest scholars and theologians of his time. In his enduring
search for knowledge he travelled widely in Britain and Europe, seeking the earliest available
manuscripts, buying those he could, and copying others. After his death, his extensive and
valuable library, formed the nucleus of the great library of Trinity College, Dublin.

James Ussher, archbishop of Armagh, was the pre-eminent figure in the contemporary Church
of Ireland, and a leading patron of scholarship at Trinity College, Dublin. A staunch defender of
episcopacy, he was nevertheless respected on all sides during the religious upheavals of the
1640s and 1650s, and regarded as the person most likely to achieve an accommodation between
the Presbyterians and the Church of England. As such, he was valued by Hartlib and Dury, both
of whom helped him at times with his scholarly work and looked to him as a potential patron for
their own schemes.

Despite his success as a churchman, Ussher is perhaps most famous for having dated the start of
the creation to the evening before 23rd October, 4004 B.C. Ussher calculated this timing in his
Annals, a work of biblical chronology which he published in Latin in 1650 (Hartlib noted its
progress through the press with great interest), and which was translated into English in 1658.
The book was the fruit of many years labour; as early as the summer of 1640, Ussher had been
reported 'spending] constantly all the afternoones' in the Bodleian working at it (Constantine
Adams to Hartlib, Hartlib Papers, 1 5/8/3 A-4B).

In the Annals, Ussher developed the chronological work of many earlier scholars, in particular

Joseph Justus Scaliger (who had pioneered the use of the Julian period in calendrical
calculations) to provide a framework for dating the whole Bible historically. He argued that,
although scripture itself only tended to take notice of entire years, the Holy Ghost had left clues
in the Bible which allowed the critic to establish a precise chronology of its events, through the
application to the text of the results of astronomical calculations and its comparison with the
dates of pagan history. Ussher's system had the advantage of preserving several attractive
numerical symmetries, for example the ancient Jewish notion, adopted by Christians, that the
creation anticipated the birth of the Messiah by 4,000 years, but it was also heavily dependent
on classical chronologies and on an interpretation of the calendar which already seemed out-
dated to many scholars.

Although not wholly original, Ussher's work was nevertheless influential and became widely
accepted, not least because its dates were later incorporated into the margins of some editions of
the Authorized Version. However, Ussher's chronology rested too heavily on the Hebrew text of
Old Testament to escape controversy even in his own day. Its findings were attacked by those
who were persuaded that the Greek translation of the Old Testament (the Septuagint) or the
Samaritan Pentateuch (both of which presented different chronologies from the Hebrew) were
more reliable witnesses to the dictation of the Holy Ghost, or that they concurred more closely
with the evidence of astronomy and pagan history. Yet, in the opinion of Hartlib, and perhaps of
many others, Ussher's critics were churlish individuals who were unwilling to admit their own
debts to his scholarship. Despite such debates, most seventeenth-century readers of the Bible
would have agreed with Ussher that it ought, in principle, to have been possible to establish an
accurate and detailed biblical chronology.

Illustrated opposite is the title-page from the Annals, engraved by Francis Barlow and Richard
Gaywood. This shows a number of the crucial figures and episodes from Ussher's chronology.
Adam and Eve are flanked by the figures of Solomon and Nebuchadnezzar, the builder and
destroyer of the first Temple, which is also shown both in its glory and after its fall. The
engraving also depicts the second Temple, built after Cyrus allowed the return of the Jews to
Jerusalem, and its eventual destruction. The figures of Cyrus and of Vespasian (who was
Emperor at the time of the destruction of Herod's Temple, in A.D. 70) flank a depiction of the
Last Supper. This copy of the Annals has also been extra-illustrated by the pasting in of a
contemporary engraved portrait of Ussher, which shows him holding 'God's Word', the Bible,
in his hand. It was executed for the London printseller, Peter Stent, who advertised it for sale in
1653, 1658, 1662, and 1663.